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Home , Edmund Pendleton, Jefferson and His Time, John Henry Coatsworth, Joyce Appleby, Model Treaty

Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Harper's, 'Is there Virtue in Profit: Reconsidering the Morality of Capitalism', vol. 273 (December 1986 ), 38. 2. , Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s (, 1984), 25-50. 3. John M. McCusker & Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607-1789 (Chapel Hill, 1985), 71. On the importance of overseas trade to individuals' income in the colonies see Alice Hansen Jones, Wealth of a Nation: The American Colonies on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1980), 65-66. 4. James A. Field Jr., 'All Economists, All Diplomats', in William H. Becker and Samuel F. Wells Jr., eds, Economic and World Power (New York, 1989), 1. 5. Jefferson to , January 30, 1787; to William Stephen Smith, November 13, 1787, Julian P. Boyd et al. eds, The Papers of , 24 vols to date (Princeton, 1950- , hereafter Jefferson Papers), XI, 93, XII, 356. 6. Richard K. Mathews, The Radical Politics of Thomas Jefferson: A Revisionist View (Lawrence, Kansas, 1984), 122. 7. James Madison toN. P. Trist, May 1832, Gillard Hunted., The Writings of James Madison 9 vols (New York, 1900-1910) IX, 479. 8. , Jefferson and his Time, 6 vols (Boston 1948-1981), vol. 1: Jefferson the Virginian vol. 2: Jefferson and the Rights of Man; vol. 3: Jefferson and the Ordeal Liberty; vol. 4: Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801-1805; vol. 5: Jefferson the President: Second Term, 1805-1809; vol. 6: The Sage of . 9. Merrill Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the new Nation: A Biography (New York, 1970); idem, The Jefferson ]mage in the American Mind (New York, 1960). 10. Malone rarely criticized Jefferson, but always found fault in his pol• itical and personal adversaries. Boyd's impressive scholarship makes Malone look like a Hamiltonian. As chief editor of the Jefferson Papers, Boyd wrote long editorial comments that went beyond just clarifying the text and tried to put the best face on everything Jefferson ever did or said. He grouped documents out of their chronological order to provide topical coherence. His goal was to dictate to future historians how they must read and interpret Jefferson. Denying access to the papers to most scholars, Boyd bid his time and slowly released 'his Jefferson' in volumes that did not even include indexes. According to Eugene

173 174 Notes to pp. 3-4

Sheridan, the current senior associate editor of the project. Boyd used to say that the Jefferson papers should be approached like a Gothic Cathedral. Hit takes five hundred years to build it right, so be it. 11. Merrill Peterson, 'Jefferson and Commercial Policy, 1783-1793', William and Mary Quanerly (hereafter WMQ), Third Series, 22 (1965): 584-610. All citations of this article in this book are from its publication in Merrill Peterson ed., Thomas Jefferson: A Profile (New York, 1967), 104-34. Other important articles on Jefferson's economic thought are William D. Grampp, 'A re-examination of Jeffersonian Economics. Ibid., 135-63; Joseph Dorfman, 'The Economic Philoso• phy of Thomas Jefferson', Political Science Quanerly 55 (March 1940): 98-121. Grampp divided Jefferson's economic philosophy to three stages. From the Revolution to 1790 he favored self-sufficient agrarian economic units; from 1790 to 1805 he adopted laissez faire and grew to accept American involvement in world's market; from 1805 to his death he favored a balance between agriculture, commerce and manufacturing. Dorfman argues that the private property was the central unifying theme of Jefferson's economic thought. A less suc• cessful effort is Thomas Mount Cragan's dissertation which examined Jefferson's early attitudes toward commerce, agriculture, and manufac• turing. Cragan limited his primary research to the published volumes of the Jefferson papers. He rarely went beyond reciting the appropriate passages in the Jefferson papers, and did so without much analysis. His main secondary references were from Malone's biography. A study based on and inspired by the works of Jefferson's greatest admirers, Boyd and Malone, which placed Jefferson in the Enlight• enment Physiocratic tradition is highly unsatisfactory. Thomas Mount Cragan, Thomas Jefferson's Early Attitudes towards Manufacturing, Agriculture, and Commerce', Ph.D. diss., University of Tennessee, 1965), 14. 12. Felix Gilbert, To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1961), 16. 13. Most historians agree with A. Whitney Griswold that 'Jefferson was not an original thinker, but a representative one'. 'The Agrarian Democ• racy of Thomas Jefferson', American Political Science Quanerly, 40 (August 1946), 665. See also Robert W. Tucker & David C. Hendrickson, : The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1990), chapter 1. 14. Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought since the Revolution (New York, 1955), 6-7, 59-66. See also Daniel Boorstin, The Genius of American Politics (Chicago, 1953). Earlier, Carl Becker emphasized that the founding fathers were influenced 'most notably' by John Locke in The Declaration of Independence (New York, 1922), 27. 15. Robert E. Shalhope, 'Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of An Understanding of republicanism in American Historiography', Notes to pp. 4-5 175

WMQ Third Series, 29 (January 1972): 49-80; Douglass G. Adair, 'The Intellectual Origins of : Republicanism. the Class Struggle, and the Virtuous Farmer' (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1943). Another work which emphasized the role of Scottish Enlightenment is Gary Wills, Inventing America: Jefferson's Dec• laration of Independence (Garden City, NY., 1978). Wills argues that Jefferson's specific exclusion of property rights from his list of inalienable rights reflects a philosophical disagreement with Lockean possessive individualism. Ibid., 233-34. 16. Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthmen (New York, 1959). 17. , The Ideological Origins of the (Cambridge, Mass 1967); Gordon Wood. The Creation ofthe American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican tradition (Princeton, 1975). 18. Daniel T. Rodgers, pointed out that Pocock's and Wood's republican• ism originate in opposite moods. 'Wood's republicanism', he wrote, 'reverberated to near-utopian hopefulness; Pocock's was born out of pessimism and anxiety'. 'Republicanism: The Career of a Concept', paper presented at the conference on Political Identity in American thought at Yale University, New Haven, CT, April 21, 1991, 13. 19. Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 22-66, 94-95; Wood, Creation, 7-45, 49; Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment, 526-27. See also Richard Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, 1985), 3, 245. For a discussion of the influence of Thomas Kuhn and Oiford Geertz on the republican interpretation see John Patrick Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self Interest and the Foundations of Liberalism (New York, 1984), 360-61. For a critique of the irrational portrayal of the founding fathers see Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism (Chicago, 1988), 29-38 and Ralph Lerner, 'The constitution of the Thinking ', in Richard Beeman ed., Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitu• tion and American National Identity (Chapel Hill, 1987}, 46-67. 20. J. G. A. Pocock, 'Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 3 (Fall1972), 120. 21. Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill, 1980), 67. 22. Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca. 1979), 46. See also Rowland Berthoff, 'Independ• ence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837', in Richard Bushman ed., Uprooted : Essays to Honor (Boston, 1979), 103; John Murrin, 'The Great Inversion, or Court versus Country: A Comparison of the Revolutionary Settlements in England (1688-1721) and America (1776-1816)', in J. G. A. Pocock ed., Three British Revolutions: 1641, 176 Notes to pp. 5-6

1688, 1776 (Princeton, 1980), 368-453. 23. Wood, Creation, 419. See also 1. E. Crowley, This Sheba Self: The Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 96. 24. James H. Hutson, 'Country, Court, and Constitution: Antifederalism and the Historians', WMQ, Third series, 38 (July 1981), 359; Forrest McDonald, The Presidency of Thomas Jefferson (Lawrence, KS., 1976), 162. McDonald also wrote that 'just about everything in Jefferson Republicanism was to be found in Bolingbroke'. Ibid., 19-20. 25. Diggins, Lost Soul; idem, 'Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography', American Historical Review (hereafter AHR), 90 (June 1985): 614-38; Isaac Kramnick, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism: Political Ideology in lAte Eighteenth-Century England and America (Ithaca, 1990); idem, 'Republican Revisionism Revisited', AHR, 87 (June 1982): 629-64. Joyce Appleby has been the most prolific of the critics. In addition to her book, Capitalism and a New Social Order see Joyce Appleby's articles, 'Liberalism and the American Revolution', New England Quanerly, 49 (March 1976): 3-26; 'The Social Origins of American Revolutionary Ideology', Journal of American History (hereafter JAH), 64 (March 1978): 939-958; 'Commercial Farming and the Agrarian Myth in the Early Republic', JAH, 68 (March 1982): 833-49; 'Republicanism and Ideology', American Quanerly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-73; 'What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson', WMQ, Third Series, 39 (April 1982): 287-309; 'Republicanism in Old and New Contexts', WMQ Third Series, 43 (January 1986): 20-34. See also John R. Nelson Jr., Libeny and Propeny: Political Economy and Policymaking in the New Nation, 1789-1812 (Baltimore, 1987). 26. Kramnick, 'Republican Revisionism Revisited', 664. See also idem, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism, 40. 27. Appleby, 'What is Still American ... ', 303. 28. Appleby, Capitalism, 15; Diggins, Lost Soul, 40-41. 29. Gordon Wood, 'Hellfire Politics', New York Review of Books, XXXII (February 28, 1985), 30. 30. to Benjamin Rush, December 28, 1807, in Alexander Biddle ed., Old Family Leuers, 2 vols (Philadelphia, 1892), I, 176. 31. Appleby, Capitalism, 49. For a critique of Appleby's argument and scholarship see John Ashworth, 'The Jeffersonians: Classical republi• cans or Liberal Capitalists?', Journal of American Studies 18 (Decem• ber 1984): 425-35; Jack P. Greene, 'Jeffersonian Republicans and the 'Modernization' of American Political Consciommess', Reviews in American History, 13 (March 1985): 37-42; and Ralph Ketcham's review of the book in WMQ, Third Series, 42 (July 1985): 399-403. 32. Wood, 'Hellfire Politics', 29. See also Michael Sandel, 'The State and the Soul', New Republic, June 10, 1985, 39-40. Notes to pp. 6-7 177

33. J. G. A. Pocock, 'Between Gog and Magog: The Republican Thesis and the ldeologia Americana', Journal of the History of Ideas (April-June 1987), 339. 34. Kramnick, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism, 31. James Kloppenberg in his brilliant synthesis of the debate attempted to 'suggest a way out of our historiographical inferno' of discord. 'The Virtues of Liberalism: Christianity, Republicanism, and Ethics in Early American Discourse, JAH, 74 (June 1987), 9. 35. See for example Paul A. Gilje, The Road to Mobocracy: Popular Disorder in , 1763-1834 (Chapel Hill, 1987) and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). Rodgers points out that in the 1980s historians seemed to have applied the thesis to every period of field of American history. 'Free labor republicanism' was said to have empowered the antislavery crusade; 'slave labor republicanism' empowered the drive for secession. Republicanism dominated the ideology of the South as a whole; it propelled the discontents of poor, upcountry Southerners against the black-belt Souther elite. It framed the mental universe of Jacksonians; Whigs were not under• standable without it. It described nineteenth-century social thought and 1930s unionism, the martial bombast of and the persuasive power of Jane Adams'. 'Republicanism ... ', 35. See also Steven J. Ross, 'The Transformation of Republican Ideology', Journal of the Early Republic, lO (Falll990): 323-30. 36. Colin Gordon, 'Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology, and Historians of the American Revolution', WMQ, Third Series, 46 (October 1989): 671-95. See also Marc Egnal, A Mighty Empire: The Origins of the American Revolution (Ithaca, 1988). 37. Lance Banning, 'Jeffersonian Ideology Revisited: Liberal and Classical Ideas in the New Republic', WMQ, Third Series, 43 (January 1986); 3-19; Isaac Kramnick, 'The Great National Discussion': The Discourse of Politics in 1787', WMQ, Third Series, 45 (January 1988): 3-32. 38. Robert E. Shalhope, The Roots of Democracy: American Thought and Culture, 1760-1800 (Boston, 1990), 158; Cathy D. Matson & Peter S. Onuf, A Union of Interests: Political and Economic Thought in Revolutionary America (Lawrence, KS., 1990), 5. See also Michael Liensch, New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitution, and the Making of Modem American Political Thought (Princeton, 1988); Steven Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke liberalism and the American Revolution (Durham, NC, 1990); Garret Ward Sheldon, The Political Philosophy ofThomas Jefferson (Baltimore, 1991); Robert E. Shalhope, 'In Search of the Elusive Republic', Reviews in American History 19 (December 1991): 468-73. Terence Ball, on the other hand, argued that republicanism meant different things to different people in different contexts, and that is why the current debate is misguided. "'A Republic - If You Can Keep It"' in Ball and J. G. A. Pocock 178 Notes to pp. 7-9

eds, Conceptual Change and the Constitution (Lawrence KS., 1988), 137-64. 39. Steven Watts, The Republic Reborn: War and the Making of Liberal America, 1790-1820 (Baltimore, 1987), xvii-xxi, 321. 40. Rodgers, 'Republicanism: ... ', 40. expressed this nihilistic view of republicanism, writing 'it is not clear that the classical republican tradition supplied motivation for political partici• pation, so mush as a rational for it. 'The Evangelical Movement and Political Culture in the North during the second Party System', JAR, 77 (March 1991), 1234. 41. Barbara J. Fields, 'Ideology and Race in American History', in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson eds, Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward (New York, 1982), 154. See also Warren I. Susman, Culture as History: The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1984), 66. 42. 'Post-revisionism' and 'corporatism' which come to dominate recent interpretation of post World War IT diplomacy had had little to no impact on the early national period. The post revisionists, typified best by John Lewis Gaddis emphasize the structure of American government and the inflexible nature of democratic societies. John Lewis Gaddis, The and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947 (New York, 1972). Corporatists, best typified by Michael Hogan and Emily S. Rosenberg, emphasize the American desire to see its model of corporate capitalism enacted abroad. Michael Hogan, 'Corporatism: A Positive Appraisal', Diplomatic History 10 (Fall 1986): 363-72; Emily S. Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 189{}-1945 (New York, 1982). 43. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Cycles of American History (Boston, 1986), 129. William Appleman Williams major works, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York, 1959) and The Roots of the Modem American Empire: A Study of the Growth and Shaping of Social Consciousness in a Marketplace Society (New York, 1969) only touch on the early national period. He devoted more attention to the period in The Contours of American History (New York, 1961). Part I of The Contours of American History which discusses early national foreign policy is merely an elaboration of Williams' article, 'The Age of Mercantilism: An Interpretation of the American Political Economy, 1763 to 1828', WMQ Third Series, 15 (October 1958): 419-37. 44. Williams, 'Age of Mercantilism: ... ', 420, 424, idem, Roots of Mod• em American Empire, 50. See also idem, The Contours of American History 222-23; Richard Van Alstyne, The Rising American Empire (New York, 1960), 6. 45. Michael Hunt credits Williams' analysis of the origins of American diplomacy with 'insight and skill'. Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, 1987), 9. But Hunt's words reflect an ideological Notes to pp. 9-11 179

sympathy rather than cool judgment of the evidence. Williams' works are full of errors and circular arguments. See Schlesinger, The Cycles of American History, 128-41. 46. Jefferson to John Adams, July 31, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 332. See also James H. Hutson 'The and the International State System', in Prosser Gifford ed., The Treaty ofParis in a Changing States System (Lanham MD., 1985), 6; William Kirk Woolery, The Relations of Thomas Jefferson to American Foreign Policy, 1783-1793 (Baltimore, 1927), 260. 47. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese go even further and argue that the mercantile activities of the pre-industrial Atlantic economy was feudal in origin and character, and actually retarded rather than hastened the growth of capitalism. The Fruit of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York, 1983). 48. Another fallacy of the radical interpretation is its implicit assumption that brilliant policy makers manipulated the stupid general public to support policies which only served the interests of the elite. Walter L. LaFeber tried to overcome this problem arguing that Americans 'did not care enough to become sufficiently educated' in the early years of national existence and therefore the elite had pretty much a free hand in foreign policy. America Russia, and the Cold War (New York, 1967), 289. 49. , Foreign Policy and the American Spirit (Ithaca, 1957), 11; , A Diplomatic History ofthe United States(5th edition, New York, 1964), 208. 50. Perkins, Foreign Policy and the American Spirit, 14. 51. Gilbert, Farewell Address, 4, 17, 63-4. See also idem, The Beginnings of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1965), 54; and Richard B. Morris, The Emerging Nations and the American Revolution (New York, 1970), 220. 52. Niccolo Machiavelli, The Discourses, First Book, chapter LID (trans Luigi Ricci, revised by E. R. P. Vincent, New York, 1940), 247. 53. Gerald Stourzh, and American Foreign Policy (Chicago, 1954); Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic; idem, 'Republicanism and American Foreign Policy: James Madison and the Political Economy of Commercial Discrimination, 1789 to 1794', WMQ Third Series, 31 (October 1974): 633-46; Roger H. Brown, The Republic in Peril: 1812 (New York, 1964). 54. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy, 3, xii, 31, 90, 92-106. Richard Morris likewise wrote that the United States had become a 'counterrevolutionary force that has disavowed her own libertarian traditions', in The Emerging Nations, xi. 55. This is a repeated problem is studies which emphasize racial con• siderations. While almost all policy makers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries subscribed to one racial theory or another, they 180 Notes to pp. 11-13

often overcame their prejudice when vital interests were concerned. Even when it appears quite obvious that racism influenced foreign policy, as in the case of frequent United States intervention in Central America and the , it is all too often tied to other consid• erations. See for example George M. Fredrickson's discussion of the Congressional debates over the Mexican American war and the Spanish American war in The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (Middletown, CT, 1987), 135-37, 305-11. Hunt is more concerned with twentieth century diplomacy, but even in our century there is no conclusive evidence that racism played a dominant role in shaping policy. The reversal of attitudes toward China and Japan in the late 1940s, for example, suggests that foreign policy had a greater influence on racial attitudes than the other way around. 56. David Brion Davis, Revolutions: Reflection on American Equality and Foreign Liberations (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). For an oppos• ing views regarding United States as a counter-revolutionary force see William Appleman Williams America Confronts a Revolutionary World: 1776-1976 (New York, 1976). 57. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, in Philip Foner ed., The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine 2 vols (New York, 1945), 3. 58. Jefferson to John Dickenson, March 6, 1801, in Paul Leicester Ford ed., The Works of Thomas Jefferson 12 vols (New York, 1904-1905), 202. 59. Jefferson to Joseph Priestley, June 19, 1802, Ford, IX, 381. 60. Hans J. Morgenthau, In Defense of National Interest: A Critical Examination of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1951), 7. 61. Reginald Horsman, 'The Dimensions of an 'Empire for Liberty:' Expansion and Republicanism, 1775-1825', Journal of the Early Republic, 9 (Spring 1989), 20. 62. George Kennan, American Diplomacy, 1900-1950 (Chicago, 1951). 63. Charles R. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Toward the United States, 1783-1795 (Dallas, 1969). 64. Bradford Perkins, The First Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1795-1805 (Berkeley, 1955), idem, Prologue to War, 1805-1812 (Berkeley, 1961); idem, Castlereagh and Adams (Berkeley, 1964). 65. Norman A. Graebner, Fmmdations of American Foreign Policy: A Realist Appraisal from Franklin to McKinley (Wilmington, Delaware, 1985), xiv. For a similar view see C. Vann Woodward, 'The Age of Reinterpretation', AHR, 66 (October, 1960): 1-19. 66. James H. Hutson, John Adams and the Diplomacy of the American Revolution (Lexington KY., 1980), 12. 67. Graebner, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, xiii, See also Schlesinger, The Cycles of American History, 128-33. 68. Alexander DeConde, 'The French Alliance in Historical Speculation', Notes to pp. 13-17 181

in Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert eds, Diplomacy and Revolution: The Franco-American Alliance of 1778 (Charlottesville, 1982), 26. The man most associated with the cliche is Samuel Flagg Bemis, who coined it in Pinckeny's Treaty: America's Advantage from Europe's Distress, 1783-1800 (New Haven, 2nd edition, 1960). 69. Jonathan Dull, 'France and the American Revolution Seen as Tragedy', in Hoffman and Albert eds, Diplomacy and Revolution, 81-85. In another essay Dull writes that 'from a European perspective, the American war was as much a part of the long history of the Eastern Question as it was a part of the history of Anglo French colonial rivalry'. 'Vergennes, Rayneval and the Diplomacy of Trust', in Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert eds, Peace and Pacemakers: The Treaty of 1783 (Charlottesville, 1986 ), Ill. See also idem, A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution (New Haven, 1985). 70. Eric L. McKitrick, 'Did Jefferson Blunder?' The New York Review of Books, XXXVII (December 6, 1990), 57. 71. , History of the United States during the Administrations of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison 9 vols (New York, 1889-91,) IV, 464. A modem study which equally faults Jefferson for not taking the necessary means to prepare the nation to war against great Britain is Clifford L. Egan, Neither Peace Nor War: Franco-American Relations, 1803-1812 (Baton Rouge, 1983). 72. Tucker and Hendrickson, Empire of liberty, 162, 142, 145. 73. See also Noble E. Cunningham review of Empire of Liberty in Journal of the Early Republic, 11 (Spring 1991), 113-14. 74. Walter LaFeber, 'Foreign Policies of a New Nation: Franklin, Madison and the "Dream of a New Land to Fulfill with People in Self-Control"' in William Appleman Williams ed., From Colony to Empire: Essays in the history of American Foreign Relations (New York, 1972), 19. 75. Lawrence S. Kaplan, 'The Treaties of Paris and Washington, 1778 and 1949', in Hoffman & Albert eds, Diplomacy and Revolution, 155. The best critiques of realism are Stanley Hoffmann, Duties Beyond Borders: The Limits and Possibilities of Ethical1ntemational Politics (Syracuse, 1981), and Michael Joseph Smith, Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge, 1986), especially, 219-26. 76. Kenneth W. Thompson, 'Unity and Contradiction in Theory and Practice', in Thompson ed., Diplomacy and Values vol. XII, American Values Projected Abroad (Lanham MD., 1984), 78.

CHAPTER 1: A SOURCE OF POWER

I. J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History (New York, 1983), 9. 2. John C. Rainbolt, 'The Absence of Towns in Seventeenth Century ', Journal ofSouthern History, 35 (August 1969): 343-60. The 182 Notes to pp. 17-19

early settlement set the pattern for eighteenth-century commercial life. Jefferson commented on the same phenomenon in Notes on Virginia, Queries m & Xll, as be stated that there were no ports or major cities in the state, and that trade came to Virginians' doors. Merrill D. Peterson, ed., The Ponable Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1975, hereafter Notes), 46, 151. 3. Henry Hartwell, James Blair, & Edward Chilton, The Present State of Virginia (1727), ed., Hunter Dickenson Farish (Charlottesville, 1964), 12-13. 4. For a study of Thomas Jefferson's early cultural and intellectual life see Daniel Boorstin's The Lost World of Thomas Jefferson (Chicago, 1948). Boorstin work somewhat exaggerates Jefferson's involvement in the intellectual circle of Philadelphia. It was Scottish common sense philosophy which dominated and there is much evidence of Jefferson's interest in it. See for example Gary Wills, Inventing America. Other prominent works on American Enlight• enment which stress the Scottish influence are: Henry May, The Enlightenment in America (New York: 1976); Morton White, The Philosophy of the American Revolution (New York, 1978); D. H. Meyer, The Democratic Enlightenment (New York: 1976); J. R. Pole, 'Enlightenment and the Politics of American Nature', in Roy Porter and Mikula s Teich eds, The Enlightenment in National Context (Cambridge, England, 1981), 192-214. 5. Peterson, The Jefferson Image, 355-76. 6. There was a clear distinction in wealth and status between Jefferson's parents. While the Randolph family was among the leading families of the colony, established his wealth and status on the western fringes of the Virginia settlement, and was never fully accepted into the circle of Virginia's leading families. 7. Robert R. Palmer, 'Dubious Democrat: Thomas Jefferson in Bourbon France', Political Science Quanerly LXXIT (1957), 388-404; Gilbert Chinard, The Literary Bible of Thomas Jefferson: His Commonplace Book of Philosophers and Poets (reprint., New York, 1969), 1. 8. Edwin Morris Betts ed., Thomas Jefferson's Farm Book, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, XXXV (1953), 5-9. For a complete profile of Jefferson's finances see Steven Harold Hochman 'Thomas Jefferson: A Personal Financial Biography' (Ph.D. diss., , 1987). 9. See Jack P. Greene, The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the Southern Royal Colonies, 1689-1776 (New York, 1972); and still useful, Charles S. Sydnor, Gentlemen Freeholders: Political Practices in Washington's Virginia (Chapel Hill, 1952). 10. EdmundS. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York, 1975), 108-57. 11. Alan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 168~1800 (Chapel Hill, 1986), 99-100. Notes to pp. 19-21 183

12. Notes, 218-19. 13. James Hutson, John Adams, 4-9. 14. to the Committee of Merchants in London, June 6, 1776. Robert A. Rutland ed., The Papers of George Mason, 3 vols (Chapel Hill, 1970), I, 69-70, hereafter Mason Papers. 15. Leonard W. Labaree et al., eds, The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, 25 vols to date (New Haven, 1951- ), IV, 225-34, hereafter Franklin Papers. Representing the colonies in London Franklin argued that the mother country should adopt a liberal policy towards her colonies because it would benefit all elements in the empire and the empire as a whole. 'In proportion therefore, as the demand increases for the manufactures of Britain, by the increase of people in her colonies, the number of her people at home will increase and with them the strength as well as the wealth of the nation.' 'The Interest of Great Britain With Regard to Her Colonies', 1760. Ibid, IX, 79. See also , 'Parrington and the Jeffersonian Tradition', Journal of the History of Ideas, 2 (October 1941): 395. 16. Jefferson to Robert Skipwith, August 3, 1771, Jefferson Papers, I, 77. 17. James H. Hutson, 'Intellectual Foundations of Early American Diplo• macy', Diplomatic History, 1 (Winter 1977), 6. 18. Gordon Wood, Creation, 152. In 1705 a Virginia native, Robert Beverly, published in London a book entitled The History and Present State of Virginia in which he attributed the demise of the native Indian society to the introduction of luxuries into their lives. They became addicted to it and thus became dependent on their European enemies. Louis B. Wright, ed. (Chapel Hill, 1947), 233. 19. Jefferson to Robert Skipwith, August 3, 1771. Jefferson Papers, I, 77. 20. Peterson, New Nation, 39. See also Alan Kulikoff, 'The Growth of Eighteenth Century Chesapeake Colonies' in Journal of , 39 (March 1979): 275-88. 21. Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The Nineteenth-Century American South: History and Theory', Plantation Society, II (April1983), 8-9. 22. , The Transfonnation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill, 1982), 137. See also Jacob M. Price, Capital and Credit in British Overseas Trade: The View from the Chesapeake, 1700-1776 (Cam• bridge, Mass., 1980); and Bruce Allen Ragsdale, 'Nonimportation and the Search for Economic Independence in Virginia' (Ph.D. Disserta• tion, University of Virginia, May 1985). 23. T. H. Breen, Tobacco Culture: The Mentality of the Great Tidewater Planters on the Eve of the Revolution (Princeton, 1985), 31. 24. Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 122, 127-8. For a particular example of debt accumulation by a Virginia planter family see Samuel Rosenblatt, 'The Significance of Credit in the Tobacco Consignment Trade: A study of John Norton & Sons, 1768-1775' WMQ, Third Series, 19 (July 1962): 383-99. 184 Notes to pp. 21-22

25. Jefferson's answer to DeMeunier's Additional Queries, January• February 1788. Jefferson Papers, X, 27. This colorful picture of Virginian planters helplessly falling prey to financial manipulations of wealthy British merchants is highly exaggerated. See Jacob Price, 'The Last Phase of the Virginia-London Consignment Trade: James Buchanan & Co., 1758-1768', WMQ, Third Series, 43 (January 1986 ): 64-98. 26. The best work on Jefferson's own debt-phobia is Herbert Sloan, 'Principle and Interest: Thomas Jefferson and the Problem of Debt' (Ph.D. diss., , 1988). 27. Kullikof, Tobacco and Slaves, 129. Clifton B. Lutrell argues that Jefferson's primitive attachment to hard currency originated with the colonial experience with credit. 'Thomas Jefferson on Money and Banking: Disciple of David Hume and Forerunner of Some Modem Monetary Views', History of Political Economy, 7 (summer 1975): 156-73. 28. Even James Madison, who sided with the local and British creditors' right to collect their debts, was engulfed in this mood and came to resent merchants as a class and ridiculed their 'sagacity and good intelligence'. James Madison to James Madison Sr., February 13, 1783. William T. Hutchinson et al. eds, The Papers of James Madison, 17 vols to date (Chicago, 1962-1977; Charlottesville, 1977- ), VI, 229, hereafter Madison Papers. 29. Breen, p. 203. IsaacS. Harrell in lbyalism in Virginia: Chapters in the Economic History of the Revolution (Durham, NC, 1926) argued that Virginia planters joined the Revolution in order to rid themselves of the British debt. The following historians do not see this kind of simplistic opportunism in the decision of planters to join the Revolution but argue that indirectly indebtedness was crucial in swinging Virginia's planters to the revolutionary camp by undermining the legitimacy of their hegemony and creating tensions among competing elites: Jacob M. Price Capital and Credit; Jack P. Green 'Virtus et Libertas: Political Culture, Social Change, and Origins of the American Revolution in Virginia, 1763-1766' in Jeffery J. Crow & Larry E. Tise eds, The Southern Experience in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1978): 55-108; Marc Egnal 'The Origins of the Revolution in Virginia: A Reinterpretation' in WMQ, Third Series, 37 (July 1980): 401-428; Gordon Wood 'Rhetoric and Reality in the American Revolution' WMQ, Third Series, 23 (January 1966): 27-32, and Allan Kullikof, Tobacco and Slaves. Emory Evans on the other hand claims that it was not a factor in the decision to join the revolution. According to Evans, 'indebtedness was an expected and accepted consequence of an agrarian economy'. 'Private Indebtedness and the Revolution in Virginia, 1776-1796' in WMQ, Third Series, 28 (1971): 350. For a useful review of the literature see Peter Onuf and Herbert Sloan, 'Politics, Culture, and the Revolution in Virginia: A Review of Recent Notes to pp. 22-25 185

Literature'. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (hereafter VMHB) 91 (July 1983): 259-84. 30. Recent writers have argued that when American criti• cized the corruption of the British government they were actually expressing doubts about the corruption of their own society. Thus the Revolution 'became a struggle to establish a society that would escape the decay and corruption that had overtaken so much of the Old World'. Drew R. McCoy Elusive Republic, 48. Gordon Wood pointed out that the absence of a real social crisis forces historians to probe into the inner world of the revolutionary leadership in order to understand the reasons for their rebellion. 'Rhetoric and Reality ... ', idem., Creation, viii-ix; Bailyn, Ideological Origins. This neo-Whig interpretation has recently come under some attack. Colin Gordon, for example, charged that the Bailyn/Wood approach obscured the fact that real issues separated mother country and colonies in the 1770s. 'Crafting a Usable Past', 671-95. The most recent neo-Progressive interpretation is Marc Egnal, A Mighty Empire. 31. Malone, Jefferson the Virginian, 201. 32. Thomas Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, August 13, 1776. Jefferson Papers, I, 492. 33. Bernard Bailyn, The Origins of American Politics (New York, 1967); Edmund S. Morgan Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sov• ereignty in England and America (New York, 1988); Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial Radicals and the Devel• opment of American Opposition to Britain, 1765-1776 (New York, 1972), 113-38. 34. The first prohibited, on October 20, 1774, all importations of goods from the British Empire. On December 1, 1774, it imposed an embargo on all American exports to the Empire effective September 10, 1775. Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed., Journals of the Continental Congress, 35 vols (Washington, D.C, 1904-1976), I, 76-7, hereafter JCC. 35. Peterson, New Nation, 36. See also Malone, Virginian, 170-3; Noble E. Cunningham Jr., In Pursuit of Reason: The Life of Thomas Jefferson (Baton Rouge, 1987), 26. Jefferson signed the 'Virginia Nonimportation Resolutions' of May 17, 1769, and was a member of the group which issued the 'Proceedings of a Meetings of Representatives in Williamsburg' May 30, 1774, which reaffirmed Virginia's Concurrence with the principle of non-importation. Jefferson Papers, I, 27, 107-9. 36. Gilbert, Farewell Address, 39. 37. Jefferson's draft of the 'Declaration of the Causes and Necessity for Taking Up Arms', June 26-July 6, 1775. Jefferson Papers, I, 195. 38. Jefferson in a 'Draft of a Declaration of Rights', July 26, 1774. Jefferson Papers, I, 120. 39. For an excellent discussion of the role of mercantilism in the imperial 186 Notes to pp. 25-27

crisis of the 1760s and 1770s see , Empire and Interest: The American Colonies and the Politics of Mercantilism (New York, 1970), esp. pp. 116-37. 40. Malone, Virginian, 183. Randolph did not agree with the letter's radical position, in particular its denial of Parliamentary authority in the colonies; nevertheless he circulated it among revolutionary leaders in Virginia. 41. A Summary View of the Rights of British America, July 1774, Jefferson Papers, I, 123. This treaty should be seen in the context of the English civil war and not as a treaty between equal parts of the British empire. It was revoked following the accession of Charles IT. 42. 'Instructions by the Virginia Convention to Their Delegates in Con- gress', August, 1774. Jefferson Papers, L 142. 43. A Summary View . .. , July 1774, Jefferson Papers, L 124. 44. A Summary View . .. , July 1774, Jefferson Papers, L 125. 45. A Summary View . .. , July, 1774. Jefferson Papers, I, 123. The Declaration of Independence lists British commercial regulations as one of the evils committed by the crown against the colonists. Jefferson Papers, I, 425. In Notes on Virginia Jefferson makes the same argu• ment, writing that free trade stands among the most basic rights of colonial Virginia which were violated by the King and Parliament. Peterson, 160. 46. 'Resolutions of Congress on Lord North's Conciliatory Proposal, Jefferson's Draft Resolutions'. July 25, 1775. Jefferson Papers, I, 227. 47. Matson and Onuf, Union, 25. 48. Peterson, 'Thomas Jefferson and Commercial Policy, 1783-1793', 109. Ralph Lerner argues that American revolutionaries believed in the civilizing effects of commerce 'because it promised a cure for destructive prejudices and irrational enthusiasms'. 'Character and Commerce: The Anglo-American as a New Model Man' in WMQ, Third Series, 36 (January 1979): 21. 49. Gilbert Chinard ed., The Commonplace Book of Thomas Jefferson: A Repertory of His Ideas on Government (Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures an Languages, Extra Vol. IT; Baltimore, 1927), 83. While I recognize that Jefferson did not necessarily agree with every thing he noted in his Commonplace Book, this note goes along with other Jefferson letters I cite. 50. Albert 0. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Argu• ments for Capitalism before its Triumph (Princeton, 1977). The most prominent advocates of this new approach in Europe were Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations (Chicago, 1976), 401-6, David Hume in his essay 'Of Commerce' in Eugene Rotwein ed., David Hume: Writings on Economics (Madison, Wisconsin, 1970), 1-18. Jacob Viner traces the argument to its religious origins. He points out that some religious and secular thinkers in the eighteenth century argued that 'providence Notes to pp. 27-28 187

favors trade between peoples as a means of promoting the universal brotherhood of man;' and to promote this exchange 'providence has given to their respective territories different products'. The Role of Providence in the Social Order: An Essay in Intellectual History (Princeton, 1972), 32. See also Gilbert, Farewell Address, 57, and Schlesinger, Cycles of American History, 131. 51. Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Period in American History, Vol. IV: England's Commercial and Colonial Policy (New Haven, 1938), 319-21; Stourzh, Benjamin Fran/din, 33-43; Kammen, Empire; 41, McCoy, Elusive Republic, 87. 52. Ezra Stiles, 'The United States Elevated to Glory and Honor ... ', May 8, 1783 (New Haven, 1783), 52. See also Gordon S. Wood, 'futroduction', The Rising Glory of America, 1760-1820 (New York, 1971), 7-8. 53. John Adams to Edme Genet, May 9, 1780. Charles Francis Adams ed., The Works of John Adams (Boston, 1851-1856, hereafter Works of John Adams) VII, 161, 357. 54. Philip Foner, ed. The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 2 vols (New York, 1945, hereafter Writings of Paine) I, 20. See also Gilbert, Farewell Address, 42-43. 55. October 20, 1774, Jefferson Papers, I, 151. 56. Hutson, 'Intellectual Foundations ... ', 6. See also idem, John Adams, 149. 57. Benjamin Franklin to David Hume, September 27, 1760. Franklin Papers, IX, 229. 58. 'A Full Vindication of the Measures of the Congress', December 15, 1774. Harold Syrett et al. eds, The Papers of Alexander , 27 vols (New York, 1961-1989), I, 58, hereafter Hamilton Papers. See also J. G. A. Pocock The Machiavellian Moment; idem, 'Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 3 (fall 1972): 119-34; idem, 'The Machiavellian Moment Revisited: A Study in History and Ideology', Journal of Modem History, 53 (March 1981): 49-72; John Murrin, 'The Great Inversion', 368-453; Matson & Onuf Union, 14-5; McCoy Elusive Republic, 51. 59. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, Writings of Paine, I, 36. dif• ferentiates between urban and rural republicanism, arguing that Paine representing the former 'viewed commerce as a natural and progressive force" while Jefferson as representative of the latter 'had a singular distaste for commercial transactions'. Tom Paine and Revolutionary America (New York, 1976), 105. The cited passage from Common Sense shows that ambivalence towards commerce was present in both republican traditions. 60. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, August 26, 1776. Jefferson Papers, I, 503. 61. Notes, 166. 62. Silas Deane to Simone Deane, May 16, 1781. Deane Papers, New 188 Notes to pp. 28-31

York Historical Society, Collections, 3 vols (Albany, 1889), III, 336, 341. 63. Berthoff, 'Independence and Attachment', 105. 64. Hutson, John Adams,l6. 65. September 17, 1776. JCC, V, 768-78. For an excellent discussion of the document see William C. Stinchcombe, 'John Adams and the Model Treaty', in Lawrence S. Kaplan, ed., The American Revolution and 'A Candid World' (Kent, Ohio, 1977), 69-84. 66. Jefferson's instructions to the European Commissioners which were approved by Congress in 1784 reiterated the American position for• mulated by Adams in 1776. 67. There was very little debate in Congress on this supposed landmark document. The speed in which the 'Model Treaty' was approved suggests that Adams' draft conveyed the national consensus about foreign affairs. 68. Gilbert, Farewell Address, 56-69. 69. Dull, Diplomatic History, 52-4; Lawrence S. Kaplan, Colonies into Nations: American Diplomacy, 1763-1801 (New York, 1972), 90-4. 70. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, Writings of Paine, I, 42. 71. 's Notes for a Speech in Congress, June 8-10, 1776, in Paul H. Smith et al., eds, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 16 vols to date (Washington, 1976- ), IV, 165- 6. 72. Thomas Jefferson to John Randolph, August 25, 1775, Jefferson Papers, I, 242. 73. John Adams to , August 13, 1782, The Works of John Adams, Vll, 610. The equal treatment provision in the Model Treaty was altogether ignored during the negotiations with France. In the Franco-American treaty of 1778 the United States not only promised France lasting commercial advantages over Great Britain, but even committed itself, in article 11, to help France defend its colonial possessions in America. David Hunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts ofthe United States ofAmerica, 8 vols (Washington, 1931), II, 39. 74. Jefferson to Benjamin Franklin, August 13, 1777, Jefferson Papers, II, 26. 75. Dull, Diplomatic History, 91-2. The North government made no such offer, but the idea was tossed around, particularly by Franklin, who used it to pressure France into military participation in the conflict. 76. Jefferson to Benjamin Franklin, August 13, 1777, Jefferson Papers, ll, 27. In the instructions sent to Franklin, Deane, and Adams in France, Congress emphasized that all must be tried to achieve an alliance short of an American promise to join a war in Europe. John Page to Jefferson, April 26, 1776, ibid., I, 288. Jefferson was thrilled with the success of the initiative in the conclusion of the treaty, He wrote that if 'there could have been a doubt before as to the event of the war, it is now totally removed by the interposition of France; and the generous alliance she Notes to pp. 31-35 189

has entered into with us'. Jefferson to Giovanni Fabbroni, June 8, 1778. Ibid., IT, 195. 77. Jefferson to , August 30, 1778, Jefferson Papers, II, 210. 78. Joseph L. Davis, Sectionalism in American Politics, 1774-1787 (Madi• son, Wisconsin, 1977), 23-40. 79. Jefferson to John Adams, December 17, 1777, Jefferson Papers, II, 120. Jefferson retracted his opposition to centralized commercial regulation later in the war as he realized that decentralized authority undermined the effectiveness of American foreign policy and endan• gered American independence. 80. The best work on westerners' commercial isolation and its impact is Thomas P. Slaughter, The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution (New York, 1986), 47-74, 93-124. 81. Jefferson to Don Bernardo de Galvez, November 8, 1779, Jefferson Papers, m, 167-8. 82. James Madison to Joseph Jones, November 25, 1780, Madison Papers, II, 702-704. During the British invasion of Virginia Madison and Jefferson were persuaded that the only way to secure Spanish assistance was to relinquish claims for at least part of the river. Accordingly Con• gress instructed John Jay to demand navigation rights only north of 31· latitude. Spain rejected the American compromise and Jay withdrew it. In April1782, after Yorktown, Congress approved of Jay's action and reiterated American claims to navigation of the entire river. 's •Notes on Debates', in Edmund C. Burnett ed., Letters of the Members of the Continental Congress, 8 vols (Washington, DC, 1921-1936), VI, 410-11. 83. Jefferson Papers, I, 366-7, 375-7, 383-8, 444-7. 84. Jefferson's •Proclamation Concerning Consuls', Jefferson Papers, m, 251-2. 85. Jefferson to George Rogers Clark, December 25, 1780, Jefferson Papers, IV, 237. 86. Peter Penet to Jefferson, May 20, 1780, Jefferson Papers, m, 382-3. 87. William Lee to Jefferson, September 24, 1779, Jefferson Papers, lll, 91. 88. Jefferson Papers, lll, 372-3. 89. Jefferson Papers, II, 168-71. The bill was amended in 1780 to make it more effective and in November 1781 Virginia placed a moratorium on both foreign and domestic debts. 90. Jefferson to the Speaker of the House of Delegates, May 10, 1781, Jefferson Papers, V, 626. See also Jefferson's estimate of the damages in his letter to William Gordon, July 16, 1788. Ibid., Xlll, 364. 91. •Petition of Robert Poage and Others to Virginia's General Assembly' May, 1781, Jefferson Papers, VI, 55. 92. Jefferson to Benjamin Harrison, August 7, 1782. Jefferson Papers, VI, 195. Seven years later Jefferson outlined his financial losses during the British invasion. Cornwalis made Jefferson's house (at Elkhill on 190 Notes to pp. 35-36

the James river, not Monticello) his head quarters and proceeded to destroy 'all my growing crops of corn and tobacco, he burned all my barns containing the same articles of the last year . . . he used . . . all my stocks of cattle, sheep, and hogs for the sustenance of his army, and carried off all the horses capable of service: of those too young for service he cut the throats, and he burnt all the fences on the plantation, so as to leave it an absolute waste. He carries off also about 30 slaves'. Jefferson to William Gordon, July 16, 1788, ibid., xm, 363. Jefferson's losses were not atypical. The British campaign through the south was much more violent than the campaigns in New England and the middle colonies, and have been compared by John Shy to the infamous American pacification policy in Vietnam. John Shy, 'British Strategy for Pacifying the Southern Colonies', in Jeffrey J. Crow and Larry E. Tise, eels, The Southern Experience in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC, 1978}, 159-69. See also Ira D. Gruber, 'Britain's southern Strategy', in Robert W. Higgins ed., The Revolutionary War in the South: Power, Conflict, and Leadership (Durham, NC, 1979), 206-38. 93. 'Proclamation of Embargo', November 30, 1779, Jefferson Papers, ill, 208-9. 94. Jefferson to David Ross, March 27, 1781, Jefferson Papers, V, 266. 95. Jefferson to Benjamin Harrison, January 29, 1781, Jefferson Papers, IV,466. 96. Jefferson to the Virginia delegates in Congress, January 26, 1781, Jefferson Papers, IV, 456-57. Jefferson, however was not giving up on the idea of commercial relations with Prussia, he only stated the state's inability to promote it in that particular time. Should private citizens from both countries take it upon themselves to develop this trade Jefferson promised that 'every Facility and encouragement in our Power will certainly be afforded'. 97. Jefferson in a speech to the Indian chief Jean Baptist DuCoigne, June, 1781, Jefferson Papers, VI, 61. 98. Jefferson to John Skinker and William Garrard, April 14, 1781, Jefferson Papers, IV, 451. 99. Leo Marx, The Machine and the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York, 1964}, 88, 117-44. Jefferson's library contained many translations of Virgil's 'Georgics' which 'combined the praise of husbandry with a practical and moral approach to agri• culture'. Douglas Wilson, 'The American Agricola: Jefferson's Agrari• anism and the Classical Tradition' in The South Atlantic Quarterly, 80 (Summer 1981): 347. On the importance of classical philosophy to Jefferson's thought see Carl J. Richard, 'A Dialogue with the Ancients: Thomas Jefferson and Classical Philosophy and History', Journal of the Early Republic, 9 (Winter 1989}, 431-55. I 00. Chinard ed., Commonplace Book, 95-6. 101. Notes, 134. Notes to pp. 36-37 191

102. Notes, 217. 103. In citing the Rousseau example I do not mean to imply that Jefferson was influenced by Rousseau because it is doubtful be bad read Rousseau by the time be wrote Notes on Virginia. It is rather that Rousseau's and Jefferson's discourse on the agricultural stage reflected, by and large, accepted formulations among eighteenth-century writers. See Arthur 0. Lovejoy, 'The Supposed Primitivism of Rousseau's Dis• course on Inequality', in Lovejoy, Essays in the History of Ideas (Bal• timore, 1948): 14-37. About Rousseau see John Cbarvet, The Social Problem in the Philosophy of Rousseau (New York, 1978); Emile Durkheim. Montesquieu and Rousseau, trans. Ralph Maneheim (Ann Arbor, 1960); Roger Masters, The Political Philosophy of Rousseau (Princeton, 1968) I disagree with John Zvesper who argued that 'Jefferson believed that the moral sense belonged to man in his pre-political state. The war of everyone against everyone bad been mistaken for the natural rather than the abusive state of man'. Political Philosophy and Rhetoric: A Study of the Origins of American Party Politics (New York, 1977), 103. In idealizing the American Indians Jefferson sought to show the degeneracy of the European commercial and bureaucratic world and he was not calling on his readers to destroy their homes and resume a nomadic life. 104. Vernon Louis Farrington placed Jefferson within the tradition of Physiocratic thought of the eighteenth century. 'Thomas Jefferson, Agrarian Democrat', in Main Cu"ents in American Thought: The Colonial Mind, /620-1800 (New York, 1927), 342-56. But unlike the Physiocrats who saw agriculture as the only true source of life, Jefferson was more concerned with agriculture as the foundation of prosperous republic, than as a divine ideal per se. In other words, he believed that an economy and society based on farming, provided the most promising context to the virtue and happiness of its peo• ple. Notes, Query XIX, 216-17; Jefferson to Jeud de l'Hommand, August 9, 1787; Jefferson to Brissot, February 11, 1788; Jefferson to Benjamin Vaughan, November 11, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XII, 11; XII, 578; XIV, 640. See also A. Whitney Griswold, 'The Agrarian Democracy of Thomas Jefferson', 657-681 and William D. Grampp, 'A Re-examination of Jeffersonian Economics', 135-47. 105. Notes, 217. Americans should always guard their virtuous character because in every order there is 'some trace of human weakness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy, which cunning will discover, and wickedness insensibly open, cultivate, and improve'. Ibid., 198. 106. Notes, 227. 107. Notes, 226-7. International trade was a necessary evil, and Jefferson anticipated that American involvement in it would inevitably be accompanied by commercial conflicts with European nations. The inevitable result of this addiction would be endless involvement of Americans in wars with European powers over commercial issues. 192 Notes to pp. 37-38

He wanted to minimize the risks by leaving the carrying trade in the hands of European shippers. 108. The importation of European luxuries became a necessity 'of life with the wealth part of our citizens, as long as these habits remain, we must go for them to those countries which are able to furnish them'. Notes, 221. 109. Notes, 217.

CHAPTER 2: COMMERCE AND TilE REPUBLIC ON A HILL

I. Eugene Genovese, In Red and Black: Marxian explorations in Southern and Afro-American History (New York, 1971), 32. 2. Boston Independent Chronicle (Boston) June 21, 1787. 3. Chinard, ed., Commonplace Book. 259. For a discussion of Montesquieu's influence in America see Paul M. Spurlin, Montesquieu in America, 1760-1801 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1940). Between 1774 and 1776 Montesquieu's influence on Jefferson was at its peak. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century the French thinker came to be associated with justification of monarchy and lost much of his stature among European radicals. Towards the end of his life Jefferson joined the chorus of Montesquieu's detractors and even translated some of Destutt de Tracy's criticism of The Spirit of the laws. David W. Carrithers, 'Montesquieu, Jefferson and the Fundamentals of Eighteenth Century Republican Theory', French-American Review, 6 (Falll982): 160-188; James F. Jones Jr., 'Montesquieu and Jefferson Revisited: Aspects of a Legacy', French Review, 51 (March 1978): 577-585. 4. John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, Aprill6, 1776, in Robert J. Taylor et al. eds, Papers of John Adams, 6 vols to date (Cambridge, MA, 1977- , hereafter Adams Papers), IV, 125. See also Pocock, 'Virtue and Commerce', 133. 5. McCoy, Elusive Republic, 15. The literature in the ongoing debate about the ideology and origins of Jeffersonianism is voluminous. A useful summary of the arguments can be found in John Ashworth, 'The Jeffersonians', 425-35; Joyce Appleby special editor, 'Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States', American Quarterly, 31 (Fall 1985): 461-598; Peter Onuf, 'Reflections on the Founding: Constitutional Historiography in Bicentennial Perspective', WMQ, Third Series, 46 (April 1989), 346-64. Thomas L. Pangle, The Spirit of Modem Republicanism: The Moral Visions of the American Founders and the Philosophy of wcke (Chicago, 1988) rejects all post-World War ll historical interpretations. Pangle, a Struassian political scientist, accuses all historians who touched the topic of ignorance of the classics. 6. Jefferson to James Madison, October 28, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 682. Notes to pp. 39-40 193

7. John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, April 16, 1776, Adams Papers IV, 124. 8. James T. K.loppenberg makes a useful division between the types of behavior exemplifying virtue. The term called for different qualities stemming from incompatible traditions. Protestant theology empha• sized personal exertion and classical republicanism sought to check excessive individualism. American revolutionaries, however, saw them as complimentary rather than contradictory. 'The Virtues of Republi• canism', 9-33. See also Crowley, This Sheba Self, 36-9,84. Although Isaac already demonstrated that revolutionary Virginia was heavily influenced by the religious upheaval of the Great Awakening, radical Protestantism had only a residual influence on Jefferson through the Lockean tradition which assumed religious constraints on individual• istic behavior. John Patrick Diggins continues to argue for a Lockean interpretation of the American Revolution. Lost Soul, 18-99. My understanding of Locke is primarily derived from John Dunn, Locke (Oxford, 1984) and idem, The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Two Treatise of Government (Cambridge, England, 1969). For an opposing view which characterizes Locke and his followers as bourgeois ideologues, see C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (Oxford, 1962). 9. Jacob Viner, Studies in the Theory of International Trade (New York, 1937), 30-55; William D. Grampp, 'The Liberal Elements in English Mercantilism' Quarterly Journal of Economics, 66 (1952): 468-74; Stourzh, Franklin, 33-40. 10. Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 425. 11. Jefferson to Charles Bellini, September 30, 1785, Jefferson Papers, XIII, 568. In a letter to Jefferson sentimentally wrote of his native land, 'where domestic happiness reigns unrivaled, and virtue and honor go hand in hand', February 11, 1786, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 278. 12. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, August 26, 1776, Jefferson Papers, I, 503. 13. Charles E. Eisinger, 'The Freehold Concept in Eighteenth Century American Letters', WMQ, Third Series, 4 (January 1947), 44. 14. Jefferson to James Madison, December 20, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 422. 15. Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 426. 16. George Mason, 'Protest by 'A Private Citizen' against the Port Bill', November-December, 1786, Mason Papers, II, 862. For a useful summary of historical understanding of the concept of virtue in eighteenth-century classical republican thought see Robert E. Shalhope, 'Republicanism and Early American Historiography', WMQ, Third Series, 39 (April 1982): 352-3. 17. Jefferson to Uriah Forrest, December 31, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XIII, 194 Notes to pp. 40-42

479. 18. Jefferson to , August 13, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 244. 19. Wills, Inventing America, 273. See also K. Mathews, Radical Politics, 47, and Berthoff, 'Independence and Attachment', 107. 20. Jefferson to Thomas Digges, June 19, 1788, Jefferson Papers, Xll, 260. 21. Larry Dickey, 'The Pocockian Moment', Journal of British Studies, XXVI (1987), 96-107; Berthoff, 100. 22. Wood, Creation, 414. 23. John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, January 8, 1776, Adams Papers, Ill, 398. 24. to Jefferson, February 15, 1780, Jefferson Papers, Ill, 293. 25. Isaac, 295. 26. Patrick Henry's speech in the Virginia ratifying convention, June 2, 1788 in Jonathan Elliot ed., The Debates in the Several State Con• ventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at Philadelphia in 1787 (Philadelphia, 1836), 61. 27. Matson & Onuf, Union, 67-76. Some historians argue that American anxieties in the 1780s stemmed not so much from the objective economic hardship of the era as from their disappointment with the outcome of their revolution. See E. James Ferguson, Power of the Purse (Chapel Hill, 1961), 336-7, Jackson T. Main, The Antifederalists: Critics of the Constitution, 1781-1788 (Chapel Hill, 1961), 177-8; Merrill Jensen, The New Nation: A History of the United States During the Confederation, 1781-1789 (New York, 1950), 339-40, 423-4, McCoy, Elusive Republic, 106-7, Wood, Creation, 399-403, 413-25. Merchants, however, suffered gravely from the readjustment of the 1780s. Many of the colonial merchants could not weather the commercial crisis and went under by the time the recovery arrived in 1787. For example, see Benjamin W. Labaree, Patriots and Panisans: The Merchants of Newburypon, 1764-1815 (Cambridge, MA, 1962), 43; Sidney I. Pomerantz, New York: An American City, 1783-1803 (New York, 1938), 155. Other historians describe a depressed 1780s economy. See Curtis P. Nettles, The Emer• gence of a National Economy, 1775-1815 (New York, 1962), 19-42; Richard B. Morris, The Forging of the Union: 1781-1789 (New York, 1987), 130-61. Gordon C. Bjork argues that while there was a small increase in American exports in the 1780s, it was hardly in proportion to the large population increase in the same period, 'The Weaning of the American Economy: Independence, Market Changes, and Economic Development', Journal of Economic History, 24 (December 1964), 560. In a recent comprehensive study of the colonial economy John M. McCusker and Russell R. Mennard argue that in general American Notes to pp. 42-44 195

economy contracted from 1782 to 1789. But the period should be divided into three sub periods. The sharp downward trend lasted from mid-1783 to mid-1785, which was followed by a weak expansion into 1788, and a short contraction to 1789. Economy of British America, 369-70. 28. John Adams, Defence of the Constitutions, in Works of John Adams, IV, 290, 401, 579. 29. James Madison, 'Vices of the Political System of the United States' April1787, Madison Papers, II, 348-57. 30. Jefferson to Archibald Stuart, January 25, 1786. Jefferson Papers, IX, 218. It must be noted, however, that Jefferson did not join the preachers of Jeremiads in their post-mortem of American republicanism. James Currie wrote to him that America was transformed into a 'nation that was more luxurious, more indolent, and more extravagant, than any other people on the face of the earth', and William Hay described his countrymen to Jefferson as 'a Luxurious voluptuous indolent expensive people without Economy or Industry'. May 2, 1787 and April 26, 1787, ibid., XI, 329. 318-19. In contrast to the misery in Europe, Jefferson believed that America still had the best government and that the best schools for republicanism were the corrupt royal courts of Europe. He concluded that despite the imperfections in America 'the results of our experiment will be that men may be trusted to govern themselves without a master'. Jefferson to Joseph Jones, August 14, 1787, to John Rutledge, August 4 1787, and to David Hartley, July 2, 1787, ibid., XII, 34, XI, 701, 526. 31. Richard Price to Jefferson, March 21, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 53. 32. Notes, 226-227. 33. Jefferson to , June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, vm, 231. 34. James Madison, writing in the name of the Virginia delegates in Congress to the state's governor, Benjamin Harrison, May 6, 1783, Madison Papers, VII, 17. 35. Jefferson to Baron Stael de Holstein, June 12, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 631. 36. Jefferson to John Jay, May 4, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XI, 339. 37. Jefferson to Charles Lilbume Lewis, June 10, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 428. 38. Jefferson to G. K. Von Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, Jefferson Papers, vm, 633. William D. Grampp, relying on this correspondence, con• cluded that Jefferson wanted not to regulate the market but to 'abolish it altogether'. 'Adam Smith and the American Revolution', History of Political Economy, 11 (Summer 1979), 189. While an argument could be made that this was Jefferson's true sentiment, this position comes into sharp contrast with much of Jefferson's more pragmatic writings about commerce. 196 Notes to pp. 4445

39. Jefferson to Cavalier fils, July 27, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 311. See editorial note, ibid., XV, 243-49. 40. Most notable is Joyce Appleby in her book, Capitalism and in her numerous articles. See also Nelson, Liberty and Property and Watts, Republic Reborn. 41. Jefferson to Wilson Miles Cary, August 12, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 24. 42. Jefferson to John Page, May 4, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 445. Appleby differentiates between classical condemnations of luxury which she argues were mostly voiced by aristocrats opposing social mobility, and republican attacks on luxury. Jeffersonians attacked luxury not because they perceived it as an unmitigated evil but because 'the making of luxuries skewed manufacturing toward pocketbooks of the wealthy few, leaving the economy's productive base vulnerable to changes in fashion while at the same time creating the hordes of dependent factory operatives'. Capitalism, 93. While I agree that Jefferson despised the English political economy and its effects on urban masses, throughout his life he unsparingly condemned luxury consumption because of its corrupting effects on the individual con• sumer, while indulging in it himself. 43. Jefferson to J. P. P. Derieux, July 25, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIII, 418. 44. Jefferson to Archibald Stuart, January 25, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 218. Jefferson, as minister to France, worked rather hard to revive European faith in American fiscal responsibility. Madison and Jefferson saw eye to eye on this issue; see James Madison to Jefferson, March 16, 1786, Madison Papers, VIII, 502. 45. Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785; to Ralph Izard, September 26, 1785; to James Madison, October 7, 1787, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 426-7, VIII, 553, XII, 219. 46. Jefferson to , August 17, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 38. Benjamin Franklin also contrasted farmers and merchants. He argued that when merchants profit, it is their individual riches which grow, while when farmers profit from their labor the wealth created actually benefits society as a whole. 'Poor Richard, 1742: An Almanac', Franklin Papers, II, 333. This was in sharp contrast to mercantilist theory, which held commercial wealth above agricultural production because merchants transform the wealth produced farmers and manufacturers into national wealth. Crowley, This Sheba, Self, 39-40. 47. James Madison to Jefferson, March 16, 1786, Madison Papers, VIII, 502. 48. Richard Henry Lee to James Madison, May 30, 1785, Madison Papers, VIII, 289. 49. Jefferson to John Langdon Seprodher 11, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 513. Notes to pp. 46-48 197

50. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 228. 51. James Madison to James Monroe, August 7, 1785, Madison Pap}rs, vm. 336. 52. James Madison to Jefferson, June 19, 1786, Madison Papers, IX, 77. 53. See Jefferson to Thomas Digges, June 19, 1788, Jefferson Papers, xm. 261. 54. Jefferson Answers to DeMeunier's First Queries, January 24, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 16. 55. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, July 19, 1788, Jefferson Papers, xm, 378. 56. Jefferson to James Monroe, February 6, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 639. 57. Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 427. 58. Jefferson to Wilson Miles Cary, August 12, 1787. Jefferson Papers, Xll,24. 59. Jefferson to George Washington, August 14, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 38. 60. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, August 12, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 24. Andrew W. Foshe argues that in this approach Jefferson reflected the wishes of many southerners who welcomed commercial prosperity, but dreaded its effects on the character of the region's citizenry. 'The Political Economy of Southern Agrarian Tradition', Modem Age, 27 (Spring 1983): 161-70. 61. PeterS. Onuf, 'Liberty, Development, and Union: Visions of the West in the 1780s' in WMQ, Third Series, 43 (1986): 179. See also Matson & Onuf, Union, 57-66. 62. George Washington to Henry Knox, December 5, 1784. John C. Fitzpatrick ed., The Writings of George Washington, 39 vols (Wash• ington, D.C., 1931-1944, hereafter Washington Writings), xxvm, 4. 63. See J. Leitch Wright, Jr., Britain and the American Frontier, 1783-1815 (Athens, GA, 1975). 64. See Andrew Cayton's excellent study, The Frontier Republic: ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825 (Kent, Ohio, 1986), chapter 2. 65. See Robert F. Berkhofer, 'Jefferson, the Ordinance of 1784, and the Origins of the American Territorial system' in WMQ, Third Series, 29 (1972): 231-62. Until recently historians believed that the actually repealed the Jeffersonian legislation of 1784. See Francis S. Philbrick, The Rise of The West: 1754-1830 (New York, 1965), 120-33, and Jensen, The New Nation, 352-9. 66. Boyd argues that Jefferson's main contribution to the ongoing Congres• sional discourse about the western lands was enlarging the number of the proposed states. See editorial note, Jefferson Papers, VI, 588-94, 600-2. Jefferson extensively quoted Montesquieu on the problems of relations between countries' size and their government, Chinard ed., 198 Notes to pp. 48-51

Commonplace Book. 268-9. About the fit between small states and republicanism see Cecilia M. Kenyon. '"Men of Uttle Faith,.: The Anti-federalists on the Nature of Representative Government', WMQ. Third Series. 12 (January 1955): 3-43~ Wood. Creation. 499-506. 67. Oouf. 'Liberty, Development. and Union ... •• 209. See also Robert D. Mitchell. Commercialism and Frontier: Perspectives on the Early Shenandoah Valley (Charlottesville, 1979). especially 215-29. Mitchell shows the rapid transformation of the valley from subsistence farming to commercial agriculture dependent on foreign markets. Jefferson not only saw the process. but also actively engaged in the commercialization of the valley. 68. Jefferson Papers. I. 337-64. 69. Jefferson's 'Analysis of Votes', Jefferson Papers. VI. 335-6. 70. Jefferson to Benjamin Harrison. November 11, 1783, Jefferson Papers. VI. 352-3. 71. Jefferson to George Washington. March 15. 1784, Jefferson Papers. VII. 26-7. 72. Madison's notes concerning the proposed residence of Congress. October, 1783. Madison Papers, VII. 379-80. Jefferson avoided the dilemma by holding interest over ideology as he expressed preference for northern 'corrupt' location over the Maryland site of Annapolis. He wanted to postpone the decision until western development was in full swing. Locating it on the Potomac would attract western trade to Virginia and 'would cement us to our Western Friends' economically and politically. Jefferson to George Rogers Clark. December 4, 1783, Jefferson Papers. VI. 371. 73. Rufus King to Elbridge Gerry. June 4, 1786. Letters of the Continental Congress, VIII, 380. 74. Jefferson to James Madison, January 30 1787. Jefferson Papers, XI, 93. 75. Jefferson to George Washington, March 15, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII. 26. 76. Jefferson to James Madison, December 8, 1784. Jefferson Papers. VII, 558. 77. Jefferson to James Monroe, December 10, 1784, Jefferson Papers, Vll, 562-5. 78. During the legislative debate. Madison rejected the notion that com• merce should be left to regulate itself. Such a condition perpetuated Virginian dependence on Great Britain: 'I still fear that many of them [foreigners] may mista,ke the object of the law [Virginia Port Bill] to be a sacrifice of their conveoiency to the encouragement of our mercantile citizens, whereas in reality it was as far as foreigners were in question only meant to reduce the trade of GB to an equality with that of other nations'. James Madison to Jefferson. August 20. 1784, Madison Papers, Vm, 102-3. Far from promoting international free trade the 'Port Bill' attempted to control commercial intercourse Notes to pp. 51-53 199

with Europe. It was rather the opposition to the bill which espoused this principle. George Mason was outspoken in arguing that the proposed legislation undermined the natural flow of the Virginia economy and was contradictory to American revolutionary ideals. 'Protest ... ',November-December 1786, Mason Papers, II, 859-63. For an excellent analysis of the controversy over the proposal see Drew R. McCoy, 'The Virginia Port Bill of 1784', Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 83 (July 1975), 633-46. McCoy, however, does not discuss the feasibility of the Madisonian idea- that is whether his plan had a realistic chance of attracting trans-Atlantic trade away from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore to the small towns on the Virginia shore. 79. Jefferson to George Washington, May 2, 1788, Jefferson Papers, Xlll, 124. Initially Jefferson opposed Congressional attempts to limit Virginia's western boundary. In his various drafts for the state's constitution he reiterated his belief that they were under Virginian jurisdiction. Virginia had the right to keep them, grant them independ• ence or give them to the Continental Congress. Later on, fearing the West might separate from the Union, Jefferson changed his mind and supported immediate cession by Virginia of its claims to the Western territories to the national government immediately. Jefferson to James Madison, February 20, 1784, and to George Washington, May 15, 1784, Jefferson Papers, I, 352-3,362-3, 383, VI, 547, VII, 25. 80. Jefferson to George Washington, March 15 1784, to G. K. van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, to James Madison, February 20, 1784, Jefferson Papers, Vll, 26-7; Vlll, 633; VI, 547-8. See also Davis, Sectionalism, 13, 109-26. 81. James Madison to Jefferson, August 20, 1784, Jefferson Papers, Vll, 405-6. 82. James Madison to Jefferson, June 19, 1786, Madison Papers, IX, 76. See also McCoy, Elusive Republic, 121-32. 83. Jefferson to James Madison, October 28, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 682. 84. Jefferson's Third Draft of the Virginia Constitution provided that '[e]very person of full age neither owning nor having owned [50] acres of land, shall be entitled to an appropriation of [50] acres or to so much as shall make up what he owns or has owned [50] acres in full and absolute dominion, and no other person shall be capable of taking an appropriation'. Jefferson Papers, I, 362. 85. Jefferson to James Madison, December 20, 1787, Jefferson Papers, Xll, 442. 86. Jefferson to G. K. van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 633. 87. Madison Papers, XI, 125. 88. McCoy, Elusive Republic, 131. 89. Tucker and Hendrickson, Empire, 30. 200 Notes to pp. 54-57

CHAPI'ER 3: COMMERCE, VIRTUE AND THE BALANCE OF POWER

1. Jacob Viner argues that much of eighteenth century foreign policy consisted of commercial policy. 'Power versus Plenty as Objectives of Foreign Policy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', World Politics, 1 (1948): 1-30. 2. James Madison to Richard Henry Lee, July 7, 1785, Madison Papers, VID. 315. Madison was overstating the blocked routes theme in the West Indies because throughout the 1780s considerable smug• gling undercut the British policy. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 211-14. 3. James Madison to Jefferson, March 18, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 334. 4. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, December 16, 1783, Jefferson Papers, VI, 387. 5. Nettels, Emergence of National Ecorwmy, 14. For a coherent general interpretation of the evolution of the American economy in the eight• eenth century see Stuart W. Bruchey, The Roots ofAmerican Economic Growth (New York, 1965), chapters 2 & 3. 6. December 31, 1782, Jefferson Papers, VI. 212. Madison did not share Congress's conciliatory attitude, because he feared that a commercial treaty with Great Britain would undermine relations with France and restore pre-war dependency. He recommended instructing the peace negotiators that the United States intended 'to preserve their commerce as unfettered as possible with stipulations in favor of nations with which they are now unconnected [England]', and that all commercial arrangements must not contradict the commercial clauses of the Franco-American alliance of 1718. 'Report on Instructions on Peace Negotiations', January 7, 1782, Madison Papers, IV, 13. See also Irving Brant, James Madison: The Nationalist, 1780-1787 (New York, 1948), 377-83. 7. Charles Ritcheson, British Politics and the American Revolution (Norman, OK. 1954), 253-60. 8. Dull, Diplomatic History, 137-40; Stourzb, Franklin, 186-213. 9. Esmond Wright, 'The British Objectives, 1780-1783: If Not Dominion Then Trade', in Hoffman & Albert, eds, Peace and Peacemakers, 10-11, 15, 27. See also Charles Ritcheson, 'The Earl of Shelburne and Peace With America, 1782-1783: Vision and Reality', Inter• national History Review, 5 (1983): 322-45; Frederick W. Marks m, Independence on Trial: Foreign Affairs and the Making of the Constitution (Baton Rouge, 1973), 52-91; Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of the Second British Empire, 1763-1793, 2 vols (London, 1952), I. 223-447. 10. John Baker Holroyd, First Earl of Sheffield, Observations on the Commerce of the American States with Europe and the West Indies: Notes to pp. 57-58 201

including the several articles of impon and expon (2nd edition, London, 1783). Sheffield's report reflected the widespread English disappointment with the concessions the Shelburne ministry granted the United States. Even Shelburne's allies called the preliminary treaty between the two nations a disgrace to Great Britain. See Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independ• ence (New York, 1965), 429-33; J. C. A. Stagg, Mr. Madison's War: Politics, Diplomacy and Warfare in the Early American Republic, 1783-1830 (Princeton, 1983), chapter 1; Jerald A. Combs, The Jay Treaty: Political Battleground of the Founding Fathers (Berkeley, 1970), 3-4. 11. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, chapter 1. 12. H. C. Bell, 'British Commercial Policy in the West Indies', English Historical Review, 31 (July 1916): 429-41; Jack N. Rakove, The Beginnings of National Politics: An Interpretive History of the Con• tinental congress (New York. 1979), 345. 13. A useful summary of historians' approaches to the peace negotiations and the Treaty of Paris is Alexander DeConde, 'Historians, the War of American Independence and the Persistence of the Exceptionalist Ideal', International History Review, 5 (1983): 399-430. 14. John Adams to Robert Livingston, May 24, 1783, Works of Adams, Vill,60. 15. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, December 16, 1783, Jefferson Papers, VI, 386. Madison, unlike Jefferson and the American peace negotiators, was less than enthusiastic about the prospects of an Anglo-American commercial treaty. He argued that there were three main concerns of Americans in the area of Anglo-American trade: direct trade between America and the British West Indies; the American right of carrying goods between England and the West Indies; and the American right of carrying between the British West Indies and the rest of the world. The first objective was the only one which concerned the Southern states. But Madison misread the prevailing sentiment in the British Parliament, believing that the American Intercourse bill pending in the British Parliament would unconditionally grant this right to America without demanding that the United States grant British citizens the same privileges granted to Americans. The other possible benefits of the treaty, such as allowing American vessels to participate in the trade between the British West Indies and the rest of the world, would solely benefit the eastern states while the South would pay the price by relapsing to the control of the British monopoly. James Madison to Jefferson, May 13, 1783, and June 10, 1783, Jefferson Papers, VI, 268, 276. See also Brant, Madison: Nationalist, 204-5. 16. Jefferson to James Madison, January 1, 1184,Jefferson Papers, VI, 437. Jefferson even suggested that Congress bypass the quorum requirement, ratify the treaty, inform the various states about this unilateral action, and ask them to comply with it. Jefferson's Compromise Motion 202 Notes to pp. 58-61

concerning Ratification of the Definitive Treaty, January 2, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VI, 439-40. 17. Congress, indeed, failed to ratify the treaty by the prescribed date. Fortunately for the Americans, the Britsb ignored the delay. Morris, The Peacemakers, 447-8. 18. United States in Congress Assembled to the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles, October 29, 1783, JCC, 25, 754. The message restated the American official policy that all treaties should be made on the basis of perfect reciprocity, should not conflict with previously signed treaties, and their term should be fifteen years. 19. The United States bad already signed treaties of amity and commerce with France, Sweden, and the Netherlands. 20. 'Report on the Letters from the American Ministers in Europe', December 20, 1783, Jefferson Papers, VI, 393-400. 21. Jefferson to John Jay, March 12, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 325. 22. The committee believed that it would be 'inconvenient at present . . . to keep ministers resident at the courts of Europe'. 'Report On the Letters ... ',Jefferson Papers, VI, 397. It should be noted that the debt-ridden Confederation was certainly in no position to allocate funds for extensive diplomatic establishment. 23. Jefferson to James Madison, February, 20, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VI, 546. 24. James Hutson, 'Intellectual Foundations', 8, Lawrence kaplan, 'Towards Isolationism: The Jeffersonian Republicans and the Franco• American Alliance of 1778', Historical Reflections, 3 (Summer 1976 ): 69-83. 25. Jefferson to James Madison, May 8, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VI, 231. 26. See Charles Thomson, 'Instructions to the Commissioners for Negoti• ating Treaties of Amity and Commerce', May 7-17, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 266-7.1. 27. James Monroe to Benjamin Harrison, March 26, 1784, Jefferson Papers, Vll, 48-9. 28. Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, May 13, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 248-9. 29. Benjamin Harrison to Thomas Jefferson, May 28, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 293-4. 30. May-July, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 323-55. The author of Notes on Virginia also had a report made by Neil Jamison on the outstanding features of Virginia's economy and its commercial goals. Jamison's memorandum, obviously, emphasized the commonwealth's need to develop and expand the European market for its tobacco. July 12, 1784. Ibid., 367. 31. McCusker & Menard, 124; Nettels, 19. 32. McCoy argues that the American commitment to free trade in the 1780s was 'principled and tenacious'. Elusive Republic, 106. See Notes to pp. 61-64 203

also Gilbert The Farewell, 67-75. Vernon G. Setser, The Commercial Reciprocity Policy of the United States, 1774-1829 (Philadelphia, 1937), 3, emphasizes the self-serving motives in the American call for free trade as does William C. Stinchcombe in 'John Adams and the Model Treaty', 77. 33. Jefferson to George Washington, December 4, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 328. 34. American Commissioners to De Thulemeier, March 14, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 27-8. 35. Setser, Commercial Reciprocity, 68-9. 36. Jefferson to the Baron de Walterstorff, February 3, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VII, 633. The treaty's only real innovation was the exemption of all contraband in case of a war. The United States and Prussia were not likely to engage in maritime warfare, and the agreement had only symbolic significance. 37. Setser, Commercial Reciprocity, 71. See also Kaplan, Colonies into Nations, 145-81; Woolery, Relations ofThomas Jefferson. 38. John Adams to John Jay, April 13, 1785, F. P. Blair, ed., The Diplomatic Corresspondence of the United States of America, from the Signing of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, lOth September, 1783, to the Adoption of the Constitution, March 4, 1789, 3 vols (Washington, D.C., 1833-34, hereafter Diplomatic), ll, 169. 39. Jefferson to , January 12, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 168. 40. Jefferson to James Monroe, February 6, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VII, 638. 41. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, October II, I785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 605. 42. Before the war the colonies were practically 'the sole supplier of the Sugar islands in foodstuffs and lumber'. Bjork, 'Weaning of the American Economy', 551. 43. Jefferson to William Carmichael, August 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 286. 44. William Grayson to James Madison, June 27, 1785, Madison Papers, vm. 311. 45. Jefferson's Report on Conversations with Vergennes, December, 1785, Jefferson Papers, IX, 145. 46. Jefferson to James Madison, May 8, 1784, Jefferson Papers, V, 231. Jefferson was actually echoing the same sentiments Madison had expressed in a letter to him on April 25, 1784: 'Will it not be good policy to suspend further Treaties of Commerce, till measures shall have been taken place in America which may correct the idea in Europe of impotency in federal Government in matters of Commerce'. Ibid., VII, 123. 47. JCC, XXVI, 317-22. 48. Ironically for Jefferson, it was the southern states that opposed the 204 Notes to pp. 64-66

amendment and prevented it from ever taking effect. After a long struggle. on November 30, 1785, Virginia instructed its delegates to support the amendment. but on the following day, the resolution was rescinded and the proposal was tabled. Madison's position that there was a unity of interest among the different states on issues concerning commerce, and that the amendment would benefit all, was rejected. Southerners felt that granting Congress the authority to regulate trade might prove disastrous to the interests of the region. Since the balance in Congress was eight northern commercial states versus five southern staple states, they feared that through corrupt deals and intrigues, the commercial interests would frequently succeed in swaying one southern delegation to vote with them and against the interests of the region. The southern interest was 'to open their Ports to all the world, to derive from Rivalship, the best price for their Crops, and necessaries at the lowest rates-whereas in manufacturing states, an high price For necessaries must be their interest. and suggest the policy of excluding all'. James Madison to James Monroe, August 7, 1785; Richard Henry Lee to James Madison, August 11, 1785; Edmund Pendleton to James Madison, December 9, 1786, Madison Papers, VIII, 335, VIII, 340, IX, 202. 49. Jefferson to Horatio Gates, May 7, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 225. 50. Merrill Jensen, The Articles of Corifederation: An Interpretation of the Social Constitutional History of the American Revolution, 1774-1781 (Madison, Wis., 1963), 266-69. 51. Duke of Dorset to the American Treaty Conunissioners, March 26, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 56. 52. James Madison to Jefferson, March 16, 1786, Madison Papers, VIII, 502. Madison had complained of the same phenomenon during the Revolutionary War. 'At a time when all the other states submitting to the loss and inconveniency of an embargo on their exports, Delaware absolutely declined coming into the measure, and not only defeated the general object of it. but enriched itself at the expense of those who did their duty'. Madison to Jefferson, April16, 1781, Jefferson Papers, V, 473. See also Matson & Onuf, Union, 42--9. 53. Jefferson to John Page, August 20, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 419. 54. John Adams to Jefferson, September 4, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 477. 55. Jefferson to Richard Price, February, I, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VII, 631. 56. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 232. See also Jefferson to Monroe, April 15, I785; Monroe to Jefferson, August 15, I785, ibid., 15-80, 382; James Madison to Monroe, August 7, 1785, Madison Papers, VIII, 335. 57. Reports of Secretary Jay to the Continental Congress, May II, 1786, JCC, XXX, 261-2. See also John Jay to Jefferson, June 15, 1785, Diplomatic, II, 354. Notes to pp. 66-70 205

58. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 231. 59. Jefferson to John Adams, July 7, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VITI, 267. See also Jefferson to Adams, July 28, 1785. Ibid., 317-19. 60. From the outset, however, the states disregarded the national body's treaty power. For example: Virginia, contrary to the Treaty of Paris, refused to settle its debt issue with English merchants, and Georgia negotiated individually with Spain attempting to resolve their border dispute. 61. Jefferson to John Adams, July 7, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 267-8. 62. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 231. See also Peterson, 'Thomas Jefferson and Commercial Policy, 1783-1793', 112. 63. American Commissioners to De Thulemeier, March 14, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 28. 64. Jefferson to G. K. von Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, Jefferson Papers, vm. 633. 65. Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, April 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 399-400. 66. Jefferson to William Carmichael, August 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 286.

CHAPTER4: THE FRENCH ALTERNATIVE

1. Jeremy Black, Natural and Necessary Enemies: Anglo-French Rela• tions in the eighteenth century (London, 1986 ), 211. 2. The United Provinces of the Netherlands similarly 'could hope for safety only by balancing between competing great powers'. Jonathan R. Dull, 'Two Republics in a Hostile World: The United States and the Netherlands in the 1780s', in Jack P. Greene, ed., The American Revolution: Its Character and limits (New York, 1987), 154. 3. Jefferson to Alexander Donald, September 17, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 132-3. 4. Jefferson to John Adams, September 24, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vill, 545. 5. Jefferson to Charles Lilburne Lewis, January 10, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 428. 6. Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, April 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 398. 7. Charles R. Ritcheson, 'Britain's Peacemakers, 1782-1783:"To an Astonishing Degree Unfit for the Task"?' in Hoffman and Albert eds, Peace and Peacemakers, 10. 8. Proposed Treaty with England, Diplomatic, II, 338-41. See also Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 83-87. 9. Nettels, Emergence of National Economy, 21-2. Norman K. Risjord 206 Notes to pp. 70-72

argues that the economic hardship of the 1780s was actually triggered by the outflow of capital resulting from the British flooding of the American markets. Chesapeake Politics, 1781-1800 (New York, 1978), 256. 10. Risjord, Chesapeake, 161-6; Jacob M. Price, France and the Chesapeake: A History of the French Tobacco Monopoly, 1674-1798, and Its Relationship to the British and American Tobacco Trades, 2 vols (Ann Arbor, 1973), vol. IT. 780-6. 11. James H. Hutson, 'The Treaty of Paris', 10. 12. Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of the United States, 17~1860 (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1961), 41-2. 13. Nettels, 55-6; Risjord, Chesapeake 256; Bjork 'The Weaning of the American Economy, 558; also Jensen, New Nation, 198. 14. Henry Cabot Lodge, One Hundred Yean of Peace (New York, 1919), 19. 15. Edmund Pendleton to James Madison, May 15, 1783, and May 24, 1783, Madison Papers, VII, 45, 73. 16. Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, February 8, 1782, Madison Papen, IV, 58. 17. Edmund Pendleton to James Madison, January 28, 1782, Madison Papen, IV, 50. 18. Bjork, 558. 19. John Jay wrote to Jefferson on June 16, 1786, that he had hoped France would 'derive advantages from our commerce', but that France failed to do so. He attributed the French failure to the England's superior commercial experience. Diplomatic, m, 7. 20. Jefferson to Lafayette, November 3, 1786, Jeffenon Papen, X, 505. 21. Black, Natural and Necessary Enemies, 152. Marie Mertenis Donaghay, in her excellent study of the negotiations have argued that the French opened their markets to superior British goods hoping to neurtalize British hostility to French diplomatic pre-dominance in western Europe in the late 1780s. 'The Anglo-French Negotiations of 1786-1787' (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Virginia, 1970). 22. Price, France, II, 786, Claude B. Fohlen, 'The Peace of 1783: A French View', in Gifford, ed., The Treaty of Paris, 137. 23. Jefferson to William Carmichael, December 15, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 424. 24. Jefferson to John Langdon, September 11, 1785 Jefferson Papers, Vm, 512. Jefferson was not alone in believing that the peace treaty did not mean England was coming to terms with American independence. Franklin warned Congress that Great Britain was still hoping that 'some Change in the Affairs of Europe or some Disunion among ourselves, may afford them an Opportunity of Recovering their Domin• ion, punishing those who have most offended, and securing our future Dependence'. Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Mifflin (the President of Congress), December 25, 1783. Albert Henry Smyth, ed., The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, 10 vols (New York, 1906), IX, 131. John Notes to pp. 72-73 207

Brown Cutting, for example, wrote Jefferson from London that the true motive of the British policies towards the United States was 'an envious malignant disposition that is gratified in puny efforts to fetter the commerce and check the prosperity of a country whom it cannot forgive because it cou'd not subdue; a temper that policy does not mask, time ameliorate nor experience correct'. John Brown Cutting to Jefferson, October 17, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 13. Jefferson similarly believed that Great Britain discriminated between the United States and other countries, because the whole British 'nation hates us, their ministers hate us, and their king more than all other men'. Jefferson to John Page, May 4, 1786; Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, October 23, 1787, ibid., IX, 446 XII, 263. He reported that the British believed that they would enjoy the fruits of trade with America 'on their own terms. This particular speculation' he added, 'fosters the warmest feeling of the King's heart, that is, his hatred of us'. James Madison to Jefferson, September 20, 1783; Jefferson to Madison, April 25, 1786, ibid., VI, 338, IX, 433. 25. Jefferson's answers to Soul~'s Queries; Jefferson's conunents on Soule's Histoire, September 13-14, 1786 August 3, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 378; 370. 26. Jefferson to William Carmichael, December 15, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 424-5. At one point Jefferson even blamed the failures of the American commercial initiative on rumors of anarchy in America, spread viciously by British newspaper for vindictive reasons. His difficulties in persuading French merchants to trade with America he attributed to 'tales of want of faith and of bankruptcies in America, which are disseminated by the English papers'. Jefferson to Samuel House, August 18, 1785, to James Monroe, November 11, 1784, Ibid., vm, 402, vn, 509. 27. Brailsford & Morris to Jefferson, October 31, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XIL 299. 28. James Madison to James Monroe, June 21, 1785, Madison Papers, Vlll, 307. See also Drew R. McCoy, 'Virginia Port Bill ... ', 291. 29. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, October 23, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XII, 263. 30. Price, Capital and Credit, 138. 31. Jefferson to Lucy Ludwell Paradise, August 27, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 304-5. 32. Jefferson to Nathaniel Tracey, August 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 399. 33. Jefferson to James Madison, September 6, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 392-7. In this famous letter Jefferson is theoretically conunenting on a book Adams had sent him about feudal rights in Swiss cantons. It has been frequently interpreted as a great democratic document because of radical suggestion of rewriting laws every nineteen years so that they would correspond to the changing world; see Mathews, 19-29. 208 Notes to pp. 73-74

Jefferson's April 25, 1794, letter to John Adams which expresses similar sentiments lends credence to my argument that Jefferson's argument, while pretending to discuss feudal rights, was specifically addressing the problem of debt. He wrote: •The rights of one generation will scarcely be considered hereafter as depending on the paper transactions of another'; paper transaction was in the Jeffersonian lexicon a term representing unjust debt and speculative finances. Lester J. Cappon ed., The Adams-Jefferson Letters: The Complete Co"espondence between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John Adams (Chapel Hill, 1988, hereafter Adams-Jefferson Letters), 254. For a similar interpretation see Herbert Sloan who wrote that the letter to Madison •is a remarkable statement of his [Jefferson's] conviction that debt is an evil to be avoided when at all possible and in no case to be permitted to burden the future'. •Principle and Interest', 121. See also idem, •The Earth Belongs to the Living': Jefferson, Constitutionalism. and the ', Paper presented at the American Historical Association Convention, 1989. Julian Boyd, on the other hand, argued that Jefferson wrote this letter only in reference to French affairs, and that he added the first and last paragraphs to counter accusations that as a foreign diplomat, he was meddling in French affairs in 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 384-91. 34. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 15, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 88-9. 35. Jefferson to James Madison, March 18, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 40. Jefferson strongly believed that the •luxuries of that country [Great Britain] are familiar to us and will always tempt us to be in debt'. Jefferson to , May 7, 1786, ibid., IX, 467. 36. Jefferson to James Madison, March 18, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 40. It was rather the British who needed to develop their maritime industry after the separation, while the American industry lost much of its pre-revolution carrying trade. See also Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 3-17; North, Economic Growth, 19, 37. 37. Jefferson to James Madison, March 18, 1785, Madison Papers, VIII, 249. 38. Jefferson to G. K. van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 633. 39. Matson & Onuf, Union, 16-1. 40. •for my part I think the trade with G. Britain is ruinous one to ourselves; and that nothing would be an inducement to tolerate it but a free commerce with their W. Indies; and that this being denied to us we should put a stop to the loosing branch'. Jefferson to Thomas Pleasants, May 8, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 472. See also Jefferson to William Temple Franklin, May 7, 1786, ibid., 467. 41. Jefferson to James Monroe, August 28, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VIII, 444. 42. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, May 7, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 468. Notes to pp. 74-76 209

43. Jefferson to James Madison, March 18, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 40. 44. William Lee to John Adams, March 9, 1783, Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed., Letters of William Lee, Sheriff and Alderman of London: Commercial Agent of the Continental Congress in France: and Min• ister to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, 1763-1783, 3 vols (Brooklyn, 1891), m, 931-2. 45. John Adams diary entry, April 23, 1783, Lyman H. Butterfield ed., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 4 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), m, 113. 46. Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, April 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 399. 47. Jefferson was pleased with the introduction to a book by Brissot de Warville and Etienne Clavi~re on French American relations, which attacked the Sheffield thesis. See Jefferson's conunent, August 16, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 263. 48. Jefferson to John Page, May 4, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 446. See also Jefferson to William Stephens Smith, September 28, 1787, to Nicholas Lewis, April 22, 1786, ibid., Xll, 193; IX, 400. Adams concurred with Jefferson's views on this issue. Adams to Jefferson, August 7, 1785, ibid., VITI, 354-5. 49. Jefferson to John Adams, March 18, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 248. See also Jefferson to John Adams, November 19, 1785, ibid., IX, 42. 50. Jefferson to James Monroe, March 18, 1785, Jefferson Papers, vm, 43. 51. Jefferson to John Banister, August 31, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 456. 52. Jefferson to John Langdon, September 11, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 512. 53. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, May 7, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 468. 54. Jefferson to Brailsford & Morris, May 7, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 100. 55. Thomas Jefferson, Autobiography 1743-1790, January 6, 1821, Paul Leicester Forded., The Works of Thomas Jefferson 12 vols (Federal Edition, New York, 1904-1905, hereafter Ford), I, 94-9. 56. Lawrence S. Kaplan, Jefferson and France: An Essay on Politics and Political Ideas (New Haven, 1967), 20; idem, 'Toward Isolationism: The Rise and Fall of the Franco-American Alliance, 1775-1801', idem, ed., The American Revolution and 'A Candid World' (Kent, Ohio, 1977), 146. Robert Rhodes Crout stresses the importance of commercial considerations in France's decision to support the rebelling colonies and the hope of replacing Great Britain as America's leading commercial partner. 'The Diplomacy of Trade: The Influence of Com• mercial Considerations on French Involvement in the Anglo-American war for Independence, 1775-1778' (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1977). 210 Notes to pp. 76-79

57. Hutson, John Adams, 68-74, 98-9. On the exaggerated suspicion of the American delegates, particularly Adams and Jay, and its diplomatic consequences see idem, 'The American Negotiators: Diplomacy of Jealsousy', in Hoffman and Albert eds, Peace and the Peacemakers, 61-4; Bradford Perkins, 'The Peace of Paris: Patterns and Legacies', in ibid., 194-221. 58. John Adams to the President of Congress, March 12, 1780, Works of Adams, VII, 131. The best worlcs on the French intrigues during the peace negotiations are: Hutson, John Adams; Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers, 88-385; idem, 'The Diplomats and the Mythmakers', in idem, The American Revolution Reconsidered (New York, 1967): 92-126. 59. William C. Stinchcombe, The American Revolution and the French Alliance (Syracuse, NY, 1969), 200-13; Dull, Diplomatic History, 131; Fohlen, 131-3; Kaplan, Colonies into Nation, 136-41. 60. to Benjamin Franklin, December 5, 1781, E. James Ferguson ed., The Papers of Roben Morris, 7 vo1s to date (Pittsburgh, 1977- ), m, 319. 61. May 11, 1784, JCC, XXVll, 368-9. Miller, Treaties, ll, 3, 42. 62. Jefferson to James Monroe, February 6, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vll, 638. For all practical purposes Jefferson dropped the issue of trade with the French West Indies after the arrlt of August 1784. Jefferson to Monroe, June 17, 1785; to John Adams, August 10, 1785, ibid., VID, 228-9; VID, 361-2. See also Setser, 84-7, Fohlen, 137. 63. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, June 16, 1792, Ford, Vll, 112. 64. Jefferson admitted that only severe shortages, possibly as a result of a war with Great Britain, would persuade the French to open their islands to American imports. Jefferson to George Washington, November 4, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 331. 65. Woolery, 235. 66. Jefferson to Jacques Necker, January 24, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 486. 67. Vergennes to Jefferson, October 30, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VID, 686. Jefferson was disturbed that the two states did discriminate between allies and foes. He feared that as a result 'the European nations in general will rise up against us. They can do too well without all our commodities, except tobacco, and we cannot find elsewhere markets for them. The selfishness of England alone will not justify our hazarding a contest of this kind against all Europe . . . I hope therefore those states will repeal their navigation clauses except as against Great Britain and other nations not treating with us'. Jefferson to John Adams, November 19, 1785, ibid., IX, 43. 68. Jefferson to Vergennes, November 20, 1785, Jefferson Papers, IX, 50. 69. Jefferson's Report on Conversations with Vergennes, December, 1785, Jefferson Papers, IX, 139. This was Jefferson's belief since the signing Notes to pp. 79-83 211

of the Franco-American treaty in 1778. See Jefferson to Philip Mazzei, May 31, 1780, Ibid., lll, 405. 70. Jefferson to James Monroe, December 10, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 563. 71. Jefferson to D. & V. French & Nephew, July 13, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VITI, 291-2. 72. Nettels, Emergence of National Economy, 19; McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, 362. 73. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of liberty, 60. This repeated theme of Jeffersonain diplomacy still remains part of the American 'national conviction - so persistent and profound - that we have rejected an ancient reason of state, that we stand for something new under the sun, and that our destiny as a nation is to lead the world from the old to the new'. Ibid., 11. 74. Jefferson to Vergennes, August 15, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VITI, 385-9. 75. Jefferson to Montmorin, July 23, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XI, 617. 76. Jefferson to James Monroe, December 10, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VII, 563. 77. Jefferson to John Adams, July 9, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 106. 78. While Jefferson failed to see the alternatives, some of his fellow planters in Virginia pointed out to him the benefits in the arrangement. John Page to Jefferson, March 7, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XII, 650. See also Price, France, II, 757-87. 79. Julian Boyd points out that Berard's argument in the meeting closely resembled the one Jefferson made to Vergennes. Jefferson Papers, IX, 658-60. 80. Peterson, New Nation, 320; Malone, Rights of Man, 43. 81. Jefferson to James Monroe, December 18, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 612-3. 82. Jefferson to Wilt Delstre & Company, December 11, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 589. 83. Jefferson to James Madison, February 6, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XII, 570. 84. Price, France, II, 786. 85. Jefferson's Report on Conversations with Vergennes, December, 1785, Jefferson Papers, IX, 141. 86. Jefferson to Lafayette, July 17, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X, 145. Jefferson complained to Samuel House on August 18, 1785 that despite his effort urging French merchants to extend credit to Americans because of the capital shortage in America. rumors of American bad faith circulated by the British press discouraged them from doing so. Jefferson also complained about the behavior of American merchants who by not making regular payments slowed down the flow of French goods to America. This, in turn, diminished the general volume of the trade between the two countries. Jefferson to John Jay, January 212 Notes to pp. 83-85

2, 1786. Jay responded by suggesting that 'France has so regulated her Commerce as that the People of this Country may indulge their Desire of giving the Productions of this Country in Exchange for those of' Great Britain. Ibid., vm. 402,1X, 139,1X, 650. 87. Calonne to Jefferson, October 22, 1786. See also Jefferson to John Jay. October 23, 1786, Jefferson Papers, X. 474-6, X, 485. 88. Jefferson Papers, Xll, 468-70. 89. Jefferson to La Boullaye, December 13, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XU, 419. 90. Jefferson to William Carmichael, November 4, 1785, Jefferson Papers, XI, 15. Jefferson's efforts in behalf of New England fisheries was not a departure from his sectionalist predisposition. When the choice between southern and northern interest came Jefferson did not hesitate; southern interests were closer to his heart. For example: Jefferson tried to persuade the French firm Le Coulteaux to open its center for fur trade in Alexandria. Virginia, rather than New York. Philadelphia. or Baltimore. Jefferson to George Washington, November 14, 1786; Jefferson's answer to Moustier's queries, October 30, 1788, ibid., X. 531; XI, 325-6. 91. Lamber to Jefferson, December 29, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XU, 468. 92. Jefferson to Montmorin, October 23, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 34-5. 93. Ironically Jefferson participated in the conversations which led to the removal of the entrepot provision. He was slow to report his faux pas to Congress, and did so only in May 1788. Jefferson to John Jay, May 23, 1788, Jefferson Papers, Xm. 188-93. This episode suggests that Gilbert Chinard was overrating Jefferson when he declared that during his tenure in Paris Jefferson 'had proved himself a first-class commercial agent'. Thomas Jefferson, The Apostle of Americanism (Boston, 1929), 184. 94. Jefferson to Montmorin, July 1788, Jefferson Papers, Xm, 450-51. 95. Jefferson to John Jay, November 19, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 213-14. 96. Jefferson to Montmorin, October 23, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 34-5. 97. Observations on the Whale-Fishery, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 242-54. 98. Jefferson already knew in November that the arret was about to be issued, and so reported to Jay. Jefferson to John Jay, November 19, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 214. 99. Jefferson to William Drayton, July 10, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XI, 644-50. 100. Jefferson to John Mason, November 24, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 284. 101. Jefferson to James Swan, March 13, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 692. Notes to pp. 85-88 213

102. Peterson, 'Thomas Jefferson and Commercial Policy', 121. See also Edmund Buron, 'Statistics on Franco-American Trade, 1778-1806', Journal of Economic and Business History, 4 (May 1932): 571-82; John F. Stover, 'French American Trade during the Confederation, 1781-1789', Nonh Carolina Historical Review, 35 (October 1958): 399-414. 103. Despite reports on the persistence of the American preference for British product, like the one submitted to him by the American consul in Bordeaux, Jefferson continued to believe that it was only a temporary phenomenon. He argued that once Americans repaid their debts to British merchants and learned about the superiority of the French products, they would turn to buying them en masse. John Bondfield to Jefferson, November 30, 1787; Jefferson to John Bondfield, December 18, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XIT, 385; Xll, 434. 104. Jefferson to James Madison, August 28, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 366.

CHAPTER 5: THE COMPETING VISIONS

1. Ralph Ketcham ed., The Anti-Federalist Papers and the Constitutional Convention Debates (New York, 1986), 16. 2. Mathews, Radical Politics, 71-82. See also Philip Marsh, 'The Vindi• cation of Mr. Jefferson', South Atlantic Quarterly, 45 (January 1946 ): 61-7; Claude G. Bowers, 'Jefferson and the Bill Of Rights', Virginia Law Review, 41 (October 1955): 709-29; Robert Allen Rutland, 'The Ratification Struggle', in The Binh of the Bill of Rights, 1776-1791 (Chapel Hill, 1955), 126-58. 3. Jefferson to Chastellux, January 16, 1784, Jefferson Papers, VI, 467. Explaining his support of the new constitution to Professor Ebling who was writing the history of the United States, Jefferson wrote in 1795: 'Our first federal constitution was . . . too weak a bond to produce a union of action as to foreign nations. . . . Congress was found to be quite unable to point the action of the several states to a common object'. Ford, VITI, 206. 4. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 17, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 230-1. See also chapter 4. 5. John Jay to Jefferson, June 15, 1785, Jefferson Papers, Vlll, 209. Jay repeated this argument in Federalist # 4. See also Combs, Jay Treaty, 26-8, Matson & Onuf, Union, 76-77. 6. Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, April 2, 1787, Madison Papers, IX, 362. According to Frederick Marks, 'no problem concerned more people or evoked a greater demand for constitutional reforms than that of foreign trade restrictions'. Independence on Trial, 52. 7. John Radolph's speech to the Virginia ratifying Convention, June 2, 1788, in Elliot, The Debates of the Several States ... , 84. 214 Notes to pp. 88-89

8. Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, James Madison, The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States (New York: Random House's Modern Library College Edition, 1937, hereafter Federalist), 62. Even Julian Boyd, whose editorial notes in Jefferson Papers at times sound like the Jeffersonian rhetoric of the early 1790s, conceded that Jefferson and Hamilton were in agreement on this issue. Ibid., xvm. 516. 9. See Jackson T. Main, Antifederalists, 261-79; idem, Political Parties before the Constitution (Chapel Hlll, 1973), 321-74; Norman A. Graebner, 'Isolationism and Antifederalism: The Ratification Debates' Diplomatic History, II (Fall 1987): 337-53; Paul Goodman, The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts: Politics in a Young Repub• lic (cambridge, MA, 1964), 11-19; Labaree, Patriots and Panisans, 66-9; Alfred F. Young, The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763-1797 (Chapel Hill, 1967), 66-99; Pomerantz, 73; Thomas M. Doerflinger, A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise: Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia (Chapel Hill, 1986), 273-80; L. Marx Renzulli, Jr., Maryland: The Federalist Years (Rutherford, NJ, 1972), 68-77, 94-101; Lisle A Rose, Prologue to Democracy: The Federalists in the South, 1789-1800 (Lexington, 1968), 16-18. 10. Jefferson to Edward Carrington, August 4, 1787, Jefferson Papers, XI, 678. See also James Madison to James Monroe, April 9, 1786, Madison Papers, IX, 25. 11. Jefferson to David Humphreys, March 18, 1789, to Alexander Donald, February 7, 1788, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 678; XII, 571. See also Tucker and Hendrickson, Empire of libeny, 29. 12. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 354. See also Frederick W. Marks, 'Power, Pride, and Purse: Diplomatic Origins of the Constitution', Diplomatic History XI (Fall 1987): 303-19; Lawrence S. Kaplan, 'Jefferson and the Constitution: The View from Paris, 1786-89. Ibid.: 320-35. 13. Milan Kundera, Immortality Peter Kussi trans. (New York, 1990), 48. 14. John R. Howe Jr., 'Republican Thought and the Political Violence of the 1790's American Quanerly 19 (Spring 1967): 147-65; Ruth H. Bloch, Visionary Republic: Millennia/ Themes in American Thought, 1756-1800 (New York, 1985), 119-231. 15. On the intellectual origins of the Federalists see James M. Banner, Jr., To the Hartford Convention: The Federalists and the Origins of Pany Politics in Massachusetts, 1789-1815 (New York, 1970); Linda K. Kerber Federalists in Dissent: Imagery and Ideology in Jeffersonian America (Ithaca, 1970); David H. Fisher, The Revolu• tion in American Conservatism: The in the Era of Jeffersonian Democracy (New York, 1965). Mathews overstates the case by arguing that 'Hamiltonian economics ... are the negation of Jeffersonian economics'. Radical Politics, 116. See also Richard Bue1, Notes to pp. 89-90 215

Jr., Securing the Revolution: Ideology in Americna Politics, 1789-1815 (Ithaca, 1972), 9-11, and Lester Smith Brooks' case study of Mary• land Federalism in opposition, 'Sentinels of Federalism: Rhetoric and Ideology of the Federalist Party, 1800-1815' (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1986). 16. Bruchey, Roots, 122; Edgar Augustus Jerome Johnson, The Founda• tions of American Economic Freedom: Government and Enterprise in the Age of Washington (Minneapolis, 1973), 156-7. 17. McCoy, Elusive Republic, 137. 18. Pocock, 'Virtue and Commerce', 131. See also Murrin, 'Great Inver• sion ... ',;Forrest McDonald, The Presidency of George Washington (Lawrence, KS., 1971), 21. 19. As Jefferson wrote James Monroe on June 4, 1793: 'The war [in Europe] has kindled and brought forward the two parties with an ardor which our own interest merely, could never excite'. Ford, VII, 362. The following literature emphasizes the role of foreign policy issues in the development of the in the 1790s. Drew R. McCoy, 'Republicanism and American Foreign Policy: James Madison and the Political Economy of Commercial Discrimination, 1789 to 1794', WMQ, 3rd series, 31 (October 1974): 633-46; idem, Elusive Republic; Banning The Jeffersonian Persuasion; Appleby, Capitalism; Paul Goodman, 'The First American Party System', in William N. Chambers and Walter D. Burnham, eds, The American Party Systems: Stages of Political Development (New York, 1967), 56-89; Jerald A. Combs, 'The Diplomatic Legacy of America's Revolutionary Generation', in Larry R. Gerlach, et al., eds, Legacies of the American Revolution (Logan, Utah, 1978), 127-50; Gary B. Nash, 'The American Clergy and the French Revolution', WMQ, 3rd Series, 22 (July 1965): 392-412; Richard Hofstadter, The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780-1840 (Berkeley, 1969); Joseph Charles, The Origins of the American Party System (reprint, New York, 1961); William N. Chambers, Political Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 177-1809 (New York, 1963); Paul A. Varg, Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers (East Lansing, Ml, 1963); Marks, Independence; Buel Securing; Albert H. Bowman, The Struggle for Neutrality: Franco-American Diplomacy During the (Knoxville, 1974). 20. Paul Varg argues that Hamilton was the realist and Jefferson the idealist in formulating American foreign policy, while Cecilia Kenyon argues the reverse. Foreign Policy, 84-5; 'Alexander Hamilton: Rousseau of the Right', Political Science Quanerly, 73 (June, 1958): 161-78. Describing the differences as strictly 'realism' versus 'idealism' adopts the partisan perception of the competing parties. Both Hamilton and Jefferson were visionaries, but equally, both in a way had their feet on the ground. 216 Notes to pp. 90-93

21. James Madison in Congress, April 25, 1789, Madison Papers, Xll, 112. 22. James Madison in Congress, April 21, 1789, Madison Papers, XU, 97. 23. Jefferson to James Madison, August 28, 1789. See also Jefferson to William Short, May 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XV, 366-7; XVI, 444. 24. McCoy, •Port Bill ... ', 303 ; Price, France, IT, 732; Douglass C. North, Growth and Welfare and welfare in the American Past (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1966), 67. 25. James Madison to Jefferson, June 30, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 226. 26. James Madison in Congress, May 4, 1789, Madison Papers, Xll, 129. 27. James Madison in Congress, April 25, 1789, Madison Papers, XU, 112. 28. James Madison in Congress, May 4, 1789, Madison Papers, Xll, 129. 29. New York Daily Adveniser (New York), May 24, 1788. Edward Carrington to James Madison, May 28, 1788, Madison Papers, XI, 61-2. 30. James Madison in Congress, April 25, 1789, Madison Papers, XU, 112. 31. James Madison to Jefferson, June 30, 1789, Madison Papers, XU, 269-70. 32. Madison argued in Congress, on May 14, 1790, that •the existence of the West-Indies, and the prosperity of Great Britain, depended so materially on the trade with the United States, that it would be madness to her to hazard an interruption of it'. Madison Papers, xm, 217. 33. James Madison in Congress, May 8,1789. Annals of the Congress of the United States, 1789-1842,42 vols (Washington, D.C., 1834-1856, hereafter Annals), I, 246. For a similar argument by Jefferson see Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, April 22, 1786, Jefferson Papers, IX, 399. 34. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 15, 1785, Jefferson Papers, VID, 88-9. 35. James Madison to Jefferson, June 30, 1789, Madison Papers, Xll, 270. 36. James Madison in Congress, May 17, 1790, Madison Papers, xm, 218. 37. James Madison to Jefferson, May 27, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 153. In this letter to France, Madison no doubt overestimated the popularity of his measure in the House of Representatives. 38. Jefferson to James Madison, August 28, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XV, 366-7. 39. George Washington to David Stuart, July 26, 1789, Washington, XXX, 363. 40. The crisis arose after Spain destroyed a post established on its territory Notes to pp. 93-95 217

by British intruders, captured British ships and imprisoned British nationals. This was a sufficient pretext for a British declaration of war, since Great Britain had long wanted to build up its position in the Pacific northwest. For an extensive account of the European battle over this region see Derek Pethick, The Nootka Connection: Europe and the Nonhwest Coast, 1790-1795 (Vancouver, 1980). 41. See Samuel F. Bemis, 'Thomas Jefferson', in American Secretaries of States and Their Diplomacy (New York, 1966), 16. 42. In 1783 Hamilton still felt that Great Britain and Spain were the principal potential enemies of the new nation. Hamilton to George Washington, March 17, 1783, Hamilton Papers, III, 291. 43. Many historians have pointed out the connection between Hamilton's fiscal program and federal revenues from trade with Great Britain. See John R. Nelson, liberty and Property; Charles A. Beard, Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy (New York, 1915); Samuel Flag Bemis, Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy (New York, 1923); Paul A. Varg, Foreign Policies. 44. Hamilton to Jefferson, January 13, 1791, Hamilton Papers, Vll, 426. 45. For a detailed account of George Beckwith's service as a British spy and diplomat see Frank T. Reuter, '"Petty Spy" or Effective Diplomat: The Role of George Beckwith', Journal of the Early Republic (Winter 1990): 471-92. 46. George Beckwith's memoranda of conversations with Alexander Hamilton, October 1789, July 15, 1790, Hamilton Papers, V, 483-4, 488; VI, 497-8. 47. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, September 15, 1790, Hamilton Papers, Vll, 52-3. 48. Jefferson to John Harvie, Jr., July 25, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVll, 270. 49. Jefferson to Francis Eppes, January 20, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVlll, 579. Looking on the bright side of the outbreak of peace, Jefferson wrote to Francis Kinloch (on November 26, 1790) that the war 'might have produced to us some advantages; but it might also have exposed us to dangers; and on the whole I think a general peace more desirable'. Ibid., xvm. 80-81. 50. Jefferson to Francis Eppes, July 4, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 598. 51. Jefferson to James Monroe, July 11, 1790, to Francis Eppes, July 25, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 25, 266. 52. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, July 4, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 601. 53. Bemis, Pinckney's Treaty, 150-4. 54. Jefferson to George Gilmer Jr., June 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 575. 55. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, August 12, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 127-8. 56. Jefferson to George Washington enclosing his 'Outline of Policy 218 Notes to pp. 95-97

Contingent on War between England and Spain.. July 12, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 108-10. J. Leitch Wright, Jr., in Britain and the American Frontier, has shown that Jefferson's fears were well founded. The design to bring the Mississippi valley and the Gulf coast under British control was a constant element in British policy until the Treaty of Ghent. 57. Jefferson, 'Frrst Opinion of the Secretary of State, August 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 129. See also Jefferson to James Monroe, July 11, 1790, to George Washington, July 12, 1790, August 27, 1790, ibid., XVII, 25; 109; 129. 58. Jefferson to William Carmichael, August 2, 1790, Jefferson Papers, xvn. 113. 59. Jefferson's 'Report on Negotiations with Spain', March 18, 1792, Jefferson Papers, xxm, 296-312. 60. Jefferson to William Carmichael, November 5, 1791; Jefferson to Jo~ de Jaudenes and Jos~ de Viar (the Spanish Commissioners, January 25, January 26, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXll, 258, XXW, 76. 61. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 353-4. 62. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, August 12, 1790, Jefferson Papers, xvn, 121-s. 63. Julian Boyd, Number 7: Alexander Hamilton's Secret Allempts to Con• trol American Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1964), 66-72. Its rather silly attempt to portray Hamilton as a traitor put aside, this work does dem• onstrate that Hamilton/Beckwith contacts weakened the Jeffersonian threat. 64. Jefferson's 'Outline of Policy Contingent on War Between England and Spain', July 12, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 109-16. 65. Jefferson to William Carmichael, August 2, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 111-2. 66. Jefferson to William Short, August 10, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 122. 67. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, September 15, 1790, Hamilton Papers, VII, 52-3. 68. Jefferson to George Washington, August 28, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 130. 69. Hamilton even paraphrases a whole passage from Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations in rejecting the argument for the moral superi• ority of agriculture. Alexander Hamilton's Report on the Subject of Manufactures (hereafter Manufactures), December 5, 1791, Hamilton Papers, X, 239. 70. Alexander Hamilton's remarks on an Act for Regulating Elections in the New York Assembly, January 27, 1787, Hamilton Papers, IV, 29. Commercial impulses harmonized with man's natural acquisitive inclination and he believed men will always 'pursue their interest. It is as easy to change human nature', he wrote, 'as to oppose the Notes to pp. 97-99 219

strong current of selfish passions'. Hamilton's speech to the New York Ratifying Convention, June 25, 1788, ibid., V, 85. 71. Alexander Hamilton, 'The Farmer Refuted', February 23, 1775, Hamilton Papers, I, 92. 72. Alexander Hamilton's Speech in the Constitutional Convention (Yates version), June 19, 1787, Hamilton Papers, IV, 213. 73. David Hume's political essays were the theoretical foundation for Hamilton's program. On the Hamilton-Hume connection see Ralph Ketcham, Presidents Above Party: The First American Presidency, 1789-1829 (Chapel Hill, 1984), 188-203, 209-211. See also John C. Miller, Alexander Hamilton: Ponrait in Paradox (New York, 1959); Gerald Stourzh, Alexander Hamilton and the Idea of Republican Government (Stanford, 1970). John R. Nelson in Liberty and Property emphasizes the influence of Hume on Hamilton's adversary Madison. See also Hofstadter, Idea of a Party System, 24-9; , "'That Politics May be Reduced to a Science": David Hume, James Madison, and the Tenth Federalist', Huntington Library Quarterly, 20 (1957): 343-60. 74. Hamilton, speech in Constitutional Convention, June 18, 1787, Hamilton Papers, IV, 192. 75. Federalist No. 24, 152; No. 34, 205. 76. Federalist No. 12, 70. 77. John McKesson to George Clinton, June 10, 1775. Hastings, Hugh, ed. Public Papers of George Clinton, first governor of New York, 1771-1795, 1801-1804, 10 vols (New York and Albany, 1899-1914), I, 199-200. 78. Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No.7, 37. However, Hamilton's writ• ings on commerce did not euphorically idealize urban commercial society. As a young revolutionary, he declared that independent United States 'can live without trade of any kind'. 'A Full Vindication ... ', December 15, 1774, Hamilton Papers, I, 55. He scorned the idealiza• tion of commerce by some delegates in the constitutional convention, noting that 'jealousy of commerce as well as jealousy of power begets war'. Alexander Hamilton's notes for his speech of June 18, 1787 in the Constitutional Convention on a Plan of Government, ibid., IV, 183. In Federalist 6 he dismissed doux commerce as empty rhetoric. The spirit of commerce does not cultivate 'a spirit of mutual amity and concord. . . . Has not the spirit of commerce in many instances administered new incentives' for waging wars? Federalist# 6, 29-30. 79. See also Johnson, Foundations, 121-51. 80. 'If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce were the prevailing system of nations', he wrote in the Report on Manufactures, then the United States could have refrained from industrializing as 'each country would have the full benefit of its peculiar advantages to compensate for its deficiencies or disadvantages'. European trade restrictions, however, made the United States 'a country precluded from 220 Notes to pp. 99-100

foreign commerce' and forced America to industrialize. Alexander Hamilton, Report on Manufactures, Hamilton Papers, X, 262-3. How• ever, Hamilton's support for the development of American industry was at best lukewarm, as he was unwilling to commit the federal government to the development of manufacturing. John R. Nelson Jr., 'Alexander Hamilton and American Manufacturing: A Reexamination', JAB, 66 (March 1979): 971-95. 81. Alexander Hamilton, Federalist# 12, 70. TenchCoxeexpressedsimilar convictions writing that the natural attentiveness of commerce to the general interest would set every wheel of the economy in motion, thus serving the interests of agriculture and industry. View of the United States of America (Philadelphia, 1794), 23-4. 82. Manufactures, Hamilton Papers, X, 256-60. 83. Annals, I, 792-95. For a discussion of the intricacies of the funding system see Ferguson, Power of the Purse, 292-7, 329-30. 84. Madison and other southerners thought that the program benefitted northern speculators at the expense of southerners. See Risjord, Chesapeake, 365; Norman K. Risjord and Gordon DenBoer, 'The Evolution of Political Parties in Virginia, 1782-1800', JAB, 60 (March 1974), 974. Richard Buel suggests that part of Virginia's uneasiness with Hamilton's assumption scheme came from the debt-phobia the state's leaders developed while trading with English merchants. Buel, Securing, 11-12. As James Madison wrote Henry Lee on April 13, 1790: 'I go on the principle that a Public Debt is a public curse, and in a Rep[ublican] Gov[emment] greater than in any other'. Madison Papers, XIII, 148. See also Sloan, 'Principle and Interest'. 215-28. 85. The deal called on Madison to help Hamilton pass the assumption of states' debts in Congress in exchange for Hamilton's support in Con• gress for locating the national capital on the Potomac. See Jefferson to George Washington, February?, 1793. Ford, VII, 225-6. Jacob Cooke has challenged Jefferson's dinner story which was accepted by most historians. See Jacob E. Cooke, 'The ', WMQ, Third Series, 27 (1970): 523-45; Kenneth R. Bowling's challenge and Cooke's rebuttal, 'Dinner at Jefferson's'. ibid., 28 (1971): 629-48. 86. Alexander Hamilton, Report Relative to a Provision for the Support of Public Credit (hereafter, Public Credit I), January 9, 1790, Hamilton Papers, VI. 80. 87. He wrote: 'Those who are most commonly creditors of a nation, are, generally speaking, enlightened men; and there are signal examples to warrant a conclusion. that when a candid and fair appeal is made to them, they will understand their true interest too well to refuse their concurrence in such modifications of their claims, as any real necessity may demand. • Alexander Hamilton, Public Credit I, Hamilton Papers, VI, 68. See also W. R. Brock, 'The Ideas and Influence of Alexander Hamilton', in H. C. Allen & C. P. Hill, eds, British Essays in American History (New York, 1957), 42; North, Economic Growth, 221, 228; Notes to pp. 100-101 221

E. James Ferguson, Power of the Purse, 284-6; John C. Miller, Hamilton, 233. 88. Jefferson to George Mason, June 13, 1790, to Thomas Mann Randolph, June 20, 1790, to Edward Rutledge, July 4, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 493; 540-1; 601. 89. Jefferson to George Gilmer, June 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 574-5. 90. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 20, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 537. 91. Jefferson to George Mason, June 13, 1790. See also Jefferson to David Ramsey, June 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI; 493; 577. 92. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, June 20, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 540. 93. Jefferson to George Gilmer, June 27, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 574-5. 94. Jefferson to John Harvie Jr., July 25, 1790, to George Gilmer, July 25, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 271; 269. 95. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, February?, 1793, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 353, Ford, VII, 227. 96. The assumption was not even the first dispute between the two camps. They had already clashed in the first session of Congress during the debate on Madison's proposed commercial discrimination, which is discussed later in this chapter. Traditionally, Jefferson's and Madison's 'botanizing tour' in 1791, in which the southern leaders of the anti-Hamiltonian group met with George Clinton and Aaron Burr, is seen as the formation of a national Jeffersonian opposition. But Julian Boyd's editorial note on the tour demonstrates that the meeting was of minor consequence, Jefferson Papers XX, 434-53. See also Malone, Rights, 359-63; Adrienne Koch, Jefferson and Madison: The Great Collaboration (New York, 1950), 115-6. The literature on the formation of political parties in the 1790s is excellent. I have profited from: Richard Hofstadter, Idea of Party System; Joyce Appleby, Capitalism, Drew McCoy, Elusive Republic; Lance Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion; John Zvesper, Political Philosophy; and Joseph Charles The Origins of American Party System. 97. Leonard W. Levy, has documented Jefferson's flexible constitutional principles. Jefferson and Civil Libenies, The Darker Side (New York, 1963). 98. Jefferson's Opinion on the Constitutionality ... , February 15, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 276-7. Kenneth R. Bowling had argued that the Virginians' opposition to the Bank of the United States stemmed from their fear that the location of the bank in Philadelphia would work to keep the capital there permanently. 'The Bank Bill, the Capital City and President Washington', Capitol Studies I (Spring 1972), 59-72. 99. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 353. 100. Jefferson to James Monroe, July 10, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 222 Notes to pp. 101-102

298. Jefferson and Madison were dismayed to realize that even some Congressmen rushed to join the speculative orgy of July 4, 1791. Madison feared that 'stock-jobbers will become the praetorian band of the Government, at once its tool & its tyrant; bribed by its largesses, & overawing it by clamours & combinations'. James Madison to Jefferson, August 8, 1791, Madison papers, XIV, 69. One of the most famous opposition document of the decade was John Taylor's An Enquiry into the Principles and Tendency of Certain Public Measures (Philadelphia, 1794). More than any other Hamiltonian measure, the bank was to Taylor 'the most dangerous kind of monopoly'. The repub• lican fabric of the government was being corrupted by the speculative temptation inherent in the Hamiltonian measures. Congressional leaders were turning into 'paper men' and held their individual interest above the public good, ibid., 14-15; 22. The pamphlet was reviewed and endorsed by both Madison and Jefferson. James Madison to Jefferson, August 11, 1793; Jefferson to James Madison, September 1, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 53; 89-90. 101. Jefferson to David Humphreys, August 23, 1791; Jefferson to J. P. P. DeRieux, January 6, 1792 Jefferson Papers XXII, 67-70, XXIII. 27. 102. Jefferson, Memoranda of Conversation with the President, February 29, 1792 and Jefferson to George Washington, May 23, 1792. Jefferson Papers, XXIII, 186, 535-40. 103. Jefferson to George Washington, May 23, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIII,537. 104. Frederick B. Tolles, George Logan ofPhiladelphia (New York, 1953), 122-7. 105. George Logan, utters addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States (Philadelphia, 1791), letter IT, 14. Logan's work is marked by the intense idealization of rural life and by an all-out condemnation of commerce and merchants. Jefferson's tacit endorsement of the document shows that this country party anti-commercial residue was, to put it mildly, not wholly dormant. 106. Ketcham, Presidents, 205-8; Bailyn, Origins of American Politics, 3-58, 106-61. 107. Jefferson believed Hamilton to be a man 'who has the shuffling of mil• lions backwards and forwards from paper into money and money into paper, from Europe to America, and America to Europe, the dealing out of treasury secrets among his friends in what time and measure he pleases, and who never slips an occasion of making friends with his means'. Such a person was devoid of classical republican virtues, and Jefferson described him as 'an enemy to the Republic ... an intriguer against it . . . a waster of its revenue . . . prostituter of it to the Purposes of corruption'. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 358. In 1825, Jefferson recalled to William Short a dinner conversation with both Hamilton and Adams in the spring of 1790 in which the latter praised the Notes to pp. 102-105 223

British constitution but lamented its abuses by the various ministers. Adams's remarks were opposed by Hamilton, who, to Jefferson's horror, declared: 'With these corruptions it was perfect, and without them it would be an impracticable government'. Jefferson to William Short, January 8, 1825, Ford, Xll, 394. 108. Jefferson to James Madison, September 17, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 386. 109. Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, 205. 110. Jefferson to James Madison, August 18, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XXII, 48. 111. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 4, 1793, Ford, VII, 361-2. 112. Jefferson to James Madison, May 13, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 16. 113. John R. Nelson accepts this Jeffersonian perception of the Hamiltonian program as the program's original intent. Libeny and Property, 52-65. I believe that Hamilton's concern was with the nation in general and not with any particular class or section. As Jacob Cooke argues, Hamilton's 'political blunder ... was owing less to a class bias than blindness to the realities of sectionalism'. Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1982), 79.

CHAPTER 6: THE CARROT AND THE STICK

1. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 353-54. 2. Notes on Commercial Policy Towards Great Britain, March 12, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXill, 270. 3. Washington's Second Annual Address to Congress, December 8, 1790, Washington Writings, XXXI, 164-7. 4. Jefferson to William Carmichael, May 16, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 417-8. See also Jefferson's Draft ofltems for the President's Message to Congress, November 29, 1790, ibid., XVIII. 99. 5. See Jefferson to C. W. F. Dumas, June 23, 1790. Yet, at the same time, Jefferson wanted to minimize the use of that credit. He wrote James Monroe on July 11, 1790: 'Our business is to have great credit and to use it little', Jefferson Papers, XVI, 552-3, XVII, 25. 6. Jefferson to Charles Lilbume Lewis, January 10, 1789, Jefferson Papers, XIV, 428. 7. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, June 11, 1792, to Gouverneur Morris, January 23, 1792, to David Humphreys, March 22, 1793, Ford, VII, 105; VL 374; Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert Ellery Bergh eds, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 20 vols (Washington, D.C., 1904-1905, hereafter L&B), IX, 53. 8. Jefferson to William Short, July 28, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 688-9. 9. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of Libeny, 61. 224 Notes to pp. 105-106

10. Walter Lowerie and Mathew St. Clair Clarke, eds, American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, 38 vols (Washing• ton, D.C., 1832-1861, hereafter ASP), Navigation and Commerce, I, 111, 113-4, 119, 227-37, 247-8. Nettels, Emergence of National Economy, 55; North, Growth and Welfare, 44, 47. 11. Jefferson to Francis Eppes, July 4, 1790, and to George Washington, July 30, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 598, XX, 704. 12. Jefferson to Lafayette (my italics), June 16, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 85. 13. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, March 10, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIII, 249. See also Jefferson, 'Thoughts on the Bankruptcy Bill', December, 1792, ibid., XXIV, 722. 14. Jefferson's 'Report on American Trade in the Mediterranean' (here• after Mediterranean), December 28, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVill, 423. Jefferson was hardly alone in recognizing the importance of reopening the Mediterranean trade to the young nation. See John Adams to Jefferson, July 3, 1786, and Alexander Hamilton, notes to the President, December 1, 1790, ibid., X, 86; Hamilton Papers, VII, 173. See also James A. Field, Jr., American and the Mediterranean World (Princeton, 1969). 15. See, for example, Jefferson's efforts to develop trade with Piedmont. Jefferson to Pierre Guide, May 1, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 334. 16. Mediterranean, 424-5. Alexander Hamilton shared Jefferson's views. He wrote the President on December 1, 1790, that the 'dread of Piratical depredations' choked American commerce in that sea. Hamilton Papers, VII, 173. 17. Mediterranean, 425-8. 18. Mediterranean, 425. 19. Jefferson had long advocated military action against the Barbary States. See Jefferson to John Page, August 20, 1785, to John Adams, Septem• ber 24, 1785 and July 11, 1786, to John Jay, May 23, 1786, to James Monroe, August 11, 1786, Jefferson Papers, VII, 417-19, 545-46, X, 123-24, IX, 567-9, X, 223-5. See also Ray W. Irwin, The Diplomatic Relations of the United States with the Barbary Powers (Chapel Hill, 1931), 37-68. 20. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, July 4, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 600. 21. Mediterranean, 428. Jefferson's financial commitment to a large navy has been questioned by many historians. Most prominent are Henry Adams, History of the United States, I, 222-23; Harold and Margaret Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power (Princeton, 1939), 14, 53-55; and most recently Joseph George Henrich, 'The Triumph of Ideology: The Jeffersonians and the Navy, 1779-1802' (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, Durham 1971). But Jefferson always recognized that the United States had to have a navy of some sort; the question was over its composition and size. See also Julia H. MacLeod, Notes to pp. 106-109 225

'Jefferson and the Navy: A Defense', Huntington library Quanerly, 8 (Summer 1945): 153-84; James A. Carr, 'John Adams and the Barbary Problems: The Myth and the Record', American Neptune, 26 (Fall 1966): 231-57; Craig Symonds, 'The Antinavalists: The Opponents of Naval Expansion in the Early National Period', American Neptune, 39 (Winter 1979): 22-28. 22. Sheffield wrote: 'It is not probable the American States will have a very free trade in the Mediterranean: it will not be the interest of any of the great Powers to protect them there from the Barbary States. . . . That the Barbary States are advantageous to the maritime powers is certain'. Observations, 204-5. Julian Boyd in his editorial notes on the reports actually argues that Hamilton sided with Sheffield and advocated a policy of 'subservience toward African piracy'. Jefferson Papers, editorial note, XVill, 416. While it is true that Hamilton did not side with the military solution, to associate him with the Sheffield position is a gross historical misrepresentation and one which characterizes much of Boyd's editorial comments on Hamilton. 23. Benjamin Franklin to Robert R. Livingston, July 25, 1783, Writings of Franklin, IX, 71. 24. Senate Resolution on the Algerian Captives, February 1, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVill, 444. 25. Washington's Second Annual Address to Congress, December 8, 1790, Washington's Writings, 31, 167; Jefferson's draft of Items for the President's Message to Congress, November 29, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVill, 99. 26. James Madison's response to Washington's address, December II, 1790, Madison Papers, Xill, 319-20. 27. George Beckwith's notes of his conversation with Hamilton, January 19, 1791. A day later Hamilton was more optimistic, assuring Beckwith that no punitive measures 'will take place during the present session, to the injury of your trade'. What caused Hamilton's change of mood was the rumor of the British decision to send a minister to Philadelphia. Hamilton Papers, Vll, 441; 442. 28. Jefferson to James Innes, March 13, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 543. 29. Ironically, during in the early 1780s exactly the reverse took place. On November 17, 1781, Massachusetts delegates to the Continental Congress failed to pass protective legislation for the fisheries because of strong southern opposition to any preconditions that might threaten the signing of an Anglo-American peace treaty. JCC, XXI, 1122-3. 30. Jefferson's 'Report on the American Fisheries' (hereafter Fisheries), February I, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 217. 31. Fisheries, 218. 32. Fisheries, 219. 33. Fisheries, 217-20. 226 Notes top. 110

34. On October 7, 1789, Washington, Jay and Hamilton discussed the impasse between the United States and Great Britain. Hamilton sug• gested Gouverneur Morris, who was in France, as minister to London with the authority to negotiate the differences between the two coun• tries. Morris was sent, but without the official capacity Hamilton thought be should have. John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Diaries of George Washington, 4 vols (Boston, 1925), IV, 16. See also Hamilton's conversation with Beckwith, October 1789, Hamilton Papers, V, 413. 35. Hamilton's fear of retaliation was rooted in Beckwith's implied threat from a year earlier. George Beckwith's notes on conversation with Hamilton, October 1789, Hamilton Papers, V, 484, 486. Hamilton's argument against giving France preferable treatment gained plausibility from the French government itself, which enacted a strong protectionist commercial policy. Hamilton to Jefferson, January 11, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII. 562. 36. George Beckwith's notes on conversation with Hamilton, September 26/30, 1790, Hamilton Papers, Vlll. 73. 37. Boyd, Number 7, 66-72; Reuter, '"Petty Spy" or Effective Diplomat: ... •, 483. Dumas Malone, although less explicitly, also contended that the Hamilton-Beckwith contacts undermined the Morris mission. Rights ofMan, 314-15. On the other band, Forrest McDonald, who can match Boyd~s affection for Jefferson with his own for Hamilton, argues that the Hamilton-Beckwith negotiations only promoted American commercial interests, and that Hamilton kept both Jefferson and Washington informed of their content. Alexander Hamilton: A Biog• raphy (New York, 1979), 135. 38. Gouverneur Morris to Jefferson, December 24, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVlli,363. 39. Washington's report to the Senate on February 14, 1791, which was wholly inspired by Jefferson's report on the mission of December 15, 1790, is important more for what it fails to mention than for its actual content. The president submitted to the Senate the Morris correspondence in which the American agent reported the British refusal to evacuate the posts, pay compensation for slaves who bad been carried off by the British during the Revolutionary War, and alter England's commercial policy. Morris concluded the British still resented their defeat in the Revolutionary War, and that the country was ruled 'by those whose sour Prejudices and hot Resentment render them averse to every Intercourse except that which may immediately serve a selfish Policy'. Gouverneur Morris to George Washington, September 18, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVlll, 297. The administration, however, did not report the British offer to swap the posts and the slave compensation for payment of pre-war debts to British merchants and compensation to loyalists who lost their property in the course of the struggle. While Morris was in London, Jefferson and Washington were aware of Hamilton's negotiations with Beckwith on the possibility of Notes to pp. 110-112 227

Anglo-American cooperation. The reports also failed to mention the British displeasure with Morris's highly irregular diplomatic behavior in London, which was communicated to the administration through Beckwith by Hamilton. The American agent disclosed his mission to the French minister to Britain, La Luzerne, even before meeting the British Foreign Minister, the Duke of Leeds. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, September 30, 1790, Hamilton Papers, VII, 84-5; Gouverneur Morris to George Washington, April 7, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 286. 40. Gouverneur Morris to George Washington, September 18, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 302. 41. Report of the Secretary of State, December 15, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 302. 42. The President to the Senate, February 14, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII. 306; ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 121-7. 43. Report of the Secretary of State, December 15, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVIII. 302. 44. The President to the Senate, February 14, 1791, ASP, Foreign Relations I, 121-7. 45. Jefferson to James Madison, March 25, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, I. 46. See Bemis Jay's Treaty, 114-20; Combs, Jay Treaty, 57-8; Setser, Commercial Reciprocity, 110-3; Alexander DeConde, Entangling Alliance: Politics and Diplomacy under George Washington (Durham, NC, 1958), 75-9. For an opposing view see Boyd's editorial note on 'Relations with Great Britain', Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 220-83. 47. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 17, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 236. 48. Jefferson to William Short, March 15, 1791. See also Jefferson to David Humphreys, March 15, 1791, to William Carmichael, March 17, 1791, Jefferson Paper, XIX, 571, 573, 574. 49. Jefferson to William Carmichael, April 11, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 204. 50. Jefferson was fascinated with the idea of international cooperation to combat the domination of world commerce by Britain. He proposed to deal with the problem of the Barbary states in the same fashion. Since the big powers benefited from the harassment of small countries' shipping, the latter should militarily cooperate against the piratical aggression. Autobiography, Ford, I, 93. 51. Jefferson reported to William Short during the Nootka Sound crisis that the English war preparations 'have embarrassed our commerce and harassed our seamen beyond measure'. September 5, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 489. 52. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 17, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 235. See also Jefferson to James McHenry, March 28, 1791, ibid., XIX, 628. 228 Notes to pp. 113-115

53. Jefferson to George Washington, April 17, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 145. 54. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 17, 1791, to George Washington, April17, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 235, 145. 55. Jefferson to Francis Kinlock, November 6, 1790, Jefferson Papers, xvm. so. 56. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, August 30, 1791, Jefferson Papers, xxn. no5. 57. Most notable was the battle between John Fenno's Gazette of the United States and Philip Freneau'sNational Gazette. Choosing Freneau to voice the Opposition's views was indicative of Jefferson's hostility to the mercantile interests. Son of a prosperous wine merchant, Philip Freneau published in 1788 two essays - 'The Man in Business' and 'The Man Out of Business' - which sharply criticized the greed and selfishness of commercial people. See also Lewis Leary, That Rascal Freneau: A Study in Literary Failure (New Brunswick, NJ, 1941), chapter 8. 58. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, July 4, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVI, 600. 59. Report of the Secretary of State, December 15, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVill, 302. See also Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, August 25, 1791, ibid., XXII, 73. 60. Boyd's Editorial Note on 'Relations with Great Britain', Jefferson Papers, XVill, 271, and Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 126-44. Hawkesbury was described to Jefferson by a New England trader visit• ing London as 'the commercial minister' who dominates 'all measures relevant to the United States'. John Brown Cutting to Jefferson, March 1790. Ibid, XVI, 252. 61. Charles Jenkinson (Lord Hawkesbury), Report of a Committee of the Lords of the Privy Council on the Trade of Great Britain with the United States, January, 1791 (Washington, 1888), 44-7. 62. Lord Grenville's instructions to George Hammond, September 1 and 2, 1791. Bernard Mayo, ed., Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States, 1791-1812, in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1936 (Washington, 1936), ill, 13-19. 63. Jefferson to George Hammond, November 29, 1791, Jefferson Papers, xxn. 352-3. 64. George Hammond to Jefferson, November 30, 1791, Jefferson Papers, xxn,357. 65. Jefferson to George Hammond, December 5, 1791; see also Jefferson to George Hammond December 13, 15, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XXII, 379,399,409-11. 66. George Hammond to Jefferson, December 6, 14, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XXll, 380-1, 402. 67. An exception is this correspondence over the British decree prohibiting Notes to pp. 115-117 229

American vessels from importing American produce into British Euro• pean dominions. Hammond attempted to explain that the British courts did not intend to apply the rule to all. Jefferson refused to accept these personal assurances and demanded an official proclamation exempting the United States. Although the decree was not enforced in British ports, Hammond could not produce an official revocation. George Hammond to Jefferson, April 11, 12, 1792. Thomas Jefferson Papers, (Washington, D.C., hereafter L/C), 12664-5 and 12682. Jefferson to George Hammond, April 12, 1792, February 16, 1793, Ford, VI, 475, VII, 242-3. 68. This exchange consisted of two major letters. On March 5, 1792, Hammond submitted Jefferson a list of ninety four American treaty violations. ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 200-37. Jefferson responded to each of them in great detail. The British minister promised to relay the content of the letter to his superiors in London. But it is doubtful that he was 'stunned by the memoir' as Merrill Peterson and Dumas Malone argued. He forwarded it to Grenville, remarking that this 'acrimonious' document included 'great quantity of irrelevant matter' and that it failed to recognize the merits of the British claims. Jefferson to George Hammond, May 29, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIII, 551-601. See also Jefferson to Madison, June 4, 1792, ibid., XXIV, 25-6. Peterson, New Nation, 454, Malone, Rights of Man, 412. For an opposing view of the exchange see Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 232-58. 69. Anas, March 12, 1792, Ford, I, 209-11. 70. Louis Guillaume Otto to the Secretary of State (with Enclosure), December 13, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVID, 558-89. 71. Jefferson to Louis Guillaume Otto, March 29, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 573. 72. Jefferson to Louis Guillaume Otto, March 29, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 575. 73. Report of the Secretary of State to the President on the Tonnage Act (hereafter Tonnage), January 18, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVID, 569-70. 74. Jefferson to Alexander Hamilton, January 13, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 563-4. 75. Alexander Hamilton to Jefferson, January 11, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII. 562-3. 76. Alexander Hamilton to Jefferson, January 13, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII. 565. 77. Jefferson to Louis Guillaume Otto, March 29, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XVIII, 573-77. 78. Jefferson to George Mason, February 4, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 241. 79. Jefferson to Jean Baptiste Temant, February 23, 1793, Ford, VII, 247. 80. Jefferson to William Short, August 26, 1790, Jefferson Papers, XVII, 433. 230 Notes to pp. 117-119

81. For a study of the influence of mercantile groups on French commer• cial policy vis-1\-vis the United States see Frederick L. Nussbaum. Commercial Policy in the French Revolution: A Study of G. J. A. Ducher (Washington, D.C, 1923), and idem, 'American Tobacco and French Politics, 1783-1789', Political Science Quanerly 40 ( 1925): 497-516. 82. See William Short to Jefferson, February 7, 1791, March 4, 1791, March 12, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 258, 362, 532-41. See also Jefferson to George Washington, Apri124, 1791, ibid., XX, 251-2. 83. William Short to Jefferson, May 3, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 366. 84. Jefferson to James Madison, June 28, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 582. 85. Jefferson to George Washington, September 9, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXN,358. 86. Jefferson to William Short, March 15, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 571. 87. Jefferson to George Washington, January 4, 1792, Jefferson Papers, xxm,24. 88. Jefferson to William Short, July 28, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 688. 89. Jefferson to William Short, July 28, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 687. 90. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, November 7, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 593. See also Jefferson to Delamotte, August 30, 1791, ibid., xxn. 100-I. 91. Jefferson to William Short, July 28, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 687-8. See also Jefferson to Jean Baptiste Temant, February 17, 1793, Ford, VII, 245-7. 92. Jefferson to William Short, March 15, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XIX, 571. 93. Jefferson to William Short, November 24, 1791; to Gouverneur Mor• ris, March 10, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XX, 687, XXlli, 248-49. See also Jefferson, 'Proposed Treaty of Commerce with France', November 26, 1791, ibid., XXII, 346-7. Under Hamilton's pressure and Washington's explicit instruction, Jefferson opened negotiations with the French minister Ternant, despite the latter's lack of authority to negotiate. Hamilton supported these negotiations, knowing that if Jefferson could negotiate with the French minister, he would be forced to negotiate on commercial matters with the British minister George Hammond, who was equally unauthorized, thereby delaying the Jeffersonian effort on commercial retaliation against Great Britain while such negotiations were still pending. Hamilton's Conversa• tion with Jean Baptiste Temant, October 7, 1791, George Cabot to Alexander Hamilton, December 8, 1791, Jefferson to William Short, November 24, 1791, Anas December 25, 1791, Hamilton Papers, IX, 290-92, X, 349, Jefferson Papers, XXII, 328-31, Ford, I, 187-9. 94. William Short to Jefferson, October 2, 1790, ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 120-1; Gouverneur Morris to Thomas Jefferson, December 21, 1792. Notes to pp. 119-122 231

Anne Cary Morris, ed., The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, 2 vols (New York, 1888, reprinted., New York, 1970), IT, 9. 95. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, March 10, 1792, Jefferson Papers, xxm. 248-49. 96. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, June 16, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 88. 97. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, November 7, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXN, 593. 98. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, June 16, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXN, 88. 99. Jefferson to Jean Baptiste Ternant, February 17, 1793, Ford, Vll, 245-7. 100. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 17, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 236. 101. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, March 16, 1792. Jefferson Papers, XXill, 287. 102. Jefferson to James Madison, July 3, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 152. 103. Jefferson to John F. Mercer, December 19, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXN, 757. 104. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, December 21, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXIV, 775. 105. McCoy, Elusive, 178-84; Morton Borden, The Federalism ofJames A. Bayard (New York, 1966), chapter 6. 106. Jefferson, 'Thoughts on the Bankruptcy Bill', December, 1792, Jefferson Papers, XXN, 722. An exception to my argument is Jefferson's attitude on the development of the West. There he continued to believe that civilization and settlement were dependent on commercial development. See chapter 2 and William Vaughan to Jefferson, February 4, 1792. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Missouri Historical Society, Saint Louis, Missouri. 107. Jefferson to David Humphreys, June 23, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 565. 108. James Madison in the , March 22, 1792, Madison Papers, XN, 258.

CHAPTER 7: REVN AL OF THE NOOTKA SOUND DOCTRINE

1. The most informative work on the effects of the French Revolution on American commerce is Anna C. aauder, American Commerce as Affected by the Wars of the French Revolution (Philadelphia, 1932). The following emphasize the American commercial advantage: Nettels, 125-6; North, Growth and Welfare, 61: Appleby, Capitalism, 54; Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, 209; Bemis, Jay Treaty, 135; Pomerantz, New York, 157. 232 Notes to pp. 123-125

2. Nettels, Emergence of National Economy, 233-6; North, Growth and Welfare, 10; Varg, Foreign Policy. 88-105; Perkins, The First Rapprochement, 13. 3. North, Growth and Welfare, 61, Nelson, Liberty and Property, 177-86; Timothy A. Pitkin, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of America (New York. 1817, 2nd edition), 218; John H. Coatsworth, 'American Trade with European Colonies in the Car• ibbean and South America. 1790-1812', WMQ, Third Series, 24 (1967). 243. 4. North, Growth and Welfare. 67-70. 5. Jefferson to John Adams, February 28, 1796, Adams-Jefferson Letters, 260. See also Jefferson to Frances D'Ivemois, February 6, 1796, Ford, Vlll, 165. The best account of the extraordinary optimism of the Jeffersonians is Appleby's Capitalism, 79-105. 6. McCoy, Elusive Republic. 166-11. 7. Kerber, Federalists in Dissent, 199; Appleby, Capitalism, 51. 8. David Brion Davis, 'American Equality and Foreign Revolutions', JAH16 (December, 1989), 729-52; Charles D. Hazen. Contemporary American Opinion ofthe French Revolution (Baltimore, 1897); Young, Democratic Republicans of New York, 349-428; Bloch, Visionary Republic, 22-50, 150-62, 168-70, 202-7; Appleby, Capitalism, 54, 58-60; Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, 209-19; Zvesper, 132-50. 9. 'The general bent of the public opinion is in favor of France, and against her present enemies . . . . The exasperation against England is great, spread through all ranks of society'. Fran~tois Alexandre Frederic, due de La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels through the United States of Nonh America 2 vols (London, 1800), I, 120. 10. Gary B. Nash, 'The American Clergy and the French Revolution', WMQ. 3rd Series, 22 (July 1965), 392-412. 11. Jefferson to Tench Coxe, July 10, 1796, UC, 100, 17177. 12. Jefferson to William Short, January 3, 1793, Ford, VII, 203 As late as 1798, Jefferson still found little wrong with the course of revolutionary France. He explained to John Gibson (February 13, 1798) that France's aims were merely 'to republicanize' the British government, 'and to bring her power on the ocean within more reasonable and safe limits'. uc. 102, 12575. 13. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, July 24, 1791, Jefferson Papers, XX, 670. For a discussion of the analogies and relationships between the American and French revolutions see Patrice Higonnet, Sister Repub• lics: The Origins of French and American Republicanism (Cambridge, MA .• 1988); Robert R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution 2 vols (Princeton, 1969-70),1, 213-82, II, 509-546. 14. Jefferson to William Short, January 3, 1793, Ford, VII, 205. 15. Jefferson to James Madison, March 1793, and to Thomas Pickney, May 7. 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 1-2, Ford, VII, 313-15. After his resignation Jefferson wrote to Samuel Blackden on December 11, Notes to pp. 125-126 233

1794 that as a Virginian fanner he had lost interest in all political matters except for events influencing the success or failure of the French revolution. UC, 98, 16729. 16. Jefferson to Edmund Randolph, June 2, 1793, to Harry Innes, May 23, 1793, to Jean Pierre Brissot, May 8, 1793. L&B, IX, 108-9; UC, 86, 14915-21; 85, 14745-53. Jefferson was nevertheless extremely optimistic about the prospects of ultimate French victory. France's republican government, he wrote, gave it an added strength. Great Britain, on the other hand, was still suffering from the financial consequences of the American revolution, and could not effectively mobilize to fight France without risking massive bankruptcies. A series of bank failures in England in 1793 seemed to confirm Jefferson's analysis. Jefferson to James Monroe, May 5, 1793 and June 28, 1793; Jefferson to James Madison, June 29, 1793, Ford, VII, 310; 415-17; Madison Papers, XV, 39-42. 17. Jefferson to James Monroe, May 5, 1793, Ford, Vll, 309. 18. Jefferson to James Madison, June 29, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 39. 19. Jefferson's notes on Professor Ebeling's letter ofJuly 1795, presumably taken in 1795, Ford, VITI, 209-10. 20. Jefferson to James Madison, March 25, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 1-2. 21. Gouverneur Morris to George Washington, January 6, 1793, Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Mo"is, IT, 25. 22. Jefferson to James Madison, April 28, 1793, Ford, Vll, 301. 23. The instructions called for 'un pacte national dans lequel les deux Peuples confondrient leurs interets commerciaux avec leurs interets politiques et 6tabliroient un concert intime pour favoriser sous tous les rapports I' extension de l'Empire de la Liberte, garantir Ia souverainete des Peuples et punir les Puissances qui tiennent encore a un systeme Colonial et commercial exclusif en declarant que les Vaisseaux de ces Puisssances ne seront point r~us dans les ports des deux Nations contractantes'. The Executive Council to Genet, Fredrick Jackson Turner, ed., 'Correspondence of the French Ministers to the United States, 1791-1797', Annual Repon ofthe American Historical Associa• tion for the Year 1903 (Washington, 1904), IT, 204. See also Edmond Genet to Jefferson, September 30, 1793. ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 400. Although the Secretary of State desired the Franco-American commercial treaty proposed by Genet, he realized that the President would not favor such a treaty at such an early stage of the French Revo• lution because of the turbulent political situation in Paris. Jefferson was the only cabinet member who wanted to enter into negotiations with Genet for a new commercial treaty. Jefferson to James Madison, June 2, 1793, Madison Papers XV, 39. See also Harry Ammon, The Genet Mission (New York, 1973), 60-1. 24. Jefferson to James Madison, May 19, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 19. Even more pleasing to the Secretary of State than the proposed 234 Notes to pp. 126-128

commercial treaty was the French decision not to invoke the territorial protection clause of the treaty of 1778. The Franco-American treaty of 1778 stipulated that in time of war the United States was to protect French possessions in America. Articles 17, 21, and 22 of the commercial treaty gave French privateers and their prizes safe haven in American ports while denying these privileges to France's enemies. Miller, Treaties and other 1ntemational Acts of the United States of America, I, 15-8. The French decision to relieve the United States from fulfilling her treaty obligations saved the United States both from embarrassment for not standing up to its international commitments and from entry into the war against Great Britain, a war America neither wanted nor was able to conduct effectively in 1793. Alexander DeConde wrote that the French decided not 'to draw Americans into the hostilities, mainly because they believed the United States could do little of consequence to affect teh outcome of their European wars'. 'The French Alliance in Historical Speculation', in Hoffman and Albert eds, Diplomacy and Revolution, 30. 25. Jefferson to George Washington, August 22, 1793, Ford, VIII, 3. 26. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 4, 1793. Ford, VII, 361. Jefferson was apprehensive about America's ability to maintain its neutrality in the face of expected British aggressions. 'The part we have to act is delicate and difficult', he wrote, 'with respect to that nation which from her overbearing pride, constant course of injustice and propensity to eternal war, seems justly to have obtained for herself the title of hostis humani generis . . . . No moderation, no justice on our part can secure us against the violence of her character, and that we love liberty is enough for her to hate us. That any line of conduct either just or honourable will secure us from war on her part, is more to be wished than counted on'. Jefferson to William Vans Murray, May 21, 1793, UC, 86, 14874. 27. The best studies on the neutrality controversy of 1793 were written in the 1930s. The most informative is Charles Marion Thomas, American Neutrality in 1793: A Study in Cabinet Government (New York, 1931). Charles Hyneman's is a more challenging examination of the subject, though Hyneman's work unduly reflects the neutrality obsession of the 1930s, especially in his condemnation of the Washington administra• tion because 'their first concern was the economic advancement of the American people' rather than 'the brotherhood of men'. Charles S. Hyneman, 'The Ftrst American Neutrality: A Study of the American Understanding of Neutral Obligations during the years 1792 to 1815', /Uinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 20 (November, 1934), 150. 28. Jefferson to George Washington, April 28, 1793. See also Jefferson's record of the cabinet debate, Anas, May 6, 1793, Ford, VII, 283-301; I, 266-7. 29. Alexander Hamilton and Henry Knox to George Washington, May 2, 1793, Hamilton Papers, XIV, 367-96. Hamilton believed that England Notes to pp. 128-129 235

would risk a war with the weak United States rather than grant any concessions in its life-and-death struggle against France. Fearing such conflict he called for temporary suspension of the Franco-American treaty of 1778. He thought it particularly important to avoid the military obligation to defend the French West Indies, a clause that was bound to bring the United States into conflict with Great Britain. 30. Jefferson to George Washington, April 28, 1793, Ford, VIL 282-301. 31. Jefferson to James Monroe, May 5, 1793, Ford, Vll, 309. 32. Jefferson to James Madison, June 23 and June 29-30, 1793 and to George Gilmer, June 28, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 37, 39, 42, UC, 89, 15325. As it turned out, Jefferson took the British restrictions too literally. The prohibition on direct trade with the British West Indies was ignored during most of the two decades of European war. The islands' governors, to prevent starvation, regularly used the emergency situation to lift the ban on American vessels. Only direct trade from the colonies to the United States remained prohibited. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 211-4; Lowell J. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean (New York, 1928), 231. 33. Jefferson to James Madison, April, 28, 1793, and to James Monroe, May 5, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 11, Ford, Vll, 309. 34. Grenville to Hammond, January 11, 1794, Mayo, ed., 'Instructions', AHA Report, 44. See also Jefferson to James Monroe, May 5, 1793, Ford, vn, 310. 35. See also Bowman, Struggle for Neutrality, viii. Bowman's study fully accepts the Jeffersonian contention that the administration's policy was distinctly pro-British, and that the United States could have played its cards in a way which would have forced Great Britain to grant it broad neutral privileges. I am inclined to be skeptical of this argument, believing that aside from openly declaring a war on England, there was little else the United States could have done to alter British policy. A war with England, as Hamilton correctly understood, was a contest the United States could not hope to win. In addition to being encircled by Britain and its allies (Spain and the various Indian tribes under British and Spanish influence), the young republic had a 'long extended sea coast, with no maritime force of our own, and with the maritime of all Europe against us, with no fortifications whatever, and with a population not exceeding four millions'. Instead of reviving American commerce and asserting American independence, any such step would destroy American trade and could jeopardize America's newly won independence. 'Pacificus', Ill, July 6, 1793, Hamilton Papers, XV, 67. 36. National Gazelle (Philadelphia), May 15, 1793. 37. James Madison to Jefferson, June 19, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 33. 38. Jefferson to James Madison, June 30, 1793, and May 13, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 42, 15-16. 236 Notes to pp. 129-132

39. Jefferson to James Madison, May 19, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 18-19. 40. Jefferson to James Madison, May 12, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 15-16. The administration of the neutrality policy was not assigned to the State Department for the practical reason that it lacked the necessary personnel. 41. Jefferson's Opinion on 'Little Sarah', May 16, 1793, Ford, Vll, 333-4. The usually reliable Ford bas erred here. The Citoyen Genet, a French privateer commissioned in Charleston was actually the subject of this opinion. 42. Jefferson to George Washington, April 7, 1793, to David Humphreys, March 22, 1793, Ford, Vll, 2.75; 266-7. See also Albert Bowman, 'Jefferson, Hamilton and American Foreign Policy', Political Science Quarterly, 71 (March 1956): 21-2. 43. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, June 13, 1793, Ford, Vll, 385-6. 44. Jefferson to Duke and Co., August 21, 1793, L&B, IX, 210. 45. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, April 30, 1793 (emphasis is mine), L&B, IX, 67. Jefferson italicized the term modem in his writings on the subject in order to emphasize his contention that the old practice in which the status of the vessel determined the status of the goods should no longer apply. 46. Jefferson's 'Opinion on Neutral Trade', December 20, 1793, Ford, Vlll,122. 47. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, May 7, 1793, Ford, Vll, 314-15. 48. Jefferson's 'Opinion on Neutral Trade', December 20, 1793, Ford, Vlll,120. 49. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, August 16, 1793, L&B, IX, 199-200. 50. Jefferson to Gouverneur Morris, August 16, 1793, to Edmond Genet, July 24, 1793; Edmond GenettoJefferson, July 9, 1793, L&B, IX, 199, 170, ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 164. 51. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, April 20, 1793, L&B, IX, 67. 52. Grenville to Hammond, March 12, 1793, Mayo, ed., 'Instructions', AHA Report, 38. 53. 'Never, in my opinion, was so calamitous an appointment made, as that of the present Minister of F[rance] here. Hot headed, all imagina• tion, no judgment, passionate, disrespectful & even indecent towards the P[resident] . . . . He renders my position immensely difficult'. Jefferson lamented that Genet's misconduct 'has given room for the enemies of liberty & of France to come forward in a stile of acrimony against that nation which they never would have dared to have done'. Jefferson to Madison, July 7, 1793, and September I, 1793, Madison Papers, XV, 43, 89. See also Ammon, Genet Mission, 147-70. 54. Bemis, Jay Treaty, 153-56; Peterson, New Nation, 508-09. Jefferson himself, however, was informed by Robert Crew had that in late Feb• ruary 1793 that the British actually paid for American wheat more than the prevailing domestic price. See Robert Crew to Jefferson, February Notes to pp. 132-134 237

22, 1793, UC, 81, 14184. Charles Ritcheson has demonstrated that the British compensation given to American merchants was fair, and when Americans complained of delays caused by the British judicial proceedings, Grenville himself arranged for cash advances to Americans waiting for their hearings. Aftermath of Revolution, 286-7. 55. Jefferson to James Madison, September 1, 1793; James Madison to James Monroe, September 15, 1793. Madison Papers, XV, 89; 111. See also Kaplan, Jefferson and France, 61. 56. Hamilton's Conversation with George Hammond, August 21-30, 1793. Hamilton Papers, XV, 257. 57. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, September 7, 1793. Ford, Vill, 25-6. A discussion of the London side of the debate is Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 278-81; Samuel F. Bemis, 'The London Mission of Thomas Pinckney, 1792-96', AHR, XXVll (1923): 228-47. For a good analysis of British motives, see Gerald S. Graham Sea Power and British Nonh America (Cambridge, MA, 1941) which argues that British actions must be placed in the context of British imperialism: that the various decrees were aimed not at humiliating the young republic, but rather at protecting the strategic and commercial unity of the British empire. 58. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, September 7, 1793, Ford, Vill, 25-6. 59. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, September 7, 1793, to George Hammond, September 22, 1793, Ford, Vlll, 26-28,49. 60. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, September 7, 1793, Ford, Vill, 26-8. 61. Jefferson to Randolph, December 22, 1793, Ford, Vlll, 125. David Humphreys in his reports from Portugal voiced the same sentiments. He argued that in the current state of affairs the United States could no longer rely on other nations' navies to protect its commercial and navigation routes. 'If we mean to have a commerce', he wrote to Jefferson on December 25, 1793, 'we must have a naval force ... to defend it'. ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 418-19. See also Combs, Jay Treaty, 116; Bemis, Jay Treaty, 186, 196. 62. Jefferson's draft of the Presidential Message to Congress, November, 1793, Ford, Vlll, 80. 63. Jefferson to James Madison, September 1, 1793, Madison Papers, XV,89. 64. Peterson, New Nation, 512. My discussion of the report mostly agrees with Peterson's, to the extent of arguing that the report contains the basic assumptions of Jefferson's approach to commerce as it developed since independence was assured in the early 1780s. But Peterson avoids analyzing the contradictory elements in this approach. 65. Malone, Ordeal of Liberty, 154; Peterson, New Nation, 512; Cunningham, Pursuit of Reason, 193. 66. Jefferson's 'Report on the Privileges and Restrictions on the Commerce 238 Notes to pp. 134-138

of the United States in Foreign Countries' (hereafter Report on Com• merce), December 16, 1793, Ford, vm, Ill. 67. Report on Fisheries, 112. 68. Report on Commerce, 112. See also Setser, 115-17. 69. Report on Commerce, 104-6, 112-18. 70. Report on Commerce, 118. 71. Clauder, American Commerce, 28-29. 72. Report on Commerce, 116-18. 73. Report on Commerce, 115. See also Nelson liberty and Property, 74-75.

CHAPI'ER 8: THE VISION DISCREDITED

I. Jefferson to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, December 16, 1793, Ford, Vlll, 99. 2. Annals, January 27, 1794, IV, 346-7. 3. See Annals, IV, 174-209. The speech argument was based on Hamilton's 'View of the Commercial Regulations of France and Great Britain in Reference to the United States', 1792-3, Hamilton Papers, Xlll, 411-27. Jefferson recognized immediately the real author of the speech. He wrote to Madison on April 3, 1794: 'I am at no loss to ascribe Smith's speech to its true father. Every title of it is Hamilton's, . . . The sophistry is too fine, too ingenious, even to have been comprehended by Smith, much less devised by him'. Madison Papers, XV, 301. 4. The crisis with England pushed many in Congress to the Republican side. For example, Samuel Smith of Maryland appeared in his first term in Congress as a solid Federalist. He urged naval build-up, supported enlarging the army, and opposed Madison's commercial discrimination scheme. The British seizures caused him to change his mind and to support commercial retaliation, while shifting his allegiance to the Republican side. Frank A. Cassell, Merchant Congressman in the Young Republic: Samuel Smith of Maryland, 1752-1839 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1971), 48-55. See also Kaplan, Jefferson and France, 62. 5. Jefferson informed Washington of his decision to retire in August, before Philadelphia learned of the June 8 order-in-council. Still, the previous chapter clearly demonstrates that Jefferson predicted a hostile action by Great Britain since February which in tum was to give great political windfall for the republican opposition. It is therefore more accurate, in my view, to ascribe his resignation to political considerations rather than to personal ones. 6. See James Madison's speech in the House of Representatives, January 3, 1794, Madison Papers, XV, 167-70. 7. Joseph M. Fewster points out that the crisis between the two nations was worsened by 'British commanders who, in their eagerness for Notes to pp. 138-139 239

prize money, exceeded their instructions. 'The Jay Treaty and British Ship Seizures: The Martinique Cases', WMQ, Third Series, XLV (July 1988), 426. 8. Bemis, Jay Treaty, 158-60; Combs, Jay Treaty, 107-36; Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, 299-313. 9. Jefferson to Tench Coxe, May I, 1794, Ford, VID, 148. The Jeffersonians. however, did not share Hamilton's fear of a British retaliatory declaration of war. The timing for putting pressure on Great Britain was right in 1793, Madison argued three years later, for 'was it conceivable that Great Britain, with all the dangers and embarrassments which are tinkering upon her, would wantonly make war on a country which was the best market she had in the world for her manufactures, which paid her annual balance in specie of ten or twelve millions of dollars, and whose supplies were moreover essential to an important part of her dominions? . . . an unprovoked war with Great Britain, on this country, would argue a degree of madness greater than any other circumstances that could be imagined'. James Madison to Jefferson, April4, 1796. Hunt, Writings of Madison, VI, 295. 10. For a Republican account of the congressional maneuvers which preceded the Jay mission, see for example Thomas Carnes to his constituents, May 2, 1794, Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., ed., Circular Leners of Congressmen to Their Constituents, 1789-1829, 3 vols (Chapel Hill, 1978), I, 25. 11. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, April 23, 1794, Hamilton Papers, XVI, 323. Combs, Jay Treaty, 122; Bemis, Jay Treaty, 199-202. 12. Jefferson to James Madison, April 3, 1794. L&B, IX, 280. Norman Risjord attributes this attitude to planters' anxiety over their pre• revolutionary debts to British merchants. Chesapeake, 452-4. 13. Jefferson to George Washington, May 14, 1794, Ford, VI, 510. 14. Jefferson to James Monroe, April 24, 1794, Ford, VITI, 143. Madison similarly wrote Monroe, December 4, 1794, that any concessions Jay might get in London could have been obtained through the more honorable route of commercial coercion. Hunt, VI, 220. These letters to Monroe, who was serving as the American minister to France, helped to prime him for the diplomatic blunders he made in Paris after the treaty was concluded. Monroe actually urged his hosts to help domestic opposition to the Jay Treaty and take strong action against this perceived betrayal of an ally, leading to his own recall by Washington. Jefferson to Monroe, September 6, 1795, and March 2, 1796, Ford, VII, 27-8,58-9. 15. Jefferson to James Monroe, May 26, 1795, Ford, VID, 177. This restraint could have been caused by Jefferson's suspicion that the Post Office was spying on him and reading his mail. See Jefferson to James Madison, December 9, 1794, Madison Papers, XV, 411. 16. Jefferson to Henry Tazewell, September 13, 1795. Jefferson reported that Jay made such humiliating concessions to Grenville that even 240 Notes to pp. 139-140

Hamilton called him 'an old woman' for making the treaty. Anas, August 24, 1797, Ford, VID, 191, I, 336. 17. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, November 30, 1795, L&B, IX, 314. 18. Jefferson to James Madison, September 21, 1795, Madison Papers, XVI, 88. 19. Jefferson to Tench Coxe, September 10, 1795, Ford, Vlll, 189-90. 20. See for example the following letters from Jefferson to Mann Page, August 30, 1795, to William Branch Giles, December 31, 1795, to James Monroe, March 2, 1796, to James Madison November 26, 1795. Ford, VIIL 185, 197-8, 201, 221, Madison Papers, XVI, 134-35. Bradford Perkins has demonstrated that despite its flaws the Jay Treaty paved the way for Anglo- American cooperation, which in turn facilitated unprecedented prosperity. First Rapprochement, 3-4, 12,70-9. 21. Jefferson to John Adams, February 28, 1796, Adams-Jefferson, 260. 22. Hamilton, realizing the unpopularity of the treaty, came out in its defense, arguing that under the circumstances Jay had done his best and that the agreement would inaugurate a period of peace and prosperity. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, July 11, 1795; idem, 'The Defence, No. II', July 25, 1795. Hamilton Papers, XVIII, 432-54; 493-501. Jefferson urged Madison to make public his criticism of the treaty. On September 21, 1795, he wrote: 'For God's sake take up your pen, and give a fundamental reply' to Hamilton, Madison Papers, XVI, 88. 193. For Madison's response see 'Petition to the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia', October 12, 1795, Madison Papers, XVI, 95-103. 23. On Jefferson's agreement with this constitutional interpretation see Jefferson to--, November 22, 1795; Jefferson to James Monroe, March 21, 1796, UC 99, 16975, Ford VIII, 230. 24. Jefferson to James Madison, March 27, 1796, Madison Papers, XVI, 280-81. Gallatin's speeches reflected the ways in which the pending treaty ran counter to Republican commercial policy. He claimed, as Madison did, that Jay could have obtained better terms because Britain, which exported luxuries to the United States and imported necessities, was in an inferior bargaining position. He protested Jay's acquiescence to the British interpretation of neutral rights, declaring that nothing short of 'free ships free goods' was acceptable. Worst of all for Gallatin was that the treaty forbade the United States to use its strongest asset, its commerce, in disputes with Great Britain for the next ten years. Annals, April 26, 1796, V, 1187-98. As Norman Risjord has said, 'with one stroke of a pen the entire foreign policy Madison had been pushing for since the government began was eliminated'. Chesapeake, 451. See also Nelson, Liberty and Property, 63-5, 107; Appleby, Capitalism, 68; McCoy, Elusive Republic, 164; Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, 234; Kaplan, Jefferson and France, 65; Dumas Malone, Jefferson and the Ideal of liberty, 246. While it is possible that Jay could have obtained Notes to pp. 140-141 241

a few more minor concessions, it is improbable that any concessions Grenville would have made, short of complete capitulation to American demands, could have pacified the Jeffersonians. IDtimately, they would have had either to go to war against England. or more likely, attempt commercial coercion 'whose domestic consequences would likely have been just as severe as the ill-fated embargo of 180T. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty, 69. 25. Jefferson to General Edward Stevens, June 14, 1797, UC, 102, 17424. 26. See E. Wilson Lyon, 'The Directory and the United States', AHR, XLill (April1938), 514-32; Bowman, Struggle/or Neutrality, 238-49. 27. See Monroe's report on Delacroix's declaration that France 'would rather have an open enemy than a perfidious friend', James Monroe to James Madison, February 25, 1796, Madison Papers XVI, 236. 28. Pierre Adet to Edmund Randolph, August 10, and August 19, 1795, ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 662, 665. 29. Adet actually went on a campaign trip to New England, and after returning published a series of pamphlets warning against Adams's election. DeConde, Entangling Alliance, 472. The French minister recognized that Jefferson's support of France emanated from his anglophobia, not from his francophilia. Jefferson 'is an American', he wrote to the French Minister of Foreign Relations on December 31, 1796, 'and as such he cannot be our sincere friend. An American is the born enemy of all the peoples of Europe'. Turner, ed., 'Corre• spondence', AHA Report, II, 982-3. Adet's interference in internal American politics backfired, actually aided the Federalists, and was strongly condemned by Washington in the Farewell Address. On the Adams coalition of 1796, see Manning J. Dauer, The Adams Federalists (Baltimore, 2nd edition, 1968). 30. Gouverneur Morris to Le Brun, August 24, 1793, James Monroe to the Committee of Public Safety, September 3, 1794, ASP, Foreign Relations, I, 358-9; 676-8. 31. , The Influence of Sea Powers upon the French Revolution and Empire, 1793-1812, 2 vols (Boston, 1898), II, 243; DeConde, Entangling Alliance, 354. 32. France ordered other nations under its control to protest America's acceptance of the British definition of neutral rights. The Dutch Republic, for example, informed John Quincey. Adams that Batavian goods delivered in American ships should not be liable to British confiscations, but 'must be protected with energy'. Commission of Foreign Affairs of the Batavian National Assembly to John Quincey. Adams, September 27, 1796, ASP, Foreign Relations, II, 13. 33. James Madison in effect accepted the French claim, writing to Monroe on December 20, 1795, that the 'fifteenth article of the Treaty is evidently meant to put Br[itain] on a better footing than Fr[ance] & prev[ent] a further Treaty with the latter; since it secures to Br[itain], gratuitously, all privileges that may be granted to others 242 Notes to pp. 141-143

for an equivalent. and of course obliges Fr[ance], at her sole expense to include the interest of Br[itian] in her future treaties with us'. Madison hinted that a French response could deflate 'the mischief in some degree'. Madison Papers, XVI, 170. 34. James Monroe to Timothy Pickering, August 27, 1796, Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, ed. The Writings of James Monroe, 7 vols (New York, 1898-1903), lll, 51. See also Monroe to James Madison, September 1, 1796, Madison Papers, XVL 392-94. For an under• standing account of Monroe's behavior and his conflict with the Federalist administration see Gerald H. Clarfield's hostile biography of Pickering, Timothy Pickering and the American Republic (Pittsburgh, 1980), 172. 35. For the text of the new a"et see ASP, Foreign Relations, ll, 30-l. 36. Jefferson to James Madison, April 27, 1795. Madison Papers, XVI, 2. For an explanation why the term 'Southern interest' should be preferred over the traditional one of 'Republican interest', see James Roger Sharp, 'Unravelling the Mystery of Jefferson's Letter of April 27, 1795', Journal of the Early Republic, 6 (Winter 1986): 411-18. 37. Jefferson to James Madison, December 17, 1796, Madison Papers, XVL 431-32. Federalists suspected that Jefferson's declaration was a plot to win the presidency under false humility and capitalizing on Hamilton's betrayal of Adams. Richard E. Welch, Jr., Theodore Sedgwick: A Political Ponrait (Middletown, cr. 1965), 162. 38. Jefferson to James Madison, January 8, 1797, Madison Papers, XVI, 448. Secretary of State Timothy Pickering reported to Congress that the French 'West Indies ... have exhibited the most Lamentable series of depredations . . . . The American vessels have not only been captured under the decree before mentioned, but when brought to trial in the French tribunals, the vessels and cargos have been condemned, without admitting the owners, or their agents, to make any defense'. 'Report respecting the depredations on the commerce of the United States, since 1st October, 1796', June 22, 1797, ASP, Foreign Relations, ll, 28-29. 39. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, December 27, 1796, Ford, VITI, 258. See also Jefferson's letters to James Madison, January l, 1797 and January 22, 1797. Madison Papers, XVL 440-l, 473-74. 40. Jefferson claimed that following this episode he was never again consulted 'as to any measures of the government'. Anas, March 2-6, 1797, Ford, I, 272-3. 41. Historians of the Adams administration generally agree that Jefferson played no role in administrations's decision making. Dauer, Adams Federalists; Stephen G. Kurtz. The : The Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800 (Philadelphia, 1957). Actually the same had been true of John Adams as Vice President under the Washington administration. Jefferson himself considered the office as part of the legislative branch, not the executive. He explained to James Madison (January 22, 1797) that 'duty and inclination' would prevent Notes to pp. 143-145 243

him from actively participating in the Adams administration, Madison Papers, XVI, 473-4. Ralph Adams Brown, on the other hand, portrays the Vice President and his Congressional allies as playing an almost treasonable part toward the administration, The Presidency of John Adams (Lawrence KS, 1975). 42. Jefferson to John Strode, June 14, 1797, to Thomas Mann Randolph, January 11, 1798, to Elbridge Gerry, June 21, 1797, UC, 102, 17423, 17554, Ford. vm. 313. 43. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge. June 24, 1797, to James Madison, June 15, 1797, to Thomas Mann Randolph, January 30, 1799, Ford, Vlll, 307, 317, uc. 105, 17946. 44. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, June 24, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 318. It might be noted that Jefferson was less willing to make the sacrifices he demanded of others. He complained to Thomas Mann Randolph (May 26, 1797) about the effects of Adams's embargo on his personal finances, UC, 101, 17399. 45. Jefferson to John Moody, June 13, 1797, Ford, VIII, 306. 46. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, May 19, 1797, UC, 101, 17384. See also Jefferson to Hugh Williamson, February 11, 1798, Ford, vm. 367. 47. Jefferson to Doctor John Edwards, January 22, 1797, to Thomas Pinckney, May 29, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 277, 293. 48. Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, June 24, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 318. 49. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, May 13, 1797 and June 21, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 287; 314. 50. Jefferson's draft of a Bill concerning Nations at War, February 22, 1798, uc. 106, 18115. 51. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, May 13, 1797, Ford, VIII, 285-7. 52. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, June 21, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 313. 53. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of liberty, 247. 54. Jefferson to Hugh Williamson, February 11,1798, to Horatio Gates, February 21, 1798, Ford, VIll, 368; 372. 55. Jefferson to James Monroe, November 8, 1798, Ford, Vlll, 381. 56. Jefferson to Samuel Smith, August 22, 1798, Ford, VIII, 445. 57. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, February 14, 1799, Ford, IX, 48-9. 58. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, March 31, 1800, UC, 106, 18233. This incident, has been all but ignored by historians of the early republic. After assuming control of the French government in November, Napoleon Bonaparte wrote a personal letter to the British monarch proposing an immediate peace, though with no specific mention of tenns. Napoleon Bonaparte to H.M. the King of Great Britain and Ireland, December 25, 1799, J. M. Thompson, ed., Letters of Napoleon (Oxford, 1934), 69. The British Prime Minister, William Pitt, rejected this initiative reasoning that 'the actual situation in France does not as yet hold out any solid security'. William Pitt to Henry Dundas, December 31, 1799. Lord Stanhope, life of the 244 Notes to pp. 145-146

Honourable William Pitt 3 vols (London, 1867), III, 207. Grenville promptly instructed his minister to the United States, Robert Liston, to 'lose no time in communicating these papers to the Ministers of the United States for their fuformation'. Grenville to Robert Liston, January 8, 1800. Mayo, ed., 'fustructions', AHA Report, 181. Rufus King, the American minister in London, wrote to Secretary of State Pickering on January 22, 1800, that the 'newspapers contain the whole correspondence between this country & France on the subject of Peace. I will not therefore. increase my postage by including a copy of it'. Charles R. King ed., The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, 4 vols (New York, 1896), III, 185. fudeed, the Anglo-French exchange rapidly found its way into American newspapers, appearing in Boston in Russel's Gazette, Commercial and Political on March 27, 1800. It was through the local newspapers that the Vice President learned of it. It all seemed to prove once again that the European war was being unnecessarily perpetuated by the British monarchy, set on destroying all republican governments. 59. Jefferson to Thomas Lomax, March 12, 1799, Ford, IX, 63. 60. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, April2, 1798, Ford, VIII, 395. 61. Jefferson to Horatio Gates, February 21, 1798. See also Jefferson to James Madison, June 15, 1797, Ford, VIII, 372, 307-8. fu one of his worst blunders, Jefferson encouraged George Logan to go on his ill-conceived peace mission to France and armed him with a letter of introduction to European leaders. Deborah Norris Logan, Memoir of Dr. George Logan of Stenton (Philadelphia, 1898), 56. Congress subsequently passed the so-called 'Logan Act' which forbade private peace initiatives by individual citizens. fuitially Jefferson had embraced Logan's conclusions that the Directory's intentions were benevolent, but after the affair exploded he lamely tried to excuse himself by claiming that he had written a hundred similar letters and that no attempt should be made to connect him or the Republican opposition to this incident. Jefferson to James Madison, January 16, 1799, to James Monroe, January 23, 1799, to Edmund Pendleton, January 29, 1799, to Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799, Ford, IX, 6, 11, 29, 16-7. 62. While Jefferson was highly critical of the speech, he himself had to concede that the instructions to the American negotiators in France were conciliatory in nature. Jefferson to Peter Carr, April 12, 1798, Ford, VIII, 405-06. 63. Jefferson to James Madison, April 6, 1798, to Peter Carr, April 12, 1798, Ford, VIII, 401-3, 405-7. 64. Jefferson to Samuel Smith, August 22, 1798, Ford, VIII, 445. 65. Jefferson to James Madison, March 21, 1798, to Thomas Mann Randolph, March 15, 1798, Ford, Vlll, 386, UC. 104, 17647. 66. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, March 8, 1798, and June 14, 1798. Six months later Jefferson admitted to Randolph that this gloomy prediction, like many others he had made about English commercial Notes to pp. 146-148 245

domination, had not come true. Despite non-intercourse with France, he wrote to Randolph on January 30, 1799, tobacco prices were good pri• marily because of the rising demands of the Spanish markets. They 'are open to us & depend on us chiefly for their supplies, their intercourse with their own tob[acco] colonies being entirely at an end by the naval superiority of England'. UC, 103, 17634, 104, 17797, 105, 17946. 67. Jefferson to John Page, January 24, 1799, to James Madison, February 5, 1799, Ford, IX, 13, 33. I disagree with Tucker and Hendrickson, who argued that .Jefferson was reluctant to participate in the international embargo of the Saint Domingue rebels, detecting the importance of the island to Napoleon's new world empire. As early as April 3, 1794 Jefferson argued that the United States should try to block any British attempt to obtain control of the French West Indies. He wrote James Madison that he had 'no doubt but that we ought to interpose at a proper time, and declare both to England and France that those islands are to rest with France, and that we will make common cause with the latter for that object'. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty, 125-8, Madison Papers, XV, 301. See also Gardner W. Allen, Our Naval War with France (New York, 1909), 260-1. Jefferson's hostility to an independent Haiti originated not only in his concern for French interests in the New World but also from his race prejudice. See John Chester Miller, The Wolf by the Ears: Thomas Jefferson and Slavery (New York, 1977), 139-41 and David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1775-1823 (Ithaca, 1975), 171-84. 68. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, February 12, 1799, UC, 105, 17969. 69. Thomas M. May, "'Not One Cent for Tribute": The Public Addresses and American Popular reaction to the XYZ Affair, 1798-1799', in Journal of the Early Republic, 3 (Winter 1983): 389-412. 70. Jefferson to Thomas Pinckney, May 29, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 293. 71. Jefferson to Joseph Priestley, August 11, 1800, UC, 107, 18330. 72. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, March 8, 1798, L/C, 103, 17634. 73. Jefferson to Tench Coxe, July 10, 1796, UC, 100, 17177. 74. Jefferson to John Taylor, Jane 4, 1798, Ford, VIII, 433. See also William Stinchcombe, The XfZ Affair (Westport, CT, 1980}, 127-8. 75. Jefferson to Thomas Lomax, March 12, 1799, Ford, IX, 64. 76. Jefferson to Joseph Priestley, January 18, 1800, Ford, IX, 95. 77. Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, April22, 1799, Ford, IX, 65-6. 78. E. Wilson Lyon, 'The Franco-American ', Journal ofModern History, XII (September 1940), 303-33; Forrest McDonald, Alexander Hamilton, 347. 79. 'Convention of Peace, Commerce and Navigation', September 30, 1800, in James Brown Scott, ed., The Controversy over neutral Rights between the United States and France, 1798-1800 (New York, 1917), 487-510. 246 Notes to pp. 148-150

80. Jefferson to James Madison, December 19, 1800, Ford, IX, 159. See also Lawrence S. Kaplan, Entangling Alliances with None: American Foreign Policy in the Age of Jefferson (Kent, Ohio, 1987), 103; Alexander DeConde, The Quasi-War: Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared War with France, 1797-1801 (New York, 1966), 124-30, 146, 254, 338. 81. Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, February 2, 1800, Ford, IX, 111. 82. Albert Bowman argued that the Nootka Sound doctrine distinguished Jefferson •as a daring and knowing champion of American interests, and as a skillful diplomatic strategist'. •Jefferson, Hamilton, and American Foreign Policy', 19-20. To the contrary, the doctrine dem• onstrated the effects of his anglophobia on his commercial diplomacy. The United States did prosper as a result of the European war, but only through accommodation with England, •a fact which Jefferson did not as yet understand and which his own system did not allow for'. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty, 73. 83. Madison, on the other hand, continued to believe that the European war could actually work to the benefit of the United States. Madison to Jefferson, April20, 1800. Papers of Madison, Library of Congress, 21, 80. See also Drew R. McCoy, The Last of the Fathers: James Madison & the Republican Legacy (New York, 1989), 179-80; Stagg, Madison's War, 51. 84. Jefferson to Duke and Co., August 21, 1793, L&B, IX, 210. 85. Jefferson to James Monroe, June 4, 1793. See also Jefferson's notes on Professor Ebeling's letter of July 1795, presumably taken in 1795, Ford, vn. 361-2, vm. 209-10. 86. Even Dumas Malone had to admit that, during the partisan struggles of the early 1790s, Jefferson became petty and vengeful and such disinterested behavior was uncharacteristic. Malone, naturally, blames Hamilton for arousing this mean streak in the otherwise kind-hearted hero. Ordeal of Liberty, xix, 141. 87. See for example Jefferson's letters to Thomas Mann Randolph, August 7, 1794, and October 27, 1794, UC, 97, 16667-8; 16703. 88. See for example Jefferson to Joseph Mussi, September 17, 1794, to Wilson Cary Nicholas, December 12, 1794, UC, 97, 16687, 98, 16730. 89. Jefferson to James Madison, June 1, 1797, L&B, IX, 395. See also Jefferson to William Murray, March 27, 1797, UC, 101, 17342. 90. For example, even Samuel Smith, who initially opposed the treaty, yielded to pressure from his Baltimore mercantile constituents and voted for the appropriation bill. An exception is John Swanwick, a Republican merchant who aggressively opposed the Jay Treaty. Charles G. Steffen, The Mechanics of Baltimore: Workers and Poli• tics in the Age of Revolution, 1763-1812 (Chicago, 1984), 155-7; Cassel, 66; Ronald M. Bauman, •John Swanwick: Spokesman for Notes to pp. 150-151 247

"Merchant Republicanism" in Philadelphia, 1790-1798', Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XCVIT (1973): 131-82. Most merchants, however, did support the Jay Treaty and Anglo-American cooperation. See Labaree, Patriots and Partisans, 94; Perkins, First Rapprochement, 11. 91. Jefferson to James Monroe, September 6, 1795, Ford. Vlll, 188. Similarly, Madison blamed his failure to block the treaty on excessive •mercantile influence' on Congress. James Madison to James Monroe, May 14, 1796, Madison Papers, XVI, 357. See also Jefferson to Arthur Campbell, September 1, 1797, L&B, IX, 420. 92. Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler & Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent. Ohio, 1983), 67. 93. Jefferson to A. H. Rowan, September 26, 1798, L&B, X, 60 (my emphasis). 94. Jefferson to James Monroe, March 8, 1798, Ford. Vlll, 382. 95. Jefferson to John Taylor, June 1, 1798, Ford, vm, 432. Without excus• ing this anti-semitic statement. the association of Jews with ruthless financial practices was quite common in the eighteenth century. Peter Gay in his monumental study of the Enlightenment pointed out that the dynamic characteristic of capitalism was promoted always everywhere by outsiders, and in many European cities 'the Jews and the Lombards did the financial business that the new spirit demanded and the old religion condemned'. The Enlightenment: An 1nterpretation, 2 vols (New York, 1969), II, 47-8. 96. Jefferson to Arthur Campbell, September 1, 1797, L&B, IX, 420. George Logan also took this line in An Address on the Natural and Social Order of the World (Philadelphia, 1798), 6-8, 12. Logan argued that merchants were not to be trusted and should not be allowed to influence policy, because they would always consider their immediate interests above that of the nation as a whole. For a useful summary of views of merchants as unpatriotic and untrustworthy, see Johnson, Foundations, 80-86. 97. Jefferson to James Madison, April 17, 1798, and to James Monroe, April19, 1798, Ford, Vlll, 407,408-9. 98. Jefferson to John Taylor, December 23, 1797, Ford, Vlll, 348. 99. Jefferson to Horatio Gates, February 21, 1798, Ford. Vlll, 371. 100. Jefferson to James Madison, February 15, 1798, Ford. VITI, 370. 101. Jefferson warned his friend DuPont De Nemours, who was coming to America, to •trust nobody' because of the 'present agonizing state of commerce, and the swarms of speculators in money, and in land'. Gilbert Chinard ed., The Correspondence of Jefferson and DuPont De Nemours (Baltimore, 1931), 9; see also McCoy, Elusive Republic, 167. 248 Notes to pp. 152-153

CHAPTER 9: THE CONSEQUENCES OF IMPLEMENTATION

1. Forrest McDonald. The Presidency of Thomas Jefferson (Lawrence, KS, 1976), 3; Marshall Smelser, The Democratic Republic, 1801-1815 (New York, 1968), 22. 2. Howard B. Rock, Anisans of the New Republic: Tradesmen of New York City in the Age of Jefferson (New York, 1979), 237-38; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca. 1989), 72-94; Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York,l789-1860 (Chicago, 1987). 4-10; Wilentz, Chants Democratic, 24-28. A useful comparative study of the growth and development of urban America from 1780 to 1840 is Doerflinger, Vigorous Spirit, 335-64. 3. Robert Troup to Rufus King, May 27, 1801, King, Ill, 458. 4. Robert Goodloe Harper to his constituents, March 5, 1801, Cunningham. Circular letters, I, 254. 5. Thomas C. Cochran, 'The Business Revolution', AHR, 19 (December 1974): 1449-66; George Hebertson Evans Jr., Business Incorporation in the United States, 1800-1943 (New York, 1948), 12-24. See also Adams, I 22; McDonald. Presidency of Jefferson, 6; Lindstrom, 'American Economic Growth', 289-301; North Growth and Welfare, 68-86. 6. Alexander Hamilton's Address to the Electors of the State of New York, March 21, 1801, Hamilton Papers, XXV, 361. 7. Hugh Henry Brackenridge, 'Jefferson, in Imitation of Virgil's Pollio', January 24, 1801. As quoted by Claude Milton Newlin The life and Writings of Hugh Henry Brackenridge (Princeton, 1932), 232. 8. Jefferson to Spenser Roane, September 6, 1819, Ford, X, 140. 9. Jefferson to Du Pont de Nemours, January 18, 1802, Chinard ed., Jefferson & DuPont, 37. 10. Murrin, 'Great Inversion ... ', 404-14. See also Ralph Ketcham, Presidents Above Party, 107; Daniel Sisson, The American Revolution of 1800 (New York, 1974); McCoy, Elusive Republic, 185; Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, 275; Zvesper, Political Philosophy, 131. 11. Lienesch, New Order of the Ages, 204. Charles A. Beard argued that Jefferson as President 'never went on his promised crusade against the capitalistic interests'. Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy, 449. Lawrence Delbert Cress shows many similarities in Federalist and Jeffersonian thought on matters concerning the relations between army and society. Citizens in Arms: The Anny and the Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chapel Hill, 1982), 155-66. Noble E. Cunningham. a modern Jeffersonian scholar, who does not hide his partisanship, agrees with Beard. arguing that the Republicans did not aim to replace 'the structure of government but the management of the machinery of government'. The Process ofGovernment under Jefferson (Princeton, 1978), 317. Followers of Joyce Appleby such as John Notes to pp. 153-155 249

Nelson and Steven Watts, who place Jefferson in the liberal tradition, argue that the Jeffersonians never intended to reverse Federalist policies which fostered commercial expansion. They merely intended to redirect them toward a course more independent of Great Britain, one serving the interests of most Americans who worked the land. Liberty and Property, 115-33; The Republic Reborn, 220-1. 12. Albert Gallatin, speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, March 1, 1798, Annals, 5th Congress, I, 1138-43. See also Albert Gallatin, A Sketch of the Finances of the United States ( 1796) in Henry Adams, ed., The Writings of Alben Gallatin, 3 vols (Philadelphia, 1879), III, esp. 128, 148. 13. Albert Gallatin in Congress, January 14, 1799, Annals, 5th Congress, 3rd Session, III, 2650. 14. Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, December 22, 1800, Hamilton Papers, XXV, 276; Cassel, Merchant Congressman, 106; Beard, Eco• nomic Origins, 413-14. 15. Jefferson to Moses Robinson, March 23, 1801, Dickenson W. Adams ed., Jefferson Extracts from the Gospels (Princeton, 1983}, 324. 16. Jefferson's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801, Ford IX, 195. 17. Jefferson to Du Pont De Nemours, January 18, 1802, Chinard ed., Jefferson & DuPont, 31. 18. Paul A. Varg, New England and Foreign Relations (Hanover, NH, 1983), 39; Kerber, Federalists in Dissent, ix; David H. Fisher, Revo• lution in American Conservatism, 156-60; Banner, To the Hartford Convention, 129-30. 19. Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed in Pennsylvania (Edinburgh, 1822), 410-11; Fisher Ames to Christopher Gore, Decem• ber 29, 1800 and to Thomas Dwight, January 1, 1801. Seth Ames ed., Works of Fisher Ames, 2 vols (Boston, 1854}, I, 286-90. 20. Stephen Higginson to Timothy Pickering, November 22, 1803, J. Franklin Jameson, ed., 'Letters of Stephen Higginson, 1783-1804', American Historical Association Annual Repon, 1896, I, 838. 21. Jefferson to James Monroe, February 15, 1801, L&B, X, 206; Jefferson to Major William Jackson, February 18, 1801, UC, 109, 18744. 22. Jefferson to the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, May 26, 1801, L&B, X. 263. 23. Richard Ellis, The Jeffersonian Crisis: Couns and Politics in the Young Republic (New York, 1971), 30-31. Jefferson to Samuel Smith, March 9, 1801, Ford, IX, 207. The post eventually was occupied by Samuel's brother, Robert. See also Cassel, Merchant Congressman, 105-6. 24. Jefferson's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801, Ford, IX, 194. 25. Jefferson's First Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford, IX, 339. 26. Robert Oliver to Samuel Brown, March 6, 1801, quoted in Stuart Weems Bruchey, Roben Oliver, Merchant of Baltimore, 1783-1819 (Baltimore, 1956 }, 217. 27. Jacob E. Cooke, Tench Coxe and the Early Republic (Chapel Hill, 250 Notes to pp. 155-159

1978), 390-99. 28. Jefferson's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801, First Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford, IX, 197, 339. 29. Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King, June 3, 1802, Hamilton Papers, XXVL 14-15. 30. Thus, he ignored a petition from Philadelphia merchants protesting the removal from office of Allen McLane, collector of Willmington, Delaware, UC, 129, 22293. 31. Jefferson to Elias Shipman and Others, A committee of the Merchants of New Haven, July 12, 1801, Ford, IX, 274. 32. Malone, Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801-1805, 84; Cunningham, Process of Government, 16; Beard, Economic Origins, 421, 33. Ellis, The Jeffersonian Crisis, 256-1. 34. Jefferson, Frrst Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford, IX, 340. 35. Manuscript Minutes of the New York Chamber of Commerce, Feb• ruary 11, 1802, Volume I, Part 2, 496-8, New york Public Library. Following the Jeffersonian victory, the Newburypon Herald called for a dissolution of the union. Labaree, Patriots, 128-9. 36. Cunningham, Process of Government, 196; 300-2; ASP, Commerce and Navigation, VII, 533-5; 513-4; David Humphreys to James Madison, March 29, 1803, Madison Papers, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA. 37. Cunningham, Process of Government, 314-15. 38. Littleton Tazewell to Jefferson, March 29, 1800, Jefferson Papers, Princeton University. 39. John Newton, February 18, 1803, Annals, 7th Congress, 2nd Session, vm. 558-60. 40. Charles Warren, Bankruptcy in United States History (Cambridge, Mass, 1935), 21. See also Christopher Neil Fritsch, 'The Frrst National Bankruptcy Act: A Study of Legal Development and Application, 1800-1803', paper delivered at the Eleventh Annual meeting of the Society of Historians of the Early American Republic, Charlottesville VA, July 20-22, 1989. 41. Jefferson to James Madison, August 16, 1802, Madison Papers, Uni• versity of Virginia 42. Jefferson to James Madison, September 6, 1802, Madison Papers, Library of Congress, 24, I 04. 43. Albert Gallatin to Jefferson, November 16, 1801, Ford, IX, 324. 44. Jefferson, Frrst Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford, IX, 334. 45. John Clopton to his constituents, February 24, 1803, Circular Letters, I, 315. 46. Albert Gallatin to Jefferson, November 16, 1801, Ford, IX, 324. 47. Jefferson, First Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford, IX, 333-4. 48. Jefferson, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1805, Ford, X, 130. 49. Jefferson to Du Pont de Nemours, April 11, 1811, Chinard, Jefferson & DuPont De Nemours, 163. The Federalists believed that Jefferson Notes to pp. 159-161 251

was acting out his 'pernicious dreams'. They doubted the adminis• tration's ability to accomplish its triple goal: simultaneously cutting expenditures, reducing revenues, and eliminating the debt. Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King, June 3, 1802, Hamilton Papers, XXVI, 15; John Quincey Adams to Rufus King, January 18, 1802, Theodore Sedgwick to Rufus King, February 20, 1802, King, IV, 60, 74. But even some Federalist Congressmen could not resist supporting such politically attractive legislation as eliminating taxes. For example, John Stanley of North Carolina reminded his constituents that only Federalist spending 'for securing and protecting our commerce' had enabled the administration to eliminate internal taxes. John Stanley to his constituents, March I, 1803, Cunningham, Circular Letters, I, 336. 50. Samuel Miles Hopkins Notes for Speech to the Electors of the Middle Districts, April17-24, 1801, Hamilton Papers, XXV, 378. 51. Worthington C. Ford, ed., Some Letters of Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, 1784-1804 (Brooklyn, Mass, 1896), 16. 52. Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799, Ford, IX, 18. The battle over Jefferson's military policy in general, and naval policy in particular, is still being waged by historians. For a view critical of Jefferson see Frederick C. Leiner, 'The Whimsical Philosophic President and His Gunboats', American Neptune, 43 (1983), 245-66. Among those assessing the policy as both adequate and wise are Dumas Malone, Jefferson the President: Second Term, chapters 27 & 28; E. Wayne Carp, 'The Problem of National Defense in the Early American Republic', in Jack P. Greene ed., The American Revolution: Its Character and limits (New York, 1987), 38-40; Reginald C. Stuart, The Half-Way Pacifist: Thomas Jefferson's View of War (Toronto, 1978), 14, 31-36. 53. Jefferson to Samuel Smith. Aprill7, 1801, UC, 111, 19190-191. 54. Alexander Balinky, 'Albert Gallatin, Naval Foe', Pennsylvania Maga• zine of History and Biography, 82 (1958), 293-304. 55. See for example the letter of Republican Richard Stanford of North Carolina, to his constituents, February 26, 1803, Circular Letters, I, 318. The policy succeeded, as by 1804 Senator William Plumer of New Hampshire recorded in his diary following a visit to the naval yard that '[o]ur little navy is rotting in the mud of the Potomac'. William Plumer, ed., The Life of William Plumer (Boston, 1857), 204. 56. Jefferson to Benjamin Henry Latrobe, November 2, 1802, L/C, 127, 21927-8. 57. The , of course, was not financed by tarrif revenues, but through bond the United States governemnt gave France. The latter sold the very same bonds to British investors, which ironically increased British financial influence. See Ralph W. Hidey, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: British Mercahnt Bankers at Work, 1763-1861 (Cambridge, MA., 1949), 33-4. 58. Alexander Balinky, Albert Gallatin: Fiscal Theories and Policies (New 252 Notes to pp. 161-163

York, 1958), viii, 61-3, 127, 138-9, 144-8. See also McDonald, Presidency of Jefferson, 79; Nettels, 318-20. 59. James Sterling Young, The Washington Community, 1800-1828 (New York, 1966), 33. For a less persuasive opposing view see Robert M. Johnston, Jr., Jefferson and the Presidency: Leadership in the Young Republic (Ithaca, 1978). 60. John Stratton to his constituents, April 22, 1802. Cunningham, Circular Letters, I, 280. 61. Adams, I, 384-90; Charles Tansill, The United States and Santo Domingo, 1798-1873: A Chapter in Caribbean Diplomacy (Baltimore, 1938), 10-14, 76-88; Kerber, Federalists in Dissent, 47-8. 62. Banner, 44. 63. Wilson Cary Nicholas to Jefferson, October 30, 1801, L/C, 127, 21914. 64. Perkins, Rapprochement, 131. 65. Jefferson to John Sinclair, June 30, 1803, UC, 133, 22918. This understanding attitude was, as Tucker & Hendrickson pointed out, closely related to the question of Louisiana, and Jefferson's desire to have the British consent to the purchase. Tucker & Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty, 108-24. 66. Jefferson to George Logan, March 21, 1801, to Thomas Paine, March 18, 1801, Ford, IX, 219-20; 213. 67. Balinky, Albert Gallatin, 130. 68. Albert Gallatin to Jefferson, November 16, 1801, Writings, I, 63. 69. Jefferson, First Annual Message, December 8, 1801, Ford IX, 323. 70. Bruchey, Robert Oliver, 224. 71. Boss & Davidson to Andrew Jackson, October 7, 1803, William Charles Cole Claiborne to Andrew Jackson, January 20, 1802, Sam B. Smith, ed., The Papers of Andrew Jackson, 2 vols to date. (Knoxville, TN, 1980- ), I, 370, 272. 72. Robert Troup to Rufus King, December 5, 1801, King, IV, 27. See also James A. Stewart to Thomas Jefferson, January 21, 1803, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 73. Columbian Centennial (Boston), November 21, 1801. 74. Tench Coxe to James Madison December 1, 1801, Madison Papers, Library of Congress, 23, 116-17. 75. James Madison to Rufus King December 10, December 221801, James Madison to Robert R. Livingston, December 19, 1801,James Madison to Charles Pinckney, December 19, 1801. ASP, Foreign Relations, II, 497; 510. 76. James Madison to James Monroe, March 8, 1804, Madison Papers, Library of Congress, 27, 3. 77. Rufus King to James Madison, February 13, 1802; Jefferson's Second Annual Message December 15, 1802. King, IV, 69; Ford, IX, 408; Annals, 7th Congress, 2nd Session, VID, 347-51; 413; 426-7; Perkins, Rapprochement, 150-53, 156. Notes to pp. 164-165 253

78. James Monroe to James Madison, July 1, 1804, Monroe Writings, IV, 218. 79. Jefferson to James Madison, August 7, 1805, James Madison to Jefferson, August 20, 1805, and Jefferson to James Madison, Septem• ber 1, 1805, UC, 151, 16470; Madison Papers, Library of Congress, 22, 199, 22, 202. 80. See Jefferson's notes on cabinet discussions, March 5, 1806, Ford, I, 390. 81. For the details of the Orders and Decrees see Peterson, New Nation, 806; Perkins, Rapprochement, 180; Burton Spivak, Jefferson's Eng• lish Crisis: Commerce, Embargo, and the Republican Revolution (Charlottesville, VA, 1979), 24; Kaplan, Entangling Alliances, 60. 82. , Ha"ison Gray Otis, 1765-1848: The Urban~ Federalist (Boston, 1969), 298. Despite a significant amount of smug• gling, the embargo certainly ended a fifteen-year period of American prosperity. North, Growth and Welfare, 10. 83. Louis Sears, Jefferson and the Embargo (originally published 1927, New York, 1966), 29; Perkins, Prologue to War, 151-2; Watts, Republic Reborn, 238; Spivak, English Crisis, 12. 84. Jefferson to George Logan, March 21, 1801, Ford, IX, 219-20. 85. Lawrence S. Kaplan, 'Jefferson, the Napoleonic Wars, and the Balance of Power', WMQ, Third Series, XIV (April, 1957), 200. The embargo symbolized for the Republicans what Vietnam symbolized to the Nixon administration - a test of both American domestic resolve and the credibility of a republican form of government. Brown, The Republic in Peril, chapter 1. Jonathan Schell, The Time of Illusion (New York, 1975). To his last day, Jefferson believed in American exceptionalism and saw each contest with Europe as an opportunity to prove the superiority of the land, the citizenry, and the form of government in the United States. E.g., Jefferson to John Adams, August 11, 1816, Adams-Jefferson, 484. 86. Jefferson to William M. Cabell, June 29, 1807, L&B, XI, 257. 87. Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, May 15, 1808, L&B, XII, 56. 88. Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, April 2, 1808, L&B, Xll, 27. 89. Richard James Mannix, 'The Embargo: Its Administration, Impact, and Enforcement' (Ph.D. Diss., New York University, 1975), 299. See also ibid, 61-8, 88, 153-4, 212. 90. John Lambert, Travels through Canada and the United States, 1806-1808, 2 vols (2nd edition, London, 1816), II, 64-5. 91. Among primary and secondary accounts of the public response to the embargo are: Benjamin Rush to John Adams, July 13, 1808; James A. Bayard to Andrew Bayard, January 19, 1809. L. H. Butterfield ed., Letters of Benjamin Rush (Princeton, 1951), 971; Elizabeth Donnan ed., Papers of James A. Bayard, 1796-1815 (Washington D.C. 1913), 174; Robin D.S. Higham, 'The Port of Boston and the Embargo of 1807-1809', American Neptune, XVI (Summer 1956), 254 Notes to pp. 165-167

189-210; Leonard W. Levy Jefferson and Civil Iibenies, 93-141; Sears, Jefferson and the Embargo, 143-227; Spivak, English Crisis, 156-77. 92. E.g., James Madison's letters to Robert Livingston, January 23, 1808 and to William Pinckney, March 8, 1808, Madison Papers, University of Virginia Jefferson to Benjamin Rush, January 3, 1808, to William Lyman, April 30, 1808, L&B, XI, 413; XII, 42. This response was in contrast to that of January, 1806, when Jefferson communicated to Congress memorials from New York and Philadelphia merchants complaining about the British violations of neutral rights. Cunningham, Process of Government, 297. 93. Tucker and Hendrickson, Empire of I.ibeny, 179. 94. Spivak, English Crisis, 103. Lawrence Kaplan, on the other hand. argues that this was not evidence of irrational anglophobia but a diplomatic gamble to use Napoleon's military successes in Europe to America's advantage in its dealings with Great Britain. 'Jefferson, the Napoleonic Wars, ... ', 198. 95. Jefferson to Gideon Granger, January 22, 1808, to Caesar Rodney, April24, 1808, UC, 174, 30814, 177,31350. 96. See for example Leonard D. White, The Jeffersonians: a Study in Administrative History (London, 1951), 423-37, 468-72; Herbert Heaton, 'Non-Importation, 1806- 1812', Journal of Economic History I (November 1941), 188-97. 97. Jeffrey A. Frankel, 'The 1807-1809 Embargo Against Great Britain', Journal of Economic History, 42 (June 1982), 300, 308. British histo• rian, Clive Emsley, reached similar conclusions in British Society and the French Wars, 1793-1815 (London, 1979), 136-7. 98. Jefferson to John Langdon, March 5, 1810, L&B, XII, 375-6. 99. Jefferson to James Oglive, August 4, 1811, L&B, XIII, 69. 100. Jefferson to William Duane, August 4, 1812, L&B, XIII, 181. 101. Jefferson to Du Pont de Nemours, June 28, 1809. Chinard, Jefferson and DuPont, 147. 102. Jefferson to John Adams, January 11, 1812, Adams-Jefferson, 290--1. 103. Jefferson to William Pinckney, July 15, 1810, L&B, XIII, 266. 104. Jefferson to Henry Dearborn, July 16, 1810, to Horatio G. Spofford. March 14, 1814, to William Crawford, June 20, 1816, to Henry Dearborn, July 5, 1819, Ford. XI, 142-6; L&B, XIV, ll9, XV, 30, 272. 105. Jefferson to Thomas Leiper, June 12, 1815, Ford XI, 478. Similarly Madison, despite pleas from many republicans who by 1809 preferred to commence war preparations, continued to believe in economic coer• cion, and long after his retirement from the presidency maintained that only a European catastrophe, either as a result of wars or poor crops, could save the backward American economy. Stagg, Mr. Madison's War, 51; McCoy, Last of the Fathers, 179-80. Notes to pp. 169-172 255

CONCLUSION

1. See my hltroduction, pp. 3-8. 2. Shalhope, 'In Search of the Elusive Republic', 471. 3. Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History (New York, 1952), 24. 4. Jefferson to Martha Jefferson Randolph, January 10, 1809, February 27, 1809, Edwin Morris Betts and James Adam Bear Jr., eds, The Family Leners of Thomas Jefferson (Columbian Missouri, 1969), 377, 385. 5. Adams, History of the United States, IV, 454. 6. Boyd, 'Relations with Great Britain', Jefferson Papers, XVm, 220. 7. Jefferson to Henry Midddleton, January 8, 1813, L&B, Xm, 202-3. 8. Jefferson to William Short, November 28, 1814, L&B, XIV, 214. 9. James Madison's Seventh Annual Message, December 5, 1815, in James D. Richardson ed., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of Presidents, 1789-1897 (10 vols, Washington, 1896-99), I, 565-8. Index

Adair, Douglass G., 4 Carmichael, William, 96 Adams, Henry, 14, 171 Carrington, Edward, 88, 91 Adams, John, 9, 81, 97, 157, 167; Chinard, Gilbert, 18 and Anglo-American relations, Clark, George Rogers, 33 27,30,58, 70, 74,110, Clinton, George, 156 138,139, 163;andEuropean Clopton, John, 159 commission, 2, 60-67, 88, 112; Cochran, Thomas, 152 and Franco-American relations, Commerce: agent of American republi• 30, 76,140,142,145, 16l;and canism, 11-12, 27-8; commercial the Model Treaty, 29-30, 61; coercion, 23-5, 29, 30, 64, 90-2, political economy, 6, 39,41-2 Ill, 113, 131, 133-8, 139, 140, Addington, Henry, 163 143-4, 164-8, 170-2; free trade, Algiers, 106-7, 133 9, 10, 26, 43, 54-5, 61-3, 126, Adet, Pierre, 140 134, 135, 141, 161, 162, 163; Ames, Fisher, 137 neutrals' commerce, 59, 68, 109, Austria, 13, 58 122-3, 126, 129-33, 139, 141, Appleby, Joyce 0., 1, 5-7, 149, 170 143-4, 146, 147, 148, 149, 163, 165-7; the opposite ofrepub1ican Bailyn, Bernard, 4-7 virtue, 1, 5, 24-5, 28-9, 38, 40, Banning, Lance, 5, 7, 102 41,45,46,47,97, 102, 169; Barclay, Thomas, 62-3 and western development, 32-3, Bayard, James A., 154 47-53, 95-6, 160 Beckwith, George, 94, 96, 103, Convention of Mortefontaine, 148, 162 108, 110 Country party, 4, 5, 6, 22, 27, 87, 89 Bemis, Samuel Flagg, 9, 94-5 101-2, 153 Berard,Simon,82 Court party, 4, 5, 6, 89, 153 Berthoff, Rowland, 29 Coxe,Tench, 138,147,155,163 Bishop, Samuel, 156 Cuba, 15,58 Bjork, Gordon, 70 Cunningham, Noble E., 134, 157, 170 Black, Jeremy, 68 Boorstin, Daniel, 3 Davis, David Brion, 11 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 13, 143, 145, Deane, Silas, 28 148, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 172 Dearborn, Henry, 154 Boyd, Julian P., 3, 110, 170, 171 DeConde, Alexander, 13 Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, 153 Delacroix, Charles, 140 Breen, Timothy H., 21, 22 Denmark, 62, 63, 131, 146 Brown, Roger H., 10 Derieux,J. P.P,45 Burr, Aaron, 101, 153, 154, 156 Dickenson, John, 30 Bush, George H., 1 Diggins, John Patrick, 5-7 Dorchester, Guy Carleton, Lord, Callonne, Charles Alexander de, 96,138 81,82,83 Dorset, John Frederick Sackville, Canada, 15, 77, 94, 123 Duke of, 65

256 Index 257

Dull, Jonathan R., 14 Gordon, Colin, 7 Dunmore, John Murray, Lord, 23 Graebner, Norman A., 13 Dupont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel, Granger, Gideon, 155 82, 153, 154 Great Britain: commercial diplomacy 48, 54-5, 56-58, 69-70, 71. 84, Ellis, Richard, 157 110, 112-15, 127, 128, 129, 130, Embargo, 101,162, 164-8, 170, 171 131-2, 135-6, 137-8, 144, 145, 164; dependence on American Farmers General, 69, 75, 79-83, 86 supplies, 19,24-5,56,74-5, Federalists, 6, 89-90, 111, 113, 117, 128, 135, 165-6; domination of 124, 125, 137, 138, 140, 142, 147, American economy, 20-23,24, 149, 150, 152, 154, 155, 156, 159, 69-72, 93, 103-4, 106-7, 135, 161, 162, 167, 170 144; evils of English politics and Field, James A. Jr., 2 society, 1, 4, 20, 23, 28, 101-2, Fields, Barbara J., 8, 20 124; and Nootka Sound crisis, Fox, Charles James, 56 92-7; U.S trade with, 19, 30, 55, France: commercial diplomacy, 45-6, 63, 79-80, 122-3, 137, 164 57, 62, 64, 71, 76-86, 105, Grenville, William Wyndham, Lord, 117, 123, 126-7, 130, 131, 135, 110, 131, 145 140-8, 162, 164, 170; U.S trade Guadeloupe, 78 with, 30, 63, 71, 77-85, 118, 123, 130-6 Haiti, 11 Franco-American alliance of 1778, 31, Hamburg, 58 45, 57, 77, 78-9, 115-16, 127-8, Hamilton, Alexander, 3; and 140, 141, 148 Anglo-American relations, 28, Franklin, Benjamin, 97; and 93-4, 96-7, 103, 108, 110, Anglo-American relations, 17, 115,116,132,137, 139;and 19, 28, 107; and European com• Franco-American relations, mission, 2, 60, 61-67, 112; and 116,127-8,132,137, 139;on Franco-American relations, 31, 76 commercial coercion, 90, 103, Franklin, William Temple, 114 108, 110, 115, 116, 137, 139; on French Revolution: American the crisis of the 1780s, 88, 98; on support for, 123-5; impact on Jefferson's, administration, 156; Franco-American trade, 14, 86, on Spanish American relation, 105, 117-20, 122-3, 126-7, 133, 93-4, 96; political economy, 88, 140-1, 165 97-100, 102; program, 89, 90, Frankel, Jeffrey A., 166 99-101 Hamiltonians, see Federalists cr.lliatio,Albert, 139,140,153,155, Hammond, George, 103, 112, 113, 158, 160, 163, 165 114, 115, 131, 132 Galvez, Don Bernardo de, 32 Harper, Robert Goodloe, 152 Geertz, Clifford, 4 Harrison, Benjamin, 60-1, 71 Genet, Edmond Charles, 126, 127-8, Hartley, David, 57 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 141 Hartz, Louis, 3-4, 44 Genovese, Eugene 38 Hawkesbury, Charles Jenkinson, Gerry, Elbridge, 58-60, 160 Lord, 114 Gilbert, Felix, 3, 10, 24, 29 Hay, John 8 Gilmer, George, 100 Heory,Patrick,25,41-2 Goodrich, Elizur, 156 Higginson, Stephen, 154 258 Index

Hirschman, Albert 0., 27 59-60, 74, 128, 135, 143, 165-6; Hopkins, Samuel Miles, 159 on Farmers General, 69, 79-83; Horsman, Reginald, 12 on fisheries, 60, 83-4, 108-9; on Hume, David 4 the Franco-American alliance of Humphreys, David, 133, 157 1778,31,45, 77,78-9, 127-S;on Hunt, Michael H., 11 Franco-American relations, 30-1, Hutson, James H. 5, 13, 20, 29, 60 33,34,45,64,68-9, 75-86, 90-2, 115-22, 142-8, 166, 170; Iraq, 171-2 on free trade, 9, 26, 37,43-5, Isaac, Rhys, 21 61-64, 85, 134, 135; on French commercial diplomacy, 69, 76, Jay,John,39,43,60,63,66,67,84, 77-85, 105, 108-9, 110-11, 88, 110, 138-40 116-21, 127, 133-6, 145; on the Jay Treaty, 138-40, 141, 142, 144, French Revolution and its wars, 145, 147, 150, 164 86, 105, 117, 119-20, 123-36, Jefferson,Pe~. 18 142-4, 162, 166; on the gospel Jefferson, Thomas: and the European ofrepublicanism, 11, 12, 14-15, commission, 60, 61-7, 88, 62, 165; 106, 112; and the Report on on Hamilton and Federalists, Commerce, 107-8, 134-6, 137; 99-102, 103-4, Ill, 113, 118, author of plan of treaties, 58-61; 120, 125, 128, 139, 152-3, 167; attitude toward Great Britain, ·on the importance of commerce 18,35,68-9,71-2,139,166-7, to American prosperity, 37, 43, 170, 172; compares Europe and 47, 104, 123, 132-3, 148, 154-5, the United States, 36-7, 38-40, 169, 170; on the Jay Treaty, 43, 52-3, 67, 101; on Anglo• 139-40,141,142-3, 150;on American relations, 19, 21, 23, Mercantilism, 25-7, 29, 43; on 25-6, 30-1, 34-5, 58, 68-75, 76, merchants, 37, 45-6, 72-3, 75, 88-9, 103-4, 112-15, 129-30, 80,82, 100,101,125,130,145, 144, 147, 148, 150, 160, 162, 166, 146, 147, 149-51, 154, 155, 157, 170, 172; on balance of power 158, 163, 167-8; on Mediterra• diplomacy, 46-7, 68, 91, 94-7, nean trade, 31, 84, 106-7, 161; 127, 128, 129, 148; on British on the need for a strong central commercial diplomacy, 90-2, government, 32, 56, 65-7, 87-9; 103-4, 108-9, 111, 127, 133-6, on neutral rights, 46-7, 59, 68, 144, 145, 146; on commercial 109, 129-31, 132-3, 139, 143-4, coercion, 24-5, 31, 64, 74, 90-2, 146, 147, 148, 149, 163, 167; 111, 113, 131, 133-6, 138, 139, on Spanish American relations, 140, 143-4, 164-8, 170, 171-2; 32,60,63,94-7, 108, 112;on on the commercial interests of U.S trade with the West Indies, Virginia, 19-21. 23, 25-6, 31, 25, 77-8, 104-5, 146-7, 161-2; 33-5,37,49-51,60, 72-3; on western development, 32-3, on the Convention of 47-53, 95-6, 160; political Mortefontaine, 148; on the economy, 2, 18, 23, 24, 28-9, corruption of commerce, 28, 37, 36-7,38,40-1,44,45-7,52-3, 43-4,47,120-1,154, 170;on 87, 102. 120, 167 the crisis of the 1780s, 54, 56, 63, Works: Autobiography, 15; Notes on 65-7, 87-9; on European depend• Virginia, 36-7, 39, 40, 43, 49, ence on American supplies, 25, 87, 120; A Summary View of Index 259

the Rights of British America, 2; on merchants, 45, 157; on the 25-6,36 location of capital, 50, 99; on Jeffersonians, 47, 89-90, 91, 113, 124, trade with the West Indies, 91-21; 125, 128, 138, 139-40, 141, 142, political economy, 97, 172 146, 147, 153, 154, 158, 160, 163 Mason, Gorge, 19, 40, 100 Jensen, Merrill, 70 Malone, Dumas, 3, 25, 134, 170 Mannix, Richard James, 165 Kaplan, Lawrence S., 16, 60, 165 Marbois, Fran~is de, 36 Kennan,~rge, 12-13 Marx, Leo, 36 Ketcham, Ralph, 87 Mathews, Richard K., 2, 87 King, Rufus, 50, 143, 152, 156 Matson, Cathy D., 7, 27 Kramnick, Isaac, 5-7 Mazzei, Philip 33-4, Kuhn, Thomas S., 4 McCoy, Drew R. 5, 10, 38, 53, 89 Kullikof, Allan, 22 McCusker, John M. and Mennard, Kundera, Milan, 89 Russell R., 2, 79 Kuwait, 171-2 McDonald, Forrest, 5 McKitrick, Eric L., 14 Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves• Mercantilism, 9, 23, 25-7, 29, 39, 43, Roch-Gilbert du Metier, marquis 54, 122-3, 170 de, 71, 82-3, 105 Merchants, 37, 80, 97, 149; American, LaFeber, Walter, 15 22,27,31-2,46,55, 57, 64, 69, Lee, Richard Henry, 45 70-71,79,85,88,97-9,100, Lee, William, 33-4 101, 102, 113, 123, 127, 130, Leeds, Francis Osborne, Duke of, 110 132, 145, 146, 149-51, 154-5, Lincoln, Levi, 154 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 165, Locke, John, 4, 6; Lockean tradition in 167-8; British, 17, 19,21-2,25, America, 3 26,34,45,69, 71-3, 75,82,92, Lodge, Henry Cabot, 70 95,107,135,147, 167;French; Logan,~rge, 101,162 44,45-6, 71, 78, 83-4, 86, 117, Lomax, Thomas, 147 119, 141 Louisiana Purchase, 14, 15, 33, 101, Montmorin-Saint-Herem, Armand• 160, 161-2 Marc, comte de, 80-1, 84, Luxury,20,23,24,28,37,40,41,42, 85, 117 45,47,73, 74,78,85, 105,135, Morrison, Samuel Eliot, 164 159, 169 Mirabeau, Honore Gabriel Riquetti, comte de, 44 Machiavelli, Niccoli>, I 0 Monroe doctrine, 9 Madison, James, 2, 40, 73, 117, 134; Monroe, James, 60, 65, 66, 79, 81, and Anglo-American relations, 70 101, 120, 125, 139, 140, 141-2, 78, 90-2, 107, 121, 128-9, 141, 145, 149, 154, 164 163; and commercial coercion, Morgenthau, Hans J., 12 90-2, ll5, 137-8, 165; and Morocco, 62-3, 106 Franco American relations, 78, Morris, Gouverneur, 78, 96, 108, 90-2, 107, 128-9, 141, 142, 109-11, 113, 118, 119, 126, 141 163; and the Hamilton program, Morris, Robert, 32, 77, 81-2 90-92, 99-101; and western Murrin, John M., 153 development, 9, 33, 40, 41-2, 50-3; on the crisis of the 1780s, Nash, Gary B., 124 43, 54; on Jefferson's rhetoric Necker, Jacques, 78 260 Index

Nelson, John R., 149 Rockingham, Charles Watson- Nettels, Curtis P., 70, 79, 122 Wentworth, marquis of, 56-7 Netherlands, 55, 62, 63, 126, 131 Rodgers, Daniel T., 7 Newton, John, 158 Ross, David, 35 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 171 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 36 Nicholas, Wilson Cary, 162 Russia, 13, 14, 58, 74, 147, 166, 167 North, Douglass C., 123 Rutledge, Edward, 106 North, Frederick, Lord, 24, 26 Northwest Ordinance, 48 Sardinia, 58 Novak, Michael, 1 Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., 8, Sedgwich, Theodore, 138 Oliver, Robert, 155 Sears, Louis, 164 Onuf, PeterS., 7, 27, 47-8 Shalhope, Robert E., 4, 7 Ormesson, Henri Fran~is de Paule, 81 Shays rebellion, 2 Otto, Louis Guillaume, 115-16 Skipwith, Robert, 19 Sheffield, John Baker Holroyd, Lord, Paine Thomas, 11, 27, 28, 30, 162 Observations on the Conunerce Palmer, Robert R. 18 of the American States, 57, 69, Paris, Treaty of, 48, 55, 56-7, 58, 75,107 69-70,76,80,95,103,110, Ill, Shelburne, William Petty Fitzmaurice, 114-15, 138 Earl of, 56-7 Pendleton, Edmund, 70 Short, William, 96, 118, 119, 124 Penet, Peter, 34 Sinclair, John, 162 Perkins, Bradford, 13, 164 Smith, Samuel, 145, 154, 155, 160 Perkins, Dexter, 9-10 Smith, William Loughton, 137 Peterson, Merrill D., 3, 20, 24, 85, 134 Smith, William Stephen 2 Pickering, Timothy, 142 Soules, Francois, 72 Pinckney, Thomas, 104, 130, 131, Spain: and Nootka Sound crisis, 92-7; 132, 147 and Mississippi question, 32, 50, Pinto, Chevalier del, 63 52,76,93,94,95-6, 103;and Pitt, William, 45, 102, 110, 132 West Florida, 14-15, 88, 103, Pocock, J.G.A, 4-7, 17, 89 164; U.S trade with, 32, 55, 57-8, Portugru,58,63, 81,104,112.133 60,63,93, 108,112,126,146 Price, Richard, 36, 42 Spivak, Burton, 165, 166 Priestley, Joseph, 147, 148 St. Domingue, 77-8, 105, 146, Prussia, 13, 35, 58, 62, 63, 130 157, 161-2 Stiles, Ezra, 27 Rando~h,Edmund,88, 140 Stourzh, Gerrud, 10 Randolph, Peyton, 25 Sweden, 62, 63, 77, 146 Republicanism: American republican experiment, 10-11, 12, Talleyrand-Perigord, Charles Maurice 27-8, 39-42, 44-7, 89, de, 145 124-5; republican synthesis, Taylor, John, 9, 147, 150 3-8, 10, 39-42, 47, 153, Thomson, James 36 169-70 Thompson, Kenneth W., 16 Republicans, see Jeffersonians Thornton, Edward, 162 Risjord, Norman K., 70 Toussaint L'Ouverture, 146-7 Ritcheson, Charles R., 13, 68 Tripoli, 161 Robbins, Caroline, 4 Tucker, Robert W. and Hendrickson, Index 261

David C., 14-15, 53, 80, 105, Walpole, Robert, 4 144-5, 166 War of 1812, 10, 167 Turkey, 58, 147 Warren, Charles, 158 Tuscany, 62, 63 Washington, George, 48, 50, 61, 89, 92, 96, 109, llO, 117, 127-8, 139 Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte Watts, Steven, 7, 164 de, 14, 76, 77. 78, 79,80,81, West Indies: U.S trade with 19, 32, 115, 117 54,55,57,63,64, 65, 70,73-5, Virginia: and western development, 40, 77-8, 85, 91-2, 104-5, 117, 122, 48, 49-52; commercial relations 126, 127, 131, 134, 135, 138, with Great Britain, 20-22, 24, 140-1. 146-7 25-6, 70-1, 79-80; economy, Williams, William Appleman, 8-9 17-22, 26, 33, 35, 60-61, 70-71, Williamson, Hugh, 58-60 79-81; , 18, Wills, Gary, 40 24, 25, 34; resentment of Great Wilson, Douglas, 36 Britain, 22-3, 33-5, 61, 139 Wood, Gordon S., 4-7,20,41 Virgil, 36 Woolery, William Kirk, 78 Virtue, 5, 6, 7, 20, 28, 29, 36-7, 38-39, 41-2, 97, 101, 151, Young, James Sterling, 161 169, 171