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Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Harper's, 'Is there Virtue in Profit: Reconsidering the Morality of Capitalism', vol. 273 (December 1986 ), 38. 2. Joyce Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s (New York, 1984), 25-50. 3. John M. McCusker & Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607-1789 (Chapel Hill, 1985), 71. On the importance of overseas trade to individuals' income in the colonies see Alice Hansen Jones, Wealth of a Nation: The American Colonies on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1980), 65-66. 4. James A. Field Jr., 'All Economists, All Diplomats', in William H. Becker and Samuel F. Wells Jr., eds, Economic and World Power (New York, 1989), 1. 5. Jefferson to James Madison, January 30, 1787; to William Stephen Smith, November 13, 1787, Julian P. Boyd et al. eds, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 24 vols to date (Princeton, 1950- , hereafter Jefferson Papers), XI, 93, XII, 356. 6. Richard K. Mathews, The Radical Politics of Thomas Jefferson: A Revisionist View (Lawrence, Kansas, 1984), 122. 7. James Madison toN. P. Trist, May 1832, Gillard Hunted., The Writings of James Madison 9 vols (New York, 1900-1910) IX, 479. 8. Dumas Malone, Jefferson and his Time, 6 vols (Boston 1948-1981), vol. 1: Jefferson the Virginian vol. 2: Jefferson and the Rights of Man; vol. 3: Jefferson and the Ordeal Liberty; vol. 4: Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801-1805; vol. 5: Jefferson the President: Second Term, 1805-1809; vol. 6: The Sage of Monticello. 9. Merrill Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the new Nation: A Biography (New York, 1970); idem, The Jefferson ]mage in the American Mind (New York, 1960). 10. Malone rarely criticized Jefferson, but always found fault in his pol­ itical and personal adversaries. Boyd's impressive scholarship makes Malone look like a Hamiltonian. As chief editor of the Jefferson Papers, Boyd wrote long editorial comments that went beyond just clarifying the text and tried to put the best face on everything Jefferson ever did or said. He grouped documents out of their chronological order to provide topical coherence. His goal was to dictate to future historians how they must read and interpret Jefferson. Denying access to the papers to most scholars, Boyd bid his time and slowly released 'his Jefferson' in volumes that did not even include indexes. According to Eugene 173 174 Notes to pp. 3-4 Sheridan, the current senior associate editor of the project. Boyd used to say that the Jefferson papers should be approached like a Gothic Cathedral. Hit takes five hundred years to build it right, so be it. 11. Merrill Peterson, 'Jefferson and Commercial Policy, 1783-1793', William and Mary Quanerly (hereafter WMQ), Third Series, 22 (1965): 584-610. All citations of this article in this book are from its publication in Merrill Peterson ed., Thomas Jefferson: A Profile (New York, 1967), 104-34. Other important articles on Jefferson's economic thought are William D. Grampp, 'A re-examination of Jeffersonian Economics. Ibid., 135-63; Joseph Dorfman, 'The Economic Philoso­ phy of Thomas Jefferson', Political Science Quanerly 55 (March 1940): 98-121. Grampp divided Jefferson's economic philosophy to three stages. From the Revolution to 1790 he favored self-sufficient agrarian economic units; from 1790 to 1805 he adopted laissez faire and grew to accept American involvement in world's market; from 1805 to his death he favored a balance between agriculture, commerce and manufacturing. Dorfman argues that the private property was the central unifying theme of Jefferson's economic thought. A less suc­ cessful effort is Thomas Mount Cragan's dissertation which examined Jefferson's early attitudes toward commerce, agriculture, and manufac­ turing. Cragan limited his primary research to the published volumes of the Jefferson papers. He rarely went beyond reciting the appropriate passages in the Jefferson papers, and did so without much analysis. His main secondary references were from Malone's biography. A study based on and inspired by the works of Jefferson's greatest admirers, Boyd and Malone, which placed Jefferson in the Enlight­ enment Physiocratic tradition is highly unsatisfactory. Thomas Mount Cragan, Thomas Jefferson's Early Attitudes towards Manufacturing, Agriculture, and Commerce', Ph.D. diss., University of Tennessee, 1965), 14. 12. Felix Gilbert, To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1961), 16. 13. Most historians agree with A. Whitney Griswold that 'Jefferson was not an original thinker, but a representative one'. 'The Agrarian Democ­ racy of Thomas Jefferson', American Political Science Quanerly, 40 (August 1946), 665. See also Robert W. Tucker & David C. Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1990), chapter 1. 14. Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought since the Revolution (New York, 1955), 6-7, 59-66. See also Daniel Boorstin, The Genius of American Politics (Chicago, 1953). Earlier, Carl Becker emphasized that the founding fathers were influenced 'most notably' by John Locke in The Declaration of Independence (New York, 1922), 27. 15. Robert E. Shalhope, 'Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of An Understanding of republicanism in American Historiography', Notes to pp. 4-5 175 WMQ Third Series, 29 (January 1972): 49-80; Douglass G. Adair, 'The Intellectual Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy: Republicanism. the Class Struggle, and the Virtuous Farmer' (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1943). Another work which emphasized the role of Scottish Enlightenment is Gary Wills, Inventing America: Jefferson's Dec­ laration of Independence (Garden City, NY., 1978). Wills argues that Jefferson's specific exclusion of property rights from his list of inalienable rights reflects a philosophical disagreement with Lockean possessive individualism. Ibid., 233-34. 16. Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthmen (New York, 1959). 17. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass 1967); Gordon Wood. The Creation ofthe American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican tradition (Princeton, 1975). 18. Daniel T. Rodgers, pointed out that Pocock's and Wood's republican­ ism originate in opposite moods. 'Wood's republicanism', he wrote, 'reverberated to near-utopian hopefulness; Pocock's was born out of pessimism and anxiety'. 'Republicanism: The Career of a Concept', paper presented at the conference on Political Identity in American thought at Yale University, New Haven, CT, April 21, 1991, 13. 19. Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 22-66, 94-95; Wood, Creation, 7-45, 49; Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment, 526-27. See also Richard Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, 1985), 3, 245. For a discussion of the influence of Thomas Kuhn and Oiford Geertz on the republican interpretation see John Patrick Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self Interest and the Foundations of Liberalism (New York, 1984), 360-61. For a critique of the irrational portrayal of the founding fathers see Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism (Chicago, 1988), 29-38 and Ralph Lerner, 'The constitution of the Thinking Revolutionary', in Richard Beeman ed., Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitu­ tion and American National Identity (Chapel Hill, 1987}, 46-67. 20. J. G. A. Pocock, 'Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 3 (Fall1972), 120. 21. Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill, 1980), 67. 22. Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca. 1979), 46. See also Rowland Berthoff, 'Independ­ ence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837', in Richard Bushman ed., Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin (Boston, 1979), 103; John Murrin, 'The Great Inversion, or Court versus Country: A Comparison of the Revolutionary Settlements in England (1688-1721) and America (1776-1816)', in J. G. A. Pocock ed., Three British Revolutions: 1641, 176 Notes to pp. 5-6 1688, 1776 (Princeton, 1980), 368-453. 23. Wood, Creation, 419. See also 1. E. Crowley, This Sheba Self: The Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 96. 24. James H. Hutson, 'Country, Court, and Constitution: Antifederalism and the Historians', WMQ, Third series, 38 (July 1981), 359; Forrest McDonald, The Presidency of Thomas Jefferson (Lawrence, KS., 1976), 162. McDonald also wrote that 'just about everything in Jefferson Republicanism was to be found in Bolingbroke'. Ibid., 19-20. 25. Diggins, Lost Soul; idem, 'Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography', American Historical Review (hereafter AHR), 90 (June 1985): 614-38; Isaac Kramnick, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism: Political Ideology in lAte Eighteenth-Century England and America (Ithaca, 1990); idem, 'Republican Revisionism Revisited', AHR, 87 (June 1982): 629-64. Joyce Appleby has been the most prolific of the critics. In addition to her book, Capitalism and a New Social Order see Joyce Appleby's articles, 'Liberalism and the American Revolution', New England Quanerly, 49 (March 1976): 3-26; 'The Social Origins of American Revolutionary Ideology', Journal of American History (hereafter JAH), 64 (March 1978):
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