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Contouring Urban Citizenship in Postcolonial Chennai

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Contouring Urban Citizenship in Postcolonial Chennai The London School of Economics and Political Science Absent societies: Contouring urban citizenship in postcolonial Chennai Pushpa Gowri Arabindoo A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2008 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Signature: Date: 01 September 2008 2 Abstract This thesis contours the dynamics of urban citizenship in a postcolonial city, against a cautionary note that such cities are undergoing a unique metamorphosis triggered by the national pursuit of neo-liberalisation policies. In an existing condition of sharply divided geographies, postcolonial cities, by becoming key portals to the flows of trans-nationalised capital, are being subject to a spatial reordering resulting in heightened forms of socio-economic inequality. Amidst a reduced terrain of common allegiances, neo-liberal citizenship rejects the ideal of commensurable citizens and is more conducive to a bourgeois ethic of right, which now defines the cityscape. In this regard, the research examines the construction of urban citizenship by Indian middle class homeowners in the southern metropolis of Chennai. Residents were interviewed on two main issues – their use of residents’ associations as a means of collective action and their operation in the realm of civil society, and their adoption of a ‘pristine’ vocabulary in the re-imagination of the public spaces, mainly the beaches, in the city. Their responses are analysed against the state’s pursuit of a new form of urban developmentalism to establish how they complement each other. This reveals that – oscillating between socio-political absenteeism and active citizenship – the political engagement of the Indian middle class is paradoxically through a process of ‘depoliticisation’. While there is concern about the middle class’s earlier practiced politics of indifference morphing into a politics of intolerance, this research finds that their bourgeois discourse of citizenship, hinging together the notion of propriety and property, comes across as weak and flawed, one that is exclusive but easily contested. 3 Acknowledgements In summer 2002, after a year at the Cities Programme in LSE, I transferred to the Geography Department, bringing with me vague ideas of a ‘barely there’ research proposal. As I met my supervisor, Gareth Jones, for the first time, I am sure he thought ‘this is going to be a difficult one’. And it would have been, were it not for his excellent supervision and critical role in shaping this thesis. He is that rare breed of supervisor who is also your friend, philosopher and guide. Thank you, Gareth, for going that extra mile. I am equally grateful to my review supervisor, Stuart Corbridge, whose scholarly passion for India remains unparalleled. I have benefited greatly from the academic excellence of several scholars at LSE and beyond. I am much obliged to Haripriya Narasimhan for her incisive comments, and to Emma Mawdsley and Sharad Chari for their keen interest in my work. There are other friends who have supported me steadfastly in my endeavours, and while the list is enviably long, special thanks are due to Thomas for the energising coffee breaks we shared during my long ‘writing-up’ weekends. In Chennai, I was based at the Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS) during my fieldwork, where the enthusiasm of several people was truly infectious, particularly VK Natraj and K Nagaraj. They, along with the staff and students, encouraged me to explore the ‘field’ in more ways than one. Members of the Indian middle class when not complaining about politics are often rueing about not having enough time. And yet, they graciously accepted my request for interviews, and I am indebted to the hundred-odd residents for accommodating me in their busy schedules. Conversing with them helped me see Chennai in a different light—the city I grew up in, the city I love, and the city that I am now slowly beginning to understand. 4 As a part-time PhD student, I am indebted to my employers, Peter Ching and John Henry who, for several years, put up with my erratic work schedule, while I constantly moved between continents in this crazy pursuit. When I first began to toy with the idea of doing a PhD, there were a few who thought this was simply a mid-career crisis, one that did not need a PhD as a solution. But not my family. My decision to shift from the professional world of urban planning to academia has been warmly supported by appa, amma, athai, akka, Murari, Karthi and atha, whose kind words have always helped me turn that difficult corner. Simple words of gratitude are not sufficient for my husband whose patience has now become legendary. Still, merci beaucoup, Gilles. Your love is my inspiration. This thesis is dedicated to the loving memory of my grandmother, CH Venkitammal, who lived her life swimming against the tide, but showed what a fun ride it can be. 5 Table of Contents Declaration........................................................................................................ 2 Abstract ............................................................................................................. 3 Acknowledgements........................................................................................... 4 Table of Contents.............................................................................................. 6 List of Figures ................................................................................................... 9 List of Boxes.................................................................................................... 10 List of Tables................................................................................................... 10 Acronyms ........................................................................................................ 11 Clarifications................................................................................................... 12 1 Introduction: ‘the hour of the citizen’................................................. 14 1.1 1989 in India: electing to change ....................................................... 17 1.1.1 The new rule of coalitions and regionalism ....................................... 18 1.1.2 Nationalism rears its ugly head.......................................................... 20 Undermining the Indian citizen.......................................................... 23 1.2 Crisis of citizenship, postcolonial and otherwise............................... 25 1.3 Alternative ‘spaces’ of citizenship ..................................................... 26 1.4 Cities and citizenship ......................................................................... 28 1.4.1 Neoliberal citizenship in globalising cities: urban (vain)glory? ........ 30 1.4.2 Claiming the city: the right of being proper and propertied............... 32 1.5 Class and citizenship: the return of the ‘bourgeois’ citizen ............... 34 1.6 Research objective............................................................................. 36 2 Epistemology and ontology of the (Indian) Middle class................... 40 2.1 Resolving some Marxist concerns about (middle) class .................... 44 2.1.1 Insisting on class................................................................................ 46 Class in India: being ‘out-casted’....................................................... 47 2.1.2 Class/culture convergence in the middle............................................ 48 2.2 Significance of being in the middle ................................................... 50 2.2.1 Capitalist state ally............................................................................. 51 2.2.2 Elite tendencies .................................................................................. 54 A pretentious exaggeration?............................................................... 58 2.2.3 Bourgeois afflictions.......................................................................... 60 2.2.4 Emerging middle class: elite and bourgeois....................................... 62 2.3 The newness of the ‘new’ middle class.............................................. 63 2.3.1 ‘Old’ to the ‘new’: evolution of the Indian middle class ................... 64 2.3.2 New and neoliberal ............................................................................ 70 2.3.3 Conspicuous consumption ................................................................. 72 2.4 Debunking some myths about citizenship.......................................... 78 2.4.1 Vacillating between absent societies and active citizenry ................. 80 2.4.2 Apolitical citizens............................................................................... 81 2.4.3 Not really modern either ...................................................................
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