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Médias Et Crise Politique Thaïlandaise 2013-2014

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Médias Et Crise Politique Thaïlandaise 2013-2014 Université Panthéon -Assas, Paris II Institut Français de Presse (IFP) Médias et crise politique thaïlandaise 2013-2014 Sous la direction du professeur Fabrice d’Almeida Elaboré par : Valentine Poisson Master 2 Médias et Mondialisation 2014/2015 1 Photo de couverture : Un manifestant antigouvernemental, le 13 mai à Bangkok. Reuters/Damir Sagolj, publié dans Le Monde, L'impasse politique se prolonge en Thaïlande, le 13/05/2014 A mon père et à ma bonne étoile, qui part le biais du voyage, m’ont offert l’ouverture d’esprit nécessaire pour appréhender le monde ainsi que ma raison de vivre. 2 Remerciements Je tiens à exprimer ma gratitude envers mon entourage, famille et amis, qui n’ont jamais cessé de croire en moi et de m’encourager dans mon entreprise intellectuelle. Ma reconnaissance est également immense envers : - Larisa Drustinac et Alexander Freeland, qui par leur éclairage m’ont permis de trouver ma voie de prédilection, - Mes professeurs de l’université de Thammasat, qui ont éveillé en moi une passion pour la politique thaïlandaise, - Saksith Saiyasombut, Romain Zerbib, Anon Chawalan et le porte-parole de l’association Political Prisonners in Thailand pour leur contribution à l’enrichissement de mon travail de recherche, - Mon directeur de recherche Fabrice d’Almeida, pour son suivi et sa stimulation académique qui m’ont presque convaincu de m’orienter dans la recherche, - Mon ami et amant, qui se reconnaitra, pour son aide précieuse dans la relecture de mon travail. - Mon tendre Massene, et ma délicieuse Marie, pour m’avoir affectueusement nourrie durant l’intense mois de rédaction. 3 Sommaire I. ETAT DES LIEUX DE LA THAILANDE 1. Le Siam, un pays pas comme les autres 2. Etat des médias thaïlandais 3. Aux origines de la crise II. DE LA CRISE AU COUP D’ETAT 1. Traitement médiatique de la crise 2. Division nationale 3. Une junte toute puissante III. STRATEGIES D’INFLUENCE DE LA JUNTE 1. Propagande 2. Hold-up sur la liberté d’expression 3. Contre-influence 4 Abréviations ACT: Anti-Corruption Organization of Thailand AFP: Agence France-Presse AP: Associated Press ASEAN: Association of Southeast Asian Nations CAPO: Centre for the Administration of Peace and Order CCA: Computer Crime Act CDC: Constitution Drafting Committee CICDE : Centre Interarmées de Concepts, Doctrines et d’Expérimentations CMPO: Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order EPA: European Pressphoto Agency FCCT: Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand FMI: Fonds Monétaire International FT-HD: Free Thais for Human Rights and Democracy ISOC: Internal Security Operations Command MCOT: Mass Communications Organization of Thailand MICT: Ministry of Information and Communication Technology NACC: National Anti-Corruption Commission of Thailand, NDM: New Democracy Movement NBC: National Broadcasting Commission NBTC: National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission NCPO: National Council for Peace and Order NCSC: Nation Cyber Security Committee NLA: National Legislative Assembly NPCT: National Press Council of Thailand NPOMC: National Peace and Order Maintaining Council NRC: National Reform Council NSC: National Security Council NTC: National Telecommunications Commission 5 NSPRT: Network of Students and People for Reform of Thailand OMI : Opérations Militaires d’Influence PACC : Public sector Anti-Corruption Commission PAD: People’s Alliance for Democracy PDRC: People’s Democratic Reform Committee PEFOT: People’s Democratic Force to Overthrow Thaksinism POMC: Peace and Order Maintaining Command PPP: People Power Party PPT: Political Prisonners in Thailand RCR: Reconciliation Centers for Reform RSF: Reporters Sans Frontières TAT: Tourism Authority of Thailand TJA: Thai Journalists Association TLHR: Thai Lawyers for Human Rights TRT: Thai Rak Thai UDD: National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship 6 Introduction Depuis la fin de l’année 2013, le pays du sourire porte mal son nom. Ou peut-être s’agit-il du yin haeng, ce sourire sec, presque forcé, qui compte parmi les 18 sourires officiels répertoriés par le dictionnaire de l’Institut royal thaïlandais. La Thaïlande, qui signifie « le pays des hommes libres » a en effet traversé en 2013-2014 une crise majeure caractérisée par une importante contestation à l’encontre du gouvernement qui, après un bilan officiel de 28 morts et près de 1000 blessés, s’est soldée par un coup d’Etat militaire et une installation au pouvoir durable d’une junte autoritaire et liberticide. La restructuration sociale à l’origine de cette crise est à rechercher dans un temps beaucoup plus long, et peut être située en 2005 avec les premières manifestations du mouvement dit des Chemises jaunes, ou plus loin encore en 2001 avec l’élection au poste de premier ministre de l’homme qui devait changer le destin politique de la Thaïlande : Thaksin Shinawatra. Un des premiers auteurs à avoir tenté de conceptualiser les structures de pouvoir à l’œuvre en Thaïlande est le professeur de sciences politiques Duncan Mac Cargo. Ses écrits concernant le « réseau monarchique » (network monarchy), terme qu’il a conceptualisé pour décrire le roi de Thaïlande et ses mandataires ainsi que l’influence qu’ils exercent sur le royaume, ont eu une incidence considérable auprès du corps de recherche thaïlandais. Dès 1996, Anek Laothamatas a tenté de théoriser le déchirement social qui traverse la Thaïlande à travers son « conte des deux démocraties1 ». Ce « conte » divise le pays en deux, entre une Bangkok riche et éduquée d’une part, et une population rurale pauvre et ignorante de l’autre. Chacun de ces visages de la Thaïlande a développé une conception de la démocratie antagoniste par rapport à l’autre. D’un côté, il y a le primat du vote individuel en tant qu’expression de la citoyenneté, et de l’autre l’idée que les masses non éduquées ne peuvent résister à la corruption quand il est question d’élection – et ainsi que la démocratie ne peut être pérenne que par la bonne gouvernance d’une élite éclairée au pouvoir. Une littérature « contestataire » a émergé durant les années 2000, permettant de mieux saisir la remise en cause de la structure traditionnaliste du pouvoir en Thaïlande. Il s’agit notamment de Giles-Ji Ungpakorn et de sa lecture de la société thaïlandaise selon une perspective de luttes de classe dans son livre « A coup for the rich, Thailand political crisis », et de Paul Handley qui a osé braver la censure autour de la personne du monarque thaïlandais, pour écrire l’unique biographie indépendante du roi Bhumiphol en des termes très libérés – cet ouvrage est d’ailleurs interdit à la vente en Thaïlande, mais aussi dans les neuf autres pays que forme l’ASEAN. L’apport scientifique français sur la crise thaïlandaise est à trouver auprès des chercheurs attachés à l’IRASEC, l’Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud- Est Contemporaine, dont le siège est à Bangkok. Plus particulièrement, l’ethnologue Jacques Ivanoff avec la contribution de Arnaud Leveau et de Narumon Hinshiranan Arunotai a publié en 2010 un ouvrage intitulé « Thaïlande, aux origine d’une crise » qui, en présentant un pays fragmenté politiquement, géographiquement et donc socialement, permet de comprendre en profondeur les mécaniques sociétales à l’œuvre qui ont amené une frange de la population thaïlandaise à développer une conscience de groupe et à se constituer en tant que tel pour porter 1 Anek Laothamatas, « A Tale of Two Democracies: Conflicting Perceptions of Elections and Democracy in Thailand », in R. Taylor (dir.), The Politics of Elections in Southeast Asia, Washington, DC, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996, p. 201-223 7 leur voix contre un ordre social établi par une minorité. La Thaïlande ne serait qu’un « agrégat de régions différenciées culturellement et historiquement2 » et les mouvements des Rouges et des Jaunes représenteraient la mise en place d’un conflit entre tradition et modernité, avec un modèle traditionnel qui atteindrait ses limites dans un monde régionalisé et globalisé. Concernant le dernier épisode de désordre politique, c’est incontestablement la doctorante Eugénie Mérieau, auteure de l’ouvrage « Les Chemises Rouges de Thaïlande » qui a le plus contribué à la compréhension de l’instabilité politique thaïlandaise, par de nombreuses publications, notamment dans le magazine Gavroche Thaïlande. François-Bernard Huyghe définit le concept de crise comme « la rupture brusque d’un ordre considéré comme normal3 », un désordre synonyme d’indécision selon Edgar Morin pour qui il s’agit du « moment où, en même temps qu’arrive une perturbation, surgissent des incertitudes 4 ». Une crise est donc une période de rupture en dehors des mécanismes structurants habituels, et qui se traduit par une perte de confiance ayant de nombreux impacts financiers, juridiques, et médiatiques entre autres. Si une crise peut survenir dans n’importe quel champ de la société : économique, politique, sanitaire, environnementale etc…, elle est selon François-Bernard Huyghe nécessairement de communication en ce sens qu’elle est « immédiatement mise sous les projecteurs des médias » en tant que cas paroxystique d’un événement dramatisé. L’étude des médias, en tant que systèmes de transfert d’informations variées destinés à constituer un support de la pensée et de la réflexion, semble donc pertinente pour tenter de saisir l’ensemble des composantes de la crise. La lecture dominante de la crise politique thaïlandaise est riche en couleurs en introduisant une opposition entre deux catégories de la population. D’une part, les « rouges », présentés comme les masses rurales pauvres, ignares et paysannes du Nord et du Nord-Est du pays, enfantés par Thaksin Shinawatra, le politicien le plus controversé de l’histoire politique contemporaine. De l’autre les « jaunes », résumées en un regroupement des classes moyennes de Bangkok et de l’establishment traditionnel constituant un cercle d’élite restreint autour de la personne du roi, et qui seraient caractérisés par le monopole économique, politique et social, ainsi que l’ultraroyalisme. Une dernière couleur vient compléter le tableau politique thaïlandais, il s’agit du vert.
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