General Assembly Security Couhcil Distr

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Assembly Security Couhcil Distr General Assembly Security Couhcil Distr. GENERAL A/37/22/Md.l* S/15383/Add.l* 28 September 1982 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Thirty-seventh session Thirty-seventh year FIRST SPECIAL REPORT OF THE SPECIAL CCNMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID Recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa l This is a mimeographed version of a special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, which will be issued in printed form in Official Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-seventh Session, Supplement No. 22A (A/37/22/Add.l). 82-25703 0342q (E) CONTENTS Paragrqbs LSE. Letter Qf transmittal . 3 I. INTRODVCTION . ..e......................... l-5 4 II. MILITARY AND NUCLEAR COLLABORATION . 6 - 12 5 III. EOJNOMIC COLLABORATION . 13 - 24 6 IV. CULTURAL, SCIENTIFIC AND SPOWING aNTACTS . 25 - 29 8 V. RELATIONS WITH BANTUSTANS . 30 - 32 9 VI. MISCELLANEOUS . 33 - 34 9 ANNEXES I. REPORTS OF THE SPECIAL 03irlMITTEE ON RELATIONS BE!b?EEN ISRAEL AND SOUTH AFRICA . 12 II. FUBLICATIONS OF THE CENTRE AGAINST APARTHEID OF THE SECPETARIAT ON RELATIONS BElWEEN ISRAEL AND SOUTH AFRICA . 13 -2- LhTTEFf OF TRANSMITTAL 31 August 1982 Sir, I have the honour, in accordance with resolution 36/172 M adopted by the General Assembly on 17 December 1981, to transmit herewith a special report of the Special Canmittee againat Apartheid on recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa. The Special Committee requests that this report be issued as a document of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Accept, Sir, the assurances of my highest consideration. (Signed) Alhaji Yusuff MAITANA-SULE Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellae Secretary-General United Nations New York. N.Y. -3- I. INTRODUCTION 1. Ebr almost a decade, the Special Canmittee against 3artheid has drawn the attention of the General Assembly to the increasing collaboration between Israel and South Africa in the military, nuclear, political , economic and other fields. The General Assembly has repeatedly called upon Israel to cease such collaboration, u but the Government of Israel has defied all appeals. In fact, the collaboration assumed increasing scope, especially since the visit of the South African Prime Minister Mr. B. J. Vorster to Israel in 1976 and the signing of a series of agreements. Moreover, both countries developed closer relations with the authorities in Taiwan and with certain other r&gimes. 2. In resolution 36/172 M, adopted on 17 December 1981, the General Assembly again expresSa grave concern about reports of continued collaboration between Israel and South Africa, in particular in the military and nuclear fields. and considered that such collaboration "is a serious hindrance to international action for the eradication of apartheid, an encouragement to the racist rbgime of South Africa to persist in its criminal policy of apartheid and a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa and the entire African continent, and constitutes a threat to international peace and security". It stated, in the operative part of the resolution: "1. Strongly condemns the continuing and increasing collaboration of Israel with the racist dgime of South Africa, especially in the military and nuclear fields! 2. Dsmands that Israel desist from and terminate all forms of collaboration with South Africa forthwith, particularly in the military and nuclear fields, and abide scrupulously by the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council; 3. Requests the Special Committee against Apartheid to keep the matter under constant review and to report to the General Assembly and the Security Council as appropriate." 3. IXlring the same month, however, the Minister of Defence of Israel was reported to have made a secret visit to the northern borders of Namibia, a territory under illegal South African occupation for which the united Nations has assumed responsibility. It was reported that Israel would supply South Africa with, or enable it to build, patrol boats with missiles, in flagrant violation of the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. 4. The Special Committee has been gravely concerned at the attitude and actions of the Government of Israel. In his address to the extraordinary meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-aligned Movement, held in Kuwait in &xi1 1982, the Chairman of the Special Committee recalled the growing collaboration between Israel and South Africa and statedr "We face a grave situation today both in Southern Africa and in the Middle East, a situation that spells the danger of wider conflagrations . "But we are faced not only with parallel situations, but with the ever-increasing collaboration between the Pretoria &gime and Israel in military, nuclear, political, economic and other fields. This collaboration has become so brazen that only a few weeks ago the Minister of Defence of Israel visited the northern borders of Namibia, a territory for which the United Nations has special responsibility, to advise the illegal authorities in their criminal plans. "South Africa and Israel have not only set up a diabolic axis or alliance, but are trying to forge a so-called sixth world alliance of outlaws and pariahs, which poses an enormous danger to international peace and security. The danger of these countries being enabled to engage in nuclear blackmail in this troubled world needs urgent attention of the international community. 'We have reason to be alarmed ,that the so-called strategic co-operation between the United States and Israel - and the emergence of a similar relationship between the Uhlited States and South Africa - will reinforce the military relationship between the rdgimes of Tel Aviv and Pretoria." 5. The present report, prepared in pursuance of General Assembly resolution 36/172, reviews developments since the previous report submitted in. September 1981. 2/ II. MILITARY AND NUCLEAR COLLABORATION 6. It was reported in August 1981 that Israel was hoping to boost arms exports by more than $2 billion from 1982 to 1985. Such a plan depended on the approval of the United States Government to allow Israel to export arms to Taiwan and South Africa, since many Israeli weapons have vital United States-made components. The Minister of Economy of Israel was reported to have appealed to the United States Government as follows: "Do not compete with us in Taiwan, do+not compste with us in South Africa, do not compete with us in the ,Caribbean or in other countries where you could not directly do it." A/ . 7. General Naton Nir, Chairman of the Association for the Welfare of Soldiers in Israel, visited South Africa for three weeks in September 1981 on a mission "to help give soldiers the feeling that they are needed and appreciated". liemet several high-ranking South African military officers and praised the recent South African raid into Angola. A/ 8. Israel's Defence Minister Mr. Ariel Sharon visited the "operational areas" in Namibia in December 1981 during large-scale aggression by South Africa against Angola and was reported to have made a strong appeal for South Africa to be supplied with sophisticated arms. According to press reports, Mr. Sharon's views were shared by American and the Ncrth Atlantic Treaty Alliance's military analysts. g 9. Rqorting on the visit of the Israeli Defence Minister, the New York Times stated that "the military relationship between South Africa and Israel, never fully acknowledged by either country, has assumed new significance with the recent lo-day visit by Israel's Defence Minister, Mr. Ariel Sharon, to South African forces in Namibia along the border with Angola". It noted that Military Fialance, the annual publication of the Institute for Strategic Studies in London, had reported that the South African Navy had seven Israeli-built fast-attack craft, armed with Israeli missiles and seven more were under order. 6J 10. The Chairman of the Special Committee, in a statement on 14 December 1981, said: -5- “The report in the New York Times today on the recent visit of Israel's Minister of Defence to Namibia should cane as no surprise to those who have been following with consternation the collusion between the rCgimes in Pretoria and Tel Aviv, especially since 1976. The constant denials by the Israeli Government, repeated again by its representative in the General Assembly on 30 November 1981, have again proved to be utterly false. "The visit of the Israeli Minister to Namibia, an international Territory for which the United Nations has special responsibility, at a time when South Africa was engaged in criminal aggression against the People's Republic of Angola, is a further brazen act of encouragement to the apartheid r&ime. "It is a hostile act against the people of Namibia, South Africa and the front-line States, as well as the~continent of Africa. It is en affront to the United Nations and a challenge to the international community. "On behalf of the Special Committee, I must also express shock at the report that the Israeli Minister of Defence, 'in company with many American and NATO military analysts', called for the supply of more modern weapons to South Africa." 11. An article in Militaria, an official technical periodical of the South African Defence Force, reported in February 1982, that South Africa would possibly build or purchase six Israeli frigates, equipped with Gabriel missiles, torpedoes and a helicopter. y 12. Sunday Times,,London, reported in May 1982 that , according to a book to be published in Israel by three Israeli authors, Israel and South' Africa were developing a cruise missile with a range of 1,500 miles , a neutron bomb and various nuclear delivery systems. The three.authors were said to be very well known established figures in Israel with excellent connexions in the military and Government.
Recommended publications
  • Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
    NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed.
    [Show full text]
  • Acoa 0 0 0 7
    RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa FOUNDING MEMBERS (Partial listing) March 18, 1994 Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, vce-Presroent Amerco Comrftee on Africo MEMORANDUM Conoon Bapist Church, Ne York Canon Frederick B. Williams From: Wyatt Tee Walker Chorch of the Inere.son, New York Judge William Booth, Presreot To: RAN Supporters Amerrcon CommPee o, Airica Jennifer Davis, &ecurr- Drrevot Amern, Commrree or Africa SOUTH AFRICA ELECTION WATCH COUNTDOWN TO DEMOCRACY MARCH lS -- FORTY DAYS TO DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA In a dramatic turn of events, chief Lucas Mangope, ruler of the apartheid homeland of Bophuthatswana was forced to flee the capital of Mmabatho in the face of a popular uprising. Mangope, one of the three key players in the anti- election camps, along with KwaZulu bantustan Chief Buthelezi and white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, had refused to open his homeland to South Africa's first general elections slated for April 26th 28th. Mangope, now under house arrest since his return to the capital, conceded to the people's demand for Bophuthatswana participation in the elections, and the lifting of the ban against ANC and other democratic organizations. The crisis in Bophuthatswana has dealt a blow to the right wing alliances, the main obstacles to a free and democratic election process. But Buthelezi continues to reiterate his hardline demands for secession. Although the fall of chief Mangope has weakened and isolated Buthelezi's position the assaults and murder of ANC supporters and officials continue. Another participant of the right wing alliance, the white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, suffered a serious defeat when they attempted to intervene in the Bophuthatswana unrest.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa After the Referendum
    Number 135 April1992 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. South Africa After the Referendum by Marina Ottaway The referendum of March 17, 1992, in which 68.7 percent of the more than 2.3 million white voters casting ballots endorsed the negotiations taking place between the South African government, the African National Congress, and 1 7 other organizations, provided a clear sign that the process of change that started more than two years ago is finally irreversible. The single question on the ballot: "Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990, and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiations?" The first milestone was passed on February 2, 1990, when President F.W. de Klerk dramatically accelerated the dismantling of apartheid by announcing the unbanning of all opposition groups, including the ANC. Nine days later, Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, after more than 27 years of incarceration. Since then, the government, the ANC, and a broad array of other political and quasi-political organizations have established the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), a forum in which the adoption of a democratic, nonracial constitution and the process leading to elections are being negotiated. The March referendum represented an important second milestone on the path to that objective. A Crisis of Confidence The decision to hold a referendum was reached by de Klerk and his small inner circle of advisers immediately after the defeat suffered by the governing National Party in a by-election in Potchefstroom, in the western Transvaal, on February 19.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION in SOUTH AFRICA: the MYTH of BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI
    -southern africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE MYTH OF BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI '~ 1 The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10038 BOPHUTHATSWANA Bophuthatswana-one of ten areas called bantustans allocated for black occupation by the South African government-has become interna tionally known as the home of a casino resort com plex, Sun City. Big name American performers and athletes earn rich rewards for appearances at the pleasure center, which caters mainly to visiting white South Africans. Diversions forbidden elsewhere in South Africa flourish at Sun City. Yet behind this luxurious facade, the people of Bophuthatswana live in terrible poverty and the bantustan itself plays a central role in South Africa's apartheidsystem. Bantustans, the fragmented areas designated for Africans, comprise only 13 percent of South Africa's territory. Yet these areas are to be the "homelands" for all Africans, or 72 percent of the population. Al ready the government has declared four of these Bophuthatswana consists of a national assembly of bantustans, including Bophuthatswana, "inde 72 elected members and 24 members nominated by pendent," thus stripping 8 million people of their local chiefs. In the first election for the national as South African citizenship. The intention of the sembly in 1977, only 163,141 people or 12 percent of white minority government is to declare all ten those eligible in Bophuthatswana cast a vote'. Pol bantustans independent, arriving at a time when, ling booths were set up in the urban areas outside by the stroke of a white pen, every African will be a the bantustans for Tswana residents to vote.
    [Show full text]
  • Rural Livelihoods, Institutions and Vulnerability in South Africa
    Working Paper Series ISSN 1470-2320 2002 No. 02-30 RURAL LIVELIHOODS, INSTITUTIONS AND VULNERABILITY IN SOUTH AFRICA Dr Elizabeth Francis Published: April 2002 Development Studies Institute London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street Tel: +44 (020) 7955-7425 London Fax: +44 (020) 7955-6844 WC2A 2AE UK Email: [email protected] Web site: www.lse.ac.uk/depts/destin The London School of Economics is a School of the University of London. It is a charity and is incorporated in England as a company limited by guarantee under the Companies Act (Reg. No. 70527). Rural Livelihoods, Institutions and Vulnerability in South Africa∗ Elizabeth Francis April, 2002 Drawing on a case study from North West Province, this paper examines how, and why, rural livelihoods have changed in one of the former bantustans over the past four decades. It focuses on the nature and extent of processes of differentiation and the resources that have been critical in such processes. It examines the major risks different kinds of people face in their efforts to construct and reconstruct livelihoods and their responses to these risks. The sources of these risks include institutions governing resource access and contract enforcement, together with labour and commodity markets. Responses have often taken the form of livelihood diversification, between activities and across space, putting a premium on access to information and social networks, as well as to the State. Others have responded to risk by clustering around a person with a regular income. Policy interventions to promote poverty reduction must combine support for the generation of livelihoods with institutional reform to reduce vulnerability to risk.
    [Show full text]
  • Constand and Abraham Viljoen and the Birth of the New South Africa (Cape Town, Zebra Press, 2014, 258Pp
    Book reviews Brothers in war and peace: Constand and Abraham Viljoen and the birth of the New South Africa (Cape Town, Zebra Press, 2014, 258pp. ISBN: 9781770226005) Dennis Cruywagen Emile C Coetzee Mafikeng Campus of the NWU [email protected] The transitional period (1989-1994) in South African history is considered to have been a time of great uncertainty and anxiety. During the De Klerk administration, South Africans were not always sure what would be decided at the negotiating tables and within the secret meetings of the National Party (NP) government, the African National Congress (ANC) and the right-wing organisations. It was especially the different Right-wing organisations that concerned Nelson Mandela and he searched high and low for any member of these organisations who would be willing to negotiate. It is now clear that he did not find it in the bolstering Eugene Terre’blanche of the Afrikaner WeerstandsBeweging (AWB), the outspoken Dr Ferdinand Hartzenberg (the successor to the late Dr Andries Treurnicht of the Conservative Party of South Africa) or in the members of the smaller, yet not unimportant, Right-wing parties and cultural institutions such as the Afrikaner Volkswag of Dr Carel Boshoff, the Boere Krisis Aksie paramilitary group or the dissidents from the Afrikaner Volksunie. Cruywagen, a political journalist and analyst who was once a spokesperson for the ANC, succeeds in revealing the only member within the right-wing realm of power-hungry organisations that were willing to sit down and continue negotiations with the ANC. His name was Constand Viljoen, a 20th century South African Army general who climbed the hierarchy of command to serve as the Chief of the Defence Force during the first years of the 1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • ACTION ALERT November 1991
    Human Rights Campaign for South Africa ACTION ALERT November 1991 BANTUSTAN REPRESSION UNTOUCHED BY REFORMS The South African government created tustan of Bophuthatswana. As ANC 2. Please write orfax President Bush and the ten bantustans or so-called lawyer Mathew Phosa said: "If President your representatives in Congress. Say "homelands" as labor reserves where Bush is going to say there are no more that because the bantustan system denies Africans (86% of South Africa's popula­ political prisoners in South Africa, it citizenship and other basic human rights tion) would be confined to 13% of the means the United States recognizes to Africans, you urge them to reimpose least valuable land. Four of the bantu­ Bophuthatswana as an independent state." sanctions on South Africa and to issue stans have received so-called "inde­ strong statements of protest to the de The continued existence of the bantustans pendence," while the government con­ Klerk government. is highly dangerous. For instance, Gatsha siders the others to be "self-governing." No country in the world except South Buthelezi, the ruler of the kwaZulu ban­ President George Bush tustan, has used his position as a power Africa has officially recognized the ban­ The White House tustans as independent states. base to bolster his Inkatha Freedom Washington, DC 20500-0001 Party. Attacks by Inkatha against the Tel. (202) 456-1111 The bantustans, by dividing Africans ANC and other opponents have killed Fax (202) 456-2461 along ethnic lines, made it harder for ac­ thousands since the mid-1980s. tivists to oppose apartheid, and enabled Senator _ the government to exploit the labor of Some of the most serious human rights US Senate Africans without paying for health care, violations have occurred in the Ciskei Washington, DC 20510 education, and other social services.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Africa PERSPECTIVES a NEW FACE for APARTHEID
    southern africa PERSPECTIVES I Don't kill us with kindness. " Those who advocate trade sanctions and economic withdrawal to help my people and punish the whites in South Africa may be killing us with kindness. What we need is not disengagement, but full foreign participation in South Africa's overall economic development to create more jobs, higher wages and better training opportunities. Iam no apologist for apartheid, but a realist who knows that a job may make the difference between living or starving for many black families in South Af rica. Olh ChiefExetfiveCoucillorM. G. BOthezi KwazukuGovententS-rv, e I F, f.,the, mfo -twa TheEcono isi , THETRUST BANKOFAFRICAL WMIT , i TFst Bnk Cnt He gragraht,CpeT , SouAfica. A NEW FACE FOR APARTHEID The Africa Fund -164 Madison Ave- New York, NY 10016 Three advertisements appeared in the New York Times and Washington Post in September. Their political implications are analysed below but it is also necessary to point out that the advertisements are full of distortions and half-truths. Thus Lucas Mangope is quoted as saying: "I have often expressed my differences with the white government of Pretoria in no uncertain terms. But the mere idea of total economic sanctions. .. makes me shudder." In fact the men and women who have expressed real radical opposition to the South African Governrment have found themselves banned, house arrested or imprisoned for their actions, and to advocate, even verbally, the imposition of sanctions against South Africa is a crime under the Terrorism Act, punishable by a minimum five year jail sentence and the possibility of a death sentence.
    [Show full text]
  • ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA 2014 ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA October 2014
    ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA 2014 ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA October 2014 Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa PO Box 740 Auckland park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 011 381 6000 Fax: +27 011 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 978-1-920446-45-1 © EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2014 EISA acknowledges the contributions made by the EISA staff, the regional researchers who provided invaluable material used to compile the Updates, the South African newspapers and the Update readers for their support and interest. Printing: Corpnet, Johannesburg CONTENTS PREFACE 7 ____________________________________________________________________ ELECTIONS IN 2014 – A BAROMETER OF SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS AND 9 SOCIETY? Professor Dirk Kotze ____________________________________________________________________ 1. PROCESSES ISSUE 19 Ebrahim Fakir and Waseem Holland LEGAL FRAMEWORK 19 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN ELECTORAL LAW 21 ELECTION TIMETABLE 24 ELECTORAL AUTHORITY 25 NEGATIVE PERCEPTIONS OF ELECTORAL AUTHORITY 26 ELECTORAL SYSTEM 27 VOTING PROCESS 28 WORKINGS OF ELECTORAL SYSTEM 29 COUNTING PROCESS 30 2014 NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS – VOTER REGISTRATION 32 STATISTICS AND PARTY REGISTRATION ____________________________________________________________________ 2. SA ELECTIONS 2014: CONTINUITY, CONTESTATION OR CHANGE? 37 THE PATH OF THE PAST: SOUTH AFRICAN DEMOCRACY TWENTY YEARS ON 37 Professor Steven Friedman KWAZULU-NATAL 44 NORTH WEST 48 LIMPOPO 55 FREE STATE 59 WESTERN CAPE 64 MPUMALANGA 74 GAUTENG 77 ____________________________________________________________________ 3 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Bophuthatswana: Home for the Batswana
    Chapter 2 Bophuthatswana: home for the Batswana 2.1 Introduction In this chapter I will discuss how Bop attempted to invite many Batswana to reside within the territory of the homeland. The reason here was to authenticate and legitimate its intention to become an independent state. The focus was mainly on Batswana who were not already within the territory, particularly the Batswana who were residing in the townships surrounding cities in South Africa. For Bop, the diaspora meant people who were mainly living in South Africa. On the issue of ‘Independence’, the government of South Africa was certain that part of its plan of Separate Development was being achieved and that the needs of one of the South African ethnic groups were being fulfilled. The ‘Independence’ of Bop did not only seem to be a fulfilment of the apartheid goal but it also meant a new form of struggle, as many people were now beginning to know what it was like to be forced to give up their birthrights as well as their South African citizenship. Not only were these people going to lose their birthrights and citizenship, but they were also required to endure poor living conditions as well as harassment by police from the homeland. In addition, ‘Independence’ was something which divided the church along the lines of territorial dominance as well as hindering the fulfilment of the individual’s interests. Many of the mainline churches wanted nothing to do with the policy of apartheid, which divided the black people on ethnic grounds, while on the other hand, some churches were in support of the ‘Independence’ of Bop.
    [Show full text]
  • Monograph 81
    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study and its publication is funded by the European Union, Ford Foundation, USAID and the United States Embassy in South Africa. Their gen- erous assistance is gratefully acknowledged. FIGURES AND MAPS FIGURE 1 20 Number of votes received by the white right, 1970–1999 FIGURE 2 21 Proportion of vote going to white right in 1989 election, by province FIGURE 3 22 Proportion of ‘no vote’ in 1992 referendum, selected regions FIGURE 4 33 Votes for white right as a proportion of all votes cast, 1981–1999 FIGURE 5 76 Possible Boeremag command structure FIGURE 6 84 Farm attacks, injuries and murders, 1998–2001 FIGURE 7 86 Proportion economically active population unemployed in 1995 and 2001, and percentage change 1995–2001 (by race) FIGURE 8 93 Number of Officers and NCOs in SAPS, October 2002 FIGURE 9 93 Proportion of white SA(N)DF full time uniformed personnel, by rank, 1995 and 2002 MAP 1 8 South Africa with provincial boundaries MAP 2 38 Homeland partition model MAP 3 41 Boer Republics volkstaat model MAP 4 42 Avstig/Freedom Front volkstaat model ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS AEB Afrikaner Eenheidsbeweging (Afrikaner Unity Movement) ANC African National Congress APK Afrikaanse Protestante Kerk (Afrikaans Protestant Church) AVF Afrikaner Volksfront (Afrikaner People’s Front) Avstig Afrikaner-Vryheidstigting (Afrikaner Freedom Foundation) AVU Afrikaner Volksunie (Afrikaner People’s Union) AWB Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement) BBB Blanke Bevrydingsbeweging (White Liberation Movement) BDF Bophuthatswana
    [Show full text]
  • Nonrecognition of the Independence of Transkei
    Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 10 Issue 1 Article 10 1978 Nonrecognition of the Independence of Transkei Donald A. Heydt Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Donald A. Heydt, Nonrecognition of the Independence of Transkei, 10 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 167 (1978) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol10/iss1/10 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 1978] NOTES Nonrecognition of the Independence of Transkei O N OCTOBER 26, 1976, Paramount Chief Kaiser Daliwonga Matanzima declared Transkei' an independent state. Normally the Third World and the West would have welcomed the independence of another black African state but in this case they did not, for Transkei was the first of the Republic of South Africa's black "homelands" to receive independence under that government's multinational develop- ment policy. The Republic was the only state to send diplomatic representatives to the Transkeian independence celebrations and so far has been the only state to recognize the new entity. Transkei is one of nine homelands" set aside by the South African government as the national territory for the tribal groups present in the Republic.2 Its population includes several tribes which share a common background, the Xhosas being the predominant component.
    [Show full text]