DOCSLIB.ORG

The Authoritarian Force, the Bafokeng Conflict and the Bophuthatswana Donkey Massacre: an Historic–Agricultural Perspective

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Authoritarian Force, the Bafokeng Conflict and the Bophuthatswana Donkey Massacre: an Historic–Agricultural Perspective International Journal of Development and Sustainability ISSN: 2186-8662 – www.isdsnet.com/ijds Volume 4 Number 5 (2015): Pages 588-598 ISDS Article ID: IJDS14061703 The authoritarian force, the Bafokeng conflict and the Bophuthatswana donkey massacre: An historic–agricultural perspective Anis Mahomed Karodia * Abstract The paper explores over time the authoritative force that the former homeland of apartheid South Africa was engaged in. Bophuthatswana maintained power by the use of the authoritative force over the people and resorted to violence to maintain the status quo. It explores briefly, the Bafokeng conflict, which today (post - apartheid) falls into the new North West Province of democratic South Africa, post 1994 and, within the platinum mining belt that is experiencing unrest in today’s South Africa. Further exploration of the title of the paper will outline the great donkey massacre under this former repressive regime and show the devastating consequences that the massacre has had upon agriculture in the former homeland. The paper attempts to explore these issues from a historio – agricultural perspective, in order to recall the events that led to the donkey massacre and to record some of these devastating incidents for purposes of record and history. The paper does not pretend to capture all of the nuances that permeate this part of the former homelands repressive history. Keywords: Conflict; Authoritarian; Totalitarian; Massacre; History; Repression; Agriculture; Donkey; Nationalism; Traditional Authorities Published by ISDS LLC, Japan | Copyright © 2015 by the Author(s) | This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. NOTE: This research article emanates from the PhD Thesis submitted by the author in 2008 to the North West University, North West Province, Republic of South Africa, in completion of the Doctor of Philosophy Degree. * Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] International Journal of Development and Sustainability Vol.4 No.5 (2015): 588-598 1. Introduction Bophuthatswana was accorded independence by its colonial master apartheid South Africa in 1977. It operated in spite of non - recognition by the world as an independent sovereign state for nearly two decades. It was a homeland that was accorded independence together with three other South African homelands, to be known as the TBVC states (Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei). South Africa accorded these pseudo states independence in order to prop up apartheid and independence was granted to these states on different dates. The post 1977 assault on tradition and rhetoric of Batswana nationalism and the United Christian Democratic Party (UCDP), although very important, remained hemmed in by a them versus us framework. There was no human message, just the same old suffocating parochialism. To challenge the language and categories of the UCDP on a terrain so well-trodden by them was bound to be futile. By itself, ideology as mythmaking is powerless to fashion reality in its own image, married to this kind of organization, however, it acquires that capability by squeezing out of the social organism, remaining vestiges of its pseudo independence and repressive authority of an irreverent and non – ideological mode of thought. Even when its control over people was far from completed, the magic that had been injected between experience and reality on the one hand and concepts and discourse on the other, still remain operative, in spite of two decades of South African democracy. This was the hallmark of the UCDP that was in power that greatly accentuated the general degradation of Batswana thought in politics and culture in the erstwhile Bophuthatswana and this still perpetuates itself even today, in democratic South Africa. 2. The purpose and significance of the study The purpose of this study was to evaluate and assess some of the parameters of uneven development, the fiscal, administrative, discontinuity and legitimacy crisis within the erstwhile Bophuthatswana state over time. In so doing an emphasis was placed on the agrarian and legitimacy questions including the impact of some political factors. The problems, which the study attempted to investigate, are located within a socio – historical context. What was apparent in the context of this nominal state was the reality of authoritarian force and, that it, lacked credibility and support of the overwhelming majority of people in governance. This affected the capacity to bring about effective public management and administration which was characterized by oppression and repression. The significance of the studyis that it could contribute to agricultural debate in terms of development, extension and training in the new North West Province of the Republic of South Africa. In addition it captured an important aspect of history in relationship to agriculture, as a whole in the area that was defined as Bophuthatswana and which is now incorporated into the North West Province of the Republic. 2.1. Research hypothesis The central theoretical statement of the study was as follows: Efficient and effective management of agriculture and veterinary services in the erstwhile state of Bophuthatswana was flawed due to legitimacy ISDS www.isdsnet.com 589 International Journal of Development and Sustainability Vol.4 No.5 (2015): 588-598 crisis in state power; lessons from poor utilization in functional areas of agricultural extension and training can be learned for agricultural improvement in the New North West Province of South Africa. 2.2. Research methods An in depth literature study was conducted in respect to agricultural discourse, oppression and the authoritative force that characterized the erstwhile Bophuthatswana. Examination of reports, agricultural policy statements and agricultural bulletins issued by agricultural institutions were utilized. A pilot study previously undertaken by the researcher was utilized for extrapolation purposes to prove a number of assertions made within the dissertation. In addition the use of electronic sources together with applicable literature that was available was utilized. Quantitative structured questions were constructed and field work was conducted and, the collection of statistical data made available through government institutions at that time was analyzed and used. In addition the researcher for emphasis adds his own observations and critical thought processes in the assembling of this paper. 2.3. Results The results of the specific research in this paper are captured at the end of the article under some conclusions. It does not capture the conclusions and recommendations of the entire thesis for obvious reasons, as this paper only deals with the authoritative force, the Bafokeng conflict and the Great Donkey Massacre in the erstwhile Bophuthatswana. 3. The authoritative force The corrupt politics of ethnicity and economics together with the issues in respect of social and cultural aspects of the Bophuthatswana regime assumes significance in the context of SouthAfrican history. What then were some of the dynamics that permeated these issues? The linkage in respect to the economic dimension, as it pertains to the conflict with the Bafokeng tribe (Settled near the town of Rustenburg and in the mining belt of the North West Province). The idea that political authority should reside in the agency that best embodies the national will ties in with the notion in reform law, that authority is always unitary, never fractured, mediated or conditioned. In this regard Samir – al Khalil (1990: 138) states that “because authority in the state is one, this means the negation of the idea of multiplicity of powers, legislative, executive and judicial.”The size of the agency acting on behalf of the ‘national will’ does not matter. By definition this agency has already established that the people have objectives, corresponding to its own. On the other hand the Legal Reform Law text (1877: 28) indicates that “Power is not exercised for its own sake but for achieving objectives, the method of practicing the power which is defined by the constitution, is itself influenced by the economic, social, cultural and political reality of the country over which power is exercised. Owing to the importance that these foundations enjoy, they have to be stressed and declared in the constitutional document. Yet, the social, economic and political principles included, may not be in part data but an objective 590 ISDS www.isdsnet.com International Journal of Development and Sustainability Vol.4 No.5 (2015): 588-598 or aim to be realized.” Therefore, in this meaning, the constitution shall also be a guide of action for the political leadership and a programme for a future policy the political leadership intends to realize through exercising the power. Tyrannies and dictatorships resort to violence when their authority is placed in jeopardy. But for President Lucas Manyane Mangope and his UCDP, violence was no longer merely the ultimate sanitation used periodically against a genuine opposition. The UCDP invented their enemies; violence, not a threat of it was institutionalized, reproducing and intensifying that all pervasive climate of suspicion, fear, and complicity so characteristic of their polity. Violence generates the fear that creates the complicity that constitutes the power, which was first passed to
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
    NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed.
    [Show full text]
  • Early History of South Africa
    THE EARLY HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA EVOLUTION OF AFRICAN SOCIETIES . .3 SOUTH AFRICA: THE EARLY INHABITANTS . .5 THE KHOISAN . .6 The San (Bushmen) . .6 The Khoikhoi (Hottentots) . .8 BLACK SETTLEMENT . .9 THE NGUNI . .9 The Xhosa . .10 The Zulu . .11 The Ndebele . .12 The Swazi . .13 THE SOTHO . .13 The Western Sotho . .14 The Southern Sotho . .14 The Northern Sotho (Bapedi) . .14 THE VENDA . .15 THE MASHANGANA-TSONGA . .15 THE MFECANE/DIFAQANE (Total war) Dingiswayo . .16 Shaka . .16 Dingane . .18 Mzilikazi . .19 Soshangane . .20 Mmantatise . .21 Sikonyela . .21 Moshweshwe . .22 Consequences of the Mfecane/Difaqane . .23 Page 1 EUROPEAN INTERESTS The Portuguese . .24 The British . .24 The Dutch . .25 The French . .25 THE SLAVES . .22 THE TREKBOERS (MIGRATING FARMERS) . .27 EUROPEAN OCCUPATIONS OF THE CAPE British Occupation (1795 - 1803) . .29 Batavian rule 1803 - 1806 . .29 Second British Occupation: 1806 . .31 British Governors . .32 Slagtersnek Rebellion . .32 The British Settlers 1820 . .32 THE GREAT TREK Causes of the Great Trek . .34 Different Trek groups . .35 Trichardt and Van Rensburg . .35 Andries Hendrik Potgieter . .35 Gerrit Maritz . .36 Piet Retief . .36 Piet Uys . .36 Voortrekkers in Zululand and Natal . .37 Voortrekker settlement in the Transvaal . .38 Voortrekker settlement in the Orange Free State . .39 THE DISCOVERY OF DIAMONDS AND GOLD . .41 Page 2 EVOLUTION OF AFRICAN SOCIETIES Humankind had its earliest origins in Africa The introduction of iron changed the African and the story of life in South Africa has continent irrevocably and was a large step proven to be a micro-study of life on the forwards in the development of the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Acoa 0 0 0 7
    RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa FOUNDING MEMBERS (Partial listing) March 18, 1994 Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, vce-Presroent Amerco Comrftee on Africo MEMORANDUM Conoon Bapist Church, Ne York Canon Frederick B. Williams From: Wyatt Tee Walker Chorch of the Inere.son, New York Judge William Booth, Presreot To: RAN Supporters Amerrcon CommPee o, Airica Jennifer Davis, &ecurr- Drrevot Amern, Commrree or Africa SOUTH AFRICA ELECTION WATCH COUNTDOWN TO DEMOCRACY MARCH lS -- FORTY DAYS TO DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA In a dramatic turn of events, chief Lucas Mangope, ruler of the apartheid homeland of Bophuthatswana was forced to flee the capital of Mmabatho in the face of a popular uprising. Mangope, one of the three key players in the anti- election camps, along with KwaZulu bantustan Chief Buthelezi and white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, had refused to open his homeland to South Africa's first general elections slated for April 26th 28th. Mangope, now under house arrest since his return to the capital, conceded to the people's demand for Bophuthatswana participation in the elections, and the lifting of the ban against ANC and other democratic organizations. The crisis in Bophuthatswana has dealt a blow to the right wing alliances, the main obstacles to a free and democratic election process. But Buthelezi continues to reiterate his hardline demands for secession. Although the fall of chief Mangope has weakened and isolated Buthelezi's position the assaults and murder of ANC supporters and officials continue. Another participant of the right wing alliance, the white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, suffered a serious defeat when they attempted to intervene in the Bophuthatswana unrest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Zulu Kingdom, the Beachfront, and Global Tourism
    Branding and the privatisation of public space: the Zulu Kingdom and global tourism1 Gerhard Maré Introduction ‘The development of mass tourism often requires cultures, cities, regions or countries to rethink their own unique identities and then package and promote them as products which hopefully will attract people from other cultures. This bringing together of the local and the global is not without its dangers’, write Cohen and Kennedy (2000:212). The argument in this paper, illustrated primarily with reference to KwaZulu-Natal, is that new cultural entrepreneurs have firmly and with enthusiasm adopted the opportunities offered by ethnicity’s disentanglement from apartheid and the concomitant liberalisation of formerly brutally racialised public space. Whereas, in the struggle for inclusive South African democracy, ethnic particularism was viewed by progressives as threatening a unified national body (that is, of “the people”, “the masses”, “the oppressed”), the new conceptualisation of South Africa as a culturally diverse “rainbow nation” has not only re-valorised ethnicity as a secular (and therefore relatively benign) political quality but has opened the doors to its commodification on the global tourist market. Current local efforts to re-define regional spaces as tourism products and brands—for example through beachfront casinos and marine parks—are creating new kind of exclusions and spatial boundaries with new beneficiaries. A privileged few appear to have found a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow nation. Others live in the shadow of its glittering, Disneyland- like representations. New opportunities for the commercial uses of ethnicity (and ethnicity in the local version is usually also racialised) and local public space are located within three processes.
    [Show full text]
  • North West High Court, Mafikeng Until the Court’S Renaming in 2009 As the North West High Court, Mafikeng
    SA JUDICIARY100 YEARS OLD North West High Court, Mafikeng until the court’s renaming in 2009 as the North West High Court, Mafikeng. (or what’s in a name?) If this is not sufficiently confusing already, it was announced on 6 February 2010, that Mafikeng is to be renamed Mahikeng in the By John Stander, Mafeking near future …. A short history The court buildings In March 1994, after a three day spree of bloodshed, arson and looting, Writing in the 1993 May South African Law Journal, Henry Lever (now the administration of Bophuthatswana collapsed. The ’homeland state’ SC) stated in his article discussing the Bill of Rights contained in the was reincorporated into South Africa and on 18 October of that year the Bophuthatswana Constitution: Bophuthatswana capital, Mmabatho (Mother of the People), became ‘Within the South African context, Bophuthatswana may be the capital of the North West Province. In 1996, the name Mafikeng regarded as an important social experiment. Whilst South Africa was reinstated in place of Mmabatho. Mafikeng, as she is now known, moved in one direction, politically, Bophuthatswana moved in another. was already the seat of the High Court in Bophuthatswana and remains Simultaneously with its independence, Bophuthatswana repealed all so in the North West Province. racially discriminatory legislation. By a simple step it removed the Place name changes are a common occurrence in the new South country’s inhabitants from the most pernicious effects of apartheid Africa and Mafikeng is no stranger to name changes. It has been ... Needless to say, the town (Mafikeng after incorporation in 1980) known by four names since 1852 when Molema, younger brother of prospered ..
    [Show full text]
  • Acg35vol. 19 No. 2
    / 4/726-60 073'10 3 pc B /DC 5 Ac Price 40c g35Vol. 19 No. 2 APRIL 1980 MEM 11111111111111 11101111111" 111111111111111 111111111111111111 111111111111111 11111111111110111 ME= 11111111FAII IlIlliIIWl 11111" 1111101111111111111111111 MIL ling111111M1ILIVAII 11111111111111111M1111111111111 1111111111111 1111111111111=1111111111111111 1111111 1111111 111111 111•11111111111111111111111111111 1111111111111 MOMUUJUIIIIIII rul LITAI LIE 111111111thill IN11111111111 111111111111111111 1111 11111111B1 111 LUUNUMaalUalA Issued by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, Pretoria THE CO-EXISTENCE OF A LAN KET AND THE COMMUNITY OCCUPATI N IF LAN by H.I. BEHRMANN University of Natal A LAND MARKET variations are of course distinguishable amongst those four categories. Freehold conditions tend to A land market exists where land itself or the prevail in the more highly developed economies and rights to land may be exchanged by occupiers for traditional tenure is more characteristic of less money or other considerations. In this broad sense developed economies. Gras (1946) has referred to even the community occupation of land represents traditional tenure as allodial tenure whereby a primitive market, because land is seldom families in a community or tribe are allocated areas completely free, without some due having to be for cropping land, and grazing land is held in paid to the tribal authority, either chief or common. This type of land tenure survives among headman. Yet exchange of rights to land in a tribal tribal peoples in South Africa today. Feudal tenure or community situation is so rudimentary that it is exists when tenants pay for their land by rendering clearly distinguished from a situation where land labour services to the landlord, a form of tenure has a money value, and where price changes reflect that is at present being phased out in parts of Natal a supply and demand situation.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa After the Referendum
    Number 135 April1992 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. South Africa After the Referendum by Marina Ottaway The referendum of March 17, 1992, in which 68.7 percent of the more than 2.3 million white voters casting ballots endorsed the negotiations taking place between the South African government, the African National Congress, and 1 7 other organizations, provided a clear sign that the process of change that started more than two years ago is finally irreversible. The single question on the ballot: "Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990, and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiations?" The first milestone was passed on February 2, 1990, when President F.W. de Klerk dramatically accelerated the dismantling of apartheid by announcing the unbanning of all opposition groups, including the ANC. Nine days later, Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, after more than 27 years of incarceration. Since then, the government, the ANC, and a broad array of other political and quasi-political organizations have established the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), a forum in which the adoption of a democratic, nonracial constitution and the process leading to elections are being negotiated. The March referendum represented an important second milestone on the path to that objective. A Crisis of Confidence The decision to hold a referendum was reached by de Klerk and his small inner circle of advisers immediately after the defeat suffered by the governing National Party in a by-election in Potchefstroom, in the western Transvaal, on February 19.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa Fact Sheet
    Souher Afrc Pesecie 1/88 South Africa Fact Sheet Thirty-four million people live in South Africa today, yet only 4.9 million whites have full rights of citizenship. The Black population of 28 million has no political power and is subject to strict government controls on where to live, work, attend school, be born and be buried. This Is the apartheid system which produces enormous wealth for the white minority and grinding poverty for millions of Black South Africans. Such oppression has fueled a rising challenge to white minority rule in the 1980's through strikes, boycotts, massive demonstrations and stayaways. International pressure on the white minority government has also been growing. In response, the government has modified a few existing apartheid laws without eliminating the basic structure of apartheid. This so called reform program has done nothing to satisfy Black South Africans' demands for majority rule in a united, democratic and nonracial South Africa. Struggling to reassert control, the government has declared successive states of emergency and unleashed intensive repression, seeking to conceal its actions by a media blackout, press censorship and continuing propaganda about change. As part of its "total strategy" to preserve white power, Pretoria has also waged war against neighboring African states in an effort to end their support for the anti-apartheid struggle and undermine regional efforts to break dependence on the apartheid economy. This Fact Sheet is designed to get behind the white government's propaganda shield and present an accurate picture of apartheid's continuing impact on the lives of millions of Blacks In southern Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Unibo a Reply to Jf De V Graaff
    technikon is that technikons are essentially technicist. They REFERENCES have clear objectives and know where they are going and 1. Kerr's Second Law quoted in Martin, T.L. 1973: Malice what they are doing. Universities are essentially agnostic in Blunderland. McGraw-Hill, p. 120. institutions: they can't know where they are going, although 2. Malan, J.P. and L'Estrange, J.A. 1969: Public Relations hopefully, they know what they are doing. It's a bit like the Practice in South Africa. Hansa, Johannesburg. difference between Columbus and the Mayflower pilgrims. Columbus didn't know where he was going, but he 3. Gasset, O. 1957: Man and People. WW Norton, New discovered America. The Mayflower pilgrims knew where York, p. 140. they were going. 4. Martin's Law of Communication quoted in Martin, op. To conclude, public relations will never be able to present a cit. p. 44. clear image of a university while it tries to define the 5. Hacker, A. 1970: The End of the American Era. university in technicist terms and to produce an image Atheneum, New York, p. 143. which can be sold like any other package. But if PR officers 6. Booysen, P. de V. 1984: Inaugural Address, University of accept that they have no package to sell, but rather an ideal Natal, Durban. and a commitment which is essentially agnostic, uncertain and indefinable and they concentrate on creating an 7. de Wet, J. 1985: "Ons universiteite en hul understanding of the underlying unities that are embodied narvorsingsgehalte", Die Suid-Afrikaanf (Winter), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION in SOUTH AFRICA: the MYTH of BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI
    -southern africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE MYTH OF BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI '~ 1 The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10038 BOPHUTHATSWANA Bophuthatswana-one of ten areas called bantustans allocated for black occupation by the South African government-has become interna tionally known as the home of a casino resort com plex, Sun City. Big name American performers and athletes earn rich rewards for appearances at the pleasure center, which caters mainly to visiting white South Africans. Diversions forbidden elsewhere in South Africa flourish at Sun City. Yet behind this luxurious facade, the people of Bophuthatswana live in terrible poverty and the bantustan itself plays a central role in South Africa's apartheidsystem. Bantustans, the fragmented areas designated for Africans, comprise only 13 percent of South Africa's territory. Yet these areas are to be the "homelands" for all Africans, or 72 percent of the population. Al ready the government has declared four of these Bophuthatswana consists of a national assembly of bantustans, including Bophuthatswana, "inde 72 elected members and 24 members nominated by pendent," thus stripping 8 million people of their local chiefs. In the first election for the national as South African citizenship. The intention of the sembly in 1977, only 163,141 people or 12 percent of white minority government is to declare all ten those eligible in Bophuthatswana cast a vote'. Pol bantustans independent, arriving at a time when, ling booths were set up in the urban areas outside by the stroke of a white pen, every African will be a the bantustans for Tswana residents to vote.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments
    SPECIAL STUDY/SPESIALE STUDIE TH£ SOUTH AFRICA'S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE Peon Geldenhuys is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Rand Afrikaans University, Johannesburg. At the time of writing this paper he was Assistant Director, Research, at the South African Institute of International Affairs. The last section of this paper was published as "South Africa's Black Homelands: Some Alternative Political Scenarios", in Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, April 1981# It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. SOUTH AFRICA? S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys Contents Introduction ... page 1 I From native reserves to independent homelands: legislating for territorial separation 3 II Objectives of the homelands policy, post-1959 6 III Present realities: salient features of the independent and self-governing homelands 24 IV Future Developments 51 Conclusion 78 ISBN: 0-909239-89-4 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa August 1981 Price R3-50 South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments Introduction A feature of the South African political scene today is the lack of consensus on a desirable future political dispensation. This is reflected in the intensity of the debate about the Republic's political options. Local opinions cover a wide spectrum, ranging from the white 'right' to the black 'left1, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Table 2. Geographic Areas, and Biography
    Table 2. Geographic Areas, and Biography The following numbers are never used alone, but may be used as required (either directly when so noted or through the interposition of notation 09 from Table 1) with any number from the schedules, e.g., public libraries (027.4) in Japan (—52 in this table): 027.452; railroad transportation (385) in Brazil (—81 in this table): 385.0981. They may also be used when so noted with numbers from other tables, e.g., notation 025 from Table 1. When adding to a number from the schedules, always insert a decimal point between the third and fourth digits of the complete number SUMMARY —001–009 Standard subdivisions —1 Areas, regions, places in general; oceans and seas —2 Biography —3 Ancient world —4 Europe —5 Asia —6 Africa —7 North America —8 South America —9 Australasia, Pacific Ocean islands, Atlantic Ocean islands, Arctic islands, Antarctica, extraterrestrial worlds —001–008 Standard subdivisions —009 History If “history” or “historical” appears in the heading for the number to which notation 009 could be added, this notation is redundant and should not be used —[009 01–009 05] Historical periods Do not use; class in base number —[009 1–009 9] Geographic treatment and biography Do not use; class in —1–9 —1 Areas, regions, places in general; oceans and seas Not limited by continent, country, locality Class biography regardless of area, region, place in —2; class specific continents, countries, localities in —3–9 > —11–17 Zonal, physiographic, socioeconomic regions Unless other instructions are given, class
    [Show full text]