Evidentiality and Mirativity in Magar
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Veridicality and Utterance Meaning
2011 Fifth IEEE International Conference on Semantic Computing Veridicality and utterance understanding Marie-Catherine de Marneffe, Christopher D. Manning and Christopher Potts Linguistics Department Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305 {mcdm,manning,cgpotts}@stanford.edu Abstract—Natural language understanding depends heavily on making the requisite inferences. The inherent uncertainty of assessing veridicality – whether the speaker intends to convey that pragmatic inference suggests to us that veridicality judgments events mentioned are actual, non-actual, or uncertain. However, are not always categorical, and thus are better modeled as this property is little used in relation and event extraction systems, and the work that has been done has generally assumed distributions. We therefore treat veridicality as a distribution- that it can be captured by lexical semantic properties. Here, prediction task. We trained a maximum entropy classifier on we show that context and world knowledge play a significant our annotations to assign event veridicality distributions. Our role in shaping veridicality. We extend the FactBank corpus, features include not only lexical items like hedges, modals, which contains semantically driven veridicality annotations, with and negations, but also structural features and approximations pragmatically informed ones. Our annotations are more complex than the lexical assumption predicts but systematic enough to of world knowledge. The resulting model yields insights into be included in computational work on textual understanding. the complex pragmatic factors that shape readers’ veridicality They also indicate that veridicality judgments are not always judgments. categorical, and should therefore be modeled as distributions. We build a classifier to automatically assign event veridicality II. CORPUS ANNOTATION distributions based on our new annotations. -
Romani Syntactic Typology Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras
Romani Syntactic Typology Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras To cite this version: Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras. Romani Syntactic Typology. Yaron Matras; Anton Tenser. The Palgrave Handbook of Romani Language and Linguistics, Springer, pp.187-227, 2020, 978-3-030-28104- 5. 10.1007/978-3-030-28105-2_7. halshs-02965238 HAL Id: halshs-02965238 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02965238 Submitted on 13 Oct 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Romani syntactic typology Evangelia Adamou and Yaron Matras 1. State of the art This chapter presents an overview of the principal syntactic-typological features of Romani dialects. It draws on the discussion in Matras (2002, chapter 7) while taking into consideration more recent studies. In particular, we draw on the wealth of morpho- syntactic data that have since become available via the Romani Morpho-Syntax (RMS) database.1 The RMS data are based on responses to the Romani Morpho-Syntax questionnaire recorded from Romani speaking communities across Europe and beyond. We try to take into account a representative sample. We also take into consideration data from free-speech recordings available in the RMS database and the Pangloss Collection. -
Chapter 6 Mirativity and the Bulgarian Evidential System Elena Karagjosova Freie Universität Berlin
Chapter 6 Mirativity and the Bulgarian evidential system Elena Karagjosova Freie Universität Berlin This paper provides an account of the Bulgarian admirative construction andits place within the Bulgarian evidential system based on (i) new observations on the morphological, temporal, and evidential properties of the admirative, (ii) a criti- cal reexamination of existing approaches to the Bulgarian evidential system, and (iii) insights from a similar mirative construction in Spanish. I argue in particular that admirative sentences are assertions based on evidence of some sort (reporta- tive, inferential, or direct) which are contrasted against the set of beliefs held by the speaker up to the point of receiving the evidence; the speaker’s past beliefs entail a proposition that clashes with the assertion, triggering belief revision and resulting in a sense of surprise. I suggest an analysis of the admirative in terms of a mirative operator that captures the evidential, temporal, aspectual, and modal properties of the construction in a compositional fashion. The analysis suggests that although mirativity and evidentiality can be seen as separate semantic cate- gories, the Bulgarian admirative represents a cross-linguistically relevant case of a mirative extension of evidential verbal forms. Keywords: mirativity, evidentiality, fake past 1 Introduction The Bulgarian evidential system is an ongoing topic of discussion both withre- spect to its interpretation and its morphological buildup. In this paper, I focus on the currently poorly understood admirative construction. The analysis I present is based on largely unacknowledged observations and data involving the mor- phological structure, the syntactic environment, and the evidential meaning of the admirative. Elena Karagjosova. -
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. -
A Syntactic Analysis of Rhetorical Questions
A Syntactic Analysis of Rhetorical Questions Asier Alcázar 1. Introduction* A rhetorical question (RQ: 1b) is viewed as a pragmatic reading of a genuine question (GQ: 1a). (1) a. Who helped John? [Mary, Peter, his mother, his brother, a neighbor, the police…] b. Who helped John? [Speaker follows up: “Well, me, of course…who else?”] Rohde (2006) and Caponigro & Sprouse (2007) view RQs as interrogatives biased in their answer set (1a = unbiased interrogative; 1b = biased interrogative). In unbiased interrogatives, the probability distribution of the answers is even.1 The answer in RQs is biased because it belongs in the Common Ground (CG, Stalnaker 1978), a set of mutual or common beliefs shared by speaker and addressee. The difference between RQs and GQs is thus pragmatic. Let us refer to these approaches as Option A. Sadock (1971, 1974) and Han (2002), by contrast, analyze RQs as no longer interrogative, but rather as assertions of opposite polarity (2a = 2b). Accordingly, RQs are not defined in terms of the properties of their answer set. The CG is not invoked. Let us call these analyses Option B. (2) a. Speaker says: “I did not lie.” b. Speaker says: “Did I lie?” [Speaker follows up: “No! I didn’t!”] For Han (2002: 222) RQs point to a pragmatic interface: “The representation at this level is not LF, which is the output of syntax, but more abstract than that. It is the output of further post-LF derivation via interaction with at least a sub part of the interpretational component, namely pragmatics.” RQs are not seen as syntactic objects, but rather as a post-syntactic interface phenomenon. -
Tagalog Pala: an Unsurprising Case of Mirativity
Tagalog pala: an unsurprising case of mirativity Scott AnderBois Brown University Similar to many descriptions of miratives cross-linguistically, Schachter & Otanes(1972)’s clas- sic descriptive grammar of Tagalog describes the second position particle pala as “expressing mild surprise at new information, or an unexpected event or situation.” Drawing on recent work on mi- rativity in other languages, however, we show that this characterization needs to be refined in two ways. First, we show that while pala can be used in cases of surprise, pala itself merely encodes the speaker’s sudden revelation with the counterexpectational nature of surprise arising pragmatically or from other aspects of the sentence such as other particles and focus. Second, we present data from imperatives and interrogatives, arguing that this revelation need not concern ‘information’ per se, but rather the illocutionay update the sentence encodes. Finally, we explore the interactions between pala and other elements which express mirativity in some way and/or interact with the mirativity pala expresses. 1. Introduction Like many languages of the Philippines, Tagalog has a prominent set of discourse particles which express a variety of different evidential, attitudinal, illocutionary, and discourse-related meanings. Morphosyntactically, these particles have long been known to be second-position clitics, with a number of authors having explored fine-grained details of their distribution, rela- tive order, and the interaction of this with different types of sentences (e.g. Schachter & Otanes (1972), Billings & Konopasky(2003) Anderson(2005), Billings(2005) Kaufman(2010)). With a few recent exceptions, however, comparatively little has been said about the semantics/prag- matics of these different elements beyond Schachter & Otanes(1972)’s pioneering work (which is quite detailed given their broad scope of their work). -
Evidentiality
Evidentiality This section covers evidentiality, mirativity, and validational force, as separate concepts that are closely intertwined. Evidentiality in Balti is expressed with clause-final particles, and are generally uninflected for tense or aspect. There is a distinction between the sources of evidence for a statement, and a multi-tiered distinction in validational force. 1 Hearsay In Balti, information that the speaker has experienced first-hand, or has any kind of first- hand knowledge of, is unmarked. In the first example below, the speaker has absolute knowledge that it’s raining, from experiencing it himself; perhaps he is outside and feels the rain hitting his skin, or sees it from a window. (1) namkor oŋ-en jʊt rain come-PROG COP ‘It’s raining.’ (first-hand knowledge) If the speaker gained this knowledge from another person, without witnessing the event himself, he expresses this source of information with the hearsay particle ‘lo’, which always occurs clause-finally. (2) namkor oŋ-en jʊt lo Rain come-PROG COP HSY ‘It’s raining.’ (hearsay) This particle occurs when the speaker is telling someone else, other than the person he received the information from. In other words, if I told Muhammad that it’s raining, and he went to tell someone else that it’s raining, he would express it using example 2 above. In this scenario, Muhammad had been in a basement all day with no windows and thus didn’t perceive any evidence of rain, and I had first-hand knowledge that it’s raining. This particle is uninflected for tense/aspect, and can be used with any tense. -
Like, Hedging and Mirativity. a Unified Account
Like, hedging and mirativity. A unified account. Abstract (4) Never thought I would say this, but Lil’ Wayne, is like. smart. We draw a connection between ‘hedging’ (5) My friend I used to hang out with is like use of the discourse particle like in Amer- . rich now. ican English and its use as a mirative marker of surprise. We propose that both (6) Whoa! I like . totally won again! uses of like widen the size of a pragmati- cally restricted set – a pragmatic halo vs. a In (4), the speaker is signaling that they did not doxastic state. We thus derive hedging and expect to discover that Lil Wayne is smart; in (5) surprise effects in a unified way, outlining the speaker is surprised to learn that their former an underlying link between the semantics friend is now rich; and in (6) the speaker is sur- of like and the one of other mirative mark- prised by the fact that they won again. ers cross-linguistically. After presenting several diagnostics that point to a genuine empirical difference between these 1 Introduction uses, we argue that they do in fact share a core grammatical function: both trigger the expansion Mirative expressions, which mark surprising in- of a pragmatically restricted set: the pragmatic formation (DeLancey 1997), are often expressed halo of an expression for the hedging variant; and through linguistic markers that are also used to en- the doxastic state of the speaker for the mirative code other, seemingly unrelated meanings – e.g., use. We derive hedging and mirativity as effects evidential markers that mark lack of direct evi- of the particular type of object to which like ap- dence (Turkish: Slobin and Aksu 1982; Peterson plies. -
A Cross-Linguistic Study of Grammatical Organization
Complement Clauses and Complementation Systems: A Cross-Linguistic Study of Grammatical Organization Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) vorgelegt dem Rat der Philosophischen Fakultät der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena von Karsten Schmidtke-Bode, M.A. geb. am 26.06.1981 in Eisenach Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Holger Diessel (Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena) 2. Prof. Dr. Volker Gast (Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena) 3. Prof. Dr. Martin Haspelmath (MPI für Evolutionäre Anthropologie Leipzig) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 16.12.2014 Contents Abbreviations and notational conventions iii 1 Introduction 1 2 The phenomenon of complementation 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 Argument status 9 2.2.1 Complement clauses and argument-structure typology 10 2.2.2 On the notion of ‘argument’ 21 2.3 On the notion of ‘clause’ 26 2.3.1 Complementation constructions as biclausal units 27 2.3.2 The internal structure of clauses 31 2.4 The semantic content of complement clauses 34 2.5 Environments of complementation 36 2.5.1 Predicate classes as environments of complementation 37 2.5.2 Environments studied in the present work 39 3 Data and methods 48 3.1 Sampling and sources of information 48 3.2 Selection and nature of the data points 53 3.3 Storage and analysis of the data 59 4 The internal structure of complementation patterns 62 4.1 Introduction 62 4.2 The morphological status of the predicate 64 4.2.1 Nominalization 65 4.2.2 Converbs 68 4.2.3 Participles 70 4.2.4 Bare verb stems 71 4.2.5 Other dependent -
The Syntax of Answers to Negative Yes/No-Questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University
The syntax of answers to negative yes/no-questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University 1. Introduction This paper will argue that answers to polar questions or yes/no-questions (YNQs) in English are elliptical expressions with basically the structure (1), where IP is identical to the LF of the IP of the question, containing a polarity variable with two possible values, affirmative or negative, which is assigned a value by the focused polarity expression. (1) yes/no Foc [IP ...x... ] The crucial data come from answers to negative questions. English turns out to have a fairly complicated system, with variation depending on which negation is used. The meaning of the answer yes in (2) is straightforward, affirming that John is coming. (2) Q(uestion): Isn’t John coming, too? A(nswer): Yes. (‘John is coming.’) In (3) (for speakers who accept this question as well formed), 1 the meaning of yes alone is indeterminate, and it is therefore not a felicitous answer in this context. The longer version is fine, affirming that John is coming. (3) Q: Isn’t John coming, either? A: a. #Yes. b. Yes, he is. In (4), there is variation regarding the interpretation of yes. Depending on the context it can be a confirmation of the negation in the question, meaning ‘John is not coming’. In other contexts it will be an infelicitous answer, as in (3). (4) Q: Is John not coming? A: a. Yes. (‘John is not coming.’) b. #Yes. In all three cases the (bare) answer no is unambiguous, meaning that John is not coming. -
Category of Evidentiality and Mirativity in Chechen. Zarina Molochieva University of Leipzig
Conference on the Languages of the Caucasus, 7-9.12.2007, Max Planck Institute EVA, Leipzig Category of Evidentiality and Mirativity in Chechen. Zarina Molochieva University of Leipzig 0. Introduction. Chechen belongs to the Nakh branch of the Nakh-Daghestanian family. Typologically, Chechen is a head-final, case-using, ergative and dependent-marking language. Basic word order is SOV; no person agreement. The simple verbs employ gender agreement that is marked by a consonant prefix, there are 4 of them. A short outline of TAM system: Each TAM form is based upon one of the three stems, namely the infinitive stem, the present tense stem and the recent past stem. The highest level of temporal and aspectual differentiation is represented in the past-reference tenses. Table 1. TENSE/ASPECT MORPHOLOGY eeca ‘take’ Present -u oec-u Present Progressive CVBsim + cop.PRS oec-ush vu Simple Past -i ec-i Past Progressive Witnessed CVBsim + cop.PST oec-ush vara Past Witnessed -ra eci-ra Perfect -(i)na ec-na Pluperfect -(i)niera ec-niera Imperfect -ura ec-ura Inferential Progressive CVBsim + cop.PST oec-ush xilla Unwitnessed Past Inferential Unwitnessed Past CVBant + cop.PST ec-na xilla Inferential Unwitnessed Pluperfect CBVant + cop.PPL ec-na xilliera Inferential ProgressiveUnwitnessed CBVsim + cop.PPL oec-ush xilliera Pluperfect The phenomena of evidentiality in Chechen may be grouped into three types, namely the opposition of the witnessed/unwitnessed actions (Aikhenvald 2004), mirativity, and addressee-directed dative constructions. 1.1. Witnessed Past: The morphological marking of the Witnessed Past is the verbal suffix -ra. The Witnessed Past is used if the speaker directly witnessed the event. -
Evidentiality: Unifying Nominal and Propositional Domains
For Linguistics meets Philosophy (D. Altshuler, ed.), CUP (revised draft of November 2020) Evidentiality: unifying nominal and propositional domains Diti Bhadra University of Minnesota 1 Introduction An evidential is a linguistic marker of how an agent came across a piece of information (Chafe and Nichols 1986, Aikhenvald 2004). This ‘how’ is termed as the evidence for the information, and natural languages allow a variety of manners of evidence-collection, leading to a range of evidentials. The issue of evidence for a proposition has been viewed in both linguistics and philosophy as a complex issue. The cognitive processes that are involved in qualifying the content of an agent’s utterance with the source of the information are sensitive to several kinds of considerations: via what mechanism was the evidence collected (perceptual senses, inference from some observable consequences of an event, inference based on world knowledge, hearsay from a third party, hearsay from legends); when was the evidence made available to the agent temporally (when the event took place, or when the results were detected, or at a time distal/proximal to the time of the verbal report, and so on); how reliable is the source of the evidence (an agent may rank a third party source over their own inference in a judge of trustworthiness). Consider the sentence below from Jarawara (Dixon 2004): (1) [[mee tabori botee]-mete-moneha] otaaA awa-hamaro ama-ke 3nsg home:f old-fpnf-repf nsg.exc see-fpef extent-decf ‘We were seeing this in the far past what was reported to be their old camp from far past.’ This sentence has three dierent evidentials on dierent elements, marking dierent avors of evidence.