The Reagan Doctrine
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Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
Truman Doctrine (1947)
Harry S. Truman Truman Doctrine (1947) Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States: The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I wish to present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation. I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious and peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife. When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible. -
The Historical Cuba-Us Discordancy from the Theoretical Outlook of The
European Scientific Journal December 2014 edition vol.10, No.34 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 THE HISTORICAL CUBA-U.S. DISCORDANCY FROM THE THEORETICAL OUTLOOK OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Dr. Onesimo Julian Moreira Seijos University of Quintana Roo Abstract This paper focuses on the main features of the relationship between Cuba and the United States (U.S.) since the nineteenth century to the present. The essay analyses the confrontation between these two countries from the theoretical view of International Relations (IR). The aim of the paper is to demonstrate that the nature of the Cuba-U.S. discrepancies during the Cold War is not confined to the ideological controversy of the East/West relations. Despite the changes that have taken place in world politics during the 1990s and the hopes which opened with the Obama administration, the design of U.S. policy towards Cuba has scarcely changed after the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, the revival of the Wilsonian ideas alleged in the mainstream IR literature does not take into account the special case of the Cuba-U.S relations. Regardless of the current trend to stress international institutions and to sort out conflict within the framework of international agreements, the Cuban problem remains as a national interest matter for the U.S. The historic sequence of the Cuban issue in American politics lend support to the argument that while within the academic discipline of International Relations there is a trend to consider the current period as a proof of the end of realism, the wires which lead the American political behaviour towards Cuba are still under the influence of old-fashioned national interest, the rational choice program and the U.S. -
Presidential Foreign Policy Doctrines
20 July 2015 Presidential Doctrines, the Use of Force and International Order Did the US’ military and legal reactions to the 9/11 attacks fundamentally transform its foreign and security policies? Joseph Siracusa doesn’t think so. He argues that the so-called Bush and Obama Doctrines have had more in common with previous presidential approaches than most people realize. By Joseph Siracusa for ISN In the ever-changing landscape of international relations, the extent to which the actions of the United States contribute to justice and order remains a source of contentious debate. Indeed, it is difficult to find a point in recent history when the United States and its foreign policy have been subject to such polarised and acrimonious reflection, both domestically and internationally. Notwithstanding recent ‘decline’ debates and the rise of emerging powers, the United States continues to hold a formidable advantage over its chief rivals in terms of formal power assets more than twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War. Few anticipated this situation; on the contrary, many assumed that, after a brief moment of unipolarity following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international affairs would soon regain a certain symmetry. Instead, US hegemony is still par for the course. In this context, because the foreign policy ‘doctrines’ of American presidents remain an important driver of the outlook of the United States, these doctrines continue to play a significant role in shaping international order. Though they have veered from isolationist to interventionist to expansionist over the years, these doctrines in fact exhibit a remarkable continuity – even in the post 9/11 era. -
Military Advisors in Vietnam: 1963
Military Advisors in Vietnam: 1963 Topic: Vietnam Grade Level: 9-12 Subject Area: US History after World War II Time Required: 1 class period Goals/Rationale In the winter of 1963, the eyes of most Americans were not on Vietnam. However, Vietnam would soon become a battleground familiar to all Americans. In this lesson plan, students analyze a letter to President Kennedy from a woman who had just lost her brother in South Vietnam and consider Kennedy’s reply, explaining his rationale for sending US military personnel there. Essential Question: What were the origins of US involvement in Vietnam prior to its engagement of combat troops? Objectives Students will: analyze primary sources. discuss US involvement in the Vietnam conflict prior to 1963. evaluate the “domino theory” from the historical perspective of Americans living in 1963. Connections to Curriculum (Standards) National Standards: National Center for History in the Schools Era 9 - Postwar United States (1945 to early 1970s), 2B - The student understands United States foreign policy in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. Era 9, 2C - The student understands the foreign and domestic consequences of US involvement in Vietnam. Massachusetts Frameworks US II.20 – Explain the causes, course and consequences of the Vietnam War and summarize the diplomatic and military policies of Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. Prior Knowledge Students should have a working knowledge of the Cold War. They should be able to analyze primary sources. Prepared by the Department of Education and Public Programs, John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum Historical Background and Context After World War II, the French tried to re-establish their colonial control over Vietnam, the most strategic of the three states comprising the former Indochina (Cambodia, Vietnam and Laos). -
Rhetoric and Reality
History Studies Volume 13 History Studies Volume 13 information on Walsh, but he was still dismissed by the Catholic Church. After his sacking Jimmy Walsh was Rhetoric and Reality -A History of the Formation employed as a hospital porter, but spent the rest of his life of the 'Domino Theory' trying to enter various religious orders, becoming a novice in a Luke Butterly Benedictine Monastery. He was unsuccessful in these attempts Gaps between rhetoric and reality in U.S. foreign however because he had once been married and was now policy have often been large; indeed such gaps might be said to constitute a defining characteristic of this separated. Jimmy Walsh died after a prolonged illness on 12 nation's diplomacy. I March 1977. and was buried in Sydney. He had never returned 76 to treland. When U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower announced the 'domino theory' at a news conference in 1954, he was not announcing a radical departure in Washington's understanding of the emerging situation in Indochina. Rather, he was making public aspects of U.S. foreign policy that had been in the making since the end of World War ll, which in turn interacted with older themes. This essay will first situate this 'theory' in the historiography of the Vietnam War in order to contextualise what follows. It will then map the formation of the domino theory from 1945 to 1954, and will briefly look at the broader implications of such an approach in foreign policy. This will be achieved by examining the secondary literature on the various historical events covered and reviewing the relevant primary sources. -
Timeline of the Cold War
Timeline of the Cold War 1945 Defeat of Germany and Japan February 4-11: Yalta Conference meeting of FDR, Churchill, Stalin - the 'Big Three' Soviet Union has control of Eastern Europe. The Cold War Begins May 8: VE Day - Victory in Europe. Germany surrenders to the Red Army in Berlin July: Potsdam Conference - Germany was officially partitioned into four zones of occupation. August 6: The United States drops atomic bomb on Hiroshima (20 kiloton bomb 'Little Boy' kills 80,000) August 8: Russia declares war on Japan August 9: The United States drops atomic bomb on Nagasaki (22 kiloton 'Fat Man' kills 70,000) August 14 : Japanese surrender End of World War II August 15: Emperor surrender broadcast - VJ Day 1946 February 9: Stalin hostile speech - communism & capitalism were incompatible March 5 : "Sinews of Peace" Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill - "an "iron curtain" has descended on Europe" March 10: Truman demands Russia leave Iran July 1: Operation Crossroads with Test Able was the first public demonstration of America's atomic arsenal July 25: America's Test Baker - underwater explosion 1947 Containment March 12 : Truman Doctrine - Truman declares active role in Greek Civil War June : Marshall Plan is announced setting a precedent for helping countries combat poverty, disease and malnutrition September 2: Rio Pact - U.S. meet 19 Latin American countries and created a security zone around the hemisphere 1948 Containment February 25 : Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia March 2: Truman's Loyalty Program created to catch Cold War -
The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas
Louisiana Law Review Volume 30 | Number 4 June 1970 The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas A. J. Thomas Jr. Repository Citation Ann Van Wynen Thomas and A. J. Thomas Jr., The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications, 30 La. L. Rev. (1970) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol30/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE-LEGAL IMPLICATIONS Ann Van Wynen Thomas* A. J. Thomas, Jr.** BACKGROUND A discussion of the Monroe Doctrine today is approached with some trepidation by the wary, for the revered dogma ("I believe in the Monroe Doctrine, in our Constitution and in the laws of God") 1 often described as "the first and most fundamental" of the foreign policies of the United States and a protector of the Western Hemisphere from extracontinental aggression has,2 in recent years, been subjected to bitter attack. It has been called moribund, obsolete, verbiage,3 a name so hateful to Latin Ameri- the United States fears to mention it much less in- can ears that 4 voke it because of its abrasive effect on continental relations. Possibly the most devastating assault emanated from Mr. Khru- shchev of the Soviet Union when he proclaimed: "We consider that the Monroe Doctrine has outlived its time . -
The Truman Doctrine: Turkey
The Truman Doctrine: Turkey By JOSEPH C. SATTERTHWAITE ABSTRACT: On February 21, 1947, the U.S. government was informed by the British government that by April 1 it would have to discontinue, because of its own difficulties, its military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey. It hoped the United States could take over this burden in both countries. Presi- dent Truman and the State, War, and Navy departments at once realized that unless the United States did so, Greece would be taken over by its communist partisans strongly sup- ported by the Soviet government working through the com- munist Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments; that if this happened Turkey would find itself in an untenable position in spite of its large but antiquated army; and that the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in that event would inevi- tably fall under communist domination. In a dramatic mes- sage to Congress on March 12, 1947, President Truman said that the U.S. must take immediate and resolute action to sup- port Greece and Turkey. The Congress, after extensive hear- ings, approved this historic change in U.S. foreign policy in a bill signed May 22, known as Public Law 75. Out of the President’s message came the Truman Doctrine. The principle of assistance to countries of the free world under the threat of communist aggression having been accepted by the Congress, the Marshall Plan followed not long after. The military and economic aid given Turkey in the ensuing years was highly effective: the U.S. probably received more per dollar advanced than in any other country, at least for the period of this study —which ends with the signing of the CENTO (Baghdad) Pact in 1955. -
The Monroe Doctrine: Debating America’S Defense of Independence Abroad
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: DEBATING AMERICA’S DEFENSE OF INDEPENDENCE ABROAD AUTHOR: Katherine Corrado / Woodgrove High School, Purcellville, Virginia GUIDING QUESTION: How has U.S. involvement in foreign affairs shaped a “more perfect union?” OVERVIEW CONNECTIONS TO C3 FRAMEWORK After analyzing secondary and primary sources, students › D2.His.1.6-8. Analyze connections among events and will determine how the Monroe Doctrine reflects projected developments in broader historical contexts. American identity abroad. By participating in a debate, › D2.His.8.9-12. Analyze how current interpretations of the students will examine a variety of perspectives and support past are limited by the extent to which available historical an argument. sources represent perspectives of people at the time. OBJECTIVES DOCUMENTS USED At the conclusion of this activity, students will be able to PRIMARY SOURCES › Describe the arguments for and against U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts; Caesar Augustus Rodney, Letter from Caesar Augustus Rodney to President James Monroe, 1824 (excerpt) › Analyze the debates surrounding the Monroe Doctrine; Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, Editor, The writings of James Monroe.... and HathiTrust Digital Library › Evaluate the short- and long-term effects of the Monroe https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ Doctrine on American identity and its contribution toward pt?id=uiug.30112005125403&view=1up&seq=456 building a more perfect union. Francisco José de Paula Santander y Omaña, Mensaje del Vicepresidente de Columbia Encargado del Gobierno, -
Origins of NATO: 1948--1949
Emory International Law Review Volume 34 Issue 0 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization's Seventieth Anniversary 2019 Origins of NATO: 1948--1949 Lawrence S. Kaplan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Lawrence S. Kaplan, Origins of NATO: 1948--1949, 34 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 11 (2019). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol34/iss0/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. KAPLANPROOFS2_10.24.19 10/28/2019 1:48 PM ORIGINS OF NATO: 1948-1949 Lawrence S. Kaplan* OVERVIEW The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) originated in the trauma of World War II. The human cost of that war at last motivated Europe to remove the barriers to economic integration that had promoted warfare among the nation-states since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648.1 The devastation of western Europe also inspired the United States as the major victor in that war to abandon its traditional isolation from European political and military affairs.2 Accelerating these fundamental changes was the awareness on both sides of the Atlantic of the threat Soviet-led Communism posed to the future of Western democracy.3 However, recognizing the necessity did not equate with effective immediate action to cope with these two challenges in the post-war world. Too many obstacles had to be overcome.