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Home , Containment, Joseph McCarthy, McCarthyism, Spartacus (Fast novel), Truman Doctrine

1 | McCarthyism & the

In a Nutshell

The onset of Cold between the and the following II had ramifications for American society, as the problem of how to deal with domestic Communists became a major political and social preoccupation.

Why Should I Care?

Until the , Communists never made much of an impact on American life. There were never very many of them, and their dream of leading a proletarian revolution in the United States seemed so far-fetched that it bordered on the unthinkable. Most Americans despised the Communists, but weren't particularly preoccupied with them.

Then, a few years after World War II, the United States found itself locked in potentially mortal confrontation with the Soviet Union. Suddenly American Communists, that tiny fringe of wannabe revolutionaries, came to represent a major problem in American society.

There still weren't many of them. They still had little power or influence. They still had a snowball's chance in hell of creating a United Soviet States of America.

But what if they were agents of the Soviets, boring from within our open society to destroy us? What if they were spies? What if they were secretly seeking positions of influence within our society, subverting the work of our government, miseducating in our schools, propagandizing in our movies?

Fear.

Fear—utterly justifiable fear—transformed American Communists from a minor nuisance into a national obsession. Fear created McCarthyism, an intense effort to root out Communists from every corner of American society by any means necessary—even if those means violated traditional American values: Due process. . Constitutional rights.

The culture of fear created a society of conformity, a politics of repudiation. The results weren't always pretty. Senator Joseph McCarthy, the most prominent Communist- hunter of the period, was a reckless alcoholic . Unknown numbers of innocents had their lives ruined by a loyalty-security apparatus that knew few checks or balances.

But the culture of fear also worked. The Communist Party USA disintegrated. Soviet spies were brought to justice. Leftists were even purged from Hollywood.

Was it worth it?

"Are you now or were you ever a member of the Communist Party?" Would you answer? 2 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare

1945: A Potentially Liberal Moment?

American liberals approached the end of World War II with high hopes that the postwar era would bring a new flowering of liberal reform. In many ways, conditions appeared ripe for liberal success. Many of the ideologies of the extreme right wing— foremost among them—had been adopted by the Nazis, and were thus seriously discredited. Meanwhile, the unusual demands of wartime production had wrought dramatic socio-economic changes within the United States. Women and racial minorities had crossed traditional boundaries by entering the industrial workforce in unprecedented numbers. Labor unions had enlisted within their ranks a greater proportion of the country's workers than ever before or since. The high wages paid by wartime industries had combined with the rationing of consumer goods to dramatically, if temporarily, reduce disparities in wealth between the rich, middle class, and poor. Most Americans supported heavy government intervention in the economy to help prevent a new Depression as converted its industrial production from wartime to peacetime uses.

Franklin Roosevelt's heir as president, Harry S. , declared even before the war ended that "We want to see the time come when we can do the things in peace that we have been able to do in war. If we can put this tremendous machine of ours... to work for peace, we can look forward to the greatest age in the history of mankind."7 Within weeks of the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Truman proposed to Congress an expansive 21-point agenda that included a higher minimum wage, expanded Social Security system, new public works programs, full-employment guarantees, and universal national health insurance. Truman's proposals, if enacted, would have pushed far beyond the limits of the to begin to create something like in the United States. The Cold War and 's Communist Problem

We now know, however, that the end of the Second World War brought not a new age of social reform but rather one of grave international peril—the Cold War. The fallout from the atomic bombs that ended World War II had barely settled before Americans came to fear that a new mortal enemy—Josef Stalin's Soviet Union—had become as great a threat as Hitler or Mussolini had ever been.

The Cold War standoff with the Soviet Union raised an especially awkward problem for American liberals committed to domestic reform—the Communist Problem.

Communists had always been a tiny, despised minority within the American population; the Communist Party USA's membership peaked during World War II at far less than 100,000 members nationwide. Still, Communists took on a more prominent role in American society in the late 1930s and early 1940s than ever before or since. During the , and other radical alternatives to gained at least a small measure of legitimacy through the seeming collapse of the 3 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare nation's economic system; Communist organizers commonly recruited among the unemployed and on federal work-relief projects. During World War II, when the Soviet Union became our ally in the against , Communists were among the most enthusiastic supporters of the American war effort.

Throughout the Roosevelt era, Communists—small in number as they were—became active supporters and participants in many liberal causes. Anyone in the 1930s or 1940s who joined a labor union, or a civil rights organization, or a civil liberties defense group, or a liberal political club was quite likely to have worked alongside Communist activists (although possibly without knowing it, for Communists often kept their Party membership secret).

Up until 1945, the Communists' minority presence within many New Deal-era reform groups was usually an issue that could simply be overlooked. With the dawn of the Cold War, however, everything changed. Suddenly, as the Soviets quickly transformed from uneasy allies to menacing enemies, the presence of Communists within American society became much more problematic, especially for liberals. The Communist Party USA was explicitly committed to worldwide revolution and took its party line from Moscow. In the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, which side would American Communists be on? What would prevent Communists from subverting American institutions to serve the interests of the Kremlin? Should liberals accept Communist support of liberal programs and policies? What would protect American liberals from charges that their tolerance of Communist participation within their organizations undermined national security? Since so many American liberals had—whether inadvertently or not—worked alongside Communists, how could they deflect allegations that they had collaborated with the new enemy?

The Communist problem split America's liberal community, opened the door for of parts of the New Deal, and derailed Truman's hopes for expansive new reform initiatives in the postwar era.

The Politics of Repudiation

A large majority of American liberals—including, most importantly, President Truman— eventually chose to address their Communist problem through a politics of repudiation: They denounced Communism, renounced any support Communists might attempt to give to their ventures, and launched aggressive efforts to Communists from their midst. But this brand of anticommunist, Cold War liberalism had its costs. There were both direct costs—purging talented Communist organizers deprived the labor and civil rights movements of many committed activists—and indirect costs—liberal efforts to weed out Communists fueled a national hysteria over Communist that eventually led to the decidedly illiberal extremes of McCarthyism.

4 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare

People

Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) was the 32nd President of the United States and the only chief executive to be elected to more than two terms in office. Roosevelt held the presidency from 1934-1945, leading the United States through the Great Depression and World War II. His legislative program, the New Deal, greatly expanded the role of the federal government in American society.

Roosevelt died while on vacation in Georgia just 82 days into his fourth term in office, thrusting newly installed Vice President Harry S. Truman into the presidency. Roosevelt had done virtually nothing to prepare Truman to take over the most powerful office in the world.

Harry S. Truman (1884-1972) became the 33rd President of the United States upon the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt in April 1945. Truman, who had only a high-school education and had been in office as vice president for just 82 days before Roosevelt's sudden death, inherited the monumental task of leading the United States through the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War. Truman—who was, while in office, one of the least popular presidents in modern American history—won a surprising second term by defeating Republican Thomas Dewey in the election of 1948.

The Cold War began under Truman's watch, as the president came to believe that he must take a hard stance to contain the expansionistic tendencies of the Soviet Union. The president's "Truman " committed the United States to a policy of supporting foes of Communism everywhere in the world. Truman's failure to lead the United States to victory in the led to a severe decline in support for the president's policies among the American people.

Martin Dies (1900-1972) was a Democrat who served ten terms in the United States House of Representatives between 1930 and 1958.

From 1937 to 1944, Dies headed the House Un-American Activities Committee—then usually known simply as the Dies Committee—as it began the era of intensive investigation of Communist activities in America. Dies might fairly be considered the father of McCarthyism.

Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957) was a United States Senator from whose aggressive anticommunist pursuits after 1950 made him the namesake for "McCarthyism."

5 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare

In 1950, McCarthy created a national sensation by claiming to have a list of 205 names of known Communists inside the State Department. (The list was bogus.) For the next four years, he continued to make more and more spectacular attacks on alleged Communists inside the government. His downfall came when he made a series of unwarranted attacks against the , which fought back in a series of nationally televised hearings that destroyed McCarthy's credibility.

Henry A. Wallace (1888-1965) was an Iowa farmer and longtime progressive politician who served as Secretary of Agriculture, Secretary of Commerce, and Vice President under Franklin D. Roosevelt.

In the early Cold War years, Wallace opposed President Harry Truman's aggressive anti-Soviet stance, arguing that peaceful cooperation rather than anticommunist should be the basis of American foreign policy. Wallace ran for president in 1948 on the anti-Cold War platform of the new Progressive Party. His crushing defeat—he won only 2.4% of the vote—suggested that straying from the anticommunist Cold War consensus would no longer be tolerated in respectable American political circles.

George C. Marshall (1880-1959) was a powerful American leader during World War II and the early Cold War. He served as Army Chief of —the American military's highest-ranking —during World War II, then as Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense in the Truman administration. He was the namesake of the , the American economic aid package that helped to rebuild Western Europe after World War II.

In the early , Marshall became the unlikely target of Senator Joseph McCarthy, who recklessly accused Marshall of "having made common cause with Stalin" in "a conspiracy so immense and an infamy so black as to dwarf any such venture in the history of man." The attack harmed McCarthy's reputation more than it did Marshall's.

Dwight D. Eisenhower (1890-1969), a Republican, was the popular 34th President of the United States, serving two terms from 1953 to 1961. Prior to his presidency, Eisenhower was a lifelong military man, commanding the D-Day while serving as Supreme Allied Commander in Europe during World War II.

In the early days of his presidency, Eisenhower—a staunch but not hysterical anticommunist—deplored the inquisitorial excesses of Senator Joseph McCarthy, but felt that McCarthy was too strong to attack directly. Eisenhower was said to be pleased when McCarthy discredited himself and fell from grace during the Army- McCarthy hearings of 1954. 6 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare

Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) was a Hollywood actor turned politician, who served as governor of California from 1967 to 1975 and as the 40th President of the United States from 1981 to 1989. A Roosevelt Democrat in his younger days, Reagan converted to during the 1950s and became the beloved standard-bearer of the Republican Party in the late twentieth century.

During the late 1940s, Reagan served as the head of Hollywood's actors' union, the . In his union capacity, Reagan volunteered to serve the FBI as a secret informant against Communists in the entertainment industry. He testified against before the House Un-American Activities Committee.

Elia Kazan (1909-2003) was a Hollywood movie director, winner of Academy Awards for Best Director for Gentlemen's Agreement (1947) and (1954).

In the 1930s, Kazan was briefly a member of the Communist Party; when called to testify before the House Un-American-Activities Committee in 1950 he reluctantly agreed to "name names," informing against other former Communists in order to avoid being blacklisted.

Dalton Trumbo (1905-1976) was a screenwriter and novelist, the writer of dozens of Hollywood screenplays, including , Exodus, and Roman Holiday.

Trumbo, a member of the Communist Party USA and perhaps the most famous of the Hollywood Ten, was charged with and blacklisted from the motion picture industry after refusing to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947. Even after being blacklisted, Trumbo continued to author screenplays surreptitiously under pseudonyms; in 1960, he broke the blacklist by receiving credit, in his own name, for Spartacus.

Julius Rosenberg (1918-1953) was a member of the Communist Party USA, executed in 1953 after being convicted under the Act for participating in a Soviet spy ring. Rosenberg's wife Ethel was executed at the same time.

While many liberals and leftists long believed the Rosenbergs had been unjustly executed in a time of national hysteria over Communism, we now know that Julius Rosenberg was, in fact, a Soviet spy, and that Ethel Rosenberg was at least privy to her husband's espionage activities.

Ethel Rosenberg (1915-1953) was a member of the Communist Party USA, executed in 1953 after being convicted under the Espionage Act for participating in a Soviet spy ring. Rosenberg's husband Julius was executed at the same time.

7 | McCarthyism & the Red Scare

While many liberals and leftists long believed the Rosenbergs had been unjustly executed in a time of national anticommuist hysteria, we now know that Julius Rosenberg was, in fact, a Soviet spy, and that Ethel Rosenberg was at least privy to her husband's espionage activities.

Alger Hiss (1904-1996) was a high-ranking official in the State Department of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Hiss participated in the critical at the end of World War II and also played an important role in helping to organize the . In one of the most notorious espionage trials of the twentieth century, he was later accused of being a Soviet spy.

In 1948, an ex-Communist named accused Hiss of being a member of the Communist Party and a Soviet spy. Hiss, called to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee, denied all charges. When Chambers produced evidence suggesting Hiss was lying, Hiss was convicted of and sentenced to four years in prison. Though he insisted until his dying day that he was innocent, recently disclosed Soviet records suggest that Hiss was, in fact, a Soviet agent.

Klaus Fuchs (1911-1988) was a German-born atomic physicist who worked on the , helping to develop the atomic bomb during World War II. He was also a Communist and a Soviet agent.

During his time working on the Manhattan Project, Fuchs conveyed top-secret information on the American atomic program to the Soviet Union. It remains unclear whether information gleaned from Fuchs's spying helped to accelerate the Soviet bomb program, which successfully detonated a nuclear device in 1949. Fuchs was arrested by British intelligence in 1950. He spent nine years in jail before being deported to Communist East Germany, where he lived until 1988.

This information was obtained from the following source:

Shmoop Editorial Team. "McCarthyism & Red Scare Summary & Analysis." Shmoop.com. Shmoop University, Inc., 11 Nov. 2008. Web. 28 Feb. 2014.