Al-Qa`Ida's Resurgence in Pakistan
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
Cultural Intelligence in Covert Operatives
OVERT ACCEPTANCE: CULTURAL INTELLIGENCE IN COVERT OPERATIVES CHIP MICHAEL BUCKLEY A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Mercyhurst University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN APPLIED INTELLIGENCE RIDGE SCHOOL FOR INTELLIGENCE STUDIES AND INFORMATION SCIENCE MERCYHURST UNIVERSITY ERIE, PENNSYLVANIA JANUARY 2015 RIDGE SCHOOL FOR INTELLIGENCE STUDIES AND INFORMATION SCIENCE MERCYHURST UNIVERSITY ERIE, PENNSYLVANIA OVERT ACCEPTANCE: CULTURAL INTELLIGENCE IN COVERT OPERATIVES A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Mercyhurst University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN APPLIED INTELLIGENCE Submitted By: CHIP MICHAEL BUCKLEY Certificate of Approval: ___________________________________ Stephen Zidek, M.A. Assistant Professor The Ridge School of Intelligence Studies and Information Science ___________________________________ James G. Breckenridge, Ph.D. Associate Professor The Ridge School of Intelligence Studies and Information Science ___________________________________ Phillip J. Belfiore, Ph.D. Vice President Office of Academic Affairs January 2015 Copyright © 2015 by Chip Michael Buckley All rights reserved. iii DEDICATION To my father. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge a number of important individuals who have provided an extraordinary amount of support throughout this process. The faculty at Mercyhurst University, particularly Professor Stephen Zidek, provided invaluable guidance when researching and developing this thesis. My friends and classmates also volunteered important ideas and guidance throughout this time. Lastly, my family’s support, patience, and persistent inquiries regarding my progress cannot be overlooked. v ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Overt Acceptance: Cultural Intelligence in Covert Operatives A Critical Examination By Chip Michael Buckley Master of Science in Applied Intelligence Mercyhurst University, 2014 Professor S. -
The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan
Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan 19 Chapter 2 The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan John-Michael Arnold Introduction1 This chapter examines what happened, during the waning years of the American-Soviet struggle, in two conflicts that were part of the “global Cold War.”2 In both Afghanistan and Nicaragua through- out the 1980s, Soviet-supported Marxist regimes had fought Ameri- can-aided insurgencies. The United States’ support to the Afghan and Nicaraguan guerillas was central to what became widely known as the “Reagan Doctrine,” a term coined by columnist Charles Krauthammer in 1985 and which he defined as “overt and unashamed American sup- port for anti-Communist revolution.”3 While President Reagan became associated in many people’s minds with the American counter-offensive against Marxist regimes, it fell to Reagan’s vice-president and successor in the Oval Office, President George H.W. Bush, to preside over the endgame of the “Reagan Doc- trine.” The following analysis demonstrates three major things about the Bush administration’s record in that regard. First, in the midst of continuing competition with the Soviet Union, the Bush administration wanted settlements to the wars in Nicaragua and Afghanistan, pref- erably with the departure of the Soviet-aligned governments in those countries. Second, during the Bush administration’s term—which ran from January 1989 until January 1993—there was a narrowing of ideo- logical differences between the superpowers when it came to “regional conflicts,” with Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union sharing similar ideas to the United States about the need for political settlements and even democratic elections as the way to end proxy wars. -
The Myth of Grass-Roots Terrorism: Why Osama Bin Laden Still Matters
The Myth of Grass-Roots Terrorism Why Osama bin Laden Still Matters By Bruce Hoffman From Foreign Affairs , May/June 2008 Leaderless Jihad: Terror Networks in the Twenty-first Century . Marc Sageman . University of Pennsylvania Press , 2008 , 208 $24.95 Summary: Marc Sageman claims that al Qaeda's leadership is finished and today's terrorist threat comes primarily from below. But the terrorist elites are alive and well, and ignoring the threat they pose will have disastrous consequences. BRUCE HOFFMAN is a Professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service and a Senior Fellow at the U.S. Military Academy's Combating Terrorism Center at West Point. He is the author of Inside Terrorism. Since Rudy Giuliani's early exit from the Republican presidential primary, the issue of terrorism has barely been mentioned by any of the candidates in either party. Given its absence from this year's U.S. presidential campaign, it is easy to forget how prominent a role terrorism played in 2004. Many observers believe that Osama bin Laden's dramatically choreographed videotaped appearance on October 29, 2004, may have tipped the vote in President George W. Bush's favor by reminding Americans of the horrors of 9/11 and instilling a fear of future attacks. And although terrorism has largely been ignored as a campaign issue thus far, bin Laden and al Qaeda may deliberately raise its visibility once again. The publication of Leaderless Jihad is therefore timely. Its author, Marc Sageman, brings unique credentials to the study of terrorism. European-born but American-educated, Sageman holds a doctorate in political sociology and is a practicing psychiatrist. -
The 9/11 Commission Report
Final1-4.4pp 7/17/04 9:12 AM Page 108 4 RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 4.1 BEFORE THE BOMBINGS IN KENYA AND TANZANIA Although the 1995 National Intelligence Estimate had warned of a new type of terrorism, many officials continued to think of terrorists as agents of states (Saudi Hezbollah acting for Iran against Khobar Towers) or as domestic crim- inals (Timothy McVeigh in Oklahoma City).As we pointed out in chapter 3, the White House is not a natural locus for program management. Hence, gov- ernment efforts to cope with terrorism were essentially the work of individ- ual agencies. President Bill Clinton’s counterterrorism Presidential Decision Directives in 1995 (no. 39) and May 1998 (no. 62) reiterated that terrorism was a national security problem,not just a law enforcement issue.They reinforced the author- ity of the National Security Council (NSC) to coordinate domestic as well as foreign counterterrorism efforts, through Richard Clarke and his interagency Counterterrorism Security Group (CSG). Spotlighting new concerns about unconventional attacks, these directives assigned tasks to lead agencies but did not differentiate types of terrorist threats.Thus,while Clarke might prod or push agencies to act, what actually happened was usually decided at the State Depart- ment, the Pentagon, the CIA, or the Justice Department.The efforts of these agencies were sometimes energetic and sometimes effective.Terrorist plots were disrupted and individual terrorists were captured.But the United States did not, before 9/11, adopt as a clear strategic objective the elimination of al Qaeda. Early Efforts against Bin Ladin Until 1996, hardly anyone in the U.S.government understood that Usama Bin Ladin was an inspirer and organizer of the new terrorism. -
Enkaz Devralmak 2
ENKAZ DEVRALMAK 2. ÖZET KİTAP Bu özet, III Bölüm ve 27 Alt Bölümden oluşan 1. ENKAZ DEVRALMAK özet kitabının devamıdır. BÖLÜM IV “Şu Palyaçoları Başından At” Nixon ve Ford Yönetimleri Döneminde CIA 1968 – 1976 28. “O Palyaçolar Orada Ne Yapıyor?” Helms 1968 baharında, tepesine dikilecek yeni patronun, ya Robert Kennedy, ya da Richard Nixon olacağından korkuyordu. Kennedy, teşkilâtın gücünü istismar etmiş, Helms’e de gayet soğuk ve aşağılayıcı tavırlar almıştı. Başkan adayı olur, sonra da seçilip Başkomutan kisvesini de kuşanırsa, teşkilâtın kendisi hakkındaki gizli dosyalarının tehdidini ensesinde hissedecekti. R. Kennedy seçim kampanyası sırasında bir suikasta kurban gitti. Helms, bu cinayete çok şaşırmış ama fazla da üzülmemişti doğrusu. Richard Nixon ise başka türlü bir sorundu. CIA’nın bir yığın tatlı su elitistleri, Kennedy’nin adamları ve dedikoducular ile dolu olduğunu düşünürdü. John Kennedy ile girişip kıl payı kaybettiği seçim yarışı sırasında yaşanan o meşhur TV tartışmasında yediği gollerin paslarını da rakibine, CIA’nın verdiğine inanıyordu. Nixon, eğer o seçimleri kazansaydı, gizli operasyonları yürütmek için CIA dışında bir örgüt kuracağını 1962’de kaleme aldığı hatıralarında (Six Crisis – Altı Kriz) yazmıştı. CIA’nın yüreğini sökeceğini belirtiyordu açıkça. Helms ve Nixon ilk kez 1968 Ağustos’unda, Başkan Johnson’un çiftliğindeki bir yemek sırasında uzun uzadıya konuştular. Nixon Helms’e, K. Vietnamlıların ABD’yi yendiklerine ilişkin düşüncelerinin sürüp sürmediğini sordu. Helms, düşmanın Dien Bien Phu zaferinden beri bu düşüncede olduğunu söyledi. Nixon’un duymak istediği son şeydi bu. Nixon, seçimleri kazandıktan sonra Johnson’a Helms hakkındaki düşüncelerini sordu, onu görevinde tutmalı mıydı? “Yetenekli ve sadık bir adamdır” dedi Johnson, “Ben olsam tutardım”. Helms yakında bu sadakatinin faturasının ne olduğunu öğrenecekti. -
Lucy Morgan Edwards to the University of Exeter As a Thesis for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics by Publication, in March 2015
Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001 - 2014 and its effect on Political Legitimacy Submitted by Lucy Morgan Edwards to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics by Publication, in March 2015 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certifythat all the material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted or approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. !tu ?"\J�� Signature. ... .......................L�Uv) ......... ...!} (/......................., ................................................ 0 1 ABSTRACT This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. -
The Tragedy of the Iran Hostage Crisis
GETTING THE AYATOLLAH WRONG: PERCEPTIONS AND MISPERCEPTIONS OF IRAN’S REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP DAVID PATRICK HOUGHTON DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE P.O. BOX 161356 UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL FLORIDA ORLANDO, FL 32816 USA EMAIL: [email protected] TEL: (407) 823-6025 FAX: (407) 823-0051 Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, San Diego, CA, April 2012. Abstract Relations between Iran and the West have long been plagued on both sides by misunderstandings and misconceptions of the motivations and beliefs which drive the behavior of foreign policy elites. This paper focuses in particular on script-driven misperceptions of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and on how and why these changed over time. Why in particular did the Carter administration get Khomeini so wrong? It is argued here that a ‘cult of the Shah’ left the American intelligence community singularly unprepared to deal with any new regime after Mohammed Reza Pahlavi’s fall, and that the prevalence of the Cold War strategic script in particular led many to downgrade the importance of the Iranian clergy. Perceptions of Khomeini, it is suggested, passed through three stages: he was initially viewed as a figure of irrelevance by many in the West, or as someone who could not possibly influence the course of events in Tehran. This misperception then gave way by late 1978 to another: the notion that Khomeini was a ‘Gandhi-like’ figure with whom American leaders could bargain, but ignorance about Khomeini’s background and aims within the White House and other elements of the administration led to a disastrous attempt to court his moderate allies within the provisional government. -
Kelly Mcfarland on Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and The
Bruce O. Riedel. Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017. xv + 251 pp. $25.99, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8157-3137-5. Reviewed by Kelly McFarland Published on H-Diplo (March, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) In his latest work, Kings and Presidents: Sau‐ very different countries. America is a superpower di Arabia and the United States since FDR, the democracy that aspires to be a tolerant home to a Brookings Institute’s (and longtime government diverse multiethnic and multireligious popula‐ analyst and policymaker) Bruce Riedel focuses on tion, all of whom are equal in the eyes of the law. the US-Saudi relationship since 1945. Riedel’s Saudi Arabia is the world’s last absolute monar‐ book comes at a rather precarious time in the re‐ chy and also is a theocracy with a fundamentalist lationship’s history. Congressional and public out‐ religious faith, dominated by a Wahhabi clergy cry over Riyadh’s ongoing war in Yemen and the that is intolerant and suspicious of outsiders” (p. October 2018 killing of Washington Post journal‐ xiii). The contradictions in the relationship have ist Jamal Khoshoggi inside the Saudi consulate in been ever-present. Riedel points out that this book Istanbul—which Saudi crown prince Muhammed is “not a diplomatic history of the relationship or bin Salman probably sanctioned according to the a comprehensive study of all their interactions,” Central Intelligence Agency—have put the part‐ but instead uses specific “case studies of interac‐ nership on notice. -
US Nation-Building in Afghanistan
US Nation-Building in Afghanistan CONOR KEANE US Nation-Building in Afghanistan Why has the US so dramatically failed in Afghanistan since 2001? Dominant explanations have ignored the bureaucratic divisions and personality conlicts inside the US state. This book rectiies this weakness in commentary on Afghani- stan by exploring the signiicant role of these divisions in the US’s dificulties in the country that meant the battle was virtually lost before it even began. The main objective of the book is to deepen readers’ understanding of the impact of bureaucratic politics on nation-building in Afghanistan, focusing primarily on the Bush administration. It rejects the ‘rational actor’ model, according to which the US functions as a coherent, monolithic agent. Instead, internal divisions within the foreign policy bureaucracy are explored, to build up a picture of the internal tensions and contradictions that bedevilled US nation-building efforts. The book also contributes to the vexed issue of whether or not the US should engage in nation-building at all, and if so under what conditions. Dr Conor Keane has degrees in law and politics, and a doctorate on nation- building in Afghanistan from Macquarie University. His research interests include counter terrorism, state building, bureaucratic politics and US foreign policy. He has published several articles on these topics in journals such as Armed Forces & Society and International Peacekeeping. US Nation-Building in Afghanistan Conor Keane First published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 Conor Keane The right of Conor Keane to be identiied as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. -
The Intelligence Officer's Bookshelf
Studies in Intelligence Vol. 50 No. 3 (2006) The Intelligence Officer's Bookshelf Intelligence in Recent Public Literature Compiled and Reviewed by Hayden B. Peake General and Current Intelligence Issues Gary Berntsen and Ralph Pezzullo. JAWBREAKER: The Attack on Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda - A Personal Account by the CIA's Key Field Commander (New York: Crown Publishers, 2005), 328 pp., photos, index. Lieut. Col. “Bokhara” Burnes made two trips to Afghanistan to collect intelligence for the British government in India. He wrote a book about the first trip but was slain during the second by Afghans bent on ousting the British.[1] Gary Berntsen read the Burnes book to gain background on the Afghans and their response to foreigners, which had changed little since the 19th century. Berntsen also made two trips to Afghanistan. But he did more than collect intelligence and fortunately returned from his second to write JAWBREAKER, an account of the early attempts to support the Afghanistan Northern Alliance, attack al Qa’ida and find and kill Usama Bin Laden. JAWBREAKER is the codeword for the CIA program that sent a number of teams into regions of Afghanistan after 9/11. The lead team headed by Gary Schroen laid the groundwork and his story is told in the book, First In (reviewed in Studies Intelligence 49, no. 4).[2] Berntsen’s team relieved Schroen, and JAWBREAKER is Berntsen’s story, providing details about his career, the CIA Counterterrorist Center (CTC), and his take on the challenges of working with CENTCOM’s Special Forces units. Graduating one from the bottom in his high school class, Berntsen joined the Air Force on his 18th birthday and became a crash firefighter in Osan, South Korea. -
The Failure of America's Transferal Policy from the Cold War to the War on Terror
Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy June 2019, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 1-9 ISSN: 2333-5866 (Print), 2333-5874 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v7n1a1 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jirfp.v7n1a1 The Failure of America’s Transferal Policy from the Cold War to the War on Terror Jason Cooley1 Introduction When a nation is attempting to become a potent force in the world, its leaders have a propensity to focus on the positives that will surface once this goal is achieved. What they fail to take into consideration is the manner in which several problems also emerge after a considerable amount of power is acquired. Some of these issues can be resolved rather quickly, but others take a lot of time to rectify because they are extremely complicated. One of the problems that take up much of the time of policymakers from a world power is instability within nations where military interventions are taking place. If instances from the past are examined, it becomes quite apparent that one of the ways that a major power deals with disorder is by using transferal, a policy that consists of handing security responsibilities from the intervening soldiers to indigenous parties. While the Cold War was in progress, American officials exhibited an affinity for the transferal policy. It can be said that this fondness did not dissipate following the downfall of the Soviet Union because Washington has continued to make transfers in the campaign against Islamic extremist organizations.