THE MUSLIM EXPERIENCE by Salaha Khan

Home , Islam in Canada, Pakistani Canadians

THE PROCESS OF CRAFTING AN AUTHENTIC IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF IMMIGRATION TO CANADA: THE MUSLIM EXPERIENCE

Salaha Khan

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Adult Education and Counselling Psychology Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

THE PROCESS OF CRAFTING AN AUTHENTIC IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF IMMIGRATION TO CANADA: THE MUSLIM EXPERIENCE

Doctor of Philosophy 2012 Salaha Khan Department of Adult Education and Counselling Psychology University of Toronto

ABSTRACT

This study looked at the experience of religion and the formation of a contemporary ethnoreligious identity in the lives of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women who have been residents of Canada for five to ten years. The present research explored the life experiences of Muslim immigrants from Pakistan who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families and resolved the ensuing cultural dislocation. In order to understand the subjective meanings of immigrants’ lived experiences in Canada, the present study used a

Grounded Theory framework. The analysis of data revealed a four stage theory of Muslim identity formation. Those stages describe the step-by-step process that highlights immigrants’ experience of culture shock, resolution of culture shock through immigrants’ reaffirmation of their religion that lays the groundwork for an authentic identity through differentiation of self from their country of origin, and formation of an authentic Muslim identity in the host society. It is proposed that the resolution of culture shock and the creation of a post-immigration identity mirrors the developmental process of Differentiation of Self and Other as outlined by Watson

(2011) in her process model of becoming a self-governing person. Using their faith as a key resource to cope, these immigrants achieve a renewed sense of self and a revitalized faith.

Immigrants come to an enhanced appreciation of Islam as the best system of life for themselves.

An improved relationship with faith enhances immigrants’ awareness about the actual philosophy of its system and helps immigrants internalize the desirable Muslim character traits which focus on altruism, modesty, tolerance, fairness, forgiveness, and inclusion. Internalizing the pro social values of Islam brings about a fundamental shift in these immigrants’ perspectives about self and the host society. They successfully differentiate themselves from their country of origin to thrive in their adopted country. Canada provides them a conducive context which helps them access their positive potential in becoming their ideal self, the true Muslims. They come to an increased appreciation of the new society and accept it as their new home, thus form a new identity that speaks for the authentic version of Islam.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I want to thank Allah for all of the blessings that I have in life.

I would like to express my gratitude to my research participants whose insights and willingness to share their experience made this project possible. I am thankful to them for their trust in sharing their stories and struggles with me and I am deeply impressed by the resilience and positivity that they hold about their life in Canada. I wish them best of luck in their pursuits and sincerely hope that they fulfill their dream of demonstrating the true version of Islam in

Canada through their positive characters and their efforts be positively received by the Canadian society as well.

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Jeanne Watson, my dissertation supervisor whose support and encouragement helped me sustain the many hard phases of this long journey. Jeanne, you helped me feel entitled to dream and find ways to realize those dreams. You supported me through many hard phases of this journey, the times when I really felt like giving up. Your encouragement, support and constructive feedback helped me take the ownership of this research and made it the best and most positive learning experience of my life.

I am also very thankful to Dr. Kim Noel my external examiner for her extremely helpful, constructive and thought provoking comments and suggestions on my dissertation. My special thanks to Dr. Charles Chen, my committee member whose support, generosity, and kindness helped me feel grounded and supported me through different phases of my academic journey. I also want to express my heart filled gratitude to Dr. Abby Goldstein whose constructive feedback, comments and suggestions helped me envision my research from very important angles. I also want to thank Dr. Margaret Schneider and Dr. John Portelli for their support and time.

My very special thanks to Dr. Syed for her support, precious time and extremely helpful feedback and comments on my dissertation. Thank you for the many evenings that you devoted on helping me prepare for my defense. Your help meant the world to me. I am also indebted to

Linah Hashimi for her comments, feedback and editing on my dissertation. Thanks to my very special friend Carla whose support and love has been instrumental in my life. Very special thanks to my CSD Centennial team, Irene, Carla, Lynda, Lorene, Craig, Beth, Jessica, Christine,

Rakhi, Paula, Joanne, for their support and best wishes for me.

I owe special thanks to my family, especially my Dad whose prayers and best wishes always helped me through hard times in life. Thank you for your love and your prayers Abbu; your prayers and love are the best assets for me. Special thanks to my sister Rahat and brother- in-law Nasir for their unending support, love and care during the many years of my PhD; may

Allah always bless you. Thanks to my bothers Sajjad, Irshad, and Shahzad for their unending love and support; my sisters, Rahat, Farah, Huma, and Novera for their support and best wishes for me.

My very special thanks go to my three beautiful children Hamna, Sana and Azher who patiently endured all the hardships with me and who filled my life with the most precious love and happiness. Their love had been the biggest buffer and motivation in my personal, emotional and academic life and I wish them every success and happiness in life. Last but not the least, my heartfelt thanks to Masood, my husband whose trust and love had been so instrumental in my life. You always made me feel loved and reassured. I wouldn’t be here without your love and support Masood.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iv Table of Contents ...... vi Appendices ...... viii Dedication ...... ix

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ...... 1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ...... 3 RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY ...... 5 LITERATURE REVIEW...... 9 RELIGION………… ...... 9 Dimension or Aspect of Religion ...... 10 Religion and Mental Health ...... 12 THE PROCESS OF ACCULTURATION AND ADAPTATION IN THE CONTEXT OF IMMIGRATION. 15 MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA - THE CANADIAN CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS MOSAIC .... 17 CANADIAN IMMIGRATION: THE CROSSROADS OF CULTURAL, RACIAL, AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY…………………...... 19 ISLAM……………...... 20 Al-Qur’an…...... 21 The Five Pillars of Islam: The Underlying Philosophy for a Healthy Individual and Communal Life ..... 22 PAKISTAN – A SOCIAL, CULTURAL, AND RELIGIOUS MOSAIC...... 25 Culturally Endorsed Gender Roles in Pakistan versus Islamic Outlook on Gender Roles ...... 25 Cultural, Religious and Social Life in Pakistan ...... 26 IMMIGRATION TO CANADA FROM PAKISTAN ...... 27 Gender Roles in Pakistan and Canada: A Comparison ...... 28 The impact of Gender Role Socialization on Pakistani Men and Women ...... 30 Religion in the lives of Pakistani Canadian Muslim immigrants ...... 31 Gender differences among Pakistani immigrant men and women on religious activities ...... 32 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESENT RESEARCH ...... 33 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 38

CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY ...... 39 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 40 GROUNDED THEORY FRAMEWORK ...... 42 RESEARCHER’S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ROOTS...... 48 PROCEDURES ...... 54 Location of the present study ...... 54 Sampling and the criteria for participant selection ...... 54 Recruitment...... 56 Telephone Screening questionnaire ...... 57 Self Report Demographic Questionnaire ...... 57 Participants...... 58 The Interviews ...... 59 DATA ANALYSIS ...... 62 CRITERIA OF MORAL RESPONSIBILITY, TRANSPARENCY, TRUSTWORTHINESS AND CREDIBILITY IN THE PRESENT RESEARCH ...... 66

CHAPTER THREE: RESULTS ...... 71 CORE CATEGORY: THE PROCESS OF CRAFTING AN AUTHENTIC IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF IMMIGRATION TO CANADA –THE MUSLIM EXPERIENCE ...... 71 CONFRONTING THE CHALLENGES IN THE NEW LAND……………...... 75

Culture shock: the Canadian experience ...... 79 Harsh winter ...... ………………………………………………………………………79 Challenged by policies and procedures ...... 80 High cost of living in Canada ...... 82 Job restrictions ...... 83 Challenges due to ethnoreligious identity ...... 84 Experiences of racism ...... 84 Feeling attacked due to ethnoreligious identity ...... 84 Job Discrimination ...... 86 Difference in values — hurdle in immigrants’ occupational growth in Canada ...... 87 Feeling blamed at work ...... 89 Fears for children ...... 90 Fears of losing children in Canada ...... 90 Threat of peer pressure ...... 92 Concerns about children’s cultural and religious displacement ...... 93 Feeling alone in teaching children ...... 95 Losses…...... 96 Loss of family support...... 97 Loss of religious environment ...... 98 Loss of status-dashed dreams ...... 99 Loss of belongingness - feeling homesick...... 100 SUMMARY………………...... 101 COPING THROUGH TAKING REFUGE IN ISLAM AND SAFEGUARDING MUSLIM IDENTITY ...... 103 Taking refuge in Islam to protect children ...... 106 Assuming responsibility for children’s upbringing in Canada ...... 107 Making sacrifices and tailoring personal life priorities ...... 108 Engaging in faith ...... 110 Safeguarding Islam and ethnoreligious identity...... 112 Claiming ownership of Islam and ethnoreligious identity ...... 113 Treasuring and preserving Islam and religious teachings...... 114 Rejecting Western cultural values ...... 116 Erasing bad image of Muslims in Canada ...... 118 Negotiating religious needs in Canada ...... 120 Bonding with Muslims through congregational religious activities ...... 121 SUMMARY...... 123 FORMING A NEW IDENTITY...... 124 Realizing the spirit of Islam—becoming a true Muslim ...... 127 Understanding the heart of Islam ...... 128 Comprehending the teachings of Islam ...... 130 Increased sense of wellbeing ...... 132 Feeling close to Allah ...... 133 Finding peace in prayer ...... 134 Finding orientation, purpose, and direction in life ...... 137 Emergence of positive feelings for self ...... 138 Enhanced wisdom and maturity ...... 140 Feeling well-blended in Canada ...... 141 Embracing Canada ...... 143 Benefits of living in Canada—Canada a home away from home ...... 144 Canada – culturally and religiously tolerant place ...... 146 Improved quality of life— valuing privacy and physical protection ...... 148 Sound social system and standards of equality ...... 150 Finding Islam free of cultural binds in Canada ...... 152 Seeing Islam implemented in Canada ...... 153 Seeing negatives of homeland ...... 155 Islam taken for granted in Pakistan ...... 156

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Pakistan - a status conscious and impolite society ...... 157 Loss of Islamic teachings in Pakistan ...... 159 Pakistani culture manipulates religion ...... 161 SUMMARY ...... 163 OVERALL SUMMARY ...... 164

CHAPTER FOUR: DISCUSSION ...... 166 ‘THE THEORY OF CRAFTING A MUSLIM IDENTITY IN THE CANADIAN MOSAIC’ ...... 167 Stage 1- Experiencing pain and culture shock: fears, worries and resistance ...... 169 Stage 2- Actively coping- holding on to Islam and trying to realize a sense of unique self in asserting a Muslim identity ...... 186 Stage 3: Defining an authentic identity: differentiating from the country of origin-thriving in the adopted country…………… ...... 201 Stage 4: Formation of an authentic Muslim identity: becoming part of the Canadian mosaic ...... 213 COUNSELLING AND CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS ...... 218 STRENGTHS ...... 221 LIMITATIONS...... 223 FUTURE DIRECTIONS ...... 225

REFERENCES ...... 228

APPENDIX A – Phone Screening ...... 244 APPENDIX B – Background Information...... 245 APPENDIX C – Interview Guide ...... 247 APPENDIX D – Recruitment Flyer ...... 248 APPENDIX E – Information Letter ...... 249 APPENDIX F – Consent Form ...... 251 APPENDIX G – Sample Summary ...... 253 APPENDIX H – Participant Profile ...... 258 APPENDIX I – Survey Telesheet ...... 259 APPENDIX J –First Comprehensive Coding Scheme...... 260 APPENDIX K –Intermediate Comprehensive Coding Scheme ...... 261 APPENDIX L –Third Comprehensive Coding Scheme ...... 262 APPENDIX M – Final Core Category and Associated Higher Order and Lower Order Categories ...... 263 APPENDIX N – Development of theory: Crafting a Muslim Identity in the Canadian Mosaic...... 264

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this dissertation to my mother, late Abida Iqbal whose love and trust in me encouraged me to take on this PhD program. Ammi, your life was a book written with golden words of wisdom for your 8 children. You are the best mother in the world who nurtured us with your unending unconditional love and who taught us that nothing is impossible in this world if you put your faith and energy in it. You taught us how to succeed and to never give up in the face of hardships. Your prayers helped me through all the hardships in my life. Ammi, I miss you and I wish if you were there to see me make it to the finish line to tell me how proud you were of me.

But I know your prayers have always been with me even after you left.

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Canada is a country with the highest per capita immigration rate in the world; roughly double that of the United States (CBC News, 2007). Of the immigrants who come from all over the world, the largest number comes from Asia, with South Asia (Pakistan, India, Bangladesh,

Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Afghanistan) being the second largest source of immigrants among the overall Asian immigrants (Statistics Canada:Census, 2001). According to the 2006 census, South

Asian Canadians (1.3 million) overtook the people of Chinese origin (1.2 million) to become

Canada’s largest visible minority group (Statistics Canada: Census 2006). As the number of immigrants has increased and their countries of origin have diversified, religion has emerged as an important basis of identity in Canada as it has in the United Kingdom and many European countries (Addario, et al., 2008; Peach, 2006; Vertovec, 2002; Reitz, Banerjee, Phan, &

Thompson, 2009).

Canada’s religious profile shows a substantial growth of Muslims whose numbers more than doubled in the recent decade — a growth rate that has been the fastest among all other religious denominations in Canada (Statistics Canada: Census 2001). Muslim population has been mainly foreign-born, with first generation Muslims accounting for over 78% of the total

Muslim population in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA); among this group,

Pakistanis comprise the largest population of Muslims in the area (Addario, et al., 2008).

Pakistan ––the world’s second largest Muslim State with 97% Muslim population, is also among the top-four countries of origin of Canadian immigrants between 2001 and 2006 (CBC

News, 2007). However, despite a substantial increase of Muslims in Canada in general, and

Pakistani Muslim immigrants in particular, little is known about the role of religion and the

2 process of adaptation to immigration among these immigrants. There is sparse research on the meaning Pakistani Muslim newcomers attach to Islam, their unique ethnoreligious identity, and the impact of this meaning making and experiencing on their sense of wellbeing in the context of immigrating to Canada. The present study attempts to understand Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ experience of relocation to the new society, their experience of Islam, and a contemporary ethnoreligious identity through the exploration of their subjective experiences in the context of

Canadian immigration. The present study explores the phenomenon from a qualitative perspective of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women to understand how immigration to a religiously and culturally diverse society impacts upon their experience of faith and feelings about being an ethnoreligious minority in a foreign land. The present study also probed, how meaning making of the above-mentioned experiences is related to the sense of wellbeing across gender.

Religion appears to be an important component of many Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ post immigration lives and they depend on faith to maintain their distinctiveness in the new land

(Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990; Williams, 1988; Reitz, Banerjee, Phan & Thompson, 2009;

Ralston, 1992; 1996; Khan1, 2005). On the other hand, some Pakistani Muslim immigrants may perceive immigration as an opportunity to liberate themselves from a mandatory religious doctrine by integrating into the secular realm (Williams, 1988; Pipes & Duran, 2002) and they may also avoid identifying themselves as Muslims in the new land (Khan2, 1995). However, the present study covers only part of Pakistani Muslim immigrants who identify themselves as

‘Pakistani Muslims’ in Canada. Nonetheless, the present study keeps its inquiry open by including all Pakistanis who identify themselves as Pakistani Muslims, regardless of their practice of religion in the new land. This open-ended inquiry discovers diversities as well as the

3 depth in the experiencing and meaning making of the construct of Islam and a distinct identity in the context of immigration to and resettlement in a culturally and religiously diverse society.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The number of Muslim immigrants, more specifically, Pakistani Muslim immigrants to

Canada has increased substantially in recent years (CBC News, 2007; Addairo et al., 2008).

However, research-based information about the role of religion in the lives of these immigrants and their experience of a distinct ethnoreligious identity has been quite limited in the Canadian context. Similarly, little is known about the impact of the changed social and cultural context in guiding and shaping immigrants’ feelings toward their faith system and self as an ethnoreligious minority.

Religion plays a crucial role in shaping the ethnoreligious and sociocultural life structure of Muslim immigrants to North America (Hogben, 1983; Stodolska & Livengood, 2006;

Williams, 1988; Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Mohammad-Arif, 2000). Most of the immigrants from Pakistan strive to maintain their religious and cultural values in the new land and urge to pass them on to the next generation (Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990; Qureshi & Qureshi 1983;

Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996; Mohammad-Arif, 2000). Religion seems to serve more than an orientation of belief system for them, it structures their lives in a certain way and its functions in their lives appear to be multifaceted (Williams, 1988; Addairo et al., 2008; Mohammad-Arif,

2000; Ahmed, 2005; Ralston, 1996).

Coming from a predominantly Islamic society, Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ association with Islam becomes an important aspect of their identity in Canada (Ralston, 1996; Khan2, 1995;

Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Qurehi & Qureshi, 1983; Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990;

Mohammad-Arif, 2000). Ethnic identification is also an integral part of self-identity and when

4 ethnic identity is linked to religion, there may be additional benefits for the immigrants to engage in organized religious activities to strengthen their ethnic links that contributes to their improved overall adjustment in the host society (Jarvis et al., 2006; Nimer, 2002; Berry, 1997).

Religious values manifest in Pakistani immigrants’ day-to-day lives through their social behaviours, preferences, choices, and ways of acting, perceiving, and meaning making

(Stodolska & Livengood, 2006; Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996; Pavri, 2009; Mohammad-Arif,

2000). Islam is rooted in most Pakistani immigrants’ lives (Pavri, 2009; Ahmed, 2005;

Mohammad-Arif, 2000) and research shows that immigrants tend to seek help from religion to deal with the adversity that follows immigration to a different country (Addairo et al., 2008;

Khan1, 2005; Mella, 1994). Furthermore, Pakistani Muslim immigrants use religion in maintaining their uniqueness in the new land (Ralston, 1992;1996), to feel supported while adjusting and integrating into the new society (Khan1, 2005; Addairo et al., 2008), and to feel connected with their past and the ties left behind (Awan, 1989; Huaini, 1990; Qureshi & Qureshi,

1983; Williams, 1988).

However, religion may also cause feelings of dislike among few Pakistani Muslim immigrants. This includes the immigrants who may have experienced gender bias, oppression, and inequality in Pakistan due to cultural, political, and religious reasons and those who face racism, disapproval, censure, and prejudice in the new land due to their race and Muslim identity

(Khan2, 1995), or those who prefer not to conform to the doctrines of Islam (Pipes & Duran,

2002; Khan2, 1995, 2002). For example, Khan2’s (1995) Canada based research (comprising a sample of South Asian and Middle Eastern Muslim immigrant women) indicated that a few of the women expressed an aversion to religion due to their personal experiences which had made them feel oppressed, marginalized, and unfairly treated both in their country of origin and in

Canada. However, Khan’s (1995) overall findings suggested that the women, despite holding ambivalent feelings towards religion, expressed a longing for a stable identity—‘a desire to be

Muslim woman’ and accepted for being Muslim without any bias and religious discrimination in the Canadian society (Khan2, 1995, 2002). This finding implies that religion may produce ambivalent feelings among people due to their diverse experiences with religion in their given social, cultural and political contexts. Nonetheless, entitlement to a distinct identity — an identity that borrows its distinguished meaning from religion in an otherwise alien society, seems to become important aspect of a person’s sense of self (Khan2, 1995, 2002; Williams, 1988).

Khan2’s (1995) finding also points that the feelings, emotions, and motivations underlying immigrants’ experience of faith and their distinct identity in the new land contain profoundly subjective meanings which cannot be objectively measured or inferred from the existing knowledge. Thus, it seems important to explore the underlying feelings and meanings that Muslim immigrants attach to their religious affiliation in the host society, what effects does the diverse cultural context has on immigrants’ experience of Islam and how do they construe a sense of unique self in the new country. The present study explores the experiences of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women by means of open-ended exploratory interviews to discover their subjective accounts on their experience of moving to Canada with their immediate families, resettling and adjusting, and perceptions about their religious and ethnic affiliation in the new land.

RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY

Research suggests that Islam plays a vital role in the lives of Pakistani Muslim immigrants after immigration (Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Abu-Laban, 1983; Ralston, 1996;

Williams, 1988; Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990). Islam appears to serve as an important identity

6 marker for Pakistani Muslim immigrants in their new countries and many Pakistani immigrants become more religious after coming to North America (Ralston, 1996; Williams, 1988; Khan2 ,

1995; Ahmed, 2005; Lovell, 1983; Mohammad-Arif, 2000). Furthermore, a number of Pakistani immigrants practice religion as a means to feel connected with their culture and the extended family ties left behind. They find religion helpful in enabling them to maintain their distinctiveness while they adjust to the new society (Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996; Khan1,

2005; Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990). The changed cultural context provides immigrants an opportunity to embrace Islam even more and make it an important part of their lives in the new land (Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Abu-Laban, 1983; Ralston, 1996; Williams, 1988; Awan, 1989;

Husaini, 1990; Mohammad-Arif, 2000). It seems that immigration affords immigrants an opportunity to reframe their understanding of the faith to coherently articulate its meaning in their new lives. Religion appears to influence immigrants’ lives in significant ways and seems to serve as a vital component to their sense of identity in the foreign land, and exploration of these areas provided the impetus for the present study.

As mentioned earlier, Pakistan is one of the top ten countries of origin for immigrants to

Canada, as 60,000 Pakistanis immigrated to Canada during the period 2001 to 2006 and out of these, around 40,000 settled in the Toronto area (Statistics Canada: Census 2006). More recently,

100,000 Pakistani immigrants (or permanent residents) reside in Toronto (Statistics Canada,

2006). Out of all the Muslim population in Canada, Pakistani immigrants, despite being a larger immigrant group, are an understudied and neglected ethnic minority group who have mostly been lumped together with other South Asians. The present study attempts to address this gap in the research field.

Research to date has partially addressed the question of ‘What has been the place of religion in the life of Pakistani Muslim immigrants to Canada?’ with an answer that frequently supports its importance in the lives of these immigrants (e.g. Williams, 1988; Husaini, 1990;

Awan, 1989; Ralston, 1996; Mohammad-Arif, 2000; Khan & Watson, 2005; Khan1 , 2005;

Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Khan1, 2005 etc). However, how religion captures an important place in these immigrants’ lives; what role does the changed cultural context play in providing immigrants an opportunity to redefine their relationship with faith, what feelings, emotions, and connotations are attached to this experience; and how do immigrants craft and define a unique identity in a diverse cultural and religious milieu, is still unknown.

There have been some studies that explored the resettlement of Pakistani Muslims in

Canada. For example, Husaini’s (1990) study explored experiences of Muslims in Canada, with particular focus on Albertan Muslims. Ralston’s (1996) study qualitatively explored the lived experiences of Muslim immigrant women in Atlantic Canada. However, little is known about the life experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrants who are residing in the Census Metropolitan

Area (CMA) of Toronto, with their immediate families. It is important to explore what have been the personal experiences of these immigrants and how they create a new identity that they need in the foreign land to mark their existence and that they later pass on to their children.

Another gap in the existing knowledge on this group of immigrants is that most of the studies on this group have exclusively focused on immigrant women (e.g., Ralston, 1992; 1996;

Srivastav, 1983; Choudhry, 1998; 2001; Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Ng & Ramirez,

1981; Naido,2003 etc.). The resulting effects of immigration and resettlement on the wellbeing of immigrant men have not been appreciated or even noticed by most of the research scholars.

Pakistani immigrant men and women have different gender role socialization experiences in their

8 country of origin (Raja 2005; Khan2, 1995; Khan3, 1995). Women in Pakistani society are socialized to prescribed roles which make them dependent and reliant on men for their survival

(Raja, 2005; Khan3, 1995). Men in Pakistan are the breadwinners and they tend to enjoy the maximum of social, cultural, political, and religious privileges (Raja, 2005). After immigration to Canada, Pakistani immigrant men seemingly face a different as well as a similar set of resettlement challenges in comparison with their female counterparts. In addition to the common resettlement challenges, such as lack of a social safety net and unfamiliar cultural and physical environment (Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005), men also face the crisis of losing their social status and culturally endorsed gender privileges (Raja, 2005). A fast paced lifestyle, different job requirements, non-recognition of their foreign skills and experience, and veiled discrimination in the workforce adds to the stresses and strains they encounter in the pursuit of fulfilling their financial obligations in the new land. Pakistani immigrant women, on the other hand, encounter isolation and have limited access to social networking, the workforce and to public religious activities due to endorsed gender role and uneven household responsibilities (Ralston, 1996;

Khan1, 2005). It is important to explore the above mentioned dimensions of immigrants’ post immigration lives from the perspectives of both, male and female Muslim immigrants to get a comprehensive, diversified, well-rounded and inclusive picture of their experiences. A broader analysis of men and women’s perspectives and experiences can help us appreciate the intersection of race, religion, immigration, and gender roles in understanding immigrants’ experiences about their belief system and self as an ethnoreligious minority in the new land.

Thus, the present study attempts to explore the experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrants who immigrated to Canada along with their immediate families and are living in the

CMA Toronto. The present study kept its inquiry open to first generation Pakistani Muslim

9 immigrants who identified themselves as ‘Muslim’ regardless of their practice of Islam. This open ended inquiry provides important information on the multifaceted functions that Islam plays in the lives of Pakistani Muslim immigrants by eliciting and covering the range of experiences that these immigrants have lived through with regards to moving to a Western country, resettling and planting their roots in Canada, and being identified as Pakistani Muslims in the multicultural Canadian society.

LITERATURE REVIEW

In order to appreciate the significance of faith in immigrants’ lives, it is important to review literature on religion to understand what religion means and how do different religious orientations provide certain guidelines that could be instrumental and positive for the adherents.

Exploration of religious orientations may help in understanding the associations between mediating factors (such as positive outlook towards life, sense of gratitude for the available resources, optimism, and resilience and improved coping in times of difficulty after immigration) and mental health outcomes across diverse social groups who treat religion as a central identity piece (Levin &Chatters, 2001; Mella, 1994). This work holds promise to clarify the diverse functions of religious involvement for personal well-being and adjustment (Levin &Chatters,

2001). The following is an overview of literature on the subject from the perspectives of different scholars.

RELIGION

The word religion derives from the Latin word religio, which originally meant

‘obligation’ or ‘reverence’ (Smith, 1963). However, the word religion was assigned different meanings by different scholars; some referred to it as a power higher than humans, whereas others referred to it as attending to that power in an obedient way (Smith, 1963). Religion refers

10 to people’s orientation to their moral and spiritual lives based on certain beliefs. It is a scripted and organized approach to human divinity which stipulates a set of moral values, beliefs, and rituals. Most of the world’s known religions situate beliefs in one main power that is believed to control the universe (Smith, 2000). Religion usually presents a philosophy of life after death that urges its followers to act according to the moral guidelines in order to acquire the rewards, both in the mortal as well as the eternal world.

Dimension or Aspect of Religion

Al-Issa (2000, p. 6) states that, ‘the religion is a multidimensional concept which may be expressed in different ways’. It is worth exploring how affiliation to religion and perception of religion shapes after immigration and whether the move to another land makes immigrants more committed towards one aspect/dimension than the other. Research suggests that immigrants’ religiosity increases after immigration (e.g. Williams, 1988; Mohammad-Arif, 2000; Mella,

1994; Lovell,1983). It is important to understand different dimensions or aspects of religion to see what each dimension entails. A number of scholars have defined certain aspects of religion as follows:

A. Extrinsic and Intrinsic aspects

Allport and Ross (1967) explain religion from a two dimensional viewpoint; the two dimensions are referred to as Extrinsic Orientation to religion and Intrinsic Orientation to religion. People embracing an extrinsic orientation may find religion useful in providing security, consolation, sociability, distraction, status, and self-justification. On the other hand, the intrinsic dimension conveys a more devoted conviction to faith. People with this orientation find their primary purpose in religion. Extrinsically motivated people use their religion, whereas intrinsically motivated people live their religion (Allport & Ross, 1967, p. 434).

B. Symbolic and Motivational aspects

According to Geertz (1966) religion is a descriptor of a cultural system which can be expressed symbolically in the particular cultural context in which it is situated. Religious beliefs shape people’s worldviews and urge them to present a way of being according to the prescribed doctrine. Geertz (1966) further postulates that religion also offers a drive or motivation to initiate and complete a course of action in the given social and psychological contexts. Geertz (1966, p.

36) states that the best way to understand religion is to analyze the religiously toned symbolic actions (symbols) in comparison to the social and psychological actions (motivation), which have divine meaning to people.

C. Cognitive and ritualistic aspects of religion

Lenski (1963) studied religion by measuring two main aspects of religion — the doctrinal orthodoxy and the devotionalism. The doctrinal orthodoxy refers to the intellectual assent to the prescribed doctrine; it is linked with the mind processes based on feelings, beliefs, emotions, ideas, and thoughts. This dimension is expressive of the believer’s feelings, thoughts, and views about religion. Devotionalism refers to the communion with God by offering actual acts of worship, like praying and performing religious rituals with complete devotion. Devotionalism is an active and behavioral aspect of religion as compared with the doctrinal dimension, which is a passive and less overt component. Al-Issa (2000) refers to these two aspects as the cognitive and ritualistic aspects of religion.

Religion has gained increased attention in the field of mental health in recent decades

(Smith, 2000). People’s spiritual and religious beliefs can help them feel grounded, positive, and reassured (Koenig, 1994; 1998; 2001a; Koenig et al., 2001b; Mella, 1994). Faith provides people a straight path to follow, encourages them to avoid risky behaviours, and supports them in

12 embracing desirable social traits, all of which contribute to individual personal growth and peace in the society at large (Levin &Chatters, 2001; Koenig, 1994; 1998; 2001a). The relationship between religion and mental health is unique and, at times, complex. Following is a description of the relationship between religion and mental health from the perspective of research scholars.

Religion and Mental Health

Religion in general has been linked with better mental health outcomes, (Jung, 1938;

Allport, 1950; Mowrer, 1960; Al-Issa, 2000; Koenig, 1994; 2001a; Koenig et al., 2001b; Levin

& Chatters, 2001); especially when it is followed in moderation (Al-Issa, 2000). Religion and its relationship with mental health has been a popular research topic amongst scholars. Freud (1927) associated religion with neurosis and Albert Ellis associated religion with irrationality (Ellis,

1980). However, a number of scholars (e.g., Jung, 1938; Allport, 1950; Mowrer, 1960) in the early and mid-twentieth century saw religion as positively correlating with mental health.

Research findings on the efficacy of religion in maintaining mental health has been mixed over the last few decades. Bergin’s (1983) meta- analysis of twenty-four studies on religion and mental health revealed no strong support for the assumption that religiousness is necessarily correlated with psychopathology. Gartner et al.’s, (1991) review indicated a positive relationship between religion and mental health in over a half of the studies, and less than a quarter pointed to negative effects of religion. Koenig et al.’s (2001b) review, attempted to uncover all research during the past century that examined the relationship between a religious variable and some indicator of mental health including personal wellbeing, life satisfaction, emotional health, substance use, and social support. Out of the 850 studies, only a few revealed negative emotions (e.g. shame, guilt, and fear) experienced by non-conformers to religious standards. In general, the religious beliefs and practices rooted within the established religious

13 traditions are generally associated with better mental health, higher social functioning, and fewer self-destructive tendencies (Koenig et al., 2001b; Greenfield & Marks, 2007; Sanderson, S. K,

2008; Johnstone, B., et al., 2008; Rasic et al., 2009; Ellison, Burdette, & Hill, 2009; Hook et al.,

2010; Edlund et al., 2010; Waheed et al., 2011; Rosmarin et al., 2011; Dervic et al., 2011;

Denny, 2011; Terreri & Glenwick, 2011 ).

The effects of religion on mental health are construed from a number of perspectives. For example, McIntosh and Spilka (1990) offer a psychological perspective by stating that positive effects of religiousness could be due to the impact of ‘locus of control beliefs’ which motivate people to engage in responsible health behaviors for ultimate rewards from God. Idler (1987) studied religious involvement, health status, functional disability, and depression and found that higher levels of public religious involvement is associated with lower levels of functional disability and depressive symptoms. He offers a sociological perspective and states that religious beliefs and practices can influence health by offering social cohesiveness, theodicy, and positive health behaviors. Levin and Chatters (2001) explain the influences of religion from a mental health perspective and provide a list of religious behaviours associated with certain positive mental health outcomes. They postulate that religious commitment, which involves subjective attitudes, influences mental health through encouraging protective health behaviors. Religious involvement may influence wellbeing by providing social support, such as involvement in meaningful social relationships and integration into supportive networks. Religious worship may influence mental health through effects of positive emotions (hope, empowerment, forgiveness, self-esteem, love, and contentment). Religious beliefs related to worldview may influence mental health through stimulating beneficial health beliefs which are central to mental health. Religious

14 faith generates optimism and hope that God will reward expressions of piety or devotion with better health and well-being (Levin & Chatters, 2001, p. 40-41).

In sum, considerable research has been done on religion and its relationship with mental health in various settings. Koenig et al., (2001 b) postulate that research in the 1950’s and 1960’s seemed to confirm the clinical experience of Freud and Ellis mainly due to poor methodologies and convenience sampling used in those studies. Recent studies (such as Ellison, Burdette, &

Hill, 2009; Hook et al., 2010; Edlund et al., 2010; Waheed et al., 2011; Rosmarin et al., 2011;

Dervic et al., 2011; Denny, 2011; Terreri & Glenwick, 2011) using improved procedures support religion’s link with greater wellbeing. Most religions that have survived over time and developed stable traditions tend to advocate an optimistic worldview, encourage humane traits like altruism, kindness, and forgiveness, and promote the establishment of nurturing social relationships, which contributes to mental health (Koenig et al., 2001b; Edlund, et al., 2010; Hook et al., 2010;

Rosmarin et al., 2011 ).

Faith appears as an essential component of multiculturalism and a fundamental aspect of human existence. It is gaining increasingly more attention in the field of psychology with an emerging need for the discipline to integrate religion in its professional practice. As noted by

Richards & Bergin (2000), religious diversity is a cultural fact, and most mental health professionals will encounter it in their practice.

With increased number of immigrants to Canada coming from predominantly religious communities, the knowledge of major religious beliefs has become a prerequisite qualification for mental health practitioners who frequently interact with the immigrant population.

Immigration is a unique and complex experience in people’s lives, especially when immigration involves moving to a culturally different place. The process of immigration could

15 prove to be intense, emotionally stressful, and uprooting experience for people (e.g. Choudhary,

2001; Khan 1, 2005; Khan 2, 2002; Hulewat, 1996: Khan & Watson, 2005; Ng & Ramirez, 1981:

Mella, 1994 etc.). It requires people to change old ways of being in effectively adapting the new society for their survival. The need and urgency in learning the new culture and unlearning previously learnt behaviours can make people feel stressed and overwhelmed (Aroian et al.,

1998, Akhtar, 2011). The process of cultural change resulting from direct interaction with another cultural group is referred to as acculturation, in the research literature (Berry, 1992).

However, the process of change as a result of environmental demands is referred to as adaptation

(Berry, 1997) in the research literature.

THE PROCESS OF ACCULTURATION AND ADAPTATION IN THE CONTEXT

OF IMMIGRATION

Cross cultural research has extensively focused on the long term effects of immigration on individuals from different cultures to see the likely impacts of being raised in one culture and having to re-establish lives in another culture (Berry, 1997). According to Redfield, Linton and

Herskovits (1936), acculturation refers to the phenomenon that results when groups of individuals holding different cultures come into direct and regular contact with each other on a consistent basis that results in the subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups of individuals (p.149). Berry (1990) maintains that although acculturation implies change in either or both groups but in practice, it tends to induce more change in the acculturating (immigrant) group.

Graves (1967) points to the difference between the processes of acculturation and psychological acculturation. Acculturation refers to the group level phenomenon of change that results from interaction between two culturally different groups. On the other hand,

16 psychological acculturation refers to change in the psychology of individuals as a result of interaction with a new culture (Grave, 1967). Al-Issa, & Tousignant (1997) underscore the factors that have a potential to cause feelings of stress among immigrants as a result of moving to culturally diverse societies. They describe a number of risk factors that could have negative impacts on immigrants’ sense of wellbeing. According to Al-Issa, & Tousignant (1997) a major risk of immigration to a different culture is the experience of culture shock, which is an outcome of having to deal with the dissonance between one’s original values and the values of the new society. Another risk factor is underachievement or goal striving in the host society, characterized by a significant discrepancy between one’s aspirations and actual achievement in the host country. This form of stress is great when the motivation to emigrate is for economic reasons. Cultural change due to the devaluation of the immigrant’s culture by the host society may become another source of stress (Al-Issa, & Tousignant, 1997, p4). In addition, the stress of adaptation to the changed life conditions, having to learn a different system of values, the feelings of powerlessness, and changes in lifestyle resulting from migration are also risk factors

(Millar & Stephans, 1993).

Berry (1997) outlines four acculturating strategies that are employed by the acculturating group (immigrants) in their interaction with the dominant host society. Those strategies are termed as Assimilation, Separation, Integration, and Marginalization that are elucidated through four different processes of acculturation. The process of Assimilation takes place when acculturating individuals (immigrants) do not wish to maintain their original cultural identity and rather seek to embrace the culture of the dominant group (host society). Separation refers to the process when individuals seek to maintain and hold on to their original culture at the exclusion of the culture of the dominant host society. The process of Marginalization is manifested through

17 immigrants’ loss of interest in the original culture as well as the culture of the new society.

Whereas, the process of Integration implies that individuals maintain interest in their original culture and at the same time be open, appreciative, and receptive to the culture of the dominant group (Berry, 1997).

However, Berry (1997) postulates that integration cannot be chosen and successfully accomplished by the immigrant group unless the receiving culture (the host society) is open and inclusive in its orientation towards cultural diversity. According to Berry (1997), successful integration requires a “mutual accommodation” by both groups, for the immigrant group to adopt basic values of the host culture and for the host society to better adapt in meeting the needs of the non-dominant groups (p. 10-11).

Berry and Kalin (1995) state that the process of integration can only be possible in societies that are multicultural, and exhibit certain features including: acceptance of diversities; maintaining lower levels of prejudice against minorities; exhibiting positive mutual attitudes among different cultural groups; and, illustrate a sense of inclusion and attachment to the society by all different groups.

MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA – THE CANADIAN CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS MOSAIC

Multiculturalism in Canada has been an official government policy in Canada since 1971

(Dion & Phan, 2009). The Canadian Multicultural Act emphasizes the importance of social justice and equal access for all members of the society (Dion & Phan, 2009). Canada, as a host, appears to embrace ethnic and religious diversities of the immigrant populations that move from diverse ethnic, geographic, linguistic, and religious backgrounds.

According to Chambers English Dictionary, the word mosaic means, ‘something composed by the piecing together of different things’ (p.933). The term mosaic, in the context of

Canada represents the idea of a fine amalgamation of various cultures through inclusion of a variety of different religion, languages, traditions, customs, values, ethnicities, and skin colors that live together within the larger host society Canada (Douglas, 2004; Kalman, 2010). The idea of a mosaic is a means to accomplish true multiculturalism in Canada.

John Murray Gibbon (1938) was the first person who comprehensively explained the term Canadian Mosaic in his acknowledgement of the multiplicity of Canadian people

(immigrants) in terms of their cultures, traditions, customs, value systems, and religions. Gibbon

(1938) in his book acknowledges that the term mosaic in connection with Canadian people was first used by an American writer Victoria Hayward, who used to visit Canada every summer with her friend Edith Watson to write and photograph the country folk. Gibbon (1938) mentions the second person who used the simile mosaic was Kate A. Foster, who made an extensive survey of the foreign-born Canadians, as they were coming to be called, for the Dominion Council of the

Y.W.C.A., and this was published under the title of “Our Canadian Mosaic” in 1926.

Gibbon’s conception is opposite to the idea of melting pot prevalent in the American society, a process through which immigrants and their offspring were expected to assimilate in the American society by breaking their ties from their origins. The idea of cultural mosaic is growth-oriented and inclusive. It welcomes the cultural and religious diversities and encourages keeping the features brought by several different ethnic groups in Canada in creating a harmonic picture of Canada, which is truly representative of multiculturalism.

CANADIAN IMMIGRATION: THE CROSSROADS OF CULTURAL, RACIAL,

AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY

Canada emerges as one of the world’s most attractive countries for immigrants from all over the world (Canada’s Immigration Program, 2004). Canada’s social welfare system, open immigration policies, and convivial attitude towards cultural diversity make it one of the most preferred destinations for people seeking a new homeland (CIC News, Dec2008). According to the HSBC Bank’s International Expat Survey, people who resettle in Canada have “a relatively easy time befriending locals, joining a local community group, and learning the language” (CIC

News, Dec2008).

Canada’s immigration policy is guided by three broad objectives: to reunite families, to fulfill the country’s international obligations and humanitarian traditions with respect to refugees, and to foster a strong viable economy in all regions of Canada. These objectives are reflected in the three main classes of immigration: family class, independent class, and refugees

(Statistics Canada, 2003). Immigration since the 1970s has overwhelmingly been of visible minorities from developing countries. This has been facilitated by lifting restrictions on non- white immigration by Lester B. Pearson and his successor under the Immigration Act, 1967

(Statistics Canada, 1971).

Canada has a diverse religious profile, mostly due to the increased number of immigrants coming from countries belonging to religious groups other than Judeo-Christian (Statistics

Canada, 2001). Of the 1.8 million new immigrants who came during the 1990s, Muslims accounted for 15%, Hindus 7%, and Buddhists and Sikhs about 5% each (Statistics Canada:

Census 2001). Immigrants, who come from diverse religious nations, add to the multiplicity of the Canada’s ethnoreligious profile.

Islam is the world's largest religious denomination (Times Online, 2008) and its growth in Canada has also been the fastest as compared with other religious denominations (Statistics

Canada: Census 2001). In order to understand the connotations of religious affiliation in the lives of Muslim immigrants, it is pertinent to become familiarized with the belief system and basic tenets of Islam.

ISLAM

The story of Islam is blended with that of Judaism and Christianity (Awan, 1989).

Muslims, Christians and Jews have a great deal in common from a historical point of view

(Awan, 1989). Islam, as a religion, is highly ethical which focuses on one God and humane social traits (Keller, 2000). Its simplicity and high moral standards have made it attractive to people ever since its inception (Keller, 2000, p. 45). One of the central features of Islam is the concept of Equality. The principal definition of equality in Islam is how human beings are regarded in relation to God (Canefe, 2006). Human beings are considered’ the noblest of all creatures’ (Al-Qur’an 95:488). The idea behind this concept is that all human beings are equal before ‘Allah’ (the Arabic word for the One and Only God) regardless of their color, caste, class, status, and physical features. The Qur’an states ‘the most honored among you before God is the most righteous of you’ (cited in Nimer, 2002). Islam welcomes and embraces diversity with respect. This concept cuts across racial barriers and attracted several Blacks in the United Sates who were being excluded by White Christianity (Keller, 2000, p. 45). Another explanation of the concept of equality has also been provided in Qur’an. Qur’an unequivocally states men and women as equal; accordingly, both sexes are individually responsible and accountable for their actions (Canefe, 2006). Another closely related concept in Islam is Social Justice, which refers to equal distribution of law for everyone. Equality of law assures rectitude, happiness, and peace

21 in the society by making people accountable for their actions. Islam offers a complete code of life at the individual and the communal levels and provides direction and guidance on all aspects of human life (Hussain, 2001).

Al-Qur’an

Qu’ran is the holy book of Muslims, akin to the Bible for Christians and the Torah for

Jews. Considered to be the divine word revealed to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) by

Allah through angel Gabriel, Qur’an is the source of Islamic laws and wisdom which are vital for a healthy social, communal, and individual life (Husain, 2001; Diba, 2000). Qur’an has 30 chapters (named as Paras), 114 sections (named as Surahs) and 6,616 verses (named as Ayahs).

It has been preserved in original Arabic both in writing and memory for the past 1400 years

(Husain, 2001) and has been translated in almost all the major languages of the world.

A good portion of Qur’an narrates stories of the struggles of the prophets and the believers, especially during the time of Abraham, Noah, Moses, Jesus and Muhammad (peace be upon him). From these stories, Muslims gather life lessons and guidance on how to behave in a healthy and ethical manner. Since Islam is considered one of the Abrahamic faiths, Qur’an and

Bible have much in common and one can find contents of the Bible in Qur’an as well (Awan,

1989).

Nimer (2002) states, that Qur’an emphasizes ethical conduct in people’s personal lives and in relations among them. A good Muslim must be God-conscious and must seek knowledge, earn a living, work hard, treat his or her family well, as well as treat other people with fairness.

Together with Qur’an, there are two additional sources of Islamic law, which include

Sunnah and Hadith. Sunnah provides examples of Prophet Muhammad’s actions, conduct, and practical applications of Qur’anic law in day -to -day life; whereas, Hadith are the statements

22 made by Muhammad in the light of Qur’anic law, recorded by his companions about a vast range of important issues confronting the Muslim community at the time (Husain, 2001).

The Five Pillars of Islam: The Underlying Philosophy for a Healthy Individual and Communal life

There are five basic acts of worships which are important for Muslims. The first and foremost of these is Shahada, which means testifying and substantiating the pledge of Islam.

Shahada is the key factor for inclusion in Islam. It refers to committing to Islam by having an absolute belief in one Allah and the fact that Muhammad is Allah’s last messenger. According to

Levin and Chatters (2001), religious commitment encourages protective health behaviors. The honest and genuine commitment sets a state of mind which is convivial to positive change with a willingness to live life in a righteous way, as suggested by God (Kamal, 1930).

The second pillar is called Salah, meaning Prayer. All Muslim men and women are expected to offer prayers five times a day. Prayers can be offered anywhere that is clean. It is a very unique ritual, which has healing effects both for mind and body (Husain, 2001). Husain

(2001), a physician and psychiatrist, states that certain exercises prescribed by modern physicians for chronic lower back pain are similar to the posture acquired during Islamic prayer

(p. 287). Prayer involves a goal-directed activity, which includes purification of the body and heart, a state of mind toned by gratitude for the blessings the person has received (Rosmarin et al., 2011) and the optimism and hope to receive more blessings (Husain, 2001). Since optimism is important for mental health because of the health-promoting qualities of positive mental attitudes (Tayler, 1989), prayer serves to improve the supplicant’s state of mind and spirit.

Sawm , or fasting, is the third pillar of Islam. Fasting involves avoidance of food, drinks, and sex from break-of-dawn to sunset (Nimer, 2002). Fasting in the month of Ramadan is

23 obligatory for all Muslims – men and women. However, it is not applicable to children (under the age of 12), the ill, women during their menstrual period, nursing mothers, and the mentally ill

(Diba, 2000). In his book, Kamal (1930), describes some of the superior character traits that are attained through fasting including: sense of control, endurance, patience, contentment, gratitude, social consciousness, and empathy for those who do not have enough resources to fulfill their basic needs (p. 5). Kamal (1930) also states that fasting enhances the sense of consciousness and responsibility of people towards society for the preservation of water and food. Fasting increases stamina and resilience by enabling people to manage their day without food and water and helps them sustain in adverse conditions.

Zakat, or almsgiving, is the fourth pillar of Islam. It is an institutionalized form of charity, which involves a fixed contribution (2.5%) of money from the saved assets, money, and jewelry possessed for at least one year, over and above a specified amount (Diba, 2000). This voluntary contribution is taken from rich Muslims and is used for the charitable purposes. Zakat is believed to purify one’s wealth and helps to establish economic balance and social justice in the society (Husain, 2001). Kamal (1930) states that Zakat adds to social justice system by initiating a number of positive attitudes amongst people including self-determination, the provision of a supportive community, gratitude, appreciation of others’ needs, and contentment through active participation in the social justice system. By participating in a noble cause, people may experience a sense of worthiness and self-respect (Kamal, 1930). Feelings of self-respect and worthiness help individual adjustment and improve interpersonal functioning with reduced risk of stress and dysfunctional behaviors (Ellison, 1994).

The fifth pillar of Islam is Hajj, which refers to pilgrimage to Ka’bah in Mecca in the

Islamic month of Zilhaj. Muslims who can financially and physically afford to perform this

24 pilgrimage are required to perform Hajj at least once in their lifetime. Hajj creates a sense of equality and unity among people by giving them an opportunity to wear the same attire and perform a number of rituals together at the same time, in the same place (Diba, 2000). Religious gatherings and congregational networks enhance mental health by providing social resources.

They also enhance internal psychological resources such as sense of belongingness and worthiness, which reduce the risk of chronic and acute stressors and deviant behaviours (Ellison,

1994). However, community building is not the only objective of Hajj; its philosophy is quite reformatory in nature (Kamal, 1930). Hajj provides people an opportunity to cleanse their sins by asking forgiveness and committing to follow the straight path as described in Qur’an and identified by Muhammad. Forgiveness is important in fostering interpersonal relationships and positive mental health (Levin & Chatters, 2001). Hajj suggests an unconditional positive acceptance offered by Allah, provided people honestly confess their wrongdoings, seek genuine forgiveness, and are willing to change. Hope for change and healing through self-forgiveness are the most salient features of religion that contribute to improved mental health, greater wellbeing, and superior individual adjustment (Koeing, 1994).

Hajj also adds to the feelings of nationhood among Muslims, which is a distinctive feature of Islam. As Ralston (1996) notes in her book that after immigration to Canada, Pakistani

Muslim immigrant women’s religious identity surpassed their ethnic and regional identity due to the religious bonds that exists amongst all Muslims in the world. In order to comprehend the significance of Islam in Pakistani people’s life, the social, cultural, and religious dimensions of life in Pakistan are provided below.

PAKISTAN – A SOCIAL, CULTURAL, AND RELIGIOUS MOSAIC

Pakistan, with 172,800,000 people, is amongst the largest Muslim countries of the world

(CBC News, 2007). The country has been home to several civilizations including the Aryans,

Buddhists, Greek-Roman, Arabs, and Europeans, which has added to the cultural, racial, and linguistic diversity of this nation (Raja, 2005). Religion plays a central role in the social life of

Pakistani people; Islamic doctrines are part of law and regulations in Pakistan (International

Labour Organization, 2004). However, due to this nation’s close links to a number of other civilizations in the past, several cultural myths have been formed which are interpreted as

Islamic but indeed have no connection with Islam (Rahman, 2008; Walther, 1993). These myths mostly define women’s limited access to certain privileges in the society (Rahman, 2008).

Culturally Endorsed Gender Roles in Pakistan versus Islamic Outlook on Gender Roles

Pakistan presents a valuable case study of beliefs about gender in a modern Muslim nation-state (Khalid & Frieze, 2004). In Pakistani society, there are generally very different gender roles for men and women. Women are usually expected to stay home and take care of the household and family (Raja, 2005). They are socialized to prescribed roles encompassing obedient daughter, honest and caring wife, and loving mother (Khan1, 2005). Women are primarily responsible for the physical and moral upbringing of the children (Khan3, 1995).

Greater liberty is given to men in choosing a spouse than to women (Williams, 1988;

Raja, 2005). Men have greater control in the workforce, higher occupations, education, and politics because in Pakistani society, most professions are considered masculine in nature. (Raja,

2005).The only exceptions are teaching and healthcare where women are represented in larger numbers. Pakistani men, in each role of their life, exercise authority and power within the family by making major family decisions, managing the family’s finances, and commanding respect

(Raja, 2005). Overall, men have many more privileges than women do, and religion has been misused to provide justification for this unequal division of privileges (Khan2, 1995).

However, Islam presents a different picture of gender roles and rights in its doctrine.

Islam is a strong advocate for equity among men and women and qualifies women for the same rights and privileges as it grants to men. In many ways, Qur’an is the first feminist document which granted women the right to inherit and own property, divorce their husbands, receive alimony, and remarry, all more than fourteen hundred years ago, at a time when women’s rights were seriously abused (Khan2, 1995). Khan2 (1995) states that the key problem lies in how certain clauses in the Qur’an and Hadith have been subjectively interpreted in a way that serves men’s motives to keep their authority over women in Islamic societies. In order to explain how cultural context defines gender roles, a description of cultural, social, and religious life in

Pakistan is presented.

Cultural, Religious, and Social Life in Pakistan

Pakistani culture is a collectivist culture (Khan1, 2005; Raja, 2005). In collectivistic cultures, family, community, and social networks take precedence and become an implicit value in an individual’s life; group interests supersede individual interests. Collectivistic culture emphasizes interdependence rather than independence (Triandis, 1993). The love and care for the family and respect for elders are some of the paramount features of Pakistani society. The concept of family life usually constitutes family members including parents, siblings, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Living within a large family is a common norm in

Pakistani society (Raja, 2005).

Religion is central in the life of Pakistani people (Pavri, 2009). Religious events, ceremonies, and occasions are celebrated with enthusiasm and excitement. Religion defines the social, cultural, and individual life structure in Pak

istan (Raja, 2005). Men usually offer prayers in congregation in the mosques whereas women offer their prayers at home. Arrangements are made for children to learn Qur’an as early as possible. Religious teachings, including the desirable behaviors in Islam, are taught and role modeled for children to learn early on in their lives (Pavri, 2009; Raja, 2005; Khan3, 1995).

Social life in Pakistan is simple and traditional. Marriages are usually arranged and are meant to raise the family size. Sexual intercourse is allowed between spouses only, keeping in line with the Islamic laws (Raja, 2005). The divorce rate is very low, mainly due to cultural and religious reasons (Raja, 2005). Although people are becoming increasingly open-minded, the birth of a boy is still considered a much happier occasion than the birth of a girl. Sons not only carry on the family name but once they are older, they become providers for their parents and siblings. Often, when the parents become older, they live with their son(s) (Raja, 2005).

Daughters, on the other hand, are considered guests in their own homes since their true family will be that of their husbands. Families feel that they must protect and keep their daughters chaste so that they will be able to find a suitable husband who can then take over the responsibility of caring for her.

IMMIGRATION TO CANADA FROM PAKISTAN

People from Pakistan began migrating to Canada in small numbers in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Immigration regulations gave preference to skilled professionals and the Pakistanis, who came during that period, generally had excellent credentials (Statistics Canada, 1971).

Pakistanis have integrated well into Canadian Society; they are known to integrate into Canadian

28 culture more easily than many other immigrant groups due to fewer language barriers, higher credentials, and belonging to a diverse and tolerant society (Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990;

Wikipedia- Pakistani Canadians).

Pakistani Muslim immigrants to Canada occupy a distinct place in the Canadian society due to their multicultural diversity and unique familial values of intimacy, identification, mutual support, and care (Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983). Research indicates that many Pakistani families settle in the larger cities of Canada. Most Pakistanis experience little difficulty in their integration into the new society and they usually show resilience in adjusting to different life conditions after immigration (Awan, 1989; Khan 1, 2005). They display a very positive attitude towards Canada’s social system and actively take part in their children’s education (Awan,

1989). Most of the Pakistanis in the past immigrated to Canada to upgrade their education and held higher educational credentials (Husaini, 1990). However, immigration to Canada from

Pakistan in recent decades is driven for a number of social and political reasons including unstable and unpredictable political conditions, lack of affordable quality healthcare and education, and uneven financial conditions in the country (Khan1, 2005). These ‘push factors’ have made Pakistan amongst one of the top four countries of origin for immigrants to Canada in recent years (CBC News, 2007; Statistics Canada, 2006).

Gender Roles in Pakistan and Canada: A Comparison

As mentioned earlier, Pakistani society is primarily a patriarchal society where public and private spheres of life are separated and men have greater hold on the economic marketplace and political decision making (Khan3, 1995). Cultural stereotypes put Pakistani women at a disadvantage with limited opportunities to realize their actual potentials. Culture compels women

29 to be dependent, compliant, and weak in comparison with their male counterparts (Ralston, 1996;

Khan3, 1995; Raja, 2005).

In contrast to Pakistan, the Canadian society is more egalitarian and less patriarchal with gender differences less visible in the overall workforce in today’s Canada. However, these gains have been achieved in Canada only recently through the struggle of many historic women.

Women did not have the right to vote in all of the Canadian provinces until 1922. Most of the jobs held by women during that period were domestic, labour, and clerical jobs where women’s wages were 50%-80% of those paid men (Status of Women, 1914-1945). However, after a long struggle, women's groups got the equality of the sexes included in the Canadian Charter of

Rights and Freedoms (Status of Women, 1914-1945). This change was also reflected through the appointment of the first woman, ‘Bertha Wilson’, in the Canadian Supreme Court in 1982 (The

Star, 2007; The Supreme Court of Canada). Although, gender bias still affects Canadian women in the workforce, politics, and in the households (Baxter & Kane, 1995; Beagan et al., 2008), the concept of equality between the genders has been a well recognized and implemented phenomenon in the current Canadian society. Today’s Canada is a global leader in the protection of all women’s rights, which are central to Canada’s foreign and domestic policies (Foreign

Affairs and Trade Canada, 2008).

On the other hand, Pakistani society represents large gender disparities, which seriously marginalize women’s equal access to education, politics, workforce participation, skills development, and financial growth. Women are seen in limited work settings and have much lower representation in the Pakistani workforce in comparison to men (Council on Foreign

Relations, 2004).

The impact of Gender Role Socialization on Pakistani Men and Women in the Context of Canadian Immigration

Cultural and social stereotypes regarding gender roles seem to induce certain vulnerabilities among Pakistani men and women across different life situations. Research has found the disruptive influences of immigration on the wellbeing of immigrant women (e.g. Das,

1986; Agnew, 1996; Choudhry, 2001; 1996; 1998; Khan1, 2005; Naido, 2003; Ng and Ramirez,

1983; Srivastav, 1983 etc.). Immigrant women have limited opportunities to actualize their potential in the new land due to increased household responsibilities and culturally endorsed gender roles (Naido, 2003; Ng and Ramirez, 1983; Das, 1986). Pakistani immigrant women are also limited in accessing the workforce, community resources and engaging in social networking and public religious activities in Canada (Ralston, 1996).

However, the complicated amalgamation of immigration, culture, and gender role stereotypes can potentially put Pakistani men at an increased risk by expecting them to be the problem solver, sole financial provider, and savior in the time of crisis (Raja, 2005). These heavily laden roles place an enormous amount of responsibility on men, which could make them feel vulnerable especially in the context of immigration to a foreign society where they have little control over circumstances. Immigration may provide an increasingly non-conducive context for Pakistani men to realize their masculine role and fulfill their basic duties towards their family. Their sense of identity and integrity may be threatened due to different role models in the new land and limited opportunities for them to realize their potentials. In sum, immigration may prove a taxing experience for Pakistani immigrant men as well as women and the interplay of ethnicity, endorsed gender roles, and immigration further complicate this scenario.

Religion in the lives of Pakistani Canadian Muslim immigrants

Religion plays an important role in the lives of majority of the Pakistani Muslim immigrants to Canada (Pavri, 2009; Ralston, 1996; Abu-Laban, 1983: Lovell, 1983). Religion becomes an essential aspect for many immigrants in the formation of their personal and group identity (Ralston, 1996; Williams, 1988; Husaini, 1990; Khan2, 2002).

Canada is an egalitarian and liberal society. Immigration to Canada is a unique experience for most Pakistani immigrants who are raised in a traditional Eastern Muslim culture.

Religion in the Canadian society is more of an option for people to follow and practice at their own will, as compared to Pakistan where being religious is a societal expectation (Bibby, 1983).

Three in four Canadians are neither committed nor opposed to religion, but rather are ‘a- religious’, i.e. lacking a religious orientation (Bibby, 1983). Pakistan, on the other hand, is a

Muslim State where religion and religious teachings predominantly define social dogma, are encrypted in the law and regulations, and have been implemented throughout the country since

1988 (International Labour Organization, 2004).

The differences among social norms, cultural values, religious values, and ideology between Canadian and Pakistani society may feel overwhelming to Pakistani immigrants after immigration. They might experience the threat of losing their individuality in this alien society.

As a result, many Pakistani Muslim immigrants experience an urge to seek refuge in religion by preserving their values in the new land and through practicing their religion with even more devotion than they had in their homeland (Ralston, 1992; 1996; Khan1, 2005; Williams, 1988).

Religion appears to buffer the process of resettlement and integration of Pakistani immigrants into the host society. One of the most fundamental functions of religion appears to be securing a stable and distinguished identity for Muslims in an otherwise alien society (Williams, 1988;

Khan2, 1995).

Gender differences among Pakistani immigrant men and women on religious activities

Gender seems to be an important variable in assessing religious involvement through participation in religious activities. Pakistani Muslim immigrants most commonly express their religiosity through intellectual assent (beliefs and mental conviction to faith) and behavioural participation in religion (such as praying, fasting, reciting Qur’an, and congregational religious activities). However, women are limited in their access to organized religious activities due to culturally endorsed gender role and increased household responsibilities (Ralston,1996;

Williams, 1988). Interestingly, immigrant women are still primarily responsible for nurturing their religious values and transmitting those values to their offspring (Ralston, 1996). A qualitative study with limited sample size showed that immigrant women appeared to be highly religious as well as optimistic about their life in Canada, despite being limited in their access to religious and social networking opportunities outside the home (Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson,

2005). However, these women reported active involvement in religion by reciting Qur’an, offering prayers, and celebrating religious events inside their homes (Khan1, 2005). This finding highlights the importance of religion in these women’s lives and the positive effects religion has had on their mental health.

On the other hand, Pakistani immigrant men have unrestrained access to organizational religious activities in addition to inside home activities (Raja, 2005; Williams, 1988). Immigrant men apparently have more opportunities to socialize and network with other Muslim fellows through visiting mosques, attending religious events, and through active involvement in the religious community. In other words, immigrant men have more resources than immigrant women for social networking through engagement in public religious activities which provide

33 them social resources and may increase their sense of belongingness and worthiness (Levin &

Chatters, 2001).

Immigration has been found to increase many Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ devotion to religion. However, the pattern of religious engagement, which offers more opportunities to men than women for participation in public and congregational religious activities, remains the same even after immigration (Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996). A qualitative analysis of immigrant men and women’s experiences of religion and formation of a distinct identity can help us understand the impact of the context in which the research was situated. This context helped in explaining how immigration affects immigrants’ involvement in religion and their feelings of a unique identity and what these constructs mean for men and women for a broader and more comprehensive picture of Muslim immigrants’ experience in Canada.

Given the multidimensional nature of religion, the present study attempted to explore religion through two main dimensions, the cognitive and behavioral dimensions, which are expressed through intellectual assent to Islam including, adherence to its belief system, belief in its truthfulness, and faith in its doctrine, and through active participation in religion by engaging in extrinsic aspects of religion such as prayers, fasting, reciting Qur’an, visiting the mosques, paying Zakat, celebrating Islamic ceremonies etc.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESENT RESEARCH

More studies have exclusively focused on the wellbeing of immigrant women in the context of immigration to North America (e.g., Ralston, 1992; 1996; Srivastav, 1983; Choudhry,

1998; 2001; Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Ng & Ramirez, 1983; Naido,2003 etc.).

However, the potential implications of immigration on the wellbeing of immigrant men have not been appreciated to the same extent by most of the research scholars. This provided the impetus

34 for present research and raised the need to explore the experiences of immigrant men along with their female counterparts to see how varied upbringing experiences and endorsed gender roles may have influenced the religious conviction and formulation of a new identity in the context of

Canadian immigration and what the likely mental health outcomes of this experience are for both genders.

Researchers who had attempted to explore the place of religion in the lives of Pakistani immigrants to North America found that religion is important in the identity formation of most

Muslim immigrants from Pakistan. For example, Williams (1988) conducted an exploratory study on the religions of immigrants from India and Pakistan in order to understand the growth and development of new religious organizations across United States. His study made a valued contribution to the body of knowledge on immigrants’ religions and identified that religion plays a central role in the identity formation and adaptation of immigrants in the United States.

Williams’ (1988) study illustrates that religion is not only central to personal identity but also helps in ethnic identity formation, as well as community building among immigrants from

Pakistan. Williams’ (1988) study concluded that Pakistani immigrants become more religious after immigration as religion serves as an essential identity marker for them and helps them preserve their individual identity as well as cohesion in their ethnic group. He postulated that immigrants attempt to preserve their religion and ethnoreligious identity at the same time when they accommodate to the new culture with necessary correspondence between the two different value sets. His study raised a need for further research into the unique mediating roles that religion plays in the adjustment and integration of immigrants.

A comparable study was conducted by Ralston (1996) in Atlantic Canada on the lived experiences of South Asian immigrant women. Her study focused on the role religion plays in

35 the everyday life experience and formation of a unique ethnoreligious identity of Pakistani immigrant women. Her research confirmed many of Williams’ (1988) findings, such as the surrogate role of religion in replacing the ties and extended family left behind, as well as the immigrants’ increased reliance on religion after immigration. Ralston’s (1996) study also raised a need to further probe the multifaceted functions that religion plays in immigrants’ lives to explore the ways through which it offers them the needed gratification, safety, and self assurance. Ralston’s (1996) research raised the need to explore ‘what determines immigrants increased reliance on religion, by probing into the various feelings associated with religious affiliation and the meanings assigned to those feelings’.

Khan2 (1995; 2002) explored the construct ‘Muslim women’ in Canada’ and attempted to discover how Muslim women negotiate this construct in a changed cultural context through researching a group of fourteen Muslim women of South Asian and Middle Eastern origin.

Khan2’s (1995; 2002) sample included three women who opted not to be classified as “Muslim”; nonetheless, having being born to Muslim parents qualified them to participate in the study. So, it remains questionable how authentic their insights might be on a construct which they did not claim to own in the first place. Selection of such “a-religious” participants perhaps resonated with the purpose of Khan2’s (1995) research as she attempted to problematize the Muslim women as a construct embedded within contradictory social, political, economic, racial, and religious discourse with an attempt to explore how women confront, collaborate with, or challenge the construct “Muslim women” in Canada. Khan2’s (1995) research underscored a variety of experiences that Muslim women lived through during formulating their new identity in

Canada. Those women’s experiences ranged from aversion to their Muslim identity to a nostalgia or longing for a stable identity — a desire to be Muslim (Khan2, 1995; 2002). A number of

36 women in Khan’s (1995) study noted that their devotion in religion increased after coming to

Canada as they started reciting Qur’an with interpretation — a practice which they did not observe in their countries of origin. Khan2 (1995) raised a need to further investigate the explanations behind this increased piety. Her study also raised a need to explore feelings underlying the desire for a Muslim identity despite holding ambivalent feelings towards it.

An explicit limitation in the above mentioned studies (such as Ralston, 1996; Khan 2 ,

1995,2000; Williams, 1988) is that these studies merged Pakistani Muslim immigrants with other Muslim communities, mostly South Asian, which clouded the uniqueness of their subjective experiences. Pavri (2009) also accentuates that there are hardly any studies that focused exclusively on Pakistani immigrant community as most scholars who wrote about ethnic communities in the United States tend to lump the community together with the larger Asian

Indian community, thereby glossing over the distinctiveness of the Pakistani Americans. Pavri

(2009) suggests that even the available information sources on immigrant communities provide very little distinction between the Asian Indian American, Pakistani American, and Bangladeshi

American communities and offer little reliable information on Pakistani Americans. On the other hand, many people incorrectly assume that Pakistani immigrant community because of being overwhelmingly Muslim can be described as a part of America's Arab Muslim community

(Pavri, 2009).

On the other hand, a few studies which did attempt to capture the life experiences of

Pakistani Muslim immigrant community in Canada provided a more general picture of their lives in Canada (such as Hussaini, 1990; Awan, 1989) without focusing on the subjectively construed antecedents of their socio-cultural and socio-religious experiences in their post-immigration lives. Another recent study that focused on Pakistani Canadian Muslim immigrants is Jibeen &

Khalid’s (2010) research that quantitatively analyzed the predictors of psychological well-being among Pakistani immigrants. The concept of psychological well-being is quite a subjective experience, which may be construed differently by different people even from within the same community. Thus, quantifying such an experience can potentially limit the depth and subjectivity implicit in such an experience.

The gaps evident in some of the above-mentioned studies and the questions emerged in some studies as areas for exploration through future research remained unanswered. The knowledge on the longitudinal course involved in the first generation1 Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ adaptation to the new society and their conceptualization of Islam and a distinct identity after few years of residency in Canada persuaded the researcher to explore those areas in depth from their subjective perspectives. In particular, the researcher was interested in exploring these questions: what experiences inform immigrants’ feelings about Islam and their identity as

Pakistani Muslim in Canada? What role do religion and ethnicity play in defining immigrants’ contemporary identity in a changed cultural context? How do immigrants articulate this experience? What is the impact of this experiencing and meaning making on immigrants’ sense of wellbeing?

Religion appears to be a uniquely personal and complex experience for Pakistani Muslim immigrants as it is not shared by the majority in the host society. Inviting Pakistani Muslim immigrants to reflect on their feelings and emotions linked to their immigration experience, their association with Islam and a distinct ethnoreligious identity in their post-immigration lives provides us a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. This important exploration explicated the longitudinal course involved in outlining the process of crafting an authentic

1 the term first generation in the present research is used to describe foreign born immigrants who have immigrated and been naturalized in the new country

Muslim identity in Canada; an identity which is positive and optimistic of Muslims’ existence in the West.

This exploration helped in answering many key questions posed by previous studies, including: what has been Pakistani immigrant men and women’s experience of resettlement in

Canada and how this experience affects their construal of Islam and sense of identity, what are the feelings and emotions attached to this identity and affiliation, how do these experiences shape over a period of time, and most importantly, the relationship of the above mentioned constructs to immigrants’ sense of subjective well-being in the new land.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The primary research question that guided the present study is:

‘What has been Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ experience of forming a unique identity after immigration to Canada? What is the role of religion in the identity formation process? ’

Four areas of exploration that followed the primary research question include:

(a) feelings and emotions attached to immigrants’ religious affiliation and the place and significance of faith in their post immigration lives (b) feelings about being a Pakistani Muslim in Canada and how they reconstruct a sense of self in a changed cultural and religious context; how do immigrants perceive and interpret their religious affiliation in the process of formulating their identity in the new land (c) their adjustment in and adaptation to the new society (d) immigrants’ experiences with the host society and how those experiences affect their feelings and emotions towards the host society.

CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY

The present study aimed to explore the experience of religion and the formation of a contemporary ethnoreligious identity in the lives of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women who have been residents of Canada for five to ten years. This study attempted to explore and understand the meanings immigrants attach to their experience of Islam and their unique ethnoreligious identity with an emphasis on their feelings and emotions in relation to this experience. In particular, the present study explored this experience from the subjective perspectives of male and female Pakistani Muslim immigrants to see how varied social and gender role experiences may have influenced the religious conviction and formulation of a new identity in the context of immigration to a culturally and religiously different country. Given the depth and complexity of the experience to be explored and the lack of knowledge regarding immigrants’ experiences of Islam and the formation of a contemporary identity in the context of immigration to Canada across a time span of five to ten years of residency, a qualitative methodology deemed appropriate.

A qualitative mode of inquiry provided a more comprehensive and multifaceted picture of Pakistani immigrants’ experience of Islam and conceptualization of a contemporary Muslim identity in a non-Muslim country. This mode of inquiry helped discover the impact of this experience on immigrants’ sense of self in a culturally diverse society, and elucidated the meaning of this experience for both male and female immigrants. Qualitative research is particularly desirable for conducting culturally sensitive research because it allows an in-depth investigation of the individual, familial, historical, socio-cultural, and religious influences impacting immigrants’ experiences.

Human beings construct meanings from their subjective experiences in relation to the salient aspects of their lives. When research aspires to explore people’s personal experiences and the meaning of these experiences from their subjective perspectives, the most suitable mode of inquiry is qualitative. This is critically important, especially because meaning making is a subjective experience and we cannot make assumptions about it; our task is to discover what this experience is like and how it is perceived, interpreted, and construed from participants’ point of view. Pakistani Muslim immigrants come from a diverse ethnic, religious, linguistic, and sociocultural background with unique ways of perceiving, experiencing, and making meaning of their life experiences. It is critical that research focusing on their subjective experiences employs a paradigm that is culturally sensitive and ensures the authenticity of immigrants’ accounts in relation to the social phenomenon in which their experience is rooted.

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Qualitative research is guided by the insights, views, perceptions, and experiences of the research participants. The perspectives of the participants and what they see as significant in relation to the phenomenon under investigation provide the point of orientation for the research

(Bryman, 2004). In qualitative research, the collected data provides impetus to ideas, concepts, and theoretical expansions. Qualitative research illuminates the relationships between the actions and experiences of participants and the particular social and cultural context in which those actions and experiences are situated. It tends to be unstructured for the purpose of enhancing the meanings and depth of subjectivity in the emerging data (Bryman, 2004). The purpose of this methodology is to understand the meanings attached with certain experiences, behaviours, and actions; the data is not necessarily robust but it certainly is rich, meaningful, and explanatory

(Bryman, 2004).

Creswell et al. (2007) propose that researchers should begin their inquiry process with philosophical assumptions about the nature of reality (ontology), how they know what is known

(epistemology), the inclusion of their values (axiology), the nature in which research emerges

(methodology), and their writing structures (p. 238). Creswell et al. (2007) further describe that qualitative researchers use a number of different interpretive paradigms to address the above stated assumptions including positivist or postpositivist, constructivist or interpretive, and critical paradigms (Creswell et al., 2007; Creswell & Dana, 2000). Each of these interpretive paradigms provides a unique basis for interpretation of data and influence researchers’ choice of validity procedures for the research (Creswell & Dana, 2000). For example, researchers holding a postpositivist stance assume that the research consists of rigorous methods and systematic form of inquiry. On the other hand, researchers holding a constructivist stance believe in pluralistic, interpretive, open-ended, and contextualized perspectives and use labels such as trustworthiness and authenticity in qualitative research to ensure the validity of the study. Finally, researchers holding a critical perspective uncover the hidden assumptions about how narrative accounts are constructed (Creswell & Dana, 2000). After identification of the interpretive paradigm, the researcher identifies a research question that informs the type of design or approach with which to collect and analyze the data (Creswell et al., 2007).

Five key paradigms are most frequently used in qualitative research studies, including,

Narrative Approach, Case Study, Grounded Theory, Phenomenology, and Participatory Action

Research (Morse & Field, 1995), the choice of which is informed by the type of research question to be answered. For example, the Narrative Approach seeks to answer chronological and/or story-oriented questions, which investigate the life experiences of individual(s) and how those experiences unfold over time. Case Study is informed by in-depth descriptive questions

42 that aim to develop a thorough understanding of different cases providing insights into an issue.

Grounded Theory is informed by process questions that unfold experiences, subjective realities and seeks to search phases or stages of change. Phenomenological approach is informed by essence questions that strive for essence that all people experience about a phenomenon. Finally,

Participatory Action Research is informed by questions that seek to understand changes in a community (Morse & Field, 1995).

The research question, which informed the present study, is essentially a process question, which illuminates the impact of the longitudinal process involved in immigrants’ adaptation to the new society, a process that shapes and guides immigrants’ understanding of

Islam and conceptualization of a distinct identity in a culturally and religiously different country.

In line with the objectives of the present study and the required method for data collection,

Grounded Theory approach seemed the most suitable mode of inquiry. Grounded Theory approach appeared most suitable for the present study mainly due to the nature of the knowledge sought and the need to keep an uninformed stance in understanding the subjective realities of the participants.

GROUNDED THEORY FRAMEWORK

Grounded Theory framework seeks to generate theory from the systematic analysis of the data (Glaser, 1978). According to Glaser (1978), “how the analyst enters the field to collect the data, the methods of collection and modification of the data, the integration of categories, generating memos, and constructing theory—the full continuum of both the processes of generating theory and of social research— are all guided and integrated by the emerging theory”.

(p.2).

Instead of confirming a hypothesis or previously established theory, the researcher assumed a not-knowing stance and used a process of inductive reasoning to reach an understanding based on semi-structured open-ended interviews of the sample population. This process is consistent with the Grounded Theory framework as defined in the Glaserian version of

Grounded Theory (Glaser & Straus, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992, 1994). In Grounded Theory methodology, the process of data collection begins with the identification of a problem area rather than a preconceived conceptual framework, and the researcher begins with an attitude of openness (Glaser, 1978; Age, 2011). The data is collected through an open-ended mode of inquiry to seek spontaneous and genuine reflections of the people whose experiences and insights are sought. Once the data is collected, a defined set of coding procedures is applied to data, which is further tested through recursive analysis until a provisional theory emerges.

Essentially, this procedure aims to organize the many ideas that emerge from systematic data analysis, code the ideas under categories, compare incidents to colligate them under relevant relational categories, and finally integrate the theory, which was grounded in the data.

Grounded Theory was pioneered by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in 1967. Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) Grounded Theory approach initially combined two data analysis processes; in the first process, the researcher codes all data and then systematically analyzes these codes to verify or prove a given proposition; in the second process, the researcher does not engage in coding data but merely inspects the data for properties of categories, uses memos to track the analysis, and develops theoretical ideas (Walker & Myrick, 2006). Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) determined that neither of these processes could properly accomplish the goal of generating theory from data. They, in turn, suggested a hybrid approach to data analysis: “One that combines, by an analytic procedure of constant comparison, the explicit coding procedure of the

44 first approach and the style of theory development of the second” (Glaser &Strauss, 1967, p.102). From this effort to mesh the best of both processes, grounded theory, also known as the method of constant comparison, was born (Walker & Myrick, 2006, p. 548).

There are four defining features of Grounded Theory, which are as follows: theoretical sampling, coding, theoretical saturation, and constant comparison (Glaser & Strauss, 1967;

Glaser, 1978, 1992). Theoretical sampling refers to the process of data collection whereby the researcher collects, codes, and analyzes the data. In theoretical sampling, the data collection is controlled by the emerging theory; the procedure essentially refines the ideas (Charmaz, 2000;

Bryman, 2004). Coding is a basic procedure, which essentially starts in the beginning of initial data collection. The data is labelled, organized, and segregated. Theoretical saturation is a process that has two, inter-related phases: the coding of data, where the researcher gets to a point where there is no further need to review the data to see how well it fits with the concepts and categories; and, the collection of data, implying that once a concept or category has been developed you may wish to continue collecting data to determine its nature and operation but then reach a saturation point where new data are no longer illuminating the concept (Bryman,

2004, p. 403). Constant comparison refers to comparing incidents applicable to each category, integrating the categories and their properties, and finally establishing a “core category” (Glaser

1978, p. 95), which holds all other categories together (Age, 2011). The process of constant comparison enables the emergence of the theory, which is essentially rooted within the data. The constant comparison method assists in “delineating the theory and writing the theory” (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, p.105). In the original version of Grounded Theory, as conceptualized by Glaser and Strauss (1967), no preconceived hypotheses are used to direct the process of research; the

45 researcher is expected to assume a not knowing stance and the process of research is guided by the emerging theory.

However, the agreement between Glaser and Strauss on Grounded Theory framework did not last for long and they both diverged in different directions with Glaser staying on the same course and Strauss diverging to a new method. Strauss, along with Juliet Corbin, came up with the modified version of Grounded Theory approach by changing the method of data analysis and by placing more emphasis on the researcher’s role (Strauss & Corbin, 1990;1998). Strauss and

Corbin (1998) place emphasis on the researcher’s part in being innovative and creative and consider the “creativity of the researchers an essential ingredient” (p. 12) in the approach.

According to Strauss and Corbin (1998), “research is both science and art; science in its attempt to maintain degree of rigor and creative (art) in the ability of the researchers to be innovative”

(p.13). Strauss and Corbin (1998) however, constantly remind their readers, “techniques and procedures are not meant to be used rigidly in a step-by-step fashion” (p. 14). Both authors stress that researchers should take those procedures and techniques as “tools that enable them to approach analysis with confidence and enhance the creativity that is innate, but often undeveloped, in all of us” (p. 14). Strauss and Corbin (1998) consider their creative version of

Grounded Theory as “the vision of new understandings and the building of useful Grounded

Theory that is the driving force” (p. 14) behind their revised methodology.

On the other hand, Glaser’s (Glaser & Straus, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992, 1994) approach continues to adhere to the original procedures that were outlined in the original version of

Grounded Theory (Glaser & Straus, 1967). Glaser (1992) in his book, “Basics of Grounded

Theory Analysis” explicitly directs his criticism to Strauss’ version of Grounded Theory. Glaser

(1992) questions whether the method used by Strauss and Corbin can be considered a Grounded

Theory method at all (p. 2). He further states that the method used in Strauss’ version “thwarts and frustrates the discovery of what is truly going on in the substantive area under study, and undermines Grounded Theory at every turn by preconceived forcing of the data” (p.2). Glaser

(1992) elaborates his version of Grounded Theory by describing its fundamental features,

“Grounded Theory allows the relevant social organization and social psychological organization of people studied to be discovered, to emerge— in their perspective” (p.5).

Glaser’s approach, the original version of grounded theory (Glaser &Strauss, 1967;

Glaser, 1978, 1992) promises simplicity and durability with respect to the actual methodology of the approach that leads to the emergence of a theory from the data as it evolves naturally out of the data (Boychuk &Morgan, 2004). Whereas, Strauss’ approach, because of placing emphasis on defining the researcher’s role may be viewed by some as losing the authenticity of the original grounded theory (Boychuk &Morgan, 2004). However, constant comparative analysis is still the primary strategy used in integrated coding and analyzing stages of this method, by agreeing on its purpose: the discovery of enduring theory that is faithful to the reality of the research area

(Boychuk & Morgan, 2004, p. 606).

In line with this study’s objectives and the required mode of inquiry, Glaser’s version of

Grounded Theory, which avoids “preconceived assumption to be forced on to data” (Glaser,

1992, p. 2), made better sense. The present study focused on exploring a subjective phenomenon in immigrants’ lives as informed by their unique experiences over a period of five to ten years of residency in the context of immigration to a foreign land. Their experiences of adaptation to and integration in a foreign society, their perceptions and experience about their faith system which is not endorsed by the majority in the host society, their sense of being Muslim in a non-Muslim country, and their feelings of well being in a changed cultural context hold uniquely subjective

47 meanings for them. The process of identity formation is essentially embedded within the

Pakistani Muslim immigrant’s personal narratives of their lived experience in Canada. The exploration of such experience required the researcher to assume a not-knowing position and be constantly searching for what this experience means to Pakistani Muslim immigrants in making a coherent sense of self in a foreign land. Glaser (1992) maintains, “The researcher should learn not to know when telling himself or herself what s/he is studying” (p. 24). The nature of the knowledge to be sought and the longitudinal processes involved in conceptualization and articulation of such experience by immigrants required the researcher to be fully open and receptive to their expressions and insights on that experience. The research question, which guided the present study, is a process question, which sought to unfold the immigrants’ experiences over the course of their resettlement in Canada to understand the different phases/stages of that experience that led to the participants’ current state of knowledge.

Therefore, the present study chose to use an open-ended mode of inquiry by means of semi- structured exploratory interviews of the target population.

The researcher assumed a pluralistic, open-ended, and contextualized approach towards reality (Creswell &Dana, 2000, p. 125-126) to encourage active agency of the participants in underscoring their experience. The researcher also sought insights and feedback of the others involved in the process of research such as her research advisors, raters, and peers, in order to maintain the authenticity of the data and to confirm her impressions of participants’ experiences.

In sum, the chosen paradigm, process oriented research question, and objectives of the present research study fit very well with the Grounded Theory framework as conceptualized by

Glaser in the original version of Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992).

This approach was preferred over Strauss’ approach to Grounded Theory, which has been

48 criticized for allowing preconceived assumptions to unduly influence the organization of the interview data (Glaser, 1992).

RESEARCHER’S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ROOTS

It is important to acknowledge that people pursue research in the areas that are significant to them. As Seidman (1998) suggests researchers should identify the biographical roots that they have in their chosen topic. Our personal experience or beliefs influence the choice of our research topic, the methodology, research questions and measures, data analysis, and even interpretation of the data. The researcher’s experience as a Pakistani Muslim immigrant woman in Canada influenced many aspects of this research project in certain ways. The following is a description of the researcher’s autobiographical connection with the research; this section also highlights the issues of axiology, ontology, and epistemology in the context of present research.

I immigrated to Canada about 12 years ago with my husband and two small children.

Coming to Canada was like entering another world: seeing people who were not like the ones that I had always been around, conversing in a language that was not my original language, following a system which was completely foreign to me and raising my children without any support and help from my family was distressing, shocking, and uprooting. My husband, who is an engineer by profession and had been working as a senior consultant in Pakistan, had wanted to earn a Canadian degree in his chosen graduate program. He had a well-established career and quite an esteemed position in his company and we were living a stable and reassured life in

Pakistan. Leaving all that we had was more distressing, uprooting, and traumatizing for him than it was for me. After the first year of my immigration, I decided to go back to school and refresh my master’s degree in Psychology. Starting school opened an entire new world of information to me. I found it much easier to understand the cultural expectations of the host society after joining

49 the school and socializing with people from the new society. I realized that acculturation is not a one-way street but a two-way process. I need to keep an open outlook toward the new society and should embrace the new society, if I want this society to accept me.

My own experience as an immigrant woman and going through the acculturation process with little emotional support inspired my research question. I was interested in learning about the life experiences of Pakistani immigrant women who in most cases immigrate to Canada with their spouses, have limited access to the workforce mainly due to increased household responsibilities and culturally endorsed role of a caretaker, nurturer, and homemaker. I started exploring the research on immigrant women’s resettlement experiences, particularly in Canada where thousands of people immigrate every year in the hope of a better and improved future.

Very few studies had focused particularly on Pakistani women’s resettlement experience in

Canada. From there, I conceptualized my master’s research topic and decided to conduct research on the resettlement experiences of recent immigrant women from Pakistan. I was aware that Canada and Pakistan are worlds apart on dimensions of social values, customs, traditions, language, culture, endorsed gender roles, beliefs, and ways of living. I wanted to see how the process of transition from a traditional, Eastern, collectivist culture to a modern, Western, secularized, and individualistic culture unfolds and impacts upon immigrant women’s well being. My particular interest in exploring the process of immigrant women’s resettlement, adaptation, and sociocultural adjustment in Canada persuaded me to choose a research design that can comprehensively capture the breadth of that experience and can adequately inform the body of knowledge on Pakistani immigrant women’s resettlement experiences. Therefore, using a methodology which is open to investigating participants’ personal perspectives and seeks to explore their realities by entering their subjective worlds without imposing any preconceived

50 assumptions on their unique experiences made sense. To successfully accomplish the above- mentioned objectives, I chose to use the Grounded Theory framework, which resonated with my research question and the required mode of inquiry for such exploration.

My master’s thesis helped me appreciate many aspects of immigrant women’s resettlement in Canada, from their sense of deep disappointments in Canadian immigration and pain of their dashed “dreams of flourishing” to the enormous strength and unending resilience which was helping them persist and navigate the many challenges after immigration. My research was an eye-opener; it demonstrated that immigration is perhaps one of the most complex experiences in people’s lives. It is painful and uprooting yet at the same time it could be positive and resilience inducing which can help people utilize their personal resources to the best of their abilities to adapt to the unexpected and ostracized conditions; an aspect of self that they may never realize while living in their homelands. My research indicated that despite feeling uprooted and displaced, immigrant women appeared very protective of their original values, their identity as Pakistani Muslim women, and their religious affiliation. My research helped me appreciate that religion captures a very important place in Pakistani Muslim immigrant women’s lives in helping them cope with the hardships and adapt to the new society. Religion also appeared to provide them the hope for an improved future, which revitalized their energies.

At that time in my growth and development as an acculturating immigrant myself, I was too focused on the women’s pains. I feel that I evolved and grew from being exclusively focused on women to being empathic to others around me. I consider it my best fortune to have the opportunity to work with Dr. Jeanne Watson, who not only mentored me as a teacher, a researcher, a therapist, an academic advisor, and thesis supervisor but who also helped me claim and own my ‘dreams of flourishing’ by helping me realize my true potential. One of the best

51 gifts of learning from Jeanne to me was developing an ability to read emotions; the ability to infer meaning from what the person is saying to what his or her body is communicating and finding the resonance between the two and seeing the connection between the two in resolving incongruity that a person may experience. From Jeanne, I learnt that the capacity to empathize with self allows person an opportunity to feel reassured enough that they can imagine what it is like to be in another person’s shoes.

It was that awareness which helped me realize that immigration is as painful (or perhaps more painful) experience for immigrant men as it is for immigrant women. After immigration, men not only lose their roots, family ties, a socio-religious environment, occupational status, sense of accomplishment and self-confidence but also a sense of competency and self-pride in being the provider for the family and a sense of control and authority over their spouses, which is granted to them by default in the home culture. I decided to take a shift and conduct a research on both men and women to obtain a richer, more comprehensive, well rounded, and in-depth understanding of immigrants’ experience. For this purpose, I chose to focus on long-term residents instead of recent immigrants as my observation and research suggested that as immigrants’ feelings become stabilized, so do their views and emotions about their faith and the new society as they become more habituated to their new home. The new place starts feeling like home and the homeland feels like a strange place. From there, I started the new journey of discovery, exploration, and revision of the research on male and female Pakistani Muslim immigrants. In particular, I explored past studies on male and female Pakistani immigrants’ experiences of immigration, their experience of Islam and self as an ethnoreligious minority in a changed cultural and religious context and how these experiences impact upon their sense of

52 wellbeing in the new land. The more I researched the more gaps I found in the body of knowledge on those areas of Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ lives in Canada.

The dilemma that I discovered through my literature research on Pakistani immigrants was that first of all, there were hardly any studies on this group of immigrants, and secondly, even the studies which focused on this group had mostly merged this group with other South

Asian communities in the research, which clouded the uniqueness of their subjective experiences

(such as Ralston, 1992, 1996; Naidoo, 2003; Williams’ 1988; Mohammad-Arif, 2000 etc). On the other hand, the few studies that attempted to capture the life experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrant community in Canada provided a more general picture of their lives in Canada (such as Hussaini, 1990; Awan, 1989) without focusing on the subjectively construed antecedents of their socio-cultural and socio-religious experiences in their post immigration lives.

My quest for knowledge on Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ experiences in regards to formation of an identity, their experience of Islam in a non-Muslim country, and the specifics of their social, religious and cultural integration, adjustment, and adaptation in Canada in current times, remained unanswered. In particular, I wanted to see how their experience of Islam shapes over a period of five to ten years of immigration, how it feels to be an ethnoreligious minority in

Canada, how this experience informs immigrants’ sense of self and well-being and whether there are any gender differences on the above-mentioned experiences. I was particularly interested in learning about immigrants’ experiences, which are rooted in their personal, familial, social and religious backgrounds and are reframed and reconstrued with the help of the knowledge and experience that they acquire after living in a different society. My questions required me to enter their worlds to search their subjective realities in understanding their unique experiences.

I assumed a constructivist stance as it resonated with my personality and style of inquiry.

I used an open-ended, pluralistic, inclusive, interpretive, and contextualized approach, which allowed me to obtain comprehensive, rich, and descriptive information from my target population. In particular, my research question focused on discovering the longitudinal process that explains immigrant men and women’s adaptation to the new society, the impact of the changed cultural and religious context on their experience of Islam and self, and their articulation of a distinct identity in the host society. My research question required me to choose a methodology that would allow the participants’ spontaneous reflections to enlighten our understanding of their experience. These objectives resonate with the Glaserian version of

Grounded Theory framework (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992). Thus, I decided to use Glaser’s original version of Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992) and kept my inquiry open to four main areas, including: (1) The immigrants’ experiences and feelings about Islam in Canada and the place and significance of faith in their post immigration lives; (2) Their feelings about being a Pakistani Muslim in Canada and how they reconstruct a sense of self in a changed cultural and religious context; (3) Their adjustment in and adaptation to the new society; (4) Their experiences with the host society and the resulting feelings towards the host country. My queries were open-ended and were guided by the above-mentioned main areas of exploration. However, I mainly followed my participants’ lead in the discussion and exploration of the topics that seemed more meaningful to them.

My queries and responses to questions during the process of interviews were informed by my research-based knowledge on immigrants’ life experiences, my style of inquiry, and my own understanding of the immigration experience itself. However, the directions participants took in answering the questions and the substance of the responses itself belong to the participants alone.

The participants’ responses, reflections, and insights on their feelings and experiences in Canada, their experience of Islam and their unique identity provided the foundation and the substance in conceptualizing the theory that was developed in this research.

PROCEDURES

Location of the present study

This study was conducted in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA), Ontario, with the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) of the University of Toronto (U of T) serving as the main research site. Research indicates that Ontario hosts more than half of

Canadian Muslims; 5% of the Toronto population is counted as Muslim, rendering Toronto a city with the highest concentration of Muslims in North America (Canefe, 2006). Therefore, by choosing Toronto CMA as the primary location for this research, the present study was able to have a more diverse and accessible sample.

Sampling and the criteria for participant selection

Sampling for the present study was purposive where the sample was mainly selected based on the researcher’s experience or knowledge of the group to be sampled (Lunenberg & Irby,

2008). The present study anticipated covering part of the Pakistani Community in Canada—and purposive sampling is assumed to be a more practical way to gather data from the target group.

The exploration of purposive sampling allowed gathering data from those Pakistani immigrants who identified themselves as Muslims regardless of their participation in religious activities. The present study explored the experiences of Pakistani immigrants who were over the age of 30 years, had immigrated to Canada with their immediate families under the skilled workers’

55 category, identified themselves as Muslims, had been Canadian residents for the last five to ten years, and had received their Canadian citizenship at the time of the interviews.

The rationale behind choosing the above mentioned selection criteria are as follows. For the purpose of an in-depth exploration of the place and meaning of religion in Pakistani immigrants’ lives, the study covered only part of Pakistani immigrant community— the ones who identify themselves as Muslims so they could reflect on their personal experiences in relation to Islam and their identity as ‘Pakistani Muslim’ in Canada. A second criterion for the selection of participants emanates from the inclusion of contemporary first generation Pakistani

Muslim immigrants. Research indicates that the first generation Muslims make up most of the

Canadian Muslim population (Addairo, et al., 2008), so inclusion of this group is likely to enlighten our understanding about the unique experiences that these immigrants go through during their relocation in Canada and the impact of such experiences on their sense of well being. Furthermore, the present study includes those immigrants who have been Canadian residents for at least five years— a time when immigrants are assumed to have been through the early stages of resettlement (Khan & Watson, 2005) and the preliminary adversities of immigration may no longer influence their experience of Islam and their emotions towards the new society.

Secondly, this study sought to understand and appreciate the repercussion of immigration, and the religious lives and conditions of Pakistani Muslim immigrants who immigrated to Canada under the skilled workers’ category along with their immediate families

(including spouses and children) for a common goal—an improved future for self and their families (Khan1 , 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005). Census data suggests that skilled workers from

China, Pakistan, India, Taiwan, and Iran account for the majority of immigrants to Canada

(Statistics Canada, 2001). The number of immigrants migrating to Canada under the skilled worker’s category has been the highest out of all four classes of immigration including, family class, entrepreneurs/investors’ class, skilled worker category, and refugee claimants (Census

Facts and Figures 2001: Immigration Overview, cited in CBC news 2002). Thus, by focusing on this group of immigrants, this study attempted to highlight the life experiences of this highly populated group of immigrants to Canada. This research also aimed to explore the many occupational challenges that these qualified immigrants’ experience (Aycan & Berry, 1996;

Bauder, 2003; Basran & Li Zong, 1998; Nakhaie, 2006). The study explored their struggles and how they come to terms with their changed occupational status, the strategies they use to cope, and their success stories and, what can we learn from their experience, which could be a valuable source of information for prospective immigrants planning to immigrate under the same category.

Statistics Canada’s research (2001) suggests that in 2001 about 1.8 million people living in Canada were immigrants who had arrived during the previous ten years, 17%, (or close to

310,000) of which were the school children between the ages of 5 and 16 who were either born in foreign countries or born in Canada to immigrant parents (Statistics Canada, 2001). Therefore, by including immigrants who immigrated with their immediate families, including their children and spouses, the present study tried to recruit a well represented group of immigrants. This study also offers avenues for future research to explore the experiences of the second-generation children of these immigrants by highlighting the stories of their parents’ resettlement in Canada.

Recruitment

Participants were recruited by posting flyers at different locations that were highly visited by Muslim immigrants, including Islamic community centers, mosques, Muslim resource

57 centers, Muslim grocery stores, and supermarkets. Posters were also posted at the University of

Toronto’s campuses. Lastly, participants were also recruited through social networking. All efforts were made to recruit participants from possible different locations across Toronto Census

Metropolitan Area. An attempt was made to recruit male and female Muslim immigrants who were not related to each other, so the factor of a relationship between participants does not influence the findings in any way. The recruitment was completed in nine months, from July

2009 to April 2010. Fourteen people, including eight women and six men contacted the researcher to participate in the study, whereas, three men were approached by the researcher through social networking and peer referencing.

Telephone Screening questionnaire

A telephone-screening questionnaire was used prior to arranging interview to ensure potential participants’ meeting the recruitment criteria and providing preliminary information on the research process (please see Appendix A). After passing the telephone screening process, participants were invited for an in-person interview.

Self-Report Demographic Questionnaire

The first measure used to gather information about the participants was a self-report demographic questionnaire (see appendix B). The primary purpose of this questionnaire was to provide information on specific characteristics of the sample such as participants’ age, gender, years of residency in Canada, annual income, number of children, level of education, occupation, primary language, and their participation in a variety of religious activities.

Participants

The final sample for the study consisted of fourteen participants including seven women and seven men. The women participants ranged in age from 30 to 50 years with a mean age of 37 years (table 1). The male participants ranged in age from 35 to 52 years with a mean age of 44 years (table 1).

Four participants from each of the two groups were Punjabi-speaking, whereas three women and three men were Urdu-speaking. Three female participants belonged to the Shi’ite sect while four belonged to the Sunni sect. Two male participants belonged to the Shi’ite sect and five belonged to the Sunni sect. All participants identified themselves as Muslims; most of them were practicing Muslims and claimed to be involved in religious activities since childhood.

However, most of the participants, claimed to be only moderately religious. Three participants, from each gender, reported offering prayers five-times a day whereas the remaining four from each group offered prayer three-times every day. Similarly, two male and three female participants recite Quran on a daily basis whereas others from both groups recite Quran less frequently. All participants were married and had an average of three children, with a range from one to five children.

All participants were born and raised in the major cities of Pakistan such as Lahore,

Islamabad, Sialkot, and Karachi. The average residency period for participants in Canada was seven years, with a range of five to ten years of residency in Canada. Five out of the seven male participants held graduate degrees and did not upgrade after immigration whereas two male participants upgraded their master’s degrees after immigration before getting a job. Among the women participants, five women held undergraduate degrees and two women held masters degrees.

All of the seven men were employed at the time of the interviews and their reported annual income for the last year ranged from $15,000 to $65,000. However, only two of the women were employed with annual incomes for the previous year ranging from $35,000 to

$50,000, while the other five were homemakers. Table 1 highlights the average age, years of residency, number of children, educational level, prayer and Quran recitation of participants across gender.

Table 1

DEMOGRAPHICS MALE FEMALE Average age 44 years 37years Average years of residency 7years 7years Average number of children 3 3 Average number of years of education 15.5years 14.5years Average prayer offering (per day) 4 4 Average Quran recitation (per week) 3 4 Shia (sect) 2 3 Sunni (sect) 5 4 Punjabi Speaking 4 4 Urdu Speaking 3 3 Annual Gross Income range 15,000 to 65,000 35,000 to 50,000 Total Number 7 7

The Interviews

Interviews were conducted between late-July 2009 and April 2010. All interviews were conducted in Urdu language. Participants’ were given a choice of three proposed languages for the interview (Urdu, Punjabi, and English). Although, the interview time ranged from 75 minutes to 90 minutes, most interviews lasted 90 minutes at participants’ request and interest in topics of discussion at the time. Each participant took part in one interview. After interviews, each interview was summarized individually; and, each interview summary contained the ideas

60 expressed by individual participants, captured the central themes underlying participants expressions/responses (please see appendix sample interview summary). Participants were contacted at least twice after the interviews to seek their feedback on interview summaries and to make any needed changes in those summaries.

All the participants were requested to review the information letter that outlined the objectives of the present study, limits of confidentiality, data storage guidelines, right to withdraw from study and/or interview, financial compensation, opportunity to have interview summaries, access to study results, potential risks and benefits of participation, availability of counseling referrals should they be needed, and contact information about the researcher and her supervisor. All questions raised after reading the information letter were addressed in a comprehensive manner. Participants were then asked to sign a consent form acknowledging their understanding of the study and their consent to the use of their personal information for research and publication purposes.

In order to protect the anonymity of participants, all identifiable information was removed and pseudonyms were used throughout the research project. Participants were invited to omit any information from the transcript that they feel might identify them. Interviews were coded and all the identifiable information was deleted. Tapes, transcripts, and questionnaires were only numbered for identification. Participants were told in advance that they may decline to answer any question during the interview or on the questionnaire and they may withdraw from the interview and the study at any time.

The interviews aimed at obtaining detailed information regarding participants’ personal familial, social, religious and cultural life after immigration and the influence of these experiences on their sense of wellbeing in Canada. The purpose of the interview was to invite

Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women’s own reflections on the meaning of Islam in their post immigration lives; the importance of participation in religious activities inside and/or outside their homes; immigrants’ child rearing practices; the experience of a unique ethnoreligious identity in the new land; feelings towards the host culture and society, the meaning of this experience; and, the impact of this experiencing and meaning making on immigrants’ sense of self.

Although an interview guideline (Appendix C) was prepared and used, the researcher remained open and curious to new ideas and insights, which emerged spontaneously during interviews. The interviews were first transcribed and then translated verbatim into English language. All interviews were conducted, transcribed and translated by the principal investigator and were later verified by a second rater, who also confirmed the accuracy of the translation.

All seventeen people were interviewed. Participants were told at the time of the interviews that they would be contacted by the researcher with a request to review their interview summaries, confirm the researcher’s understanding of their experience and make any needed changes in the summaries. Individual summaries of all the interviews were prepared and participants were contacted by the researcher via phone requesting them to review their interview summaries (which were emailed to them on the email address that they provided on the consent form), provide their comments on it and make any changes that they think were needed to capture the crux of their experience. Although, all seventeen participants were contacted; however, only fourteen participants responded back to the researcher. Therefore, only fourteen interviews were retained for further analysis due to three participants’ (one female and two males’) inaccessibility in the verification of interview summaries and data themes. The final analysis retained interviews of seven men and seven women who verified data themes and the

62 interview summaries and who provided the researcher with their feedback on the authenticity of the researcher’s impressions of their interviews. Except for one male and two female participants who made minor modifications to their interview summaries, all participants expressed satisfaction about their interview summaries and confirmed the researcher’s impressions of their experience. Most participants expressed sense of deep satisfaction in feeling completely understood and reassured after reading their summaries. The three participants who made changes to their summaries were contacted again to verify the revised summaries at which point they confirmed those summaries.

DATA ANALYSIS

All interview transcripts were analyzed and assigned initial codes based on the content under review. The process of data analysis was conducted in four phases. The first phase involved transcribing and translating the interviews into English. The translation from Urdu to

English was verified by the external translator in order to authenticate the accuracy of translation. The responses from the background information questionnaire were categorized and transferred onto each interview summary section in order to prepare individual narratives of 14 interviews. The transcribed and translated interviews, along with information from the background questionnaire were saved as cases under specific attributes, e.g. gender, age, number of children, years of residency in Canada, reported annual income, employment status, place of birth, and religious sect.

In the second phase, meaning units were identified for every single segment of participants’ expressions within each interview, line by line. Once the interviews were coded, several hundred meaning units were generated which captured the essence of the segments

63 underneath. The interview data was then entered for further analysis into the software for qualitative data analysis NVivo 8(QSR international 2009, NVivo 8.www.qsrinternational.com).

The method of constant comparison was used to verify codes and to group coded meaning units to create categories. Two analytical procedures of the constant comparison method as described in Glaser’s (1992) approach were undertaken: comparisons of reflections within the interviews and when a particular idea or theme emerged, participant’s reflections were compared to that theme, “which is how properties of categories are generated” (p. 39). The second analytical procedure involved questioning the reflections to see their relevance to a particular concept/theme or properties of the themes. This procedure is termed ‘open coding’ in

Glaserian Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992). When the reflections were compared, the underlying ideas were sought in search of the patterns that could be aptly named/labeled in accurately capturing those reflections and the underneath concepts. All coded meaning units were checked and rechecked to see their relevance to each other and colligated under relational units and themes. The themes were labeled and their properties were identified.

After data was coded, initial themes were conceptualized, and their properties identified, the potential relationship and pattern across themes was examined (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994).

The “fit” of the emergent themes for the grouped coded meaning units which distill one idea or concept was verified through feedback from the research supervisor who suggested that the derived themes were a good fit based on initial coding. This method also facilitated in preparing individual summaries of interviews. Each interview summary was prepared according to the preliminary themes emerging from the interview data. It also offered an avenue to clarify and verify aspects of participants’ experience. This procedure was conducted for each single

64 interview such that each interview had a summary of the central themes embedded in it.

Interview summaries were then sent to participants for review and to check the accuracy of researcher’s understanding of their experiences and their life stories. Any discrepancies between researcher’s understanding of interviewees’ life stories and the subjective reality of their lived experience were clarified and double checked with the participants before moving forward to next phase in the data analysis process (please see Appendix E for sample interview summary)

The third stage of data analysis involved rechecking and refining the initial meaning units, codes and themes, as well as conceptualizing and examining the themes and their properties across all 14 interviews. Coding was revisited several times and refined a few times as the enhanced understanding of the data emerged during reviews and insightful meetings with the research supervisor. NVivo 8 software facilitated the process of verifying the coded meaning units and themes across the interviews. The coded meaning units and emergent categories were revisited to verify and recheck their authenticity and to assess the internal consistency of the emergent categories. The memo notes were made as the process of data analysis progressed from simple coding of the data to grouping of the codes under themes and categories.

During the process of comparing codes and themes across interviews it became clear that themes and codes started becoming redundant and repetitive after eight interviews. After crosschecking codes and meaning units across the first eight interviews, no new codes or meaning units emerged and the subsequent interview codes were simply merged into the existing ones. The existing themes became more consistent and stable, and no new information was added to the existing data, suggesting that saturation had been reached. The meaning units were revisited and refined several times before specific categories were generated which reflected the underneath meaning of the closely associated set of codes. The emergent core variable from

65 those revisions of coded data appeared to be immigrants’ ‘thirst or striving for an authentic identity in the new land’. At that point in data analysis, the coding was limited “to only those variables that related to the core variable, in sufficiently significant ways to be used in a parsimonious theory” (Glaser, 1994, p. 75; Glaser 1978), in addition to revising and refining the existing categories. During the process of refining codes and categories, memo notes were taken to keep trail of ideas on the data and theorizing of the ideas as they emerged during coding of the categories. The memos assisted in appreciating the depth and complexities of the categories through different phases of revisions as memos added diverse and profound meanings to the coded data through different stages. As Glaser (1992) states that “grounded theorist writes memos as formulated by the emergent theory and the memos change the way they look at each stage” (p.108).

The fourth phase involved grouping the categories that were linked to each other under certain units, and creating higher order categories. While discovering the emergent categories, the researcher repeatedly went back to the actual data, the coded meaning units and themes to confirm the authenticity of the categories in distilling the essence of the data. Those frequent reviews of the data provided opportunities and avenues to refine the conceptualized categories from a more informed place. Such reviews resulted in dividing and/ or merging existing categories or renaming the categories to better represent the relationship emerging from the data.

Stable connections between the categories began to emerge including the categorization of lower order categories into more enduring higher order categories through the method of constant comparison (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1978, 1992, 1994). The researcher had regular meetings with her supervisor whose feedback on the data analysis and emerging categories provided insightful and valuable information on those revisions. The written memos from

66 different stages of the data analysis were sorted to make coherent sense of the categories and, in delineating the theory, which was grounded in the data.

In total, there were four major revisions of the coded categories and themes after which the theory evolved through the emergent categories (please see appendix H, I, J, & K). The process of constant comparison, and the resultant higher order and lower order categories and the sorted memos facilitated the labeling of the final core category through its emergent fit with the higher order categories. The final core category was termed as “The process of crafting an authentic identity in the context of immigration to Canada –The Muslim Experience’ which captured the experience of immigrating to Canada, understanding the fundamentals of Islam, endorsing the revitalized version of Islam in achieving differentiated sense of self and in creating an authentic place for self in the new society.

CRITERIA OF MORAL RESPONSIBILITY, TRANSPARENCY,

TRUSTWORTHINESS AND CREDIBILITY IN THE PRESENT RESEARCH

Qualitative research designs acknowledge that the research is context dependent, value laden and that there is no single, true reality, instead multiple realities exist (Highlen & Finley,

1996). As Glaser (1992) states, “pure description is situation specific” (p. 15). Different people endorse their own subjective realties, which poses a challenge of evaluating qualitative studies in a reliable manner that will not compromise the authenticity of the findings. Many authors believe that we cannot use the traditional criteria of reliability, validity, and generalizability, which are used to evaluate quantitative studies (McLeod, 2001; Smith, 1996; Wong, 2005). Instead, criteria of moral responsibility in conducting ethical research, transparency in the process of conducting research by acknowledging the researcher’s personal interest in the study; minimization of

67 researcher’s bias during data collection, analysis and interpretation phases; involvement of the participants during the process of data analysis needs to be considered (McLeod, 2001; Stiles,

1993; Wong, 2005).

In Grounded Theory, “the method of constant comparison, saturation and core relevance are used to minimize bias in research” (Glaser, 1992, p. 14). This may involve returning back to the actual data repeatedly to ensure that the constructs, themes and categories and interpretations of categories make good sense (Patton, 1980). The researcher using Grounded Theory seeks to ensure the authenticity of the core relevance to the data. Core relevance refers to the emerging core category’s relevance to the data in genuinely distilling the essence of participants’ reflections on the phenomenon (Glaser, 1992).

The criterion of moral responsibility in conducting ethical research in the present research was ensured through consulting with the supervisor and committee members during the process of developing the research proposal. The research proposal went through the formal procedures of ethics approval by the committee on Board of Ethics of the University of Toronto.

Moreover, standards of ethics were maintained by ensuring the minimal risk criteria for research; seeking informed consent; arranging interviews in participants’ preferred language and at their preferred place; providing them with detailed information on the nature, purpose, scope, and objectives of the study; the extent and time commitments for their involvement in the study; financial compensation for their participation, etc. (please see appendix E for detailed description of the information letter).

In order to facilitate active engagement of the participants and to minimize the researcher’s influence on to the process of research, participants were explained and provided an account of the researcher’s motivation, interest and objective in pursuing the research. The

68 researcher also self-disclosed her experience of relocation and the significance of participants’ subjective experience to her research endeavors for the purpose of helping them understand researcher’s personal interest in the topic and to minimize the inequality that participants often feel in the process of research (Creswell & Miller, 2000).

An important caution that the researcher constantly exercised through the course of this research was to not let her personal experience color the reflections of the participants. The study participants were consulted at least twice after the initial interview to confirm researcher’s impressions of their experience and before proceeding to the advance stage of data analysis. The researcher also consulted with her Pakistani friends and the second rater during data analysis to confirm the emotional tone of the participants’ expressions. Interview summaries were verified with the participants and participants were invited to confirm researcher’s impressions, and suggest any modifications/changes that they thought were needed to adequately distill the essence of their experience.

The researcher also had regular monthly (and on a few occasions bi-weekly) meetings with her primary supervisor and sought her feedback on the data collection, data analysis, interpretation, and theory writing stages. It is important to note that researcher’s primary supervisor does not have any cultural associations with the chosen immigrant group of the present study. This factor assisted in maintaining impartiality throughout this research, particularly during the process of data analysis and data interpretation by monitoring and minimizing the effects of researcher’s personal experience as an immigrant woman in overriding the voices of the research participants. During the process of data analysis, the research supervisor suggested revisions of codes and meaning units on few occasions. The researcher returned to the original interviews numerous times to ensure that assigned meaning units and

69 emerging categories adequately captured the essence of participants’ experiences. The coded categories were revisited numerous times and revised few times before the core category, the associated higher order and lower order categories were finalized. The process of data analysis evolved and progressed through four major stages (please see Appendix H, I, J, K, for different stages of the data analysis), each of which allowed increased understanding and knowledge of the actual data. Altogether, it took the researcher over 18 months of consistent work analyzing the data to finally conceptualize the core category of ‘The process of crafting an authentic identity in the context of immigration to Canada –The Muslim’. The core category comprehensively illuminates the experience of Pakistani Muslim immigrants as they go through the process of resettlement, navigate the many cultural, religious and social challenges in the new society, and work their way through to an authentic Muslim identity that they take pride in claiming in the foreign society.

The researcher reviewed the data numerous times, personally connected with the data, extracted the genuine meaning from the data, understood the essence of it, to be able to interpret and explain it theoretically. As Glaser (1978), states, “generating theory is done by a human being who is intimately involved with and other times quite distant from the data. Within the analyst as the research continues, is a long term biographical and conceptual buildup that makes him (or her) quite ‘wise’ about the data— how to detail its main problems and processes and how to interpret and explain them theoretically.”(p. 2).

Qualitative interview guidelines were used to determine the number of participants for the study, which suggests discontinuing data collection once the data reaches the saturation point

(Thompson, 2006). Saturation is defined as a stage in research where same themes continue to reoccur in the data and new interviews fail to add any new information (Thompson, 2006). Data

70 collection and initial data analysis was done simultaneously. The method of constant comparison was used to check the relevance of codes and meaning units within and across the interviews. As described in the data analysis section, when coded meaning units were compared across the interviews, the codes started becoming redundant and repetitive after eight interviews and no new codes or meaning units emerged, and the subsequent interview codes were simply merged into the existing ones, indicating that saturation had been reached.

In summary, the criteria of moral responsibility, transparency, trustworthiness, and credibility in the present research was ensured and maintained through application of the above mentioned steps and measures as well continuous guidance and feedback from the primary supervisor on each single step of this research project.

CHAPTER THREE: RESULTS

CORE CATEGORY: THE PROCESS OF CRAFTING AN AUTHENTIC IDENTITY

IN THE CONTEXT OF IMMIGRATION TO CANADA –THE MUSLIM EXPERIENCE

The final analysis of codes and related overarching themes formulated the following core category:

‘The process of crafting an authentic identity in the context of immigration to Canada –The Muslim Experience’ (Fig 1).

The core category describes the immigration and resettlement experience of Pakistani

Muslims in Canada as it guides the process of making a distinct place for Muslims in the

Canadian mosaic. Immigrants’ stories revealed a multifaceted process which underscores their subjective experience of moving to and resettling in a culturally, socially, and religiously different country than their homeland. This process consisted of the following: confronting the challenges in the new land and experiencing a cultural shock, racism and hardships; finding refuge in faith and renewing their relationship with faith; actively protecting children, self, and original values in the new land; comprehending the teachings of Islam in becoming a true

Muslim; embracing Canada and feeling well blended in Canada; achieving maturity, wisdom, and positive feelings for self; realizing a sense of differentiated self; and, crafting and claiming a unique identity, in becoming an important part of the Canadian mosaic.

The participants’ stories revealed a unique process of experiencing and meaning- making of the experience of relocation to Canada, articulating the core meaning of Islam and realizing self as a unique and differentiated being in the new land. Immigration to Canada appears to be a very subjective experience for Pakistani Muslim immigrants as they try to perceive and understand it with the help of their previously acquired knowledge embedded in their unique

72 cultural, religious, personal, and familial backgrounds. The process of meaning-making of this relocation experience helps immigrants appreciate and acknowledge the changes that were brought into their life due to the move. They become increasingly aware of and reflective about the life spent in the country of origin, acknowledge the pain of the losses that they suffered due to immigrating to Canada, appraise their situation to regain control of their life through actively preserving faith and original values, embracing the new land by appreciating the benefits of the move, and try to become part of the new society.

The core category highlights a multilayered and multidimensional process guided through different stages of Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ resettlement in Canada. This process starts with their reflections on the experience of immigration to Canada and acknowledgement of the pain of leaving the emotional and material assets behind and feeling singled out in the new society. This stage is followed by their expressions of actively exerting self-agency in preserving self from extinction in the new society by protecting children and the original values and by strengthening their bonds with the fellows alike in the new land. As immigrants get a sense of control over life, they regain their confidence in self and try to follow and actualize faith to feel emotionally grounded and to mark their existence in the new land through embracing and presenting pro social Islamic values. Actualizing faith also helps them make better sense of the immigration experience and appreciate the many benefits of immigration and positives about the new society.

They experience a fundamental shift in their perspectives and genuinely embrace the new land and try to realize a differentiated and genuine sense of self in becoming an important part of the new society.

The following figure (figure 1) visually represents the process through which Muslims become part of Canadian mosaic as delineated through the core category, three higher-level categories and several main and lower order categories.

74 Figure 1

Core Category: The process of crafting an authentic identity in the context of immigration to Canada –The Muslim experience

st nd 1 higher order category: 2 higher order category: Coping rd Confronting the challenges in the 3 higher order category: through taking refuge in Islam and Forming a new Identity new land safeguarding Muslim identity

Cultural Challenges Losses Taking refuge Safeguarding Realizing the Increased Embracing Shock – the due to in Islam to Islam and spirit of Islam sense of Canada Canadian ethnoreligious protect self & ethnoreligious – becoming a wellbeing Experience identity children identity true Muslim

Harsh Experience Fears for Loss of Assuming Claiming Understandin Feeling close Canada – a Seeing winters ownership of g the heart of to Allah of racism children family responsibilit home away negatives of Islam and Islam Challenged y for kids ethnoreligiou from home homeland Loss of Finding by policies / s identity Comprehend procedures religious Making ing the peace in environment sacrifices & Treasuring teachings of prayers tailoring and Islam Finding High cost of Loss of Canada – personal preserving orientation Islam taken living status culturally Engaginglife in Islam and and purpose for granted Fear of religious and in Pakistan Feeling Loss of faith Rejecting in life losing teachings religiously Job attacked due belonging- Western Emergence to children in tolerant restrictions ness cultural of positive Pakistan – a ethnoreligiou Canada values feelings for status Erasing bad s identity self conscious image of Improved Threat of Enhanced impolite Job Muslims in quality of peer pressure wisdom and society discriminatio Canada life – valuing Loss of maturity n Negotiating Soundphysical social Islamic protection Concerns religious system and teachings Feeling well standards of Difference in about needs in blended in equality Pakistani values – children’s Canada Experience culture hurdle in religious/ Bonding Canada Finding of racism manipulates occupational cultural with Islam free of religion growth Feelingdisplacement Muslims in cultural Feeling alone in Canada binds in blamed at teaching Canada children Seeing Islam work implemented in Canada

Three higher order categories including: 1) Confronting the challenges in the new land, 2)

Coping through taking refuge in Islam and safeguarding Muslim identity, 3) Forming a new identity, subsumed under the core category.

Each of the three categories captures the essence of immigrants experience with respect to the particular stage of their resettlement and adjustment in the Canadian society.

CONFRONTING THE CHALLENGES IN THE NEW LAND 1 First Higher Order Confronting the Challenges in the New Land The first higher order category ‘confronting the challenges in the new land’ describes immigrants’ encounter with the bitter realities of Canadian immigration. Immigration to Canada appeared to be an uprooting experience for immigrants. They suffered losses, experienced cultural shock and felt displaced. Immigrants missed their rewarding careers, occupationally reassured lives, their roots, the religious environment, the culture, and the love of their families and friends whom they left behind. Participants’ narratives reflected the agony of losing a sense of accomplishment, competence, and reassurance for self as worthy individuals. Immigration to

Canada posed some unique challenges on these people. They were required to learn a completely new system, which is guided by certain structured procedures, and protocols that were foreign to them. Participants were also required to unlearn old ways of doing things. Their ethnoreligious identity proved to be disadvantageous for them in the new society. They felt discriminated against for good jobs and experienced racism due to their identity. They felt fearful of being diminished culturally and religiously as they found a drastic contrast between their values and the values of the host society. Their stories depicted their deep fears about losing their children in the host society through cultural and religious loss. Immigration to Canada required them to be extra vigilant and protective of their children as well as their religious values. These fears landed an enormous amount of responsibilities on them to be protective of self and children, in addition

76 to dealing with other stressors of immigration. In short, this category highlights a number of hardships, losses, and challenges that Pakistani Muslim immigrants faced by making Canada their new home (Figure 2).

77 Figure 2

1st higher order category: Confronting the challenges in the new land

Cultural shock— the Challenges due to Losses Canadian experience ethnoreligious identity

Loss Loss of Loss of Loss of Harsh Challenged High cost Job of religious status belongingness winters by policies of living restrictions family environment and procedures

Experiences Fears for of racism children

Feeling Job Difference in Feeling Fear of losing Threat of Concerns about Feeling attacked due to discrimination values— blamed at children in peer children’s alone in ethnoreligious hurdle in work Canada pressure religious and teaching identity occupational cultural children growth displacement

Three main categories and several lower order categories subsumed under the higher order category of confronting the challenges in the new land. The three main categories were: culture shock, challenges due to ethnoreligious identity, and losses. Following is a description of the main and the associated lower order categories.

 Culture shock: the Canadian experience

o Harsh winter

o Challenged by policies & procedures

o High cost of living in Canada

o Job restrictions

 Challenges due to ethnoreligious identity

o Experiences of racism

. Feeling attacked due to ethnoreligious identity

. Job discrimination

. Difference in values—hurdle in immigrants’ occupational growth

. Feeling blamed at work

o Fears for children

. Fears of losing children in Canada

. Threat of peer pressure

. Concerns about children’s religious and cultural displacement

. Feeling self alone in teaching children

 Losses

o Loss of family support

o Loss of religious environment

o Loss of status- dashed dreams

o Loss of belongingness - feeling homesick

Culture shock: the Canadian experience

All participants acknowledged experiencing a cultural shock after immigration to

Canada. Immigrants found Canada to be a very different country than Pakistan on a number of physical, environmental, systematic and cultural aspects of life. They found the values of the new society to be completely different from their original values, which intensified their feeling of self as a minority in the new society and made them feel helpless and miserable. Certain physical aspects of the new society also proved astonishing for them, including: extreme weather conditions, expensive living, lack of jobs and stringent job requirements, structured procedures and protocols of the Canadian system and a different life style. All participants, regardless of gender, acknowledged experiencing a cultural shock after coming to Canada. A number of factors, in the host country made Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ life hard, stressful and difficult.

Four lower order categories subsumed under the category of cultural shock, including:

Harsh winter

Immigrants found Canadian winters to be extremely harsh and tough for them. They described moving to Canada has been a hard experience for them due to extremely cold weather conditions. Although male participants also expressed their dislike for Canadian Winters but women participants, in particular, expressed their strong dislike for winters in Canada. In total, six out of seven women and three out of seven men endorsed this category.

For example, female participants Seema, Alia and Sara noted that harsh winters made their lives difficult after immigration:

You know how harsh the winter is in Canada; you need to dress up properly

yourself and have to bundle up the kids to go out, these things were quite troublesome. (Seema)

Winter is terrible here. When we came here, winter was the hardest thing to cope with since you are required to do groceries and drop kids to school despite awfully cold weather. (Alia)

Winter was awful. I still dislike it. (Sara)

Faraz and Tahir also expressed their dislike for Canadian Winters:

Winter is tough in Canada. When we moved here (Canada) it was November and it was very very cold. We had to make arrangements for finding a roof and weather made it hard for us. I still don’t like winters here. (Faraz)

Winter is quite tough in Canada. It restricts your mobility a lot. (Tahir)

For Duaa, moving to Canada during winters was very difficult; having a small child who got sick after arrival, made it even harder for her:

We moved here in December. It was a nightmare. I did not imagine that Canada could be that cold. We were not prepared for that cold weather. My son was only six months old and he got sick within few days of our arrival. It was a nightmare. Although, it’s been eight years but I still dislike winter here.

Shazma also expressed her dislike for Canadian winters:

I don’t like winter here. I get easily sick during winters. Winters are hard times of the year for me.

Abid considered harsh weather to be the hardest problem to cope with after immigration:

There were many problems. But weather (winter) was the hardest. I still don’t like winter here.

In summary, Pakistani immigrants found it very hard to cope with the harsh winters and it seems that the length of their residency hasn’t changed their feelings about the weather that much.

Challenged by policies and procedures

Immigrants described learning the new system in Canada to be difficult and energy

81 consuming experience for them. It is noteworthy that this category was endorsed mainly by male participants. Seven out of seven male participants acknowledged systematic barriers to be difficult for them after immigration. The systematic barriers included: learning the subway system, applying for health and social insurance cards, opening up a bank account and following specific rules and regulation to become functional in the new society. Immigrants found those procedures particularly hard since there was little time between getting themselves familiarized with the system and following it to survive in the new society.

For example Shahid and Abid described that learning the new system in Canada had been very difficult. For them, learning the system is still in progress:

You should understand the society to succeed. Understanding the system has been a tough thing. It is a very bureaucratic and compartmentalized system here … too many procedures, too many requirements. We are still learning it even though we are here for a while now. (Shahid)

It is all through learning that we got to know what to expect from this place. Everything was very tough in the beginning because it’s a completely new set of procedures that you need to learn after you come here. There are protocols and certain procedures for every single thing…from learning the subway system to applying for health card. This process of learning is still in progress. Because we come from such a relaxed place that it takes us very long to get accustomed to this system. Everyone suffers this problem here. (Abid)

Faraz and Zaid also expressed similar views:

It was very difficult in the beginning; applying for social insurance card, health card, using the subway, opening bank account and finding a shelter. We are required to learn the system here right when we arrive here which I found a very hard thing since you need to understand the system first. There is no time in between learning the system and following it. That was quite hard. (Faraz)

I found it very hard in the beginning. We did not have to follow so many procedures to live our life in Pakistan. Life is simple and easy in Pakistan. (Zaid)

In short, male participants found systematic barriers to be more challenging since they were required to deal with those more often than their woman counterparts. Being the providers for their families, men had to explore the resources and find means of living in the new society.

High cost of living in Canada

Moving to Canada and managing the high cost of living has been hard for both males and females. Participants expressed finding it difficult to afford the expenses of living in a large, metropolitan city, especially the rent. An equal number of male and female participants, including four females and four males endorsed this category. For example, Shazma and Tahir mentioned finding apartment rent to be very difficult to manage:

Apartment rent is very high here in Toronto. This is a main drain on the family income. Shelter is very important; then everything else follows. (Shazma)

Rent is a big expense you must do something for it. There is no survival without shelter. And how to pay for rent if there are no jobs for immigrants? It’s the hardest thing. (Tahir)

Duaa and Faraz mentioned finding the huge disparity between Pakistani and Canadian currency. Coping with that and managing the living expenses was a hardship for them:

When we came here and converted our Pakistani currency into Canadian dollars, we got nothing. We were thinking in our currency and I was doing mental calculations before spending dollars here. Spending dollars for needed expenses became a challenge especially since we got very little Canadian money after converting Pakistani rupees then my husband had no job for six months. It was very hard and difficult. I found everything so expensive from groceries to rent and medicines, everything seemed to be so expensive. (Duaa)

When Pakistanis come here and convert their currency into Canadian dollars, they get nothing. It is very difficult to manage household and rent since cost of living is so high in Toronto. (Faraz)

Therefore, high cost of living in Canada has been a challenge for Pakistani Muslim immigrants. In addition, given the extremely difficult process in securing employment, many of the participants found it challenging to find the means to support their housing needs, making

83 their survival in Canada even more precarious.

Job restrictions

While describing the challenges, immigrants reported career difficulties to be on the top of the list. This category was largely endorsed by male participants. In total, five males and two females endorsed this category.

Due to certain requirements and protocols for entering the Canadian job market, immigrants felt restricted from jobs that matched their skills and credentials.

For example Danish expressed his frustrations with respect to tough licensing requirements:

When I came here, I had 25 years of experience in designing cranes. I have designed more than 1000 cranes during my job career in different countries. When I went for my licensing interview, the interviewees were less qualified, less knowledgeable and less experienced than me. Knowing that I have international level experience, education and strong expertise in my area, they still asked me to do a couple of extra courses before even applying for the license. I disagreed and never thought of getting the license again. They have made licensing requirements to justify not hiring qualified immigrants.

Abid also expressed his sense of hopelessness with respect to the tough job requirements in

Canada:

The first day of my job at IBM, my supervisor asked me to sweep the floor. I told him that I had applied for the hardware engineering position. He said, ‘We cannot give that job to you yet. You need to get training and experience for that. Right now we have this cleaning job.’ I could not sweep the floor and started weeping with pain. These hurdles and barriers are so hard to remove and affect our lives so much.

Duaa also expressed similar views about her husband’s unemployment in the beginning of her immigration:

When we came here my husband did not have a job for six months. This is such a hard thing about Canada. It’s not that having the degree guarantees you the job here, like it does in Pakistan. There are so many requirements in Canada, even if you have the education. You need to have local experience but how to get the

experience if you don’t have the job? This makes it so hard for newcomers.

In short, surviving the job challenges and requirements to enter the job market was a tough hurdle for immigrants, which made Canadian immigration a bitter experience for them.

Challenges due to ethnoreligious identity

Immigrants described a number of challenges that they faced due to their ethnoreligious identity. Immigrants’ affiliation with their ethnoreligious group seemed to pose some unique risks and threats to them. They felt discriminated against for well deserving jobs due to their color and race. They suffered overt racism for being Muslims. Certain aspects in the host society became painful challenges for these people. Those barriers ranged from job discrimination to experiences of overt and covert racism and discrimination; unease and worries for the cultural and religious displacement of their children in Canada to fears of losing their children in Canada through cultural and religious loss. Two main categories subsumed under this category, along with four lower order categories in each of the main categories, including:

Experiences of racism

Participants described experiencing racism and discrimination in Canada due to their color and ethnoreligious identity. Some of the participants suffered overt racism in Canada whereas others noted incidents of covert racism, which involved people’s gestures of dislike and expressions of discrimination against them. A number of areas of immigrants’ life in Canada got affected by racism and general racist practices against visible minority immigrants in Canada.

Four lower order categories subsumed under this category:

Feeling attacked due to ethnoreligious identity

Immigrants’ narratives indicate a sense of unease as well as feelings of being singled-out

85 for being Muslims. Their expressions showed a sense of feeling attacked by the host society due to their ethnoreligious identity. An equal number of participants from each gender group including three males and three females endorsed this category.

For example, Neha and Sobia reported feeling attacked and discriminated against due to their ethnoreligious identity:

They [Canadians] discriminate us. Once a crossing guard told me ‘You look like a terrorist with the hijaab’ [head covering used by Muslim women]. I felt very bad because Islam does not permit killing people, it’s a religion of peace. You know after 9/11 they stare at you, thinking that everyone in a hijaab or in shalwar kameez [Pakistani dress] is a terrorist. Once I wore shalwar kameez to my class and my teacher gave me a discriminating look. I felt very hurt. They don’t feel comfortable with people like us. Once I was in a class with a Bangladeshi and African girl, when a white girl left the class saying that she can’t study here as there are only brown and blacks in this room. I felt very hurt and started crying. They think that we are from another planet. (Neha)

They discriminate us because of our religious and cultural identity. The cashiers at stores never exchanged greetings with someone dressed in shalwar kameez. I myself started to say ‘Hi’ to the attendants and would intentionally interrupt and say to them ‘Have a nice day’ and would try to make them realize that there are others around them who are humans and are more worth than their dogs. You see how they respect their dogs and they don’t even notice you on purpose, as if their dogs are worth more than us. (Sobia)

Ahmed described a personal experience at work where he felt directly attacked:

At my workplace, we have barbeque parties on special occasions throughout the year. Since it’s a large company and people from many religious orientations are working there, a number of Muslims also work there and they attempt to select their own menus by sticking to halal foods. So, halal foods are always part of the menu there. During one of those parties, a person stood up and said ‘I don’t like the idea of halal meat, what does it mean? I don’t like this way of slaughtering the animal. It’s cruel and a bad way’. If he had only said he doesn’t like halal meat that would have been tolerable for me, but when he pointed on the way that is suggested to us by Allah, I felt offended and attacked.

Zaid described incidents of overt racism even within the immigrant population:

Our building superintendent himself is a Guyanese but for some reason, he hates us. Whenever he sees my kids running around in the hallways, he comes out of his office and yells at them and asks them to not make noise. He does not treat

white people this way.

Participants’ expressions not only reflect their feelings of being attacked, but also highlight a sense of feeling harassed and degraded due to their religious and cultural identity.

Job Discrimination

Immigrants expressed a sense of unfair evaluation of their skills, education and experience in Canada and felt that they were discriminated against due to their ethnicity and race.

They felt that there is color discrimination in the Canadian job market. This category was largely endorsed by male participants and five out of seven males endorsed it in comparison with only one female participant who was subjected to job discrimination in Canada.

Immigrants expressed their resentments for the host society for discriminating against them for the well-deserved jobs. For example, Zaid graduated from Queens University’s engineering program in 2003, and he was still (in 2009) doing a contract job with no benefits and no guarantee for continuation after three months’ contract:

I graduated from Queens University six years ago. My grades were better than my other class fellows and I had strong references too. My class fellows, who were less experienced and less qualified than me, got good jobs. I am still at a place where I was seven years ago. What would you call this? They are racist. They look at your face and don’t bother hiring you even if you have local education, the required skills and qualifications and even if your interview went well; for permanent and professional jobs they prefer white skin.

For Sobia it was frustrating when she felt discriminated against for a well-deserving job, at a place she worked and volunteered for two years:

On job, people prefer white skin. Five years ago, in a school where I worked for two years, I had the qualifications as well as the right to apply for the job that was being regularized … but their racism prevailed and they did not give me that job. Instead, the job was given to a white mom who neither held the required credentials nor the experience to qualify for the position. I felt very sad, hurt and frustrated. My education, experience and work time nothing helped. We all go through the same bad experience.

Although, Ahmed was employed at the time of interview and he was working in his respective field but he also expressed his dislike for the unequal job access for immigrants:

Unfairness in jobs is a bothersome aspect here; people like us never get to the managerial positions; we are always kept at the level that they hire us at. (Ahmed)

Danish sounded hurt and frustrated when he talked about job discrimination practices in the

Canadian job market:

How many immigrants get good jobs, even after getting their respective licenses? If you see immigrants, they are driving cabs and delivering pizzas. These immigrants are more skilled and qualified than the local people here. There is so much color discrimination in the Canadian job industry. We are disadvantaged for being people of color. Good jobs are only for white people.

For Shahid, Canada’s inability to utilize the skill sets that immigrants bring to this country has been disadvantageous for the country itself:

This is, I would say, an economic glitch in Canadian society. They should be more open-minded and let expatriate work in their professional fields. Take the example of Dubai where you only find 20% local people, rest are expats and you can see how they have developed Dubai.

In short the stories of these immigrants’ job search, upgrading for relevant jobs, local experience to qualify for deserving jobs, experience of work in itself and different phases of their occupational resettlement in Canada, has been an agonizing experience for them. They felt that there is color discrimination in the Canadian job market and that they are excluded from well deserving job mainly because of their race and ethnicity.

Difference in values — hurdle in immigrants’ occupational growth in

Canada

Participants believed that their cultural and religious difference with the host society have been serving as significant barriers in their occupational growth in Canada. They felt that holding different values from the Canadian society limits their access to well deserving jobs and

88 promotion on the job. This lower order category was also endorsed by all male participants and one female participant.

For Abid and Ahmed, certain food restrictions that they adhere to as part of their cultural brought up and practice of Islam, have been serving as barriers in their career growth in Canada:

Our difference from the host culture is one of the biggest barriers in our growth in Canada. We hold completely different set of culture and values. We cannot socialize with people in authority positions in their parties because we have certain food restrictions. We cannot drink what they drink and cannot eat what they eat. This limits our access to better positions. People who hold similar values can easily establish friendly and close relationships with the authority figures, which gives them access to promotions and stuff. (Abid)

We are culturally different from people here. We cannot eat what they eat and cannot drink what they drink. Although, I do not care for what they think about me but it does limit us in our career growth in Canada. (Ahmed)

Zaid and Danish expressed feeling hurt for being treated differently due to their minority status. They attributed that difference to be the biggest hurdle in their occupational growth in

Canada:

They treat us differently because we hold different cultural and religious values. This difference is the biggest barrier in our occupational growth here. (Zaid)

They discriminate us because of our race. We have different cultural and religious values. We are different and will always be different. (Danish)

Sobia also reported missing a great career opportunity due to having different cultural values:

They chose a white woman over me for a job that I was the most deserving candidate for. The only justification or reason I could infer from this act was that perhaps I did not go to the late evening parties that they organized. It was not that I did not like parties but due to the simple reason that I cannot eat and drink what they eat and drink and because I had my children at home that I had to take care of. So, I usually used to refuse the evening/night parties. Perhaps they felt that I am too different and do not fit in with them. They chose a white parent over me who attended those parties. (Sobia)

In sum, immigrants mentioned facing considerable occupational difficulties due to

89 holding different values than the host society, which significantly limited their career growth in

Canada.

Feeling blamed at work

This lower order category was endorsed by five male and two female participants.

Participants described feeling pointed at by their colleagues at their workplaces because of their ethnoreligious identity.

For example, for Abid, Zaid, and Ahmed, an unfair comparison of them with the negative image of Muslims through popular media, made them feel embarrassed, judged, blamed, and pointed at by the host society. All of these male participants felt blamed by their coworkers and were expected to clarify their positions:

When I tell people that I am from Pakistan, people’s attitude quickly change and it’s so discomforting. I am a clean person and when people think that because I am Pakistani, I am bad, it is just not fair. It’s just like someone keeps calling you a thief when you are completely innocent, even if you have tried your best to explain to that person that you are not; it can make you feel terrible. I believe this dilemma is faced by the entire Pakistani community here. Whenever something bad happens in Pakistan or Afghanistan, my coworkers keep asking me, which makes me feel bad, and I tell them that I don’t know how did that happen and despite having no involvement in that issue you feel blamed for it. (Abid)

(Sigh) You know people don’t have that good of an opinion about Muslims in general. On a personal level, I feel peaceful that I am Muslim and practicing my religion here. But when some mishap happens anywhere in the world, Muslims are shown particularly involved in it; that makes me feel embarrassed. On my job, when such an incident happens, people tell me especially, it feels like they are blaming me. So, I feel that in a way my colleagues are trying to convey their dislike for us. And irony is that when anything bad happens in which locals are involved, they never feel a need to explain to us. (Zaid)

In your workplace, they tell you bad news about Muslim world that makes us feel pointed at because we don’t need to be told; we already know what’s going on. (Ahmed)

For Duaa and Neha being recognized as Muslim is discomforting at times due to the

90 negative connotations attached to Pakistanis and Muslims, in general:

In Pakistan, we see Christians as a minority but here we are seen the same way, you know. Although I think this is not a good feeling but this is a fact. Being Pakistani, you know how people think about us. (Duaa)

They point at you because you are Pakistani and especially Muslim. It feels like you are blamed for being who you are. (Neha)

In short, the participants’ perception of their ethnoreligious identity in the context of

Canadian society has been discomforting for them on certain occasions. They feel a need to clarify and explain their innocence for certain events in which Muslims are held accountable to not allow those events build a negative stereotype against them and Muslims in general.

Fears for children

Children seemed to be one of the central themes in the life stories of Pakistani Muslim immigrants. They claimed to have immigrated to Canada for their children’s better future and to provide them better living conditions than Pakistan. However, at the same time, immigrants seem worried and concerned about their children. Coming from a traditional Eastern and Islamic society, they felt threatened and scared to see the open sexual environment and their children’s exposure to that environment through media, peers and public schools. Immigrants felt accountable for transferring their values to their children. However, due to their religious minority status in Canada, it became much harder for them to transfer their values to their children the same way as they were able to, in Pakistan. This category was endorsed by all, regardless of gender. Everyone in the present study expressed their fears and apprehensions about losing their children through cultural and religious loss in Canada. Four lower order categories were conceptualized under this category:

Fears of losing children in Canada

Participants expressed their apprehensions with respect to their children’s upbringing in

Canada. They sounded concerned due to the lack of religious values in the host society and the prevalent liberal environment, which poses minimal restrictions on the people’s sexual behaviours. Participants expressed their dislike for the open sexual environment in Canada. They expressed fears of losing their children in the host society through cultural amalgamation. This category was endorsed by all participants, regardless of the number or age of participants’ children.

For example, Seema expressed her worries about outside the home environment for her children:

We need to be extra vigilant here. You know the society here. It is so easy for our kids to get carried away with what everyone else is doing. This is really worrisome.

For Duaa, her worries are growing with her children’s growing age. Shazma also expressed similar views:

These worries are increasing as children are growing. I feel worried about their exposure to this Western culture. When I see girls and boys being in intimate relationships from adolescence, I feel very scared. That's the worst worry; nothing is as bad as this. (Duaa)

You know there is so much attraction in the sin and our kids when they see everyone else doing whatever; it is quite tempting for them. So, I guess your responsibilities and worries grow as your children grow here. (Shazama)

For Zaid, and Sara losing their children to the Canadian culture means losing everything.

They felt downhearted about their children as they witnessed them adopting Canadian culture as their own:

When we dine out, the kids object: ‘Why can’t we eat what other people are eating’? Or ‘Why do we act in certain ways which are different from the ways of the society we are living in’? That scares me sometimes and raises certain apprehensions like ‘What if my kids don’t follow Islam when they grow up’? ‘What if they adopt the Western values that we don’t appreciate’? If I lost my kids in this society, I would be a complete loser. I would have lost in all respects. (Zaid)

The only thing that scares me here is the threat of losing our kids in this culture. If that happened, then we’ll have nothing at the end but regrets. If they lost the right path and could not study well or could not benefit from the education system here, then our coming here and making this huge sacrifice will go completely wasted. Kids are my biggest worry because they don’t have sound sense of judgment and they might not perceive things the way we do. Kids here don’t care for us that much only because of the common culture here. They reply back to you right in your face and shout at you. I don’t know if these worries will resolve or not (sigh). (Sara)

Danish sounds more resigned to the potential of losing his kids in the host society:

We may lose our kids here. From a physical protection viewpoint, Canada is safe but on cultural parameters we may lose our culture and our kids in future. The kids may not continue practicing Islam; by living here, we are posing a risk to our culture and religion, we might lose it for our kids. We stay here for them but we are deceiving ourselves because when our kids grow up, we might lose them as well. (Danish)

In sum participants’ expressions were reflective of their fears and uncertainties with respect to their kids’ being brought up in Canada. They sounded confused and worried as if they could almost foresee losing their children in the future through cultural and religious loss. The fear of having their children exposed to the Western environment appears to be a constant worry for them.

Threat of peer pressure

Participants expressed worries about their children’s picking the negative influence of liberal Western values from the host society through peer pressure. This category was endorsed by five female and two male participants. Immigrants appeared worried because their children go to public schools where majority of children possess different cultural values that clash with the

Pakistani culture that they are trying to impart to their children. This increases their anxieties about the peer pressure on their children.

For example, Shazam and Duaa expressed their apprehensions about the peer pressure on

93 their children:

It’s such a hard thing to avoid. You know how much peer pressure our kids have in schools? High school is very difficult phase and peer pressure at that level is the hardest to resist. (Shazma)

It scares me when I see my daughters’ class fellows wearing so short dresses. You know our kids can feel tempted to follow them. It’s very hard to resist the peer pressure. (Duaa)

Seema expressed being guarded and watchful of the habits her children seem to pick from school:

I am always watchful of my kids and take extra care in making sure who their friends are, what type of influence they are getting from outside, what interests they have, and so on. We need to make sure that our kids don’t get the negative influence of this society and it’s a constant worry.

Sara expressed her worries and sadness about the peer pressure on her children:

See this is such a hard thing. Kids do what they see other kids doing. They assert, claim for their rights, and refuse to do what you ask them because this is all what they are learning from their peers and in their schools. These individualistic values are threatening. Kids feel great by being boss of themselves. Watching other kids assert and having no repercussions for being rude makes learning the bad behaviour much easier.

Tahir and Abid also expressed their apprehensions about the potential influence of peers on their children.

My kids are still young. But once they start school here, we need to be extra vigilant to minimize the influence of other children who come from different value system. (Tahir)

Once children’s school start, we need to worry about making sure that our kids make friends with people alike. (Abid)

In short, the effects of peer pressure seem to increase participants’ worries and anxieties especially when the prevalent social environment also fosters independence among children.

Concerns about children’s cultural and religious displacement

The participants mentioned experiencing a sense of cultural and religious displacement as

94 a result of immigration to Canada. They felt the cultural clash from the host society hindered them from transferring their values to the next generation and as a result, their children were deprived of the needed cultural and religious environment due to their move to Canada. This category was endorsed by five male and four female participants.

For Sobia, Duaa and Shahid, teaching the children how to read the Qur’an and instructing them about Islamic values has been challenging in Canada due to their being alone in this teaching process. In Pakistan, passing on religious teachings was often the responsibility of religious instructors or older family members.

My children cannot go to Masjid so they cannot recite the Qur’an. Although, I believe they should learn this in any case. It is so sad. It’s our religious obligation; they are not considered Muslims if they don’t pray five times a day. Teaching Qur’an is very difficult here because we don’t have as much time to teach them. In Pakistan it was easy to arrange for people who can teach Qur’an to your children. Here the opportunities and means to maintain our cultural and religious obligations are quite limited. (Sobia)

I miss this aspect here. There was a Mawlwi Sahib [Qur’an teacher] who used to come. But then he stopped coming. Then I took help from the Internet. My wife does this job better. But it’s difficult and I can’t afford it sometimes which is concerning. (Shahid)

We cannot teach them [children] the way we used to do in Pakistan; it’s difficult here to teach them properly. They are deprived of the needed religious and cultural environment here. Coming to Canada limited us in keeping our religious roots the same way that we were able to maintain in Pakistan. (Duaa)

For Zaid, Ahmed, Danish and Sara, the non-recognition of important Islamic days is painful and unfair and it makes them feel resentful:

Kids hardly get any exposure to our religion or religious values through media, social interactions, and cultural festival here which is so unfair. Muslim make such a large group of population here but our kids get no exposure to Islam through any other means but us. (Zaid)

It hurts that Christmas, Easter and other holidays are legitimate but for Eid we need to use time from our annual vacation. That feels unfair. Our special holidays are not even recognized. Our kids don’t get the opportunity to appreciate our

values that much because of that. (Ahmed)

We are quite limited in fulfilling our religious obligations here. Our religious needs are not integrated or even recognized in this society. This limits the process of transfer of our values to our children in this society. (Danish)

We are alone here. I feel left out here. Christmas and Halloween are celebrated with full enthusiasm and excitement and our kids are compelled to participate in those activities. They don’t get any exposure to our important celebrations like Ramadan and Eid on school or government level. Certain cultural and religious celebrations are just being omitted from our life whereas those things are so much important for us. (Sara)

In summary, participants expressed worries and frustration in being unable to maintain the same sense of cultural and religious orientation that they held in Pakistan which made it hard for them to transfer their values and religious teachings to their children in Canada.

Feeling alone in teaching children

Participants appeared stressed about making sure that their values are carefully preserved and properly transferred to their kids. An equal number of participants from both groups, including five males and five females endorsed this category. Participants expressed feeling alone and unaided in teaching preferred values to their kids. For Seema, Duaa, Ahmed, and Zaid, transferring original values to kids is a vital duty that they are obliged to perform, so they could preserve their faith and make their children follow it. They reported feeling all alone in this journey:

Since this is not our culture not our original homeland, we need to tell our kids what we value and what we should avoid. It is our primary responsibility to transfer our religious values. No one else is going to tell them that. We are all alone here. (Seema)

The media, common culture, people or other means of communication are ineffective in communicating religious teaching to our children here. So, this is our sole duty to teach them about religion. We must admit that we are alone in this teaching process. (Duaa)

Our kids do not have any exposure to religion from any other source to keep them

well directed. It is now our sole duty to preserve our faith and transfer it to them. (Ahmed)

Kids hardly get any exposure to our religion or religious values. So, it is very important for us to keep reminding them that we are unique and we value our religion and our cultural values and we are responsible to protect those values here. In Pakistan, we had no worries about it since everyone around them would teach them the same values but here we are alone in this process. (Zaid)

Sara, Faraz and Tahir’s expressions reflected sadness and pain with respect to losing the

religious environment by leaving their homeland. They sounded frustrated in being the

only source of information for their children in Canada:

We did not have to do that in Pakistan because teachers had a great role to play. Relatives, friends everyone would favor same values. Living in a joint household was so much beneficial in teaching kids what they should know. We did not have to tell them everything there. But here we are the only source of information for our kids and kids hardly obey you here. I spend most of my time with my kids just to make sure that I teach them our values. It’s an added stress on top of everything else. (Sara)

Child brought up is an issue – you cannot discipline them here. It’s a challenge.

(Tahir)

We are responsible for making sure that kids are well directed. We did not have to do that in Pakistan; your family, friends, school everyone would communicate the same message to children. But here we have to tell them everything. (Abid)

In short, participants sounded threatened as well as stressed about losing the environment, which was consistent with their values. They reported struggling alone in teaching and transferring their preferred values to children.

Losses

The third main category, describes immigrants’ experiences of loss and uprooting that they suffered due to moving away from their homeland. Immigration to a culturally and religiously foreign country brought about a sense of displacement in these immigrants’ lives.

Their narratives highlighted the agony of losing the roots, a rewarding career, feelings of

97 accomplishment, love and support of their family and friends, and sense of self as a worthy and capable being. All participants, including seven males and seven females reported experiences of uprooting and displacement and mentioned suffering losses after immigration.

Four lower order categories were conceptualized under this category including:

Loss of family support

Participants described that immigration to Canada resulted in losing their extended families and the love and care that they had been receiving from their family and friends while living in Pakistan. This category was largely endorsed by female participants and five out of seven females versus two out seven male participants endorsed this category.

For example, Duaa, Sobia, and Sara mentioned feeling loss of support and love of their extended families and friends after coming to Canada:

I miss my family back home. I miss my best friend in Pakistan; I felt so comfortable in sharing my feelings with her. She was my confidant. It’s so hard to trust people here. I really miss my family and my friend after coming here. It’s a big loss for me. (Duaa)

After coming to Canada, we got to deal with added responsibilities towards our children and have no support that we used to have from our parents and family members while we were living in Pakistan. We are loners here and miss the love and support our family had for us. (Sobia)

I miss my family a lot. I feel sad when I think about my mom and always pray for her well being. When we were living in Pakistan everyone was there and we were assured that they are well. My siblings and mom are left behind and there is no one with whom you could share your feelings here; this is the biggest loss for me. (Sara)

Shahid mentioned that losing the company of grandparents (his parents) has been a big loss for his children. To him, grandparents not only provide a safety net to grandchildren but also pass on the culture and values:

Grandparents pass on their culture to the next generation. You feel more secure when your parents take care of your kids. At the same time your values are

transferred to your children by grandparents. This is the biggest loss here.

In short, loss of the soothing and reassuring company of the family and friends has been a significant loss for immigrants. They feel deprived from the love and care that their loved ones had for them and miss the shared training that their family members were providing in teaching the preferred values to their children.

Loss of religious environment

Along with losing the support of extended family, immigrants also mentioned suffering from missing the religious environment they had in Pakistan. Due to the different prevalent cultural values in Canada, immigrants felt that their involvement in a number of cultural and religious activities got significantly limited although those activities were very important for them. They described coming to Canada made them miss practicing Islam the way they have had in Pakistan. An equal number of participants from each group, including four male and four female participants endorsed this category.

For example, Duaa mentioned missing the religious environment and special Islamic days in Canada:

You miss everything here. You don’t get the environment that you had in Pakistan. Everyone is Muslim over there, you have an environment. You don’t find it here. We miss those times a lot on Eid, during prayers and Taraweeh [special prayer of Ramadan].

For Sobia and Sara, missing the opportunity to practice Islam the way they were able to in Pakistan has been a significant loss:

Since we are here we don’t have the opportunity to practice Islam the way we had in Pakistan; this is the biggest loss. (Sobia)

In Pakistan, we have that environment where everyone is respectful, sensitive, and responsive to Islam and it is the main religion there. We don’t have the facility to follow Islam that way here. (Sara)

For Zaid and Abid losing the company of loved ones in practicing faith and missing the religious environment has been painful and hard for them:

Your friends and relatives all have strong belief in Islam. They pray and you do the same, like in a group format. Talking of this makes me feel sad that leaving Pakistan made us leave so much behind! (Abid)

In Pakistan, you have your entire family around and they all practice Islam. Your neighbours, relatives, the entire society has the same religious norms and it affects a lot when you immigrate to a country like Canada. It makes us feel very sad. Here we miss all that. (Zaid)

In short, leaving a familiar religious environment makes immigrants feel sad, depress and homesick.

Loss of status-dashed dreams

Participants expressed a sense of hopelessness and pain with respect to their perceived status in Canada as a visible minority. Their reflections echoed the hurt and grief that they have been experiencing due to their changed and lowered status in Canada. They believed that their dreams of Canadian immigration did not come true and they suffered pains in the pursuits of those dreams. In total, five males and three female participants endorsed this category.

For Zaid and Danish, accomplishing their immigration goals including financial security and improved quality of life, has been a dream, which never came true. Their reflections highlight pain and feelings of hopelessness as they talked about losing their status in Canada:

There is no sight of future. Future is so uncertain. I had a stable career in Pakistan. You know how much regard people have for engineers in Pakistan? My job was in a private company and it was a high profile job. Coming here totally changed my status and my sense of self as a competent professional. I sometimes feel extremely depressed and frustrated about my job situation. This thing increases my stress and tension. We are second class citizen here and our status has been the same because your job sets your status, not the period of your residency in Canada. (Zaid)

I am doing a security job here although I have 25 years professional experience in

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mechanical engineering and designing cranes in different countries across the world. I feel confused sometimes; we came here to fulfill our dreams but those dreams always remain dreams in our heart. We lose our occupational status and confidence after coming here. I don’t even apply for professional jobs here anymore. It is depressing! (Danish)

For Duaa, Abid, and Faraz immigration had been a harsh experience and it changed their financial and social status from the status, they had in Pakistan:

When we came here we faced financial crisis. This was the main worry. We had no money and then I picked up a small job for myself. My lifestyle changed. I had nothing in the house. I was reluctant in inviting guests wondering where they will sit because I did not have furniture and no money to spend on stuff like this. This was very painful because I left a luxury lifestyle in Pakistan and I had dreams about coming to Canada. I never imagined that I would have to live in so much distress and poverty after coming to Canada. (Duaa)

My first job here was a cleaning job. I had no choice and had to pick up that work. I was able to earn a good living in Pakistan. I hold a masters degree in hardware engineering and came here thinking that I’ll get a better job than what I had in Pakistan. Coming here completely changed my status. It’s so disappointing that the dreams that we bring here never come true. You need encouragement to feel positive about yourself but Human Resource Development Canada (HRDC) cannot provide you that self-assurance. (Abid)

They [Canadians] show respect but in the end do not accept you internally. New people come here with dreams that don’t come true – they think they can make a lot of money by converting dollars in to rupees. It never happens, and people suffer after coming here. They lose their status, get no acknowledgement for their education and skills and feel miserable. (Faraz)

Immigrants’ stories not only highlight their distress in losing a decent status after coming to Canada but also a sense of feeling deceived and discriminated against for what they rightfully deserved. Their reflections signify the disappointments that they suffered in pursuit of their dreams of Canadian immigration.

Loss of belongingness - feeling homesick

Participants mentioned feeling losing a sense of belongingness after coming to Canada.

Loss of familiar surroundings, family, friends, culture, language, traditions, and upbringing

101 experiences made them feel uprooted and out of place in Canada. They described suffering religious and cultural isolation in Canada and feeling deprived of their roots. An equal number of male and female participants, including four males and four females endorsed this category.

For example, for Sara and Abid immigration brought about a sense of loneliness, which makes them deeply, miss their roots:

I feel completely alone here with no one to share my feelings with or no one who could share this experience with you. We deeply miss that sense of belongingness here because we are a minority here. Our roots are in Pakistan and it’s hard to feel well without your roots. (Sara)

It is depressing sometimes. Feeling so alone and having a sense that we are minority and don’t belong here. It’s a difficult place. Leaving Pakistan made us leave so much behind! We miss our roots there. It makes us realize that we are minority and will remain minority here. (Abid)

Zaid mentioned feeling isolated and homesick in Canada and missing his friends and relatives:

Here we miss our home so much. We felt so isolated and homesick when we came here. We miss the company of our friends and relatives and the familiar surroundings, a reassured career. Here we feel so isolated because we don’t belong here. (Zaid)

Duaa and Alia mentioned missing their past:

We miss our relatives, our friends, memories of the school where we studied. We live here but our hearts are still there. Coming here leaves us with a feeling that something is missing in our life. (Duaa)

We are living here but we really miss the soothing memories of our past. No matter how long we live here, our hearts will always be where we belong to. (Alia)

In short, immigrants’ stories reveal the agony and pain of losing a sense of belongingness, losing their roots, which give stability and strength for survival. The loss of stability is a tough toll, which manifests itself in feelings of depression and homesickness.

SUMMARY

The category of confronting the challenges in the new land is reflective of a number of

102 significant difficulties that immigrants went through after immigration to Canada. It highlights the culture shock that immigrants suffered after immigration to a different country and the pain of adjusting to harsh weather conditions, difficult financial and job situation, and difficulties in learning a new system in Canada. This category is indicative of their experiences of racism, discrimination, and barriers to occupational growth due to their ethnoreligious identity. This category also highlights their experiences of overt racism in public and at workplaces and the difficulties that they have had in imparting their values to children. The pain of losing their status and a reassured life seems to negatively impact their self-confidence and increases their sadness.

They miss leaving an accomplished life behind and the comforts of being with fellows who held the same values, shared interests, and had the same ethnicity and faith. In short, the higher order category of confronting challenges in Canada is descriptive of pains, experiences of loss and uprooting and fears that Pakistani Muslim immigrants went through in the pursuits of Canadian immigration.

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COPING THROUGH TAKING REFUGE IN ISLAM AND SAFEGUARDING MUSLIM IDENTITY 2 2ND HIGHER ORDER CATEGORY: Actively coping and crafting a new identity The second higher order category describes the participants’ active attempts in coping and protecting self and children from the negative Western influences of the host society. This category also highlights immigrants’ efforts in safeguarding Islam, their children and their identity as Pakistani Muslims. Immigrants’ active attempts in saving self and children and the decision to persist and stay in the new land despite significant hardships, reflects their resilience, optimal coping and attempts to adjust in the new society. They seem to emerge from the phase of despair to the phase of resilience and acceptance of reality and actively engage in creating their own space in the new society. They engage in proving the authenticity of their ethnoreligious identity to the host society through commendable personal character traits in their workplaces and in general and take pride in being recognized as Muslims for doing fine deeds.

Participants also actively engage in protecting self and children from perceived adverse influences of the Western culture by tailoring personal life in a religiously conducive manner, confining themselves to certain geographical areas, and by actively engaging in faith and congregational religious activities. At the same time, they try to safeguard Islam and their ethnoreligious identity to hold their heads up in the host society and take pride in claiming self as ‘Pakistani Muslims’ in Canada. They acknowledge their cultural differences from the host society reject certain Western cultural values, treasure and nurture their religious teachings, try to erase the bad image of Muslims in Canada, and actively negotiate their religious needs with the host society. In this higher order category, participants expressed their determination on holding on to their original religious values and cherishing and safeguarding those to claim a rightful space of their own in the host society. This category was equally distributed among

104 all male and female participants (Figure 3).

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Figure 3

2nd higher order category: Coping through taking refuge in Islam and safeguarding Muslim identity

Taking refuge in Islam to Safeguarding Islam and protect children ethnoreligious identity

Assuming Making Engaging Claiming Treasuring Rejecting Erasing Negotiatin Bonding responsibility sacrifices and in faith ownerships and Western bad image g religious with for children’s tailoring of Islam and preserving cultural of needs in Muslims upbringing personal life ethnoreligio Islam and values Muslims Canada priorities us identity religious in Canada teachings

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Two main categories, along with a number of lower order categories subsumed under

this higher order category, including:

 Taking refuge in Islam to protect children

o Assuming responsibility for children’s upbringing

o Making sacrifices and tailoring personal life priorities

o Engaging in Faith

 Safeguarding Islam and ethnoreligious identity

o Claiming ownership of Islam and ethnoreligious identity

o Treasuring and preserving Islam and religious teaching

o Rejecting Western cultural values

o Erasing bad image of Muslims in Canada

o Negotiating religious needs in Canada

o Bonding with Muslims through congregational religious activities

Taking refuge in Islam to protect children

Children are central in the life stories of Pakistani Muslim immigrants. They claimed their move to Canada was primarily for the sake of their children’s better future. However,

Canada poses some imminent threats to the cultural and religious values of these immigrants and they feel worried about losing their children in the Canadian society. However, as immigrants engage in coping with the problems that they face after moving to Canada, they actively assert in protecting themselves and their families from the negative influences of the host society by taking refuge in Islam. They believed that adhering to faith and following its doctrine ensures their and their children’s well-being. This category was equally endorsed by all participants.

Three main categories subsumed under this category. Following is a description of those

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Assuming responsibility for children’s upbringing in Canada

Participants expressed a determination in taking good care of their children’s upbringing in Canada. They mentioned a sense of liability for raising their children in a religiously desirable manner in Canada. They assumed the accountability for their children’s behaviour and choices and believed that it is the parents’ job to guide their children on how to make well-informed choices. This category was endorsed by most participants, including four males and five females.

For example, Duaa, Sobia, Sara, and Shazma expressed their sense of responsibility towards assuming the central role as mothers in their children’s upbringing in Canada and in teaching them the difference between right and wrong:

I think we should maintain a friendship with our children so they don’t hide anything and you become their confidant. Talk to them nicely so they can feel comfortable in sharing everything with you. This is what I am trying to do right now. Children spend most of their time with their mother and this is very important for her to be a good role model in demonstrating the values that she prefers for her kids. She should be held accountable for kids’ upbringing. (Duaa)

As a mother, I try to ensure that they follow our faith and our culture. If they are watching a movie then they also need to offer prayers and follow our values because we are different people here. They can learn anything they want but they can’t adopt everything. I and my husband try to ensure that kids follow Islamic teachings. (Sobia)

Convincing them and making them realize and appreciate the difference between right and wrong is a big thing. We need to spend a lot of time on that. Being a mother, I believe, it’s my primary duty to be aware of what my child is doing. We need to put extra effort in ensuring that they follow what we think is good for them. (Sara)

I am flexible and try to educate my children as a friend. I engage with them by inviting their friends and talking to them to learn about them. This is how we should learn about our children: by being friends with them. So we know what they are doing and who they are friends with. This facilitates the process of teaching and imparting the values that we want to transfer to them. (Shazma)

Ahmed and Danish expressed their conviction with the fact that the incidents with

108 immigrant children are attributable to parents’ negligence. They stated the importance of devoting themselves to the upbringing of their children and having full support of their spouses in this process:

Some people think that kids will get spoiled in this society but if you try and make a sincere effort, you’ll see kids will follow what they should. They don’t spare time for the kids and confuse them with contradictory values; kids are immature and can get misdirected easily. Both parents need to be attentive towards the kids and must spend time with them to learn what’s going through their minds. We need to spend time with them and devote ourselves to their upbringing. It’s a joint venture and I am fortunate that my wife also has similar views and does her best in assuring this goal. (Ahmed)

Like there are incidents when fathers killed their daughters for seeking personal freedom; in those incidents it’s the parents’ fault not the kid’s because you need to tell them what is right and what is not. We need to devote ourselves to our kids’ upbringing. I and my wife make every effort in teaching kids what is right and what not. We give sacrifices for that. (Danish)

Immigrants’ statements are descriptive of their sensitivity to the key role that they play in their children’s upbringing. They take on the active role of making sure that their children are well directed and guide them the difference between right and wrong. They hold themselves accountable for displaying and transferring religious values to their children and make this a task of high priority in the new place.

Making sacrifices and tailoring personal life priorities

Participants mentioned actively imparting their original values to children. They reported making certain personal sacrifices and tailoring their life priorities to ensure this objective. They mentioned confining themselves within certain geographical areas so that their children could have maximum exposure to Islamic culture by living in a Muslim community. An equal number of participants including four males and four females endorsed this category.

Danish, Zaid, Seema, and Duaa described doing everything possible to provide their children a faith-consistent environment. They believe that they must make certain sacrifices to

109 accomplish this goal:

I live in a Muslim community so that my kids could get an Islamic environment. I don’t mind travelling one hour each side for my job knowing the benefits of living in this area. Living in a Muslim community helps satisfy our social needs and facilitates the process of preserving our faith. By living in our community, our kids learn the importance of our cultural and religious values and make friends with kids from the same religious background. So, by giving these sacrifices I am trying to make my surroundings religiously and culturally appropriate for my kids. (Zaid)

We’ve confined ourselves culturally for our kids’ sake. At home, my wife and I have created an environment where it’s mandatory for kids to offer prayer. We keep an eye on their activities, especially their time in front of the TV and on the internet. We are living in a Muslim community and kids interact with kids who are alike and there is a mosque in walking distance. This makes it easier for us to teach our children. We’ve removed the things from our surroundings that pose a risk to our values. Like we don’t have cable channels and we don’t participate in local cultural activities. Most kids at the school are Muslim. So, the setting that we have created is conducive for the nurturance of our values. We try to provide consistent values to our kids inside and outside the house. It needs sacrifice and we are doing our best. (Danish)

You have to provide them with the environment for this. You must make friends with Muslims. We try to be moderate and close to our culture. We restrict ourselves from certain activities and make sacrifices for the sake of the children. We dress appropriately. We avoid sleeveless and shorts, even inside the home. If the children see this at home then they will consider it normal. I have tried my best to teach them Islamic values. We want our children to value what we value in our life. (Seema)

We are trying to raise them properly by making certain sacrifices. I am willing to do whatever it takes me to accomplish this goal. (Duaa)

Alia, Abid and Ahmed considered creating a faith consistent environment inside their homes and encouraging their children for following faith is very important in transferring original values:

We must create a home environment that is consistent with our values. You know, it’s a delicate age. We need to be with them most of the time. My kids are obedient. They listen to me and follow me. They offer prayer regularly. We need to encourage them and appreciate that they are following our values. We must keep teaching them or they will not learn it later. (Alia)

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We have to create a home environment that is conducive for our religious and cultural values. We should appreciate our kids for following our values. (Abid)

I try to keep a good environment inside my home and attempt to create social activities for my family and hope that my kids will not leave the right path. Meeting with people who are like yourself is also helpful because our kids meet with other kids whose parents also encourage similar values. This can help them avoid getting confused. We must encourage them to follow our values. (Ahmed)

The participants are taking an active role in providing their children with an environment, which supports Islamic values. Their sacrifices and efforts also demonstrate their determination and dedication to their faith and original values.

Engaging in faith

In an attempt to protect their children and keep them well directed and guided in Canada, immigrants mentioned regularly engaging in faith. Participants reported engaging in faith on a regular basis, much more than they have had in Pakistan in order to help their children realize the importance of Islam in their lives. They expressed their desire in providing a strong foundation to pass on to their children and doing everything possible to accomplish this goal. This category was endorsed by most, including six males and six females out of a sample of fourteen people.

For example, Duaa, Sara and Abid, mentioned that following religion is essential so that the children could appreciate its importance and do not lose it in Canada:

This is our duty to teach them about religion. If we did not take it seriously and make it an integral and most important part of our life, kids would lose it in the future. (Duaa)

If we took it easy, our kids will completely overlook the religion, the values and tradition that we need to preserve. So, kids are a big motivating force behind our practice of religion. We continually follow faith here and make it an integral part of our life so we could make our kids appreciate the importance of it in their life here. (Sara)

We must pray and make religion an important component of our life. Otherwise

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our kids won’t follow Islam. (Abid)

For Zaid and Ahmed, increased involvement in religion ensures the transfer of religious values to children. They mentioned role modeling those values to their children:

I think being a father has made me more involved in religion than I would have had if I did not have kids. We need to role model our religious values so our kids could appreciate religion and don’t lose it in this society. (Zaid)

Before teaching my children about religion, I must educate and devote myself to it so I could explain it to them. When you come to a country like Canada, you need to secure your future here and you can only secure it by religiously protecting it for your kids. The other reason of practicing faith wholeheartedly here is our attempt in transferring religious values to our kids, who do not have any exposure to religion from any other source. So, in order to keep them well directed, we need to preserve it and transfer it to them. The first priority in this situation is our kids whom we want to role model Islam by being devoted ourselves. Kids are one of the main reasons that we adhere to religion here so they don’t lose it in this society. (Ahmed)

Participants also recognized the importance of congregational religious activities

in their children’s understanding and appreciation of Islam and religious values. They

actively engage in those activities to keep their children involved in faith as they feel

convinced that engaging in those activities facilitates teaching and transferring the

religious values to children.

For example, Seema and Alia reported taking their kids to congregational

religious activities and organizing those at home as well:

I always take my kids to these gatherings and organize these events at home as well, so the children know that this is a part of our life. (Seema)

I always take my kids to those gatherings in which we talk about the goodness of Ramadan, Qur’an and prayers so they understand how important religion is for us. I also organize these events at my place. (Alia)

For Shazma, Abid and Ahmed, religious gatherings are an essential component in transferring original values to their children.

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These gatherings are important especially for next generation because we don’t want to lose our identity. Religious gatherings are very important for our children’s needed exposure to our culture, religion and social events. We have to teach them how we meet others, how we respect others, how we eat, how we thank Allah after eating food. So religious gatherings are a way to this objective – this is the way we can inherit and transfer our culture to the next generation. (Shazma)

I always take my son to mosque when I go there to pray. He learns how to greet elders, how to behave and how to pray in congregation. These activities are essential in transferring our religious values to our children. (Abid)

Community gatherings help us teach our kids, make arrangements for teaching them how to read the Qur’an and to keep kids involved in social interactions. These activities are a key component in transferring our values to our kids. (Ahmed)

In short, immigrants actively engage in faith and congregational religious activities to keep their children informed about Islam by being a role model and by socializing with other

Muslims through congregational religious activities.

Safeguarding Islam and ethnoreligious identity

This main category is descriptive of participants’ active attempts in safeguarding Islam and their ethnoreligious identity in the host society. They expressed their affirmation of Islam and their ethnoreligious identity as indispensable defining pieces for self and noted a determination on holding on to those, despite the perceived negative connotations attached to

Muslims and Pakistanis in the host society. In this category, participants appeared protective and proud for being Pakistani Muslims and followers of Islam. They expressed determination in cherishing and safeguarding their faith and identity in the host society. This category was equally distributed among all male and female participants.

Five lower order categories subsumed under this main category including:

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Claiming ownership of Islam and ethnoreligious identity

This category refers to the participants’ feelings of ownership for Islam and sense of pride for holding a distinct ethnoreligious identity. The participants asserted and declared their cultural and religious differences from the host society and described this difference as being an important feature of their sense of unique self in the new country. This category was equally endorsed by both groups, including five males and five females.

For example, Sobia, Seema, Duaa, and Abid expressed feelings of ownership for Islam and their ethnoreligious identity:

Yes this is true – this is our culture, religion and heritage. I take two days off on Eid and tell everyone that this is our religious festival. I feel proud of my ethnoreligious identity. I feel very good, satisfied and comfortable. If you lose your culture and faith – this is no life. I proudly introduce myself as Pakistani Muslim… I am proud of my country … I got educated there and feel respectable here. It’s my Pakistani education that I worked and I am working in Canada at a respectable position or else I would have been sweeping a road somewhere. (Sobia)

Immigration does not imply to convert you from Muslims to completely western Canadians. I find my feelings of ownership about Islam and my country have increased after coming here. We must preserve our religious and cultural values here. We speak Urdu at home. My husband sometimes tells me to speak English in public then I have to say that everyone knows I can speak English and my children can too but Urdu is my mother tongue and they should know that we speak Urdu. This is a precious thing that I want to teach my children. (Seema)

I feel good. I am lucky to be a born Muslim. I am no one without this identity. I feel good in introducing myself as a Pakistani Muslim. (Duaa)

I feel good, despite all the bad impression about Pakistanis and Muslims, my faith is my existence and my identity defines my being. It assures me that I am different and hold individuality. I am proud of being a Muslim. (Abid)

Zaid considered his ownership for faith as more of an affectionate and protective feeling comparable to the feeling parents hold towards their children:

This responsibility-taking makes us feel accountable and more caring towards

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faith. The feeling of ownership of religion is quite a unique feeling. If I were to compare it with something, it’s almost the same as we feel about our kids. We care them and we do our best to protect them. So, when we come overseas we feel the same for our religion, that it’s something we are responsible for. I feel proud to be a Muslim and thank God for blessing me with this identity. I think after coming here our feeling of ownership of Islam and feeling of protection of Islam increases. I never feel compelled to follow this culture or adopt any of the Western values here. This identity is an asset. I am nothing without this identity. (Zaid)

Ahmed considered his ethnoreligious identity being the central defining piece

I feel this identity is the basic piece that defines us. I think that being a Pakistani Muslim identifies who I am; without it, I am no one. We should hold on to it. I consider it very important and I’ll hold on to it. (Ahmed)

Shazma and Alia mentioned Islam and ethnoreligious identity being the dearest assets of life:

I feel very good for being Pakistani Muslim. This identity is so important to me. I feel so proud of being recognized as a Muslim. This is identity is like life to me; this identity is more than my children to me. (Shazma)

I thank God for being born as a Muslim. I am proud of my faith and I treasure my identity as a Pakistani Muslim. This identity is my existence; I am no one without it. I have no survival without this identity it’s so important to me. (Alia)

In short, participants express a sense of protection and ownership for their faith and their cultural identity. Their affiliation with Islam and their culture seem to offer them the resilience and grounds to create and claim a unique identity in a changed cultural and religious context.

Treasuring and preserving Islam and religious teachings

In this category, participants appreciated their religious values and expressed a need on keeping those values central in their lives in Canada. They expressed their commitment to preserve Islam in the host society and making it a central part of their life in Canada. This category was endorsed by all participants. Participants regarded their religious values to be authentic, positive and protective of them and their next generation and expressed a strong need to preserve those in the foreign society.

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For example, Neha, a daycare teacher, described preaching Islam in Canada through role modeling:

I feel like preaching Islam here because you are different from the dominant group here and informing people about my faith and why I avoid certain things and why I observe certain practices, is a good experience. You showcase your faith by being truthful, honest, hardworking, fair and caring. I refer to Qur’an when I talk to them [Canadians]. I do this very carefully so they don’t think that I am trying to preach my religion. I discuss with others and they appreciate this. I tell them what Qur’an informs us about certain things.

Abid also expressed similar feelings:

It gives you comfort thinking that you are preserving Islam in this alien society; that you are fulfilling your duties towards Allah. I thank God for being able to fulfill my duties here despite being in this country. I feel proud to be able to represent Islam in my workplace through my character so they [Canadians] get a positive image of Islam.

For Danish and Tahir, the privilege to claim self as Muslim lends a responsibility to preserve Islam in Canada:

We need to fully embrace and preserve our faith, if we claim to be Muslims.

(Danish)

Being Pakistani, and especially Muslim, lends a lot of responsibility on us to protect and safeguard our faith here in this society. (Tahir)

To Seema, Alia, and Sobia, the idea of preserving faith and original values is more of an inner need. The experience of living in a non-Muslim society lends responsibility on them to follow, nurture and preserve their original culture and faith:

When we come here, we realize that society here is not Islamic. So, that lends enormous amount of responsibilities on to us for preserving our faith because we are accountable to Allah Almighty on the Day of Judgment for taking care of our faith. (Seema)

I think we preserve our faith and our culture here by strongly adhering to our original values and taking ownership of our faith and our ethnoreligious identity. We hold nuclear family values which emphasize love care and bonding for the

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family; this is so good and of appreciable value in our religion. Although, they [Canadians] don’t openly say anything about our family values but they do admire us in their hearts. (Alia)

In Pakistan we used to observe all religious practices including five-time prayer, Qur’an recitation and participating in other religious activities. Although this was a norm in Pakistan but here in Canada you need to be more sensitive. Here there is an internal need that keeps you on track with religion. (Sobia)

For Duaa and Zaid, preserving faith in the host society is important not only for personal satisfaction but also for the next generation in order to ensure stronger religious roots:

We practice Islam here to protect ourselves, our kids and to ensure that our religious roots are strong. Our religious teachings emphasize on certain values which are very dear to me. I like the value of nuclear family system. We should practice Islam and be honest, truthful, non-envious, kind and sincere to our duties; I adhere to all the teachings of Islam. (Duaa)

We assume the responsibility to preserve our religion in this society because we own the sole responsibility to nurture it here and doing the best we can to protect it for ourselves and our families. It is our moral duty towards ourselves and our family to nurture the belief that we are born with to ensure strong roots in this foreign society. (Zaid)

In summary, participants expressed a need as well as responsibility for protecting, preserving and safeguarding Islam in Canada. They value the religious teachings and try to make them central in their life. They also expressed a sense of pride and satisfaction in being adherents of Islam and being able to preserve it in a non-Muslim society.

Rejecting Western cultural values

Participants expressed their dislike and rejection for certain Western values. Having their roots in a traditional Eastern culture, participants perceived certain Western values as inappropriate and unacceptable for them and their children. For example, they expressed their strong dislike for sexual freedom, independence among children, and the individualistic ways of living in the host society. This category was endorsed by all participants.

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For example, for Seema, Sara, and Faraz, sexual freedom, financial independence for adolescents, individualistic values, assertiveness among children and old age homes for elderly parents have been certain aspects that they strongly disliked about the host culture:

I don’t like their family system. They start having boyfriend and girlfriend relationships at a very early age. Then this society encourages financial independence and assertiveness among children. So, when they grow up they leave their elderly parents in old homes. That’s condemnable about this culture and we strongly discourage this. (Seema)

The things that I don’t appreciate here are: too much emphasis on individualistic values, leaving parents in the old age homes when they grow old, having sexual relationship without marriage, and too much independence given to the children. Society here cultivates individualistic values, which make kids selfish when they grow up. Here kids learn to assert and disobey their parents; we never want this for our kids. (Sara)

They [Canadians] want kids to start working very early in their lives. And when that child goes for a job, you know that money is attractive. Kids tend to give up education thinking that, ‘I will do it later.’ And you know when you leave your studies and get into the money-making business, and then it’s very difficult to go back to school. This is not good for the society. We don’t have this in our system. Students only study in Pakistan without any pressure to earn. Then here, they don’t respect their parents. At the end, parents go to old age homes and there are no children around. There are instances where parents died and no one even knew about it. These are condemnable aspects of this culture. (Faraz)

Abid, Sara, and Danish expressed certain differences between the two cultures and a need to stay cautious to protect their children from the negative influence of certain individualistic values:

Their [Canadians’] values are very different from ours. We have respect and care for our parents and when they grow old, we assume the responsibility of taking care of them. We cannot leave them in old homes when they need us the most. This culture makes us more cautious in protecting our values and our children. (Abid)

The fact is that the sexual relations that kids start establishing since teenage years in here are something that we condemn and would never want our kids to learn from here. (Sara)

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We support our kids until they successfully complete their postgraduate studies and get employed in proper jobs. We can’t leave them stranded and ask them to earn to support their post-secondary studies and drift away from their greater career goals. We take the responsibility of our kids’ education till they become stable and well educated. We take care of our parents when they grow old. We are so different from this society on many values. This culture fosters individualistic values. It teaches assertiveness to our kids and grants them too many rights, which may make them, rebel against us and our values, when they grow up. We need to remain cautious to protect our kids from this culture. (Danish)

For Duaa and Shazma, Canadian society does hold certain appreciable attributes but that the practice of certain values including individual freedom has been misused in Canadian society:

Society here is good but there are some things that are practiced wrongfully. This society protects human rights and offers freedom to people. But somehow that freedom releases limits for certain behaviours which results in too much sexual liberty and promotion of individualistic values. These are the things that I would never want my children to adopt. (Duaa)

The culture here is actually good. The values here are fine but the practice of those values has been falsified. The things I don’t like here is the misuse of freedom. The society encourages too much freedom. There is no restraint on certain behaviours and it’s all about the individual ‘I’ here. That’s why the divorce rate is so high here; people don’t want to make sacrifices for each other. This is far from nature. (Shazma)

The responses of the participants reflected their dislike as well as unease for certain aspects of the host culture. They appeared concerned for their children and sounded determined to protect their children from certain prevalent values of the host society.

Erasing bad image of Muslims in Canada

Participants seemed determined to protect the authenticity of Islam and erase the bad image of Muslims in Canada. They mentioned taking up the challenge and working hard to erase the negative image of Muslims and to feel proud in owning their Muslim identity in the host society. This category was mainly endorsed by male participants (five males versus two females)

119 and understandably so, as males interact with people of the host society directly and more frequently than their counterpart women participants.

Zaid, Tahir, Neha, and Abid expressed a need for assuming the responsibility of creating a positive image of Pakistani Muslim in Canada through personal good character:

Now, it’s our responsibility to erase the negative impression from people’s mind through our positive characters. It’s more important than praying or fasting. (Zaid)

This is an additional responsibility on us to present the true face of Islam. We are different and not what media portrays. (Tahir)

We need to demonstrate to people that we are Muslims and that true Muslims are good people. So, the real preaching is leading by example, not just telling people to believe you. You should present to others what you want them to believe about you. (Neha)

We, who are Pakistani Muslim immigrants here, must restore our positive image by doing good deeds. We need to work hard to feel proud of our identity as Pakistani Muslim and make people understand that we are not bad people. (Abid)

For Shazma and Ahmed, a positive representation of Islam through personal character is the initial step in making a positive change in people’s perception of Islam and Muslims in general:

To me, a proper representation of Islam is the first step that we need to take to create a positive image of Muslims. The best way to communicate your desired information to others is through personal example. (Shazma)

It is so important for us to represent through personal character what Islam is and who should be called a Muslim. This is the first step in making the change that we want in people’s perception of Islam and of Muslims in Canada. (Ahmed)

Participants’ reflections demonstrate that restoration of the positive image of Muslims is a task of high priority for them in Canada and they seem to be doing their best in achieving this goal.

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Negotiating religious needs in Canada

In addition to preserving and nurturing religious values and restoring the positive image of Muslims in Canada, Pakistani Muslim immigrants are continually negotiating their religious needs in the host society to make the host society realize those needs. This category was mainly endorsed by male participants (six male versus two females) who need to ask for time off at work to pray and celebrate religious holidays. Participants explicated strategies, which they have been using to negotiate their religious needs with the host society.

For example, Zaid, Danish, Faraz, Shazma, and Tahir mentioned praying during work from the beginning of their job career in Canada and asking for time off for prayer at their work settings:

I’ve always negotiated prayer time at my job. Even now at my job, I manage time off for prayer. There are some Muslims at my job; we go together and pray Zuhr in congregation. (Zaid)

I always pray at work. I never have had any problem negotiating this need but if I have had problems, I would have asserted to assure that I get time off for my prayers (Danish)

I always complete my prayers on time, even when I was employed. Now I run my own business, I pray in the mosque. (Faraz)

The first thing that I informed at my job was that I would have to pray around noontime. I offer Zuhr at my work every day. (Shazma)

I always pray Zuhr while I am on job. I have a field job so it is easier. (Tahir)

Abid reported reluctance in asking for time off for prayer in the beginning but finally having the prayer time negotiated with his employer. Seema mentioned the similar situation faced by her spouse:

I was reluctant to ask for prayer break at work but when I spoke to my supervisor, he understood it and allowed me to pray in my break time. For example, the Friday prayer requires longer time than one break can allow you to have, so I don’t take other small breaks on Friday and take one larger break to offer my

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Friday prayer. (Abid)

When my husband first started working, he would delay his prayers until he reached home in the evening. Then he realized that this is not correct and that it’s just a one-time hesitation; then he informed his employer that he’ll pray during his break and started praying on time. We need to be clear about our religious needs in this society. Right now, my kids are small but they’ll grow up and will have to face it. If my kids have to study and work here, they should know how to live in this society as a Muslim. They need to learn how to act while fasting, and how to balance between prayer and school. (Seema)

In short, it seems quite imperative for immigrants to negotiate and accommodate their religious needs in the host society and they are taking active steps in trying to have those needs addressed in their work settings.

Bonding with Muslims through congregational religious activities

Immigrants reported engaging in congregational religious activities more often than they have had in the homeland. They described needing to participate in those activities to feel bonded with other Muslims in Canada. These immigrants attempt to spare time to attend and arrange these gatherings and derive feelings of satisfaction by doing so.

Although, this category applied equally to all participants regardless of gender; however, for women these activities appear more pleasing and soothing in offering avenues for social connections, which they otherwise lack in the new society. Woman participants reported organizing these activities at home. These activities include organizing prayers for special needs, praying for the wellness of sick loved ones, praying for deceased relatives, and praying in general for the wellbeing of their families:

We should get together in these religious activities regularly. I do it here. For example, when someone wants to make special prayer and have a special need to ask from Allah, we get together and pray collectively for that person. We get this teaching of unity from the mosque where we get together for our prayers and celebration of religious occasions. It’s very important for us to have this feeling of connectedness while we are living in a foreign country. I consider these activities as very vital for our social and emotional wellbeing. (Alia)

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I attend religious gatherings regularly. I interact with people; this helps you understand what is going around with other people. It keeps you connected with your community. If someone has died and they’ve arranged prayer for the deceased person, then I must go and participate. (Seema)

These religious gatherings help us meet and mix with the community. Pakistani women need something like this here. Through these gatherings you get to know others and their issues/problems and the ways to become part of the system. You become part of the community through these activities; you feel included. New immigrants feel traumatized here and go through a cultural shock that such meetings help to neutralize; therefore, these gatherings are important. It really helps to relieve stresses. (Shazma)

On the other hand, for male participants religious gatherings provide a platform for networking, job search, learning about the system, feelings of brotherhood, and feeling connected and become part of the larger Muslim community in the new society:

When we offer prayer in congregation, we truly feel that we came back to our original environment where people hold the similar values as ours. It feels like a lost sheep rejoined her herd. In other words, I feel that I am getting that back what I lost by coming here, my extended family, the environment and the close links which I left behind. It gives me a feeling of unity and brotherhood regardless of people’s cultural background. The religious ties between us get to define our identity and unity among us. Secondly, I am a very social person. I love to make friends and contacts, and that is one of my emotional needs so getting together with other people through religious activities helps me meet with people and it helps in fulfilling my emotional needs. It gives you a feeling of self- fulfillment and unity. It makes you feel secure and grouped with people like yourself and makes you feel that you are not alone here. It is very important for me. (Abid)

Here, you get more involved in congregational religious activities due to change of environment. Secondly, Islam encourages people to be more involved in group religious activities because that increases social interaction and increases brotherhood among people. It also increases your networking here. I don’t think that we only go to those gatherings for just prayers; we listen to each others’ problems and try to help within our capacities. Especially here, you know what the job conditions are like for us, so people interacting in those gatherings can help each other out. You can share your problems with others; you can learn about resources, you can learn about potential employers. When I came here as a new immigrant, the most I learned about potential job placements was through mosques. So, these gatherings are not only meant for offering religious duties they

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are meant to increase your interaction in positive ways that is more needed here than it was in Pakistan. Religious gatherings help you religiously and socially more so here. (Ahmed)

It gives us a feeling of community. We get to interact with people of our culture and religion and that interaction fosters feelings of brotherhood, unity and community building. (Danish)

In conclusion, congregational religious activities offer these people certain avenues, which facilitate the process of social interaction, community connections, religious bonding, networking, help with understanding the new system, and neutralizing and minimizing the effects of cultural shock, after immigration to Canada. These religious activities appear as an integral part of identity formation process and serve many soothing functions in easing immigrant’s resettlement in the new land.

SUMMARY

The higher order category of ‘actively coping and crafting a new identity’ has been reflective of some proactive measures and steps that immigrants are taking to ensure the protection of their children, Islam, and their ethnoreligious identity in the host society. Through those active efforts, they are emerging from the phase of perceiving the hardships to be hurdles in their post immigration life, to actively coping and overcoming those hardships and doing the best to safeguard their children, preserve Islam and claiming their individuality from the host society. This category informs the process of identity formation; an identity, which is based on admirable character traits that these people are demonstrating to the host society. Participants appear to be working hard in attaining control of their life and maintain a sense of stability through ensuring their cultural and religious roots; declaring their differences from the host society; seeking accommodations for their religious needs; and finally weaving the foundation of a unique identity in the host society, which is appreciable and source of pride for them.

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FORMING A NEW IDENTITY

3 3RD HIGHER ORDER CATEGORY: Forming a New Identity The category of ‘forming a new identity’ is quite comprehensive and presents multiple processes that are involved in the formation of the new identity and immigrants’ genuine acceptance of Canada as their permanent new home. This category also highlights immigrants’ realization of the actual spirit of Islam. The previous category was reflective of immigrants’ protection and preservation of Islam, whereas, in this category immigrants describe feeling a unique connection with Allah and developing a strong devotion to Islam after immigration. They reported attaining an enhanced understanding of Islam and its teachings. Immigrants’ understanding of the inherent message of Islam helps them appreciate Islam more than ever and contributes to a positive shift in their personal religious beliefs, which is reflected through their increased reliance on Allah for emotional gratification and for seeking sense of contentment and peace in the new land.

This category also highlights the process of personal growth for Pakistani Muslim immigrants, which is reflected through enhanced maturation and wisdom, improved confidence and positive feelings for self, and immigrants’ attempts to blend in with the new society. This positive attitude helps them embrace Canada and allows them to recognize and appreciate some fundamental similarities between Canada and their ideals of Islamic state. They come to an increased appreciation of living in Canada and recognize certain disadvantages of living in

Pakistan, which helps them, feel satisfied about their decision of making Canada their new home.

Immigrants’ improved relationship with Islam, enhanced maturation and personal growth, genuine acceptance of the new land, and positive outcomes of their attempts for blending in with the new society assists in forming an authentic identity, which generates its own special place in the host society and in making them an important part of the Canadian mosaic (Figure 4).

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3rd higher order category: Formi ng a new Identity

Realizing the spirit of Islam— Increased sense of Embracing Canada becoming a true Muslim wellbeing

Understanding Comprehending the heart of the teachings of Benefits of living Seeing negatives of Islam Islam in Canada- Canada homeland a home away from home

Feeling Finding Finding Emergence Enhanced Feeling close to peace in orientati of positive wisdom well Allah prayers on & feelings for and blended in purpose self maturity Canada in life

Canada— Improved Sound social FindingFinding SeeingSeeing culturally quality of system and IslamIslam freefree IslamIslam and life- valuing standards of ofof culturalcultural implemenimplement religiously physical equality bindsbinds in teded inin tolerant protection CanadaCanada CanadaCanada place

IslamIslam PakistanPakistan -- LossLoss of of PakistaniPakistani takentaken for for aa status status IslamicIslamic cultureculture grantedgranted at at consciousconscious teachingsteachings manipulamanipula homehome impoliteimpolite testes societysociety religionreligion

Figure 4

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Three main categories subsumed under the higher order category of formation of a new identity. A number of lower order categories also subsumed under the main categories:

 Realizing the spirit of Islam—becoming a true Muslim

o Understanding the heart of Islam

o Comprehending the teachings of Islam

 Increased sense of well being

o Feeling close to Allah

o Finding peace in prayers

o Finding orientation and purpose in life

o Emergence of positive feelings for self

o Enhanced wisdom and maturity

o Feeling well blended in Canada

 Embracing Canada

o Benefits of living in Canada- Canada a home away from home

. Canada—culturally and religiously tolerant place

. Improved quality of life- valuing privacy and physical protection

. Sound social system and standards of equality

. Finding Islam free of cultural binds in Canada

. Seeing Islam implemented in Canada

o Seeing negatives of homeland

. Islam taken for granted in Pakistan

. Pakistan a status conscious impolite society

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. Loss of Islamic teachings

. Pakistani culture manipulates religion

Realizing the spirit of Islam—becoming a true Muslim

This main category highlights immigrants improved realization of the actual spirit of Islam after coming to Canada. They seemed to have internalized this deeper realization in becoming true Muslims in the new land. Participants found it easier to be committed to the tenets of Islam once they developed a deeper connection with the core beliefs of the religion. This category was endorsed by all, including seven male and seven female participants. Participants felt that they were practicing Islam with improved enthusiasm after realizing the positives that it added in their life. To them, immigration offered them the opportunity to actualize faith in its entirety and practice it wholeheartedly.

For example, Ahmed acknowledged becoming a true Muslim after immigration:

One difference, which I have observed among people like myself, is that we become true Muslims here and practice religion with more devotion and by understanding the actual spirit of it. I believe our feelings become stronger and more positive. Whenever I needed to educate myself on the significance of Islamic teachings, my understanding of Islam increased.

To Abid, a deepened understanding of Islam contributed to his character growth as a Muslim:

There is one thing related to Islam which improved and grew substantially after my arrival to Canada and that is not my prayer, not my fasting or reciting Qur’an but my character growth as a Muslim and as a human. I became more mature and grew into a person that I should have been before but I was not because I was following religion as a responsibility and not as the best way of living the life, which is beneficial for my personal well being and the well being of my family. So, I came to a deeper and more authentic understanding of Islam due to immigration.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants seem to strive for enhancing their understanding of Islam in

128 the host society and this enhanced knowledge augments their devotion, strengthens their bond with faith, and helps them actualize the spirit of Islam. Two main categories were conceptualized under this category, including:

Understanding the heart of Islam

This category describes the participants’ experience of having a renewed and more positive perception of Islam in the host society. They demarcated their experience of following Islam in

Canada from the experience that they have had in Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country where laws and legislation are mainly informed by religion. Religious practices are embedded in the social and occupational life of Pakistani people. Observing the tenets of Islam in their country of origin had been a different experience for immigrants, as they did not put any effort in understanding the actual meaning of Islam since it was not that much needed there. However,

Canada offered a different context in which these immigrants were required to hold on to faith for emotional support and sense of orientation. This changed context has proved to be quite positive for the participants’ understanding of Islam as it helped them appreciate and wholeheartedly accept the crux of Islam. Six participants from each gender endorsed this category. Participants expressed with conviction that following Islam in its actual spirit assures their wellbeing and the wellbeing of their loved ones in the new land.

For example, Ahmed mentioned feeling an urge to understand Islam and being completely convinced of its doctrine in supporting the wellbeing of mankind:

When we come here, we feel forced to understand the actual teachings of Islam and practice it by completely understanding the reasons of why we should practice it. It’s not an external force but an internal drive. We follow religion and that gives us an orientation and a direction on to which the life should be directed to. We don’t realize the true philosophy of our faith that much in Pakistan. When

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we came here, we understand that Islam is a very comprehensive system of life that guides and directs people towards healthy individual and social life. (Ahmed)

Abid and Seema noted feeling persuaded by the positives of Islam through exploring and researching it in Canada and practicing it even more devotedly after immigration:

Coming here gave us an opportunity to realize our religion and to appreciate the qualities and the outcome of following this great religion. We get to understand the essence of Islam here in this society. When you come to a country like Canada, you get to understand and implement religion even more than you have had in Pakistan. After coming to Canada, I was able to research the vital ingredients of this orientation for the well-being of individual and the society and realized that how fortunate I am to have the privilege of being born as a Muslim. (Abid)

We did a lot of research to first clear our own concepts of Islam, which we never needed in Pakistan. It makes more sense to follow something that you feel fully convinced of. I got a better understanding of Islam and all of its teachings after immigration because I got an opportunity to explore for myself why this religion is important and to tell my kids that why it’s so important for us. Allah has ordered us certain things that are important to avoid; it’s for our safety and our benefit if we understand the spirit of it. (Seema)

Duaa and Danish stated a need to learn more about Islam to embrace it in a way that brings a change from inside:

I have started learning more about Islam; I regularly watch TV programs on Islam so I could enhance my knowledge of it. I feel a need to change self on Faith from my heart not from personal outlook. I have developed stronger feelings about religion. (Duaa)

We use religion in its actual spirit here in Canada. I consider this more important to have Islamic teachings inside oneself rather than showing this to others. (Danish)

Alia mentioned acquiring wisdom and enlightenment by being more informed about Islam, in

Canada:

I feel that my devotion to Islam got even stronger after coming here. Here, we understand the actual essence of Islam and practice it by understanding the spirit of each single religious ritual. When we live in Pakistan, we are busy in social

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stuff and never get enough time or feel the need to understand religion in depth. Whereas, when we come here, all those ignored spots get enlightened and we get the wisdom of life.

In short, immigration to Canada seems to have offered these people an opportunity to embrace the heart of Islam and follow it by feeling fully convinced of its benefits to their wellbeing.

Comprehending the teachings of Islam

Participants’ improved appreciation of Islam allowed them to be better understanding of the meaning of Islamic teachings. They stressed that Islamic doctrine insists on fostering positive human traits of altruism, kindness, honesty, responsibility, care and respect for others whereas the implicit message of Islam, to them, is peace, equality, and justice. Participants’ reflections demonstrated a positive shift in their understanding of Islam. They acknowledged that religious rituals such as prayers, fasting, and alms giving actually promote desirable human traits. To them, people’s sound character and their positive interaction with other fellow beings is what matters the most to Allah and is the implicit meaning, underneath all the religious rituals. This category was largely endorsed by males (six males versus three females).

For example, Abid expressed his understanding of the implicit message of religious rituals in these words:

Islam teaches us to be truthful, honest, kind, caring, courteous, forgiving and helpful to others. If we look closely at the prayer system in Islam, each single religious duty also in a way teaches us the same lesson. For example, Zakat or Alms giving is compulsory for well off Muslims so a fair share of money could be given to those who are needy. Similarly, men are urged to offer prayer in congregation, which increases social interaction and brotherhood among people that in turn builds your social character. Prayer teaches you to be truthful, honest, and fair and you get to use these attributes in your interaction with other people. So, it’s the actual philosophy underlying prayer and other religious duties that

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God asked people to hold on to, not just performing certain religious rituals without understanding the heart of it. Being a good Muslim simply means be a good and authentic human being who is true and honest to himself and others.

Ahmed also expressed similar views:

Peace, tolerance, kindness, whether it is about you or people in the larger society with whom you interact. Islam teaches you to respect the rights of other. It teaches you to be kind to yourself, your family, relatives, friends, people in the community etc. It’s like a complete system that guides your actions in every single sphere of life whether it’s your individual life, family life, or community life. It also tells you what your rights are but those are accompanied with responsibilities that you must fulfill. If I fulfill my duties towards God, my family, the society and myself then I am a healthy person and I can truly enjoy the privileges that I receive. Our religious practices help in fostering all good social values in our lives because each single practice conveys a special message to us.

For Danish, positive social traits are more important than prayers in Islam:

Certain aspects of Islam are even more important than prayers. Those aspects include kindness to others, fairness in dealing, positive social interaction, and acting as a useful member of society. For me, these aspects are more important than religious rituals. Praying without acting in honest ways or kindness to others is useless. God does not need the prayers from someone who is dishonest and abusive to others. In Islam, prayers and people’s desirable social character go hand in hand. Allah is more concerned about how we treat His human beings.

Zaid stressed on the concept of equality and peace in Islam:

Islam is the religion of peace, social justice and equality. Islam teaches equality and peace to its adherents. There is no difference between Sunni and Shi’ite in Islam.

To Neha, negligence in duties towards fellow beings is an unforgiveable act in Islam:

Islam has golden rules. It requires us to be truthful, kind and show decency in behaviour. Allah can forgive you for missing a prayer but there is no forgiveness for hurting people.

Seema emphasized on the flexibility of practicing faith, which supports positive social traits in society:

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Islam teaches us to be courteous, sharing, and helpful to others. Sometimes we can skip prayer and also take leave of Haqooq- Allah [duties towards God] but Haqooq- al- Ibad [duties towards fellow beings] are very important. Allah may forgive if you miss prayer in attending a guest or helping a sick person.

Participants’ expressions show a positive shift in their understanding of the actual message underneath the teachings of Islam. They attributed this enhanced understanding to their immigration experience, which required them to be well versed and fully informed of Islamic doctrine in order to feel convinced of following it, and to observe it in its true spirit in the host country.

Increased sense of wellbeing

Participants’ reliance on faith and their enhanced understanding of the actual spirit of

Islam helped them accept the new land and maintain a positive outlook about their immigration to Canada. Immigrants’ acceptance of the new land and support from faith proved to be a very positive and growth oriented experience for them. It helped them appreciate the new land, feel being part of the new society, and build on their personal resources as a result of this positive outlook. The process of accepting the new land, turning to faith for direction, internalizing the implicit message of Islam, and comprehending and demonstrating the teachings of Islam in the host society, contributed to their perceived acceptance from the host society and consequently their feelings of well-being. They appeared more content, optimistic and reassured about their life as they expressed their increased reliance on faith for direction and guidance. They developed a unique relationship with Allah which offered them resilience and optimism to feel good about themselves and their new life. Praying became a distinctly spiritual and positive experience for them. They found their refuge in faith and felt well directed and oriented through

133 seeking guidance from religion. This reassuring connection with faith helped them feel positive about self and the new land, which contributed, to their optimal adjustment in the new society.

Six lower order categories were conceptualized under this category:

Feeling close to Allah

Participants reported forming a unique connection with Allah after immigration. This category was endorsed by all participants regardless of gender. Participants’ connection with

Allah appeared to be soothing and emotionally gratifying for them. They felt like having their refuge in faith by depending on Allah for guidance, resilience and direction in their new life.

For example, female participant Neha mentioned feeling helped by Allah in getting out of an abusive marriage and rejuvenating sense of self in the foreign country. This helped her build a special connection with Allah:

There were no resources in the beginning. You know it’s a strange place for us. I didn’t know anyone here. I wasn’t allowed to go out alone. My husband did not want me to wash my face or to comb my hair or to interact with anyone. I had a very tough time. I was told being garbage … (sigh…weeping). (Pause) I was patient and believed in Allah’s help. I used to cry and ask for help from Allah and then Allah gave me patience and got me out of that abusive marriage. I lived separated with my four months old daughter without any financial support from my ex husband but my Allah helped me through those times of difficulty. I got admission in the college, got OSAP and got on my feet again. Allah helped me on each single step of this painful process of moving away from my homeland, separation from an abusive husband, getting education, raising my daughter, finding work, and succeeding at my job in this foreign land. Allah is the ultimate help. Allah helped me regain my sense of self. I find Him very close to myself!

Sara, Shazma, Seema, and Duaa, mentioned that recalling Allah in times of difficulty is soothing. They state a special connection, an increased closeness to Allah; a feeling which is unique to their post immigration life:

Here we need to experience and face the challenges and everything is new for us.

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Here we need Allah much more than we had needed in Pakistan. Praying here and reciting Qur’an is more satisfying experience than it was in Pakistan. (Sara)

I need Allah more here than I needed Him in Pakistan. I feel a special connection with Allah after coming here. This connection helps me through every difficulty here. (Shazma)

I have learned to have faith in Allah after coming here because the society here and the financial circumstances – you know, you have to be very careful here. Having faith in Allah makes it easier to take important decisions. (Seema)

The connection between Allah and myself is superior than any other connection. The distance between me and Allah has reduced after immigration. (Duaa)

Male participants also reported feeling a unique connection with Allah after immigration to Canada and found the new divine connection soothing and reassuring:

Allah gets closer to you when you come here. Allah feels closer as we put extra effort in recalling Him. I feel like communicating with Allah and it is so self assuring. (Ahmed)

I feel close to Allah after coming here. I think because we need Him way more here than we needed Him in Pakistan. (Danish)

It seems like coming to a foreign land makes immigrants recall God more and depend on

Him for emotional support and personal needs way more than they have had in their homeland where family, friends and emotionally gratifying resources were quite accessible. The reliance on

God helps them accept the reality of life, feel calm, and relieves their stresses which contributes to their sense of wellness in the new land.

Finding peace in prayer

Everyone in the present study, regardless of gender, acknowledged finding peace and gratification in praying. Participants corroborated feelings of gratification, reassurance and fulfillment after praying. The functions of prayer for participants seem to be multifaceted; firstly,

135 it offers them means to communicate directly with Allah about their problems and unload their painful emotions in privacy and comfort. Secondly, offering prayer makes these people feel reassured by fulfilling an important religious duty in a place where they feel responsible to preserve their faith. Thirdly, praying helps generating positive emotions by enabling immigrants acknowledge the blessings that they have. Participants expressed feelings of contentment in praying, when they spoke about their praying practices. To them, offering prayer makes them feel relieved and calm and it saves them from pursuing misdeeds. This lower order category was endorsed by all participants.

For Duaa, Seema, and Alia, prayer is an important duty, which keeps them alert until they’ve performed it. These participants reported feeling guilty for missing the prayer and feeling relieved and peaceful after performing it.

I’ve noticed that praying gives me lots of comfort and peace and I offer prayer for my peace. I get comfort from prayer when I am disturbed and sometimes I miss prayer, which I repent. When I was depressed in the beginning, prayers helped me out. I used to pray and supplicate to Allah and this made a real difference. It’s the greatest help. Prayer is a communication between us and Allah. You feel completely heard and either get the solution or come to a better understanding of your issues to cope and feel calm because there is always a reason behind everything that Allah chooses for you. (Duaa)

I communicate with Allah whenever I face a problem; I pray to Allah and feel comfortable. Even if the need is not met, I have the satisfaction that this is due to the will of Allah. I know that Allah Almighty is 70 times more loving than mother and even if this need is not being met, there will be a good reason that is better for me. Prayer is so soothing for me when I offer my prayer I feel so much peace and satisfaction. (Seema)

I feel so cleansed and clear after praying. When I stand on the prayer rug to offer prayer I feel so much focused and involved in it. I did not have that kind of intense feeling in Pakistan although I always prayed in Pakistan as well but did not feel as much connected to Allah as I do after I came to live in Canada; it is very reassuring and soothing. I feel like directly communicating with Allah. I strongly believe that God hears us whenever we need Him and prayer is the best

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way to ask Allah what you need from Him. Prayer gives me immense peace and satisfaction which I can’t compare with any other thing. (Alia)

For Sara, Tahir, Danish, and Faraz, prayer is a source of personal peace. To them, its function is reformatory and protective and then it also gives feelings of satisfaction and fulfillment.

I believe that Allah listens to you when you pray and ask Him for something. I know whatever my problem is if I pray and ask Allah for help my problem will resolve and it resolves no matter how hard it seems at the onset. I feel like there is someone who understands my problems who can understand what it’s like for me. It makes you feel peaceful and content. I get immense satisfaction after praying and get assurance that my need will be fulfilled. Prayer gives me peace of mind and it’s a huge emotional resource for me. (Sara)

Prayer is extremely important. Not only that you feel peaceful after praying, it also saves from many misdeeds. I pray and I feel helped by God. Prayer helps you concentrate; it offers you peace, which helps us the most in this non Muslim country. (Tahir)

Prayer gives peace and satisfaction. It saves you from bad things. For example, if you are seeing a movie on TV but it is prayer time, you will switch off the TV to offer your prayer. After offering the prayer, you may engage in a healthier activity than TV watching. So, prayer not only gives us opportunity to express our gratitude to God but it also saves us from many misdeeds. (Danish)

Prayer is vitally important. When you offer prayer five times a day, you are saved from many bad things. I used to pray when I was a student and you know after sometime you start feeling bored and prayer give you comfort and peace. It increases concentration and focus. It keeps you clean; it promotes punctuality; you get closer to Allah so for any bad acts you feel bad from inner-self. (Faraz)

For Shazma, Abid and Ahmed prayer is self-assuring and it is associated with feelings of wellness.

For me, prayer is a spiritual exercise, which makes me peaceful and content and helps in making my day great. (Shazma)

Prayer makes you feel heard and understood. (Abid)

I believe when you put effort into something, you feel good about it and its

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outcome is soothing and self-assuring. So, when we put effort in praying, we find peace. Here, I feel more focused while praying. I think because here Allah is our only support to whom we want to address our requests and needs. I feel heard and understood by Allah after praying and feel very reassured. Prayer has been the most helpful resource for me in the time of crisis. (Ahmed)

In short, prayer seems to perform many highly desirable and emotionally soothing functions in immigrants’ lives. It seems to serve a means in directing participants’ communication to Allah. It appears that this much needed direct communication has been very vital for these people’s emotional wellbeing.

Finding orientation, purpose, and direction in life

The participants’ increased reliance on faith and their special connection with Allah, assured their wellness, and offered them a sense of orientation, direction and purpose in life. This category was endorsed by five males and four females.

For Abid and Ahmed, faith provides them sense of orientation, especially in the new society:

Recalling God and asking Him for help is soothing; it is needed to feel oriented and well directed in this new society. (Abid)

When we come here we feel forced to understand the crux of Islam and practice it by completely understanding the reasons of why we should practice it. We follow religion because it gives us an orientation and a direction on to which way life should be directed. If someone loses this orientation, that person also loses the purpose of life. (Ahmed)

For Shahid, faith is very important; it provides a proper guideline for life:

Religion is very important in life. It gives you direction… how to live one’s life, how to treat people and what are our duties and rights. This is very important for us, especially here where we need to consciously make good choices and important decisions. (Shahid)

Sobia and Duaa mentioned feeling a need to follow Islam for their personal peace:

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In Canada, it’s an internal need that keeps you oriented towards religion, way more than ever. (Sobia)

I feel good when my husband offers prayer five times a day. We do this as an obligation not for anyone, only for Allah and this gives us peace and a sense of orientation, especially in this society. (Duaa)

For Danish, sense of feeling grounded through adherence to faith is more needed in

Canada than it was in Pakistan:

Religion is a source of personal peace and sense of being grounded and that is very important for me. This is more needed here because our surroundings are different and we need to stick to our religious orientation for guidance. (Danish)

Faith seems to offer a sense of needed direction to Pakistani Muslim immigrants in their post immigration lives. The sense of orientation, guidance and direction appears as an important and much needed component of their wellbeing in the new country.

Emergence of positive feelings for self

Participants’ commitments to preserve Islam in Canada seems to have fostered a sense of feeling accountable for presenting self as a Muslim role model in the new land. They seem to have internalized appreciable character traits and derive satisfaction and reassurance through feeling accepted and appreciated by the host society. This category was endorsed by an equal number of participants from each gender group, including four males and four females.

For example, Zaid and Shahid mentioned internalizing and demonstrating the positive social characteristics, as described in Islam and demonstrated by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and feeling reassured:

I try to present myself as a Muslim role model at my work place and in the community by embracing and presenting the positive characteristics that Allah has liked Muslims to embrace and Prophet ordered us to demonstrate. At my job, I manage time for prayer. There are more than 10 people at my job who are

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Muslim; we go together and offer Zuhr prayer in congregation. My supervisor respects me and trusts me for my hard work and honesty. It’s a great compliment for me. (Zaid)

I firmly follow what Prophet said. He fostered good humane attributes among people. When Mecca was conquered he told the prisoners of war that ‘you will be free if you teach 10 people’. These are the Islamic teachings, your contributions to others and encouragement for positive and helpful social interactions. In Ramadan, my employer gives me privileges. As I said before ‘Deeds speak’. If you are a good worker your employer recognizes this and will be willing to adjust your needs. My boss likes me for my work and it makes me feel confident and happy. (Shahid)

Alia noted finding peace in observing faith and feeling a positive shift in personal views after immigration:

In Pakistan, we sometimes kind of hold negative feelings towards each other or feelings of jealousy towards each other but when we come here, our hearts become clean. I feel that I forgive others much more easily now and appreciate their point of view. I have a personal experience that following your faith and having religiously desirable attributes gives you so much peace and happiness and keeps you away from problems. I learnt to be more patient, accepting and forgiving after immigration. It makes you feel very peaceful and positive. (Alia)

Neha and Shazma, the working women, mentioned that being able to demonstrate superior work skills and receiving appreciation from their employers has been a prideful experience which added to their sense of wellness:

In the beginning the white parents did not feel comfortable with me but after seeing my devotion and care for their children, they became more comfortable. Now, I am one of the best teachers of our centre. Parents especially request to have their children in my class. Then I am also very punctual and trustworthy. I have been receiving ‘the best teacher’s certificate’ for the past five years, ever since I am employed with this daycare. (Neha)

I put my heart and soul into my job and work very hard. I help my clients with the best possible services that I can provide and I am very sincere and honest to my employer and my workplace. It makes me feel so great when people ask for me and I introduce myself as a Muslim. My superiors like me and always trust me with important responsibilities. It makes me feel proud of myself. (Shazma)

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Immigrants seem to derive satisfaction and happiness by demonstrating positive social character in the community and in their workplaces. They take pride in being trusted employees, which adds to their sense of wellness in the new land.

Enhanced wisdom and maturity

Participants mentioned achieving maturity, wisdom, and spirituality after immigrating to

Canada and consequently learning to be more tolerant, broadminded and patient with differences.

Immigration provided them an opportunity to appreciate many positive aspects of living in a multicultural country like Canada. They became more appreciative of their faith system and were able to implement it into their day-to-day life in Canada. All seven males and three females acknowledged achieving maturity and wisdom after immigration.

For example, for Abid, immigration offered him an opportunity to become mature and wise:

After coming here, I learned how to answer people’s criticism in a civilized manner. I noticed that after coming here, I achieved maturity and the wisdom of how to have a peaceful and happy life. Here, you exercise self-control way more than you have to exercise it in Pakistan. You learn to forgive, be kind and humble. We come closer to Islam here. (Abid)

The same was true for Ahmed and Shahid:

I learnt the tolerance, patience and respect for others, which we don’t practice that much in Pakistan. (Ahmed)

After coming here, it feels like a process of enhanced understanding. I think I became more mature. Now, I feel more tolerant and try to understand others’ point of view. My children learn this at school. Canada gave us so many gifts of learning and wisdom that we could not have imagined, had we been living in Pakistan. (Shahid)

For Shazma, going through hardships helped her appreciate the good times and offered

141 her resilience to stay stable and keep a positive outlook towards life. Immigration also offered her an opportunity to appreciate positives in everything and to feel optimistic:

I came from a very good lifestyle, then faced hardships here and then the good times came. We don’t appreciate good things that much when we live in Pakistan. Its only when we suffer hardships we can recognize the blessings that we have. Once our Prophet Mohammad (p.b.u.h.) saw a bird in spring that had all the blessings but it was not happy. Prophet Mohammad (p.b.u.h.) asked why he was not happy. The bird replied that, ‘This good time will go away and that makes me sad’. Then Prophet Mohammad (p.b.u.h.) saw the same bird in autumn in a very poor condition but it was happy and on enquiring the bird replied that, ‘This hard time will pass soon and thinking of the good times makes me happy’. In the same way, going through the hardships after immigration gave me the strength to go through this period and appreciate the benefits of coming here. This positive attitude helped me a lot. I pick the positives in others and don’t look at their weaknesses; I try to step into their shoes to understand what it’s like for them.

Alia got the spirituality and wisdom of living a peaceful life after immigrating to Canada:

I don’t care about whatever people say about me anymore and I never think to answer them back in their language. I got that wisdom and spiritual strength after coming here. The secret to a peaceful life is adopting positive traits and embracing what Allah asks us to do. In Pakistan, we are spiritually away from our religion because we have our friends and family there, but here we have no one and that factor connects us more with Allah and helps us appreciate many things that we take for granted in Pakistan.

To Neha, immigration offered her an opportunity to achieve maturity and wisdom of life by exercising self-control better:

There are many things that you understand here better. I got the opportunity to exercise self-control here. I was not able to appreciate it in Pakistan. (Neha)

Participants’ enhanced wisdom and maturity seems to have a positive impact on their sense of self in the new society.

Feeling well-blended in Canada

Participants’ perceived acceptance by the host society fostered positive feelings in them,

142 which in turn helped them feel positive about the new society and feel being a part of it. They reported feeling well assimilated while maintaining their individuality in the new society. Most of the study participants reported feeling well blended in Canada (six males and five females).

They mentioned finding their transition to the new culture fairly easy.

For example, Duaa, Shazma, Sara, Alia, and Seema mentioned feeling well assimilated and integrated in the Canadian culture. They acknowledged taking the best of Canadian culture:

I have adopted the local culture along with preserving my own culture. I am still Pakistani but a well-integrated and assimilated Pakistani and this is what I have improved. Even before, I have lived in other cultures therefore it was not too surprising for me and it was easy to adjust here. I adopted the culture here pretty quickly. (Duaa)

I feel very positive here. Islam says ‘take good things from wherever you get it’. I am doing the same, taking the best of this culture while nurturing my own culture. (Shazma)

This culture made me modify my ways. I wear jeans when I go outside. I adopted the language here; I try to speak English in a North American accent so they [Canadians] can understand me. It was difficult in the beginning but now it’s much easier to understand and speak English. I like their time schedules and adhering to a structured routine; I try to follow that. I have adopted some cultural values from this society that I like. The things that I like about Canada, I try to practice for myself and it feels good to be assimilated here. (Sara)

I take the best of this culture and at the same time adhere to my own culture too. (Alia)

Thanks God we are ‘well blended’ here. (Seema)

For Tahir and Shahid, the transition to Canadian culture has been an easy one:

It’s not strange – our heritage is also a combination of different cultures. We are used to try and mix different cultures to take the best out of them. I do the same here so I am not confused. I believe my transition to this culture has been easy. (Tahir)

It’s a very easy transition for me and I feel well assimilated here. I feel that I am at my right culture now! (Shahid)

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It seems like immigrants’ positive outlook towards their immigration experience helps them feel part of the new society. They feel well assimilated in the new society while at the same time maintaining their distinction and individuality in Canada.

Embracing Canada

This main category reflects immigrants’ appreciation of Canada and acknowledgement of the positives and benefits of living in Canada. As immigrants maintain a positive outlook towards their immigration experience, they genuinely accept the new land and feel being an important part of the new society. This positive outlook helps them appreciate many good aspects of the new society. They accept Canada as their new home and start counting the benefits that it offers to them and their families. They find it easy to form connections with their community and feel even more bonded with their people through readily accessible opportunities to socialize. They feel that Canada grants them better opportunities to practice Islam at their own pace. They can socialize with people from their community and feel accepted in the new society culturally and religiously. They appreciate the privileges of living in a social welfare country and find its resemblance with their ideals of Islamic State, which makes them feel great and even more appreciative of Canada as their new home. They acknowledge the healthy physical environment, the free healthcare and school education. They also appreciate and make use of the many opportunities to upgrade their education and skills at their convenience with the help of student loans and grants. They come to an increased appreciation of the new land and feel fortunate to be in Canada. Embracing Canada and genuinely appreciating the benefits of living here, also makes them recognize and realize all the disadvantages of living in Pakistan.

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Two central and a number of lower order categories were conceptualized under this main category:

Benefits of living in Canada—Canada a home away from home

Participants expressed a sense of gratitude with respect to the advantages of living in

Canada. Participants mentioned that Canada has become their new home. This category was endorsed by all, regardless of gender.

For example, Shahid and Shazma stated that they felt as though they belonged to Canada and noted that they don’t feel like a minority here:

I don’t feel like a minority. I did not get that impression here. This is my home. Canada is a heaven on earth. I feel better here than back home. (Shahid) I don’t feel like a minority here. This is my new home. I belong here. (Shazma)

For Seema, Abid, and Zaid the experience of living in Toronto has been reassuring and very helpful in facilitating their engagement in religion since Toronto is a highly multicultural city with a large number of Muslim immigrants:

Toronto is a multicultural city. Our adjustment here was easy because we had some friends here. My personal experience is that most people respect Islam here. Toronto is great; it offers a multicultural environment. You can easily find mosques here. You learn about Ramadan and Eid days easily. It’s easier in Toronto. Here if you want to wear a shalwar kameez, you will not feel strange because you see quite a few people from your community. Here, even though I once went shopping in shalwar kameez one day and then the next day in a pant and a shirt, the cashier still recognized me. Here, you feel comfortable in your Pakistani dress and you don’t feel embarrassed. I feel like home here. (Seema)

It is such a good place as people from all different religious orientations get to follow their religion here without any problems or restrictions. Toronto is a highly multicultural city and largely populated by Muslims and there are mosques in almost all areas of the city. People living in other cities with a smaller Muslim population might experience problems but I did not. (Abid)

Toronto is a great place because here we have many opportunities to form

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connections with people like us and we can choose to live in any South Asian populated area we want to. Toronto feels like a home. My kids and wife like it and I am also happy here. (Zaid)

In addition to feeling at home in Toronto, participants also expressed satisfaction and pleasure in following their faith here. The freedom in practicing faith at their own pace has been reassuring for participants and makes them feel at home.

For example, for Duaa and Sobia, celebrating the festival of Eid has been a pleasant experience. They get to meet with their loved ones and feel reassured:

My kids and husband take a day off and I cook nice food on Eid. The kids wear new clothes and we get ready and either visit someone or invite people for tea and then in the evening we go out to celebrate Eid. (Duaa)

My children and husband offer Eid prayer. I feel very good on Eid day. I have a group of friends who visit us on Eid. We spend Eid very well with our friends here. Eid means meeting with one another and to show love to others and we do the same. (Sobia)

For Seema, Shazma, and Ahmed, the experience of following Islam in Canada has been reassuring and a very positive experience for them:

My experience of following faith in Canada has been very positive. I feel fully reassured on practicing my faith here. (Seema)

It’s been very positive to practice Islam here. I practice Islam to the fullest. It’s even better than practicing it in Pakistan. (Shazma)

I have had very good experience practicing my faith here. (Ahmed)

For Tahir and Alia, religious practices in Canada communicate a message of unity among

Muslims.

This thing is quite unique in Islam that when you meet with people from the same faith, you have a feeling of kinship. So, after coming here, our connections with the Muslim community have become even tighter which is reassuring in itself. (Alia)

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When we follow our faith here, it gives us a sense of connection and feeling of brotherhood with other Muslims. This is a great feeling. (Tahir)

The experience of living in one of Canada’s largest multicultural city Toronto has been a positive experience for participants. Five lower order categories were conceptualized under this category:

Canada – culturally and religiously tolerant place

Participants acknowledged Canada as culturally and religiously tolerant and safe place.

Most participants considered that living in Canada has been a positive experience since they had the needed freedom to follow their faith. This category was endorsed by six males and five females.

For Ahmed, Danish, Faraz, Shahid, and Alia, Canada is a great place to follow one’s faith freely. Not only did they acknowledge Canada having tolerance for religious minorities but they also found Canada to be more religiously tolerant than Pakistan.

The environment here is great; we can actually not only practice our religion here but can also propagate it. So, in that respect, Canada is a good place to live. They have certain rules and regulations under which everyone has personal liberty to follow faith. Once in a social gathering at work, someone’s comment on Islam offended me. I told him that he was rude in being critical about Islam. My manager also felt it and realized that he should’ve stopped that guy from such talk. After the party, my manager and both of the supervisors, including mine and his, came to me to apologize for that guy’s comment and offered that if I like, they could bring up this issue under code of conduct against that guy. The guy sought an apology from me and all the Muslims who attended that party and the issue got resolved, and I chose to finish it there. It was nice that people condemned the racist behaviour. These people are sensitive and respectful. I was working as a security guard in CIBC bank. Once I had to offer my prayer in the corridor; every one passing there saw me praying but no one objected. They are very tolerant and sensitive people. These days, even in schools, they are trying to give kids a break for the afternoon prayers. I have seen people having much more religious liberty here than we see in Pakistan. I don’t know whether it is due to their rules, they are really respectful. European countries don’t tolerate diversity; there is racism and open discrimination against Muslims there. We have lots of liberty here and it feels great. (Ahmed)

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Here we have more personal freedom that we don’t even find in Pakistan. If we compare Canada with Pakistan on religious liberty, it’s much better here. Here we can follow religion the way it feels right to us. There are no restrictions on my religious practices, at my job. I offer prayer during my break. I fast too. (Danish)

I always have had a prayer mat with me and when I would be delivering pizzas, I used to spread it anywhere where I found a spot and prayed and there has never been any problem. Even on my way to the US, we pulled over, stopped and offered prayer – and there has never been any issue with that. It’s entirely different here; you are free to do whatever you want to do. In Pakistan, Sunni and Shi’ite are so different whereas here people tolerate even other religions. Here we have more religious freedom than we had in Pakistan. (Faraz)

Canada is tolerant, both religiously and culturally. It’s more secure being here. My kids walk to school and I respect this country. Here we have complete freedom of expression. You get heard here, you have personal rights. Being in Canada is comfortable, peaceful and flexible. People are free here to practice whatever they want to. You feel more free here than back home. (Shahid)

Despite living in this country where Islam is not a dominant religion, I never had any problems practicing my religion and participating in religious activities. I feel now I am on my right culture, which is guided by my faith. Our actual religious culture is in Canada. (Alia)

Duaa and Seema, appreciated the sensitivity and respect from the host society:

I once attended a party with non-Muslims who learnt that I am a Muslim then they offered me vegetarian food. People here understand it and respect your choices. (Duaa)

People respect you in the bus for your Hijab; they offer you a seat and usually don’t sit beside you. (Seema)

In short, participants are enjoying and benefiting of the religious liberty in Canada. They found Canada quite liberal and tolerant on religious freedom. Most of the participants acknowledged having more religious liberty in Canada than they had in Pakistan.

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Improved quality of life— valuing privacy and physical protection

This category describes participants’ appreciation of the improved quality of life that they were able to have by making Canada their new home. Female participants, in particular appreciated the privacy and peace that they have been enjoying in their post-immigration lives in

Canada. All seven females and five males endorsed this category.

For example, Seema and Alia, mentioned that immigration to Canada offered them the freedom and privacy in following Islam at their own pace and in its true spirit:

I mean, as we settled a bit after coming here, we started becoming more interested in Islam. In Pakistan, it was sometimes hard to do my own research because we lived in a joint family system. Here I have found this freedom that I am taking full advantage of and following the Islam in its true spirit with personal freedom, it’s amazing! (Seema)

We used to live in a joint family household. There were some benefits of living together. However, sometimes, your privacy compromises. I feel my life is more private and peaceful here. I have the freedom to follow Islam the way I want to. Islam also teaches us the same, it does not impose religious practices on us but rather allows us to integrate those in our life at our own pace and comfort. (Alia)

For Duaa and Sara their personal life is more comfortable and peaceful here as they don’t need to please the many members of their husbands’ families:

It’s so personal and private here. It’s way more personal and comfortable here. I prefer it here rather than living and trying to please so many people in my husband’s family. I like my peace and privacy of living my life my own way in Canada. (Duaa)

I like the social values here, which care for people’s comfort and privacy. Life is more peaceful here in many respects. In Pakistan, we used to live in a joint family household of my husband and there were so many social activities around that we did not have that much privacy in life. I was expected to please everyone in the family. Here it’s more personal and private and I like to pray in private and don’t need to do a lot of chores for other people. In Pakistan I used to do a lot more chores. Ramadan was the busiest time because we had to cook food for such a large family and then there would be guests coming without informing us every other day, so it was tough. And, then the healthy life conditions are such a relief.

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When we were living in Pakistan, the kids would get sick a lot and here they don’t. The thought that we are safe here, our kids are receiving good education here, life is peaceful, is a blessing. (Sara)

For Tahir and Sobia, Canadian society is liberated and everyone enjoys personal freedom here:

Easy and free society no major issues even no restrictions on job. I love the peace and privacy of living my life with my family here. (Tahir)

No one bothers you here. People mind their own business. Your life is more private and personal here. (Sobia)

In addition to having an improved and private life in Canada, immigrants also expressed a sense of relief for the physical safety and protection in Canada. They acknowledged living in

Canada has been much safer than living in Pakistan where the physical safety of the people is compromised. For example, Ahmed noted that he came back to Canada from his visit to back home the same day when Pakistan’s ex-prime minister, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated. He found it frightening and felt blessed to be back in Canada, alive:

When I came back from Pakistan this time, the same day Benazir was assassinated in Pakistan; my boss in Canada congratulated me for coming back alive. It was scary and I feel great that we are safe in here. (Ahmed)

Seema also considered the safety of her and her family a blessing in Canada:

This is different from Pakistan where one finds that their lives are being threatened due to terrorist activities. Safety is one of the reasons we came here. Every other place is unsafe now. You don’t have this fear here. You live in peace and safety here and we feel blessed to be here. (Seema)

For Faraz, common procedures in Canadian society are ways to ensure public safety:

Human life is considered the most important thing here. It’s so different here. They fail you in driving test just to ensure our safety. You need to follow the steps and then you qualify. Their rules and procedures are to ensure public safety. (Faraz)

For Alia and Shazma, the sense of personal freedom has been a great feeling that Canada granted

150 them along with safety:

Anything that I like here, I adopted it; like I can go out and do whatever I want. I drive here which I never thought of doing in Pakistan. I enjoy my personal freedom here. It’s so safe and nice here. (Alia)

This society gives equality, inclusion and safety. I feel respected by my colleagues when I offer prayer at work. I can see respect for me in their eyes. I feel personal freedom as well as safety. (Shazma)

In short, participants liked Canada from many perspectives. For some people, a sense of personal safety has been a blessing whereas for others, getting rid of the social problems of

Pakistani society has been a great break. Some people are enjoying their liberty from the suffocated gender-biased society whereas some people are enjoying a sense of overall protection.

In addition, Canadian society not only offers the participants autonomy in following their faith but also the comfort and peace of living a life with freedom to tailor it as per their wishes, needs, priorities and pace. Especially, for women getting themselves liberated from living with in-laws in a joint family environment has been a pleasant break.

Sound social system and standards of equality

All participants, regardless of gender, acknowledged that Canada has a sound social system, which is based on standards of equality, fairness and humanity. They appreciated Canada for being a proponent of human rights and the values that promote literacy, growth and prosperity in the society. This category was endorsed by all including seven males and seven females.

For example, Zaid and Faraz mentioned finding many comforting and helpful features of this society, which enabled them to upgrade and survive in the new society. They appreciated

Canada for giving people an equal chance to benefit from the educational and social system here:

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When I came here back in 2002, I gained admission in a graduate program of engineering at Queens University, Kingston. Except for the unfair job market, there are some very good features of this society, which I admire. I like the general system here. They give you a chance to go back to school and upgrade if that is required. If you don’t have money, they lend you a student loan so you can study without suffering financial hardships with your family. I would not have been able to study without the support of OSAP. Also the child tax benefit is a very good support. They really help you survive in this country through those support programs. (Zaid)

The education system here – everyone has equal opportunity and access to education in Canada. They want you to upgrade and make most of the system here. I upgraded here and had no problems in that process. People here have access to every facility. No one checked my degree here before giving me job, they trust you. Then OSAP, CCTB, welfare support all these things are hallmark of this society. They give you equal rights to upgrade, learn and facilitate this process through scholarships, student loans and other support programs. We persisted here because of these facilities. (Faraz)

For Sobia, Alia, Shazma, and Ahmed standards of equality are hallmark of this society:

Here people accept you … they accept everyone from all over the world. They accept everyone equally – a black Ethiopian or a white Bosnian, all are equal here. (Sobia)

I like their rules and equality, their education system, healthcare system. They have consistent and fair rules. They are honest and committed to their jobs. People have equal access to social benefits; no one is excluded due to their color, faith or race. (Alia)

A parliamentarian was asked to resign because of her discriminative behaviour towards a house maid; that’s justice. You can’t imagine that in Pakistan. OSAP, child tax benefits, facility to study at any age, welfare support, everything is good and helps newcomers to get settled in Canada. Everyone has equal access to the system here. (Shazma)

They have a good social system, treat people like humans and grant same rights to every single human being and no one is excluded from the system due to his/her color, class, status, or health condition. (Ahmed)

For Tahir, the system in Canada is straight and there are no surprises, which makes people’s lives comfortable and foreseeable:

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The system here from top to bottom is in order – laws, regulations are being followed and there are no surprises. Healthcare system, school system, and overall social system is good. You can plan ahead and foresee future. (Tahir)

Immigrants expressed their deep admiration and appreciation for the benefits of living in

Canada and having the privilege of equal access to social facilities like education system, OSAP,

CCTB, and healthcare. It seems that their pre-immigration experience of living in a socially and politically unstable country significantly contributed to their appreciation of Canadian social system.

Finding Islam free of cultural binds in Canada

Participants reported finding Islam in its purest form in Canada, where it is not contaminated by cultural binds or restrictions. This category was endorsed by most of the participants (five males and four females). They reported enjoying practicing Islam in Canada by embracing it in its actual spirit, without any impositions of culture on it.

For Alia, Danish, Tahir and Shahid, it is much easier following Islam in Canada than it was in Pakistan. They felt that the Pakistani culture had certain social ailments that were against the spirit of Islam:

Canadian immigration helped me avoid the social problems in the Pakistani culture. Thank God, I have left the bad things from our culture behind and I have adopted the positive things from here. Like marriages are such expensive ceremonies in Pakistan, but here they aren’t, and I like it. So, the negative aspects of our culture have faded here. People were status conscious there. We don’t really have such problems here. By coming here we cleansed our culture and purified our faith. (Alia)

Islam is free of cultural binds in Canada. This is quite different here; we have a free environment and positive thinking where certain things are not critically evaluated. In Pakistan, people criticize you to pray in a certain way just for the sake of commenting. You find Islam free of all those cultural impositions here. (Danish)

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Here it’s done relatively easier. We don’t find the kind of difficulties we had in Pakistan. Everyone is the same and all are considered equal here. There are no sects in mosques. All are treated as Muslims, not Sunnis or Shi’ites as we see in Pakistan. You have a unity and feeling of brotherhood here. (Tahir)

People are free here to practice whatever they want to do. I think that is what makes us feel like nurturing our faith even more. (Shahid)

Participants seem to enjoy the renewed and purer form of their faith system where they are not criticized for belonging to a certain religious sect within Islam. They rather feel respected and feel like nurturing their religion even more than before.

Seeing Islam implemented in Canada

All participants, regardless of their gender, appreciated Canada for being an adherent of the values of humanity, which resemble true Islamic ideals. They reported that they previously just heard about those values but never found them in action (implemented), in the homeland.

However, coming to Canada allowed them the opportunity to see those values alive and well implemented. This category was endorsed by all seven male participants and five female participants.

Abid and Ahmed expressed a sense of delight in finding the resemblance of social system in Canada with the Islamic concept of Welfare State; they considered immigration a blessing in helping them realize true Islam:

The concept of Welfare State was first introduced by Prophet Mohammed (p.b.u.h.) 1 when he preached Islam. When we came here we realized that the system here is just like what the Prophet portrayed as the qualities of an Islamic state. Zakat is exactly what the social welfare system is here. It is amazing that this society is so close to Islam on certain social values. After coming to Canada, I came to a deeper understanding of Islam. I am experiencing a great blend of Islamic values in Canada. Despite Canada being a non-Muslim country, its promoting real Islamic values. Coming here gave us a chance to realize our

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religion and appreciate the outcome of following this great religion. It’s only here that we get to know Islam better and after understanding the actual philosophy of Islam, we get to appreciate it much more than we ever have had in Pakistan. I consider this immigration a blessing because it provided me an opportunity to appreciate Islam. (Abid)

When you look at this society closely, you find that actually Canada is implementing true teachings of Islam. The concept of Welfare State was introduced by Islam but is implemented in Canada. Here everyone must pay taxes and that money has successfully built their main social structure including social system, education, healthcare, and stuff. When we came here we found out what Islam actually means and who is actually following it. That’s why I consider this immigration a blessing. (Ahmed)

Similar views were expressed by Shazma, Shahid, and Danish:

I believe Islam is most practiced in Canada. Islam does not differentiate among people for their color or wealth or other physical characteristics and you find it here in Canada. Here we find Islam in its practical form without a label that we use to exploit it. Laws here are actually based on Islam. Islam means peace and respect and you can’t touch anyone here. The poor here are well respected. Back home, we mistreat the poor and weak people. It’s a crime here. Same is true for divorce; in Canada husband and wife have to live separately for one year and then divorce is affected. This is the same in Islam where you have to have three divorces every 3 months to get divorce. Take the example of education – how Islam gives importance to education and that’s exactly what’s practiced in Canada – I have seen people of 75 yrs going to school. Here you find all forms of education to suit individual needs of the entire population ... distance education, continuing education, online courses and so on. We understand the real meaning and heart of Islam here. You know the first ever immigration was done by Prophet Mohammad (p.b.u.h.) when he migrated from Mecca to Medina. So, I think this is a blessing for us that we immigrated here. It’s time to practice; you should open the Qur’an and start practicing. I was a Muslim before but I practiced Islam here in Canada: I consider it a blessing. (Shazma)

You see the Police car says ‘Deeds Speak’. We know actions speak louder than speech, which is exactly what Islam teaches us. I am practically implementing Islam here. I was following it in Pakistan just as a duty but here I am embracing the spirit of it. I think it’s a blessing. (Shahid)

These people [Canadians] are successful because they are doing what Allah ordered us to do; honesty, equality, truthfulness and fairness in dealing with others. (Danish)

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For Seema, Tahir, Faraz, Sobia, and Alia, Canada is a true adherent of the core message of Islam, which focus on fostering honesty, peace, fairness and equality among people:

I met a high school student who told me that education until high school is easy here; they just concentrate on molding you into a good human being by teaching you moral and positive social values – how to treat a human being, how to treat an animal and how to treat a plant. So these things are stressed here first. After this, university education is tough where you really understand science, math, English, etc. I was quite impressed to learn how this society focuses on making kids a good human being first and teaches them how to interact with others, be humane, truthful, practical, fair, and honest. All this is what Islam teaches us. (Seema)

As a Muslim we learn to be honest, truthful, fair, tolerant and respectful to others. We see all that being practiced here. (Tahir)

I have seen real Islam here. They don’t lie; they respect the rights of others. (Faraz)

All Islamic teachings are found in this culture. They don’t lie; they respect you although they don’t believe in God. Honesty, truthfulness …This is what Islam teaches us. (Sobia)

After coming here, my worldview changed. We got the true spirit of Islam and became spiritual. We understand the actual essence of Islam in Canada. (Alia)

In short, participants expressed their deep appreciation and admiration for Canada in implementing values of humanity, which are reflective of Islamic teachings. They considered immigration a blessing in helping them realize the core meaning of Islam.

Seeing negatives of homeland

This main category is reflective of immigrants’ dislike for Pakistan on a number of social, cultural and political practices that had affected the quality of their life in Pakistan. Seeing the disadvantages of living in Pakistan helped them appreciate Canada even more and made them feel content about the decision of making Canada their permanent new home. Four categories were conceptualized under this category:

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Islam taken for granted in Pakistan

As mentioned in the category of appreciating Canada, participants felt that they can appreciate and understand Islam better in Canada as they were taking Islam for granted in

Pakistan. Four participants from each gender group endorsed this category.

Seema, Shazma, Abid and Ahmed mentioned that they followed religion as a duty in

Pakistan without understanding its actual message:

When I was living in Pakistan, because it is an Islamic society, we were not that much appreciative of our religion or I should say, we were taking it for granted. We were not able to realize the importance of many things that Islam wants us to appreciate. (Seema)

We are Muslims by name but we sometimes don’t know the meanings of what we recite or act. We don’t know the meanings of the message in Qur’an. It is the same with prayer. I learned how to pray from my mother but I did not know the meanings. She taught me all the Arabic parts and I just memorized it without understanding the message in it. This is exactly true for our society. We are Muslims but we don’t know what Islam actually teaches us. We take Islam for granted in Pakistan due to the fact that we are Muslims and don’t put any effort in understanding the implicit message of Islam. (Shazma)

When you are born as a Muslim in a family which follows Islam and you surrounding is religious; you kind of take those things for granted and follow religion as an obligation. Your friends and relatives all follow Islam. They pray and you do the same. I was following my religion as a responsibility and did not put any effort in understanding why it’s important for me. But here, we get to understand the heart of it. (Abid)

You know when we live in Pakistan we practice religion unintentionally without realizing its importance for us. We pray because we feel we have to because everyone is praying. In Pakistan religion is a norm, everyone tells kids the same things so they have no choice but to follow it. This sometimes takes the effort away which we perhaps need to put in to understand the implicit message of our religion. (Ahmed)

Participants’ reflections indicate that their experience of living in Pakistan did not offer them an opportunity in understanding and embracing the actual meaning of Islam. However,

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Canadian immigration presented an opportunity to these people in making better sense of the teachings of Islam and enjoy practicing Islam in its entirety.

Pakistan - a status conscious and impolite society

This category reflects the participants’ feelings and experiences that they have about

Pakistani society. It describes some significant problems that these people faced while living there which made them believe that Pakistan is a status conscious and impolite society. An equal number of participants from each group, including five males and five females endorsed this category.

Sara, Faraz and Abid think that there is too much class differentiation in Pakistani society. They described feeling uncomfortable in that system and enjoy being in Canada:

People here mind their own business whereas people in Pakistan make it so hard for you. For example, if you are a stay–at-home mom they ask, ‘Why don’t you work?’ If you have two kids, they keep asking ‘Why don’t you have more children?’ ‘Are you ill?’ These things annoy me so much and I am very happy that I don’t need to give answer to anyone here. In Pakistan we had too many expectations from each other. We were conscious about class and status; these social diseases were prevalent in Pakistani society and I hated it even when I was living there. It makes me feel good to meet with people like myself but at the same time I like my privacy and want to keep a moderate distance from them so I don’t get involve in that useless stuff. It used to make me feel uncomfortable even in Pakistan when people would look at what clothes you are wearing and if you worn those clothes before it means you belong to a lower class and should be less respected than the person who is wearing new, expensive clothes each time. Things like class and status consciousness, dishonesty, and judgmental attitude are useless. These things are not liked in Canada and that makes me feel comfortable here. I like my privacy here; in our country people can visit your home at 11.00 p.m. without informing you and caring for your kids’ bedtimes or school in the morning. I never liked it. It’s so peaceful here. (Sara)

This society is great in every respect. Everyone has an equal opportunity and access to education in Canada. Everyone can go to a public school whereas in Pakistan, it’s not like this. I was a teacher in a well-reputed private school. You cannot imagine sending your kids there; it’s so expensive and impossible for a

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middle class person. Class difference is very high. One of the children in my class said that their neighbours are very poor and only have two cars. He was the son of an Executive Engineer. The system is different and most of the facilities are out of reach for the general public. The society is extremely disproportionate; rich gets richer and poor becomes poorer. Whereas here, every facility is within the reach of public. All the residents go to the same store for grocery; you can never find this in Pakistan. (Faraz)

Our society is very weird in this sense that they make fun of those who do small jobs. Although, I can do any work here now, but if I go back to Pakistan and need to do a labour job, I won’t be able to do it because of the judgments that our society places on those jobs. This is a good thing about this society (Canada) that no work is inferior. (Abid)

Zaid, Shazma and Shahid felt that some people in the Pakistani society considered themselves as

“experts” and thus were intolerant and very nosy:

Our society has so many problems; people like to give you advice without being asked for it, which I dislike. Here, no one tries to interfere in your life. They respect your privacy and don’t criticize you for your personal characteristics. (Zaid)

Some people overdo what Islam teaches us. Hijab is an example; Islam does not recommend covering the face fully, which is evident during Hajj. Pakistani society sometimes imposes religion on others which could feel oppressive; this is opposite to the actual spirit of Islam. Islam is the most flexible and accommodating religion; it is based on nature and grants more rights to women than we find in any other religion. (Shazma)

We are not tolerant of others. We should learn this and should be more tolerant towards other religions, cultures, class, etc. (Shahid)

Some of the participants mentioned feeling guarded in their interactions with people from

Pakistani community in Canada to avoid the problems that they had experienced in interacting with people from their community. For example, Duaa and Neha don’t like to interact too much with women from their community due to the common problems within this community and also to enjoy their privacy here:

I have a few good friends from my community but not a lot. It’s not easy to trust

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everyone here. I hate when someone [from the Pakistani community] starts preaching me on Islam. They think they are still in Pakistan. If we notice, we Muslims have many types; too religious, moderate, less religious. The too religious kind, I don’t like at all and cannot stand them for more than few minutes. (Duaa)

I enjoy being alone while praying. I don’t like gatherings where people comment on each other and judge others. I am a Shi’ite Muslim and I am divorced; I don’t like to go to Imam Bargah [a place where Shi’ite Muslim gather to pray] because people ask you questions that are none of their business. I avoid gatherings. I like my privacy and I prefer to pray alone. I like Canada because you have your own space and privacy. (Neha)

It appears that coming to Canada has been a blessing for these people who are enjoying and appreciating their rights as individual human beings, access to a fair social system and privacy and freedom in living their life and nurturing their faith at their own pace and convenience.

Loss of Islamic teachings in Pakistan

While describing their feelings about Canada’s social system, participants openly talked about the inequitable and difficult life conditions in Pakistan which were due to the result of people’s increased distance from the actual teachings of Islam. This category was endorsed by all participants, regardless of gender. Participants mentioned a lack of basic facilities, manipulation of religion, corruption in the entire system and unequal access to opportunities in Pakistan. Some of them described these conditions as the pushing force behind their decision to immigrate to

Canada.

For example Alia, Ahmed, Abid and Faraz described that miserable life conditions in

Pakistan are due to Pakistan’s detachment from the actual teachings of Islam. They attributed their immigration to Canada was due to miserable life conditions in Pakistan. They found

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Canada to be the closest to Islamic principles due to its fair social system and care for human rights.

These people [Canadians] are the originators of a humanistic culture by creating a social welfare state and by being honest and fair to people. That is the reason that the life of our people has turned miserable in Pakistan because we lost our true values. We forgot what the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) taught us and what Allah ordered us to do. The life conditions in Pakistan are getting worse and we felt that we had no choice but to stay here. (Alia)

When you look at this society closely, you find that it’s actually these people who are implementing the teachings of Islam. The concept of welfare state was introduced in Islam but no one follows it in Pakistan. It is painful and sad to learn about all the bad things happening in Pakistan. If the life conditions were that good, we would have never made this relocation. We came here because the life conditions were getting worse with time. Canada shows us the true picture of Islamic welfare state. (Ahmed)

If you see the social welfare system, the unemployment insurance system or the old age benefits here, these are systems which were introduced and established by our last Prophet (p.b.u.h.) about 1400 years ago in the form of “Welfare State”. But unfortunately Muslims forgot what they were actually asked to do. Had we have this system in Pakistan, we would never come here. (Abid)

I have seen the real Islam here. They don’t lie, they respect others rights. I feel sad; we live in a colonial system and this did not let progress happen in our system. If we would have progressed there, then we wouldn’t have needed to come here. Our basics are not correct –human life is worth nothing there. Over there, you have to really struggle to get your right. You have to pay bribes. Here, I applied for my teaching certificate and for that I needed to go to Pakistan just to get my documents attested. There, I saw every kind of corruption. They knew that I came from Canada and started asking money from me. They gave me a very tough time just to attest my documents. In our system people bypass steps and can reach to the highest level without any competency. (Faraz)

Shazma and Shahid mentioned that the wretched life conditions in Pakistan are a result of people’s forgetting the message that the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) gave them:

Unfortunately all the bad news come from Pakistan or other Islamic countries where human rights are infringed because we forgot what the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) taught us. (Shazma)

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I am practically implementing Islam. We are losing our culture in Pakistan. Our Prophet (p.b.u.h.) said on the day of the Mecca victory, ‘No harm will come to the people whether they are Jews, Christians or any other religion.’ We forgot that message; we harm our own people. (Shahid)

For Seema, the people’s inability to judge and differentiate between right and wrong and fair and unfair is one of the main problems in Pakistan:

If there is power breakdown in one part, people get electricity illegally by connecting to the pole. They will have electricity without realizing whether this is right or not. They make their electricity meters go slower to avoid paying the actual cost of electricity. Same is true for water; people would disable their water meters to avoid paying bill and keep wasting water as if it’s worth nothing. So many things we sometimes take for granted without thinking whether this is good or not. Anyone getting anything for free gets delighted without caring that someone else has to pay for this. That is the main reason of miseries in Pakistan that people have no internal sense of judgment between right and wrong and this is opposite to Islam.

In short, participants expressed their resentment and dislike for the deteriorating life conditions in Pakistan. To them, these conditions are a result of Pakistan’s negligence to implementing the actual message of Islam. Participants attributed those conditions as reasons behind their immigration to Canada.

Pakistani culture manipulates religion

In this category participants expressed their aversion to some of the cultural practices which are labeled as Islamic but in reality, do not conform to Islamic principles. Some of the examples include unequal access to career opportunities for women, the condition of large dowries, unfair distribution of household tasks among spouses, uneven gender roles, and use of

Islam in justifying oppressing people. This category was also endorsed by all participants.

Neha, Duaa, Shazma and Alia considered Pakistani culture holding double standards for men and women and calling it Islamic, without justifying its religious significance in Islam:

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Our culture has double standards for men and women. They ask women to observe hijaab but they don’t grow beard [it’s liked in Islam for men] themselves. They expect women to do all house chores and think they don’t have to do anything. This is not the right thing to do. Men are physically stronger than women but this does not mean that women are inferior to men in any way. (Neha)

Pakistani society has made double standards for men and women that they label as ‘Islamic’. Our society uses religion to justify the men’s control over women. The fact is that Islam is a big advocate of women’s rights; our society misrepresents Islam. (Duaa)

In our society they condemn women if they got outside their homes; this is completely opposite of Islam. Islam was the religion which gave so many rights to women. We contaminated religion by a cynical culture in Pakistan. All the paramount principles of Islam, we lost in our society. Now, I feel that I found them here in Canada. (Alia)

See marriages in our system; it’s not mentioned anywhere in Islam to marry a woman without her consent. Even the messengers of Allah sent messages for marriage and married the women only after their consent. But in our society this is not practiced in the same manner. These are the flaws in our culture that are opposite to Islam. Our society has some self-made rules for women that they call ‘Islamic’. (Shazma)

For Zaid, Tahir, and Shahid, Pakistani culture manipulates religion by creating barriers between different sects within Islam. They found Canada to be a better place in creating the equality:

In Pakistan, people are narrow-minded because they fight for their personal sects under Islam. They are bound in a closed box. Here we find equality. Everyone goes to the same mosque. That’s so good about Canada. (Zaid)

We don’t find the kind of difficulties here that we had in Pakistan. Over there, people have different mosques for different sects. Here, everyone is the same and same Masjid for everyone. We are Muslims here, not Sunnis or Shi’ites as we see in Pakistan. (Tahir)

Masjids belong to different sects so culture is now taken precedence over religion. People differentiate you based on your sect as Shi’ite or Sunni that I don’t like. Sometimes it’s more culture than religion in our community. We are racists in this respect. And sadly, we are racist to our own people. (Shahid)

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This category reflected participants’ dislike for the unfair and wrongly-imposed cultural practices in Pakistani culture which are forced on people by affixing the label ‘Islamic’ on those practices.

SUMMARY

The category of ‘Forming a new identity’ is quite comprehensive and profound. This category reflects immigrants’ higher level understanding of the actual teachings of Islam and their internalization of those teachings in their day-to-day life in the new society. This higher level understanding of their faith system allows them to grow and achieve maturity and make better sense of their immigration to Canada. They seem to have developed a very positive outlook towards their move to Canada and start finding links between the Canadian society and their ideals of true Islamic state, which leads them to feel blessed in making Canada their new home. They achieve heightened sense of awareness about self and realize the benefits of coming to Canada. They try to differentiate themselves from the cynical culture prevalent in back home in genuinely accepting and embracing the new land. The process of meaning making of this immigration experience and immigrants’ persistent attempts in safeguarding their values and creating a positive image of Muslims in Canada has been central in the formation of an authentic identity that immigrants can truly feel proud of. A number of factors contribute to Pakistani

Muslim immigrants’ well-being, including their improved relationship with Allah; finding peace and spiritual meaning in praying; finding orientation and purpose in life; feeling positive about self; achieving maturity and wisdom of life; and, feeling self well blended and adjusted in

Canada. This sense of wellness seems to have contributed to their positive feelings about

Canada. Canada, on the other hand offers them a positive context in facilitating their engagement

164 in Islam at their own pace. These people are using this changed context as a springboard to place religion in the centre and finding the relevance of their religious teachings with some of the commonly observed practices in the Canadian society. They seem deeply appreciative of Canada in allowing them the opportunity of practicing faith in its true spirit. The actual physical benefits of living in Canada and a sense of differentiated positive self, helps these people cope adjust and integrate while maintaining their individuality from the host society. In a way they customize and tailor aspects of their new life as per their belief, values, needs, and priorities. This multifaceted processing of experiencing and meaning making helps them craft and maintain a uniquely distinct, a positively perceived, and a personally reassuring identity in the host society.

Despite being distinct, this identity is very much part of the Canadian culture where it originated from; making this identity an essential and indispensible part of the Canadian mosaic.

OVERALL SUMMARY

The Canadian immigration experience of Pakistani Muslim immigrants is reflective of a process of evolution in which immigrants first suffer the hardships; experience culture shock, feel displaced, dislocated and uprooted. They then move forward from that stage of agony and despair to the next level where they actively seek support, and the means which help them process their pain, feel validated, and well guided in an alien society. At that stage, they find support from faith and renew their relationship with Allah in the new land. This helps to reassure, support, enlighten and orient them. The faith provides a safety zone where they can safely unload their painful emotions and feel reenergized. They get a sense of direction and orientation and start appreciating the positives about Canada and the benefits of living here. They start balancing the costs of immigration with the current and potential benefits of immigration

165 and feel more peaceful as they make sense of their immigration experience. Faith emerges as a basis for serenity and spirituality in these peoples’ lives after immigration. It appears that holding on to faith is beneficial for these people in two ways. Firstly for personal peace; they get a sense of serenity in the face of hardships by recalling God. Secondly, they get to understand the implicit message of faith which guides their new lives and in turn they experience more acceptance and appreciation from the host society. They acknowledge experiencing significant personal growth, maturity and wisdom and attribute it to their immigration experience to Canada.

They become more accepting and appreciative of Canada, realizing that they have greater religious freedom than in their homeland where religion was manipulated and mispracticed. In this way, they begin to form a new identity and claim their own special place in the Canadian mosaic.

CHAPTER FOUR: DISCUSSION

The present study qualitatively explored the resettlement and identity formation experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families (spouses and children) under the skilled workers’ category in the last 5 to 10 years. For this purpose, the study looked at Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ stories of their experience of Islam and a distinct ethnoreligious identity in Canada. The exploration of these areas of immigrants’ lives revealed a complex multifaceted process of experiencing, differentiating, and meaning making of the relocation experience which is at the core of immigrants’ formation of a new identity in the host society.

The present study outlines several aspects of immigrants’ resettlement experience in

Canada, one of which is immigrants’ experience of culture shock as well as the resolution of culture shock in immigrants’ increased awareness of self through the process of self- differentiation. An examination of the immigration experience of Pakistani Muslims shows that these people engage in a process of differentiation from their country of origin to thrive in their adopted country. Using their faith as a key resource to cope, these immigrants achieve a new sense of self and a revitalized faith. They realize a differentiated sense of self in their rediscovery of self after immigration. This process was facilitated in the context of Canadian immigration which afforded a conducive environment for these immigrants to realize a more differentiated sense of self in terms of their previous identity and from their homeland. This process mirrors the developmental process of Differentiation of Self and Other as outlined by Watson (2011) in her process model of becoming a self-governing person. According to Watson (2011), in conducive environments individuals develop the capacity to symbolize all aspects of their behaviour

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167 independent of the demands of the others; a process that is essential to becoming a more congruent and self governing person (p. 17).

The analysis of the results initiated a four stage theory, which was grounded in the narratives of Pakistani Muslim immigrants. The following section describes the four stages and the step-by-step process that leads to the formation of Muslim identity and discusses its relevance to the existing literature on this topic:

‘THE THEORY OF CRAFTING A MUSLIM IDENTITY IN THE CANADIAN MOSAIC’

Stage 1- Experiencing pain and culture shock: fears, worries and resistance

Stage 2- Actively coping- holding on to Islam and trying to realize a sense of unique self in asserting a Muslim identity

Stage 3: Defining an authentic identity: differentiating from the country of origin-thriving in the adopted country

Stage4: Formation of an authentic Muslim identity: Becoming part of the Canadian Mosaic

According to Chambers English Dictionary (1988), the word mosaic means, ‘something composed by the piecing together of different things’ (p.933). The term Cultural mosaic, in the

168 context of Canada represents the idea of a fine amalgamation of various cultures through inclusion of a variety of different languages, traditions, customs, values, ethnicities, skin colors, and religious identities that live together within the larger host society Canada (Douglas, 2004;

Kalman, 2010). In this respect, the idea of Canada as a cultural mosaic offers optimism that cultural and religious diversities are welcomed, maintained and encouraged for keeping their uniqueness in creating a harmonic and inclusive picture of Canada that is a true representation of multiculturalism. In his book, Gibbon (1938) explains the simile mosaic in reference to Canadian society and states that Canadian people can be compared to a decorated surface, not painted in colors blended with brush on the palette but bright with inlays of separate colored pieces; the original background in which the inlays are set is still visible but these inlays cover more space than that background and so the ensemble may truly be called a mosaic (p.viii).

The multicultural context in Canada helps Pakistani Muslim immigrants to craft their unique identity and allows them to hold on to their original values while embracing some of the good values of the host society in creating their own space within the larger cultural mosaic. The identity formation experience of Pakistani Muslim immigrants in Canada is a process of integration, differentiation and assimilation within the Canadian society. Muslim immigrants try to become part of the new society, maintain their distinctiveness by preserving their values, and at the same time embrace Canada and claim an esteemed place of their own within the Canadian society. The theory of Muslim identity formation explicates a step-by-step process of experiencing, understanding, differentiating, and embracing Canada as they form a well articulated identity which is optimistic of Muslims’ existence in Canada.

The present study highlights that after immigrating to Canada, Pakistani Muslim immigrants feel distressed as well as puzzled when facing the realities of Canadian immigration.

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They try to make sense of this experience. A number of resources assist them in this meaning making process including, their faith which offers them hope and refuge from the hardships of immigration and provides direction in keeping them oriented and grounded; the presence of a sub community which makes them feel strong, reassured and grouped; and, the resources that host society offers in easing their adjustment. The amalgamation of these resources and the new knowledge acquired after immigration brings about a fundamental shift in Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ perspectives about self, the new society and their faith system. As immigrants go through the resettlement process, they understand the new society better, achieve the maturity and wisdom of life and start differentiating themselves from their country of origin. They try to make better sense of their experience of immigration and reflect on their experience from a more informed place. The process of facing the challenges in the new society, actively coping and safeguarding their ethnoreligious identity in Canada and, differentiating themselves from their country of origin and forming an authentic identity follows a sequence of stages which is described below:

Stage 1- Experiencing pain and culture shock: fears, worries and resistance

This stage highlights a series of hardships that represent Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ experience of culture shock after immigration to Canada. The particular features of this stage in the present study include immigrants’ encounters with the unfamiliar, unanticipated and difficult physical, psychological, occupational, and financial conditions in the new society.

Moving to a new country where the psychological and physical context is different from what a person has been used to, is a distressing and uprooting experience for immigrants (e.g.

Choudhry, 2001; Khan1, 2005; Bhugra & Becker, 2005; Walsh, Shulman & Maurer, 2008;

Akhtar, 2011; Abu-Laban, 1983; Weishaar, 2008, Bauder, 2003; Arrendondo-Dowd, 1981.etc).

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Abu-Laban (1983) states that Muslim immigrants face numerous problems that impede their adjustment in Canada such as having different culture, language, and religion than the majority people. To survive in the new society, Muslim immigrants are required to learn a new language, undergo the needed change, and reconcile the old with the new way of life (Abu-Laban, 1983, p.

82). Participants of the present study had been residing in Canada for at least five years at the time of the interviews. Although, previous research (e.g. Walsh, Shulman & Maurer, 2008;

Khan1, 2005; Khan &Watson, 2005; APA, 2012) indicates that the pain of uprooting is at its peak during the first year of immigration as immigrants are in the process of recovering from the trauma of immigration, (Khan, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Walsh, Shulman & Maurer, 2008), the present study indicates that the pain of uprooting and agony of displacement does not dissipate completely even after five to ten years of residency in Canada. Arrendondo-Dowd

(1981) suggests that sadness and feelings around loss of homeland may recur many years after departure from the homeland. The present study is a timely initiative in exploring the effects of immigration on people from diverse cultural backgrounds who have been residing in Canada for some time and who seem to have apparently settled down in Canada.

A number of studies have indicated the debilitating effects of environmental, social, psychological, and cultural changes for immigrants after immigration (e.g. Lee, 2010; Akhtar,

2011; Walsh, Shulman & Maurer, 2008; Berry and Anise, 1974 etc.). The present study indicates that immigration to Canada proves to be a culturally shocking experience for Pakistani Muslims who are required to face and cope with the many unanticipated aspects of the host society. By definition, culture shock is a state of painful confusion which occurs in response to encounters with unfamiliar environments that are unexpected and unpredictable (Walsh, Shulman & Maurer,

2008; Hartmann, 1950) and for which individuals do not have enough personal and emotional

171 resources to deal effectively. Firstly, coming to Canada from a traditional Eastern culture appears to be an uprooting experience that instantly produces a state of distress and confusion for Muslim immigrants (Rousseau, Hassan, Moreau, & Thombs, 2011; Kalek, Mak, & Khawaja, 2010;

Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005). Many factors prove astonishing for Pakistani immigrants in Canada such as a structured system and procedures to follow in the new society, harsh winters, the high cost of living, accreditation/licensing requirements for well deserving jobs, experiences of racism, fears of losing children in the Western society through cultural and religious loss and, many emotional and physical losses suffered due to leaving the homeland.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants reportedly found learning the new system in Canada to be really difficult. Immigrants expressed distress in meeting the structured living standards of the new society which required them to be well versed at doing routine jobs in the new society including, opening a bank account, renting an apartment, applying for a health card and a Social

Insurance Number (SIN), and navigating the local transportation system. Past research also points to the debilitating effects of learning the new system in the adopted country for immigrants (Lee 2010; Krishnan and Berry, 1992; Akhtar, 2011). Learning the new system became a significant hardship for Pakistani immigrants, especially because there was no time in between immigrants’ learning the system and following it; they were required to do both simultaneously to survive in the new society.

It is important to note that Pakistan is a country where social infrastructure is not as well defined or guided by protocols as in Canada and many Western countries. In Pakistan, most of the routine activities including banking, transportation, shopping, and payment of monthly salaries; applications for identity card and passport; and other legal documents are performed manually as most of the systems are not computerized. People are raised in an environment

172 where human errors in the system are accommodated and justified. Rules and regulations are not strictly followed and implementation of rules lacks consistency. Canada, on the other hand has a highly structured system, guided by clearly defined protocols. Jobs in Canada require that deadlines are strictly met and there are consequences for non-adherence to specified procedures, protocols, and timelines. Citizens and residents are expected to abide by the rules and protocols.

Moving from such a relaxed system to a fast paced structured society proves to be a distressing and overwhelming experience for Pakistani Muslim immigrants. Akhtar (2011) notes that the phenomenon of familiarizing oneself with the new systems in the new society for immigrants is learning “too much, too quickly” (p.8). Akhtar (2011) points that learning the system from the very basics is an embarrassing experience for immigrants, which further adds to their sense of isolation in the new society. The present study supports Akhtar’s notion about the emotional implications of learning a different system for immigrants from foreign societies.

Berry and Anise (1974) have referred to the physical, psychological, cultural, and emotional difficulties faced by immigrants as acculturative stress, a stress that immigrants experience in an attempt to become part of the new culture and having to negotiate and change the long held ways of being. Pakistani Muslim immigrants mentioned feeling overwhelmed as they were required to follow a completely new system right after their arrival in Canada. The past research also confirms Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ experience of stress, pressure and anxiety as a result of coping with the demands of a fast-paced structured society (e.g. Khan1 ,

2005; Khan and Watson, 2005). This aspect of immigration has also been highlighted by

Krishnan & Berry (1992) who describe that the continuous interaction with the new culture creates pressures on both the immigrants and the host culture. However, this pressure to change old ways of being is more on immigrants than the host society (Krishnan & Berry, 1992). It was

173 stressful and overwhelming for Pakistani Muslim immigrants to meet the demands of the host society and to act in ways consistent with host society’s expectations of them.

Participants in the present study also expressed difficulties in coping with the changed climatic conditions. Pakistan is climatically much milder than Canada, especially in winters.

Canadian weather on the other hand is very cold. Coming from a warmer country makes this physical adjustment difficult for immigrants and they feel distressed and limited in winters.

Berry and Kim (1988) mention climatic changes being hard to cope with for immigrants. Lee

(2010) also mentions that immigrants may find it hard to cope with the climate and weather change after immigration and that coping with weather change in North America is a common problem faced by immigrants from tropical countries. Women in the present research expressed more dislike for winters especially since they were responsible for taking their children to schools, doing groceries, and making visits to doctors’ appointments in Canada. Living alone and far from their families adds to this hardship and makes it hard for immigrants to cope with the harsh weather; thus climate change proved to be a disadvantageous aspect of Canadian immigration for these people.

The high cost of living appeared to be another significant hardship that was experienced by many people in the present study. Immigrants found it hard and distressing to meet the financial requirements of living in a large metropolitan city. In particular, they found apartment rentals to be very expensive. It is important to note certain factors add to this hardship even further. The disproportionate combination of immigrants’ annual income (affected by underemployment and unemployment) with the high cost of living makes it very hard for immigrants to make both ends meet in Canada. This aspect of the Canadian society has been highlighted in a number of studies (e.g. Kaltman, Pauk, & Alter, 2011; Nakhaie, 2006;

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Lochhead, 2003; Khan 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005). Although, past research has highlighted this hardship significantly affecting recent immigrants, it seems that the high cost of living continues to affect immigrants for a long time. In a way this finding is understandable, given the lower employment and higher underemployment rate of immigrants for decades after immigration (Lochhead, 2003), meeting the living expenses remains a challenge until immigrants obtain better paying jobs which is a rare occurrence among visible minority immigrant communities (Lochhead, 2003). The number of years of residency in Canada does not necessarily change immigrants’ financial situation or their job status but rather they get accustomed to living in poverty.

The need for work in immigrants’ lives is indisputable (Raja, 2005). Work, as a source of self-gratification has been empirically supported to be an essential component of well-being.

Work does not only hold financial meaning in people’s lives but also contributes to feelings of competence, adequacy, expertise, and a sense of recognition. Akhtar (2011) states that work provides a sense of agency, purpose and worth that is self-fulfilling and reassuring. Work is not only a means for self-satisfaction but also the only way of survival for immigrants. All participants in the present study had immigrated to Canada under the skilled workers’ category in the hope of achieving a better future and a rewarding career in Canada. But the job conditions in

Canada challenged and dashed immigrants’ pre-immigration hopes. As a matter of fact, job related problems emerged as one of the most difficult hardships experienced by the research participants. Two issues stood out particularly in this regard: job discrimination due to color and race and, the tough accreditation/equivalence criteria to immigrants’ entry in the professional jobs. Both male and female participants in the present study reported facing job discrimination in

Canada. A lack of well-paid jobs on its own was a considerable hardship which made

175 immigrants’ survival difficult in the new land. However, a sense of unfair discrimination on the basis of skin color seemed to produce feelings of frustration and hopelessness among immigrants. Pakistani Muslim immigrants felt excluded not for their lack of skills or Canadian experience but because of their race.

Research in the past two decades has extensively focused on the job related problems faced by immigrants and many studies have explored the phenomenon of immigrants’ systemic exclusion from the Canadian job market based on their foreign credentials and skills set (e.g.

Ornstein & Raghubir, 1983; Basavarajappa & Verma, 1985; Basran & Li Zong, 1998). Basran &

Li Zong (1998), in their survey on immigrants’ perceptions of the devaluation of their foreign credentials, found that immigrants perceived racial discrimination in the Canadian job market as a deterrent to their access to well-deserved jobs. Basran & Li Zong (1998) found that most participants perceived job discrimination on the basis of their skin colour and national or ethnic origin. This finding is consistent with the present study in which participants perceived unfair job discrimination due to their skin color.

On the other hand, meeting equivalence and professional accreditation requirements in

Canada was a tough call for some immigrants in the present study. The requirements for professional accreditation and licensure in general apply equally to all residents. Canadian-born individuals are also required to fulfill the licensing criteria before they can assume a professional title to work in Canada. However, as it appears, the situation is not as straightforward and equally accessible to immigrants as it is to Canadians (Basran & Li Zong, 1998; Khan1, 2005).

Basran & Li Zong (1998) in their survey study criticized the practices and policies of the professional regulatory bodies for posing structural barriers to immigrants’ entry in the professional fields. The authors mentioned that there is a lack of consistency in the evaluation

176 process and most agencies produce arbitrary standards, which are applied in a subjective case- by-case manner (Task Force on Access to Professions and Trades in Ontario, 1989: 96, cited in

Basran & Li Zong, 1998). The result is that foreign graduates from "unaccredited" programs are not given due recognition for their credentials and training; these "unaccredited" programs are usually comprised of "anything that is not Canadian, American, or British..." (Task Force on

Access to Professions and Trades in Ontario, 1989: 87, cited in Basran and Li Zong, 1998). The research validates the pain and suffering of the Pakistani immigrants who felt unfairly excluded from the professional job market. As the male participant, Danish stated, “the accreditation criteria is just a way to keep immigrants out of good jobs, otherwise we have more diverse and in-depth experience than native Canadians”.

It is interesting to note that in the present study, one female and three male participants fulfilled the accreditation criteria within the first few years of their immigration to Canada.

However, only one male participant had a job in his respective field (at the entry level) after upgrading and working in Canada for over 5 years and bringing several years’ of field experience from Pakistan. With the exception of this one participant, the others including those who fulfilled the accreditation criteria were still underemployed and working in fields other than their skill set. Akhtar (2011) calls this phenomenon a “transitional penalty” that immigrants pay by relocating to a different country. All male participants in the present study were the principle applicants on their immigration application and were mid-to senior level professionals in

Pakistan. Immigrants expressed their frustration and dissatisfaction with those criteria and some of them criticized it as an unfair justification of immigrants’ exclusion from better jobs. Both groups, upgraders and non-upgraders, expressed dissatisfaction but the ones who invested in making up the requirements to gain professional jobs appeared more frustrated and heartbroken.

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This raises questions about the authenticity of the accreditation policies and procedures.

Research provides well documented evidence with respect to visible minority immigrants’ exclusion from the Canadian job market disguised under the accreditation and equivalence procedures (Aycan & Berry, 1996; Bauder, 2003; Basran & Li Zong, 1998; Nakhaie, 2006).

Bauder (2003) perceives that instead of considering the phenomenon to be a natural occurrence resulting from immigration to a different country, to Canadian regulatory institutions’ willful active exclusion of immigrants from the upper segments of the labour market.

Basran and Li Zong’s (1998) research also suggests that a significant number of foreign- trained visible minority professional immigrants have experienced downward social mobility after immigrating to Canada, and that the significant human capital brought in by immigrants has been underutilized (Aycan & Berry, 1996; Basran & Li Zong, 1998; Bauder, 2003; Nakhaie,

2006; Suto, 2009).

Some researchers have viewed the issue from the perspective of immigrants’ perceived discrepancy in their earning power on their immigration application and the actual value of their skills in the Canadian job market (Khan1, 2005; Somerville &Walsworth, 2010). Somerville

&Walsworth’s (2010) study probed experiences of skilled Indian immigrants residing in

Toronto, Canada. Their research indicated immigrants’ frustrations stemming directly from the discrepancy between the admissions criteria (foreign education and work experience) and the employment criteria (Canadian education and work experience). The research concluded that among the sample of immigrants, frustrations stem not from credential discounting in and of itself, but from Canada’s point system for entry, which misleads these migrants about its existence and prevalence (Somerville &Walsworth, 2010; Khan1, 2005). Suto’s (2009) research also indicates that the downward mobility in terms of occupational status occurs despite

178 expectations that education, credentials and work experience will be transferable and will provide entry to desirable employment. The irony in this situation is that lack of relevant jobs deprives immigrants from the needed experience to qualify for better jobs (Basran & Li Zong,

1998; Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005). This aspect of the Canadian job market serves as the biggest barrier to immigrants’ professional development and occupational resettlement in

Canada. It is important to note that more and more qualified and educated people are immigrating to Canada in recent times. More than 40 percent of those who come to Canada today have a bachelor's degree or higher; that has risen from under 14 per cent in 1981, and it compares favourably with the 17 per cent of the Canadian-born population today (CBC News,

2011).

Lochhead (2003) notes that, in Canada, the transitory employment period for immigrants has been increasing with time. The transition period for employment has increased to over two decades between 1981 and 2001; the unemployment rates for native born Canadians were 7.9% in 1981, and 7.4% in 2001; whereas, for immigrants the unemployment rate was 7.1% in 1981 and 12.7% in 2001 (Lochhead, 2003). According to Human Resource and Skills Development

Canada’s (2011) report, in 2006, the national level unemployment rate was 6.3 whereas for recent immigrants the unemployment rate was 12.3 (Human Resource and Skills Development

Canada, 2011). However, in contrast, the Royal Bank of Canada, in one of its reports states that if certain factors such as education, age, gender, region, and experience were considered, the immigrant unemployment rate should actually be lower than that of Canadian-born people (cited in CBC News, 2011).

Awan’s (1989) study on Pakistani immigrants to Canada indicated that highly educated

Pakistani professionals to Canada tend to suffer sharp declines in their confidence as skilled

179 professionals due to the lack of relevant jobs (p. 71). It is important to note that Awan’s research was conducted at a time when the unemployment rate for immigrants was much lower (about

7.1% in 80’s) than recent times. The need for financial survival forces immigrants to take low paid jobs. According to Royal Bank of Canada’s report, the average salary of recent immigrants is more than 21 percent below where it should have been (CBC News, 2011). Immigrants feel discouraged by their job situation in Canada and perceive a sense of inadequacy that contributes to immigrants’ experience of lower self confidence and feelings of sadness and frustration after immigration (Reitz et al., 2009).

Another set of hardships faced by Pakistani Muslim immigrants was problems they experienced due to their ethnoreligious identity. Pakistani Muslim immigrants reportedly experienced racism and discrimination in Canada due to their ethnoreligious identity. All participants, regardless of gender, experienced the pain of racism and acknowledged suffering agony due to feeling racialized and discriminated for being Pakistani Muslims in Canada. A number of people in the present study reported incidents of overt and covert racism. A female participant Neha felt attacked by a crossing guard who called her “a terrorist with hijab (head covering) on”. This is a strong example of overt racism in the present times when Canadian society seems quite tolerant and inclusive of diversities. However, many studies have mentioned the phenomenon of racism being a commonly perceived experience by many visible minority groups of immigrants (e.g.Walker, Halpenny, & Deng, 2011; Aroian, Norris, Tran, & Schappler-

Morris, 1998; Arrendondo-Dowd, 1981; Stewart, Anderson, Beiser, Mwakarimba, Neufeld,

Simich, & Spitzer, 2008. etc ).

Awan (1989) draws attention to the hardships faced by immigrants in Canada with racism and job discrimination to being one of the most critical problems experienced by visible minority

180 immigrants. Male participants in the present study experienced racism more particularly on their jobs and felt attacked and accused by their colleagues for the mishaps happening in the Muslim world. Most male participants reported such discriminatory practices at their jobs, which made them, feel embarrassed, pointed at and harassed. Akhtar (2011) states many factors may make immigrants feel excluded on the job. This includes factors such as immigrants’ names (that reflects his/her nationality), skin color and features, foreign accents, which can all direct the racist, prejudiced attitude and behaviours towards immigrants and can become considerable hurdles to their successful assimilation in to the host society (Akhtar, 2011). The present study highlights these difficulties and some participants noted that the situation for Muslims has worsened over time especially after the incident of 9/112. Studies conducted in the last decade attest to the increases in the experiences of overt and covert racism as well as discrimination of

Muslims in North America after 9/11 (e.g. Nagra, 2010; Saleem, 2011; Abu- Raiya, Pargament,

& Mahoney, 2011; Rabby & Rodgers, 2011; Zal, Salah & Fine, 2007 etc).

One of the other debilitating effects of race and religious identity for Pakistani Muslim immigrants in Canada is the barrier to promotions and professional development opportunities at work. Participants acknowledged that due to holding different values and observing certain dietary restrictions, they were unable to socialize with people in positions of authority, which they felt restricted their professional growth and limited their job prospects in terms of promotions. Many immigrants, including those who are holding fulltime jobs, acknowledged that cultural differences are one of the biggest barriers to their professional growth in Canada as these differences limit their access to better positions. Akhtar (2011) calls this phenomenon as “the

2 September 11, 2001 (9/11), is the date of massive terrorist attacks on United States, which resulted in complete collapse of the famous World Trade Centre’s twin towers as well as part of Pentagon building. The terrorist attack was reportedly carried out by Osama Bin Laden, the Muslim leader of an organization called ‘Al-Qaeda’.

181 psychosocial glass ceiling” for immigrants of different color and race than the host culture.

Research indicates that although immigrants of all nationalities and geographic origin are vulnerable after immigration, immigrants whose language, race, skin color and cultural origins are different from the majority of the host population suffer significantly more occupational hardships than others (Akhtar, 2011; Lochhead, 2003; Reitz et al., 2009; Basran & Li Zong,

1998; Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005).

Another significant source of distress and anxiety for immigrants was their children’s upbringing in the Canadian society and their children’s exposure to liberal Western values in

Canada. Women participants in the present study spent more time expressing their fears and anxieties about the potential influence of the Canadian society on their children, than their male counterparts. It is noteworthy that the sociocultural environment for raising children in Pakistan was supportive of immigrants’ religious and cultural values and these values were imparted to children by the popular media, family, school, peers, relatives, and society in general (Raja,

2005). Coming to Canada was traumatizing not only because of the losses that immigrants incurred as a result of leaving their roots behind but also losing the most important component in childrearing; a religiously conducive and supportive environment where they had less worries about their children’s upbringing.

Coming to Canada was a shocking experience for immigrants but the trauma was intensified due to increased parental responsibilities that they experienced as they tried to transfer their original values, which were not supported by the dominant culture in the host society. Parenting can be very complex in the context of immigration where newcomers lose the social structure that supported their parenting values, beliefs, and strategies and where they feel questioned about their orientations (Ochocka & Janzen, 2008).

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Research indicates that immigrants from countries with strong religious traditions such as those from Iran, Afghanistan, Somalia, Latin America, and India tend to place very high value on teaching their children the cultural and religious values (Ochocka & Janzen, 2008).Immigrant parents bring with them parenting orientations that are based on their experience of living in another country (Ochocka & Janzen, 2008). Participants in the present study expressed four concerns about their children’s upbringing in Canada: first, concerns about the negative effects of overall liberal environment on their children in Canada; second, the influence of peer pressure in endangering the values that they are trying to impart to their children; third, the absence of helpful resources (e.g. media, relatives, religious and cultural events in Canada) that could supplement their efforts of teaching the preferred values to their children; and fourth, a sense of loneliness and lack of support in raising children according to their personal values.

Past research also recognizes immigrant parents’ concerns about their children’s upbringing in Canada. Ochocka and Janzen’s (2008) conducted a Canada-based participatory action research on 317 immigrant parents (visible and invisible minorities) from 12 different ethnic/religious groups, including immigrants from Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Iran, Somalia,

Serbia, China, Russia, Former Yugoslavia, Latin America, India, and Philippines. They looked at parenting orientations among different groups of immigrants and their research findings formulated a new framework for understanding immigrant parenting and highlighted that cultural factors significantly influence the parenting expectations and styles. Ochocka and Janzen’s

(2008) study indicated that immigrant parents constantly engage in negotiating between their values and the values of the new society in determining what is “good” and what is “bad” for them and their children (Ochocka & Janzen, 2008). The study showed that 10 out of 12 groups of immigrants expressed their desires for their children to maintain their parents’ religious and

183 cultural values. Ochocka and Janzen’s research supports the findings of the present study that immigrant parents from dominant religious communities tend to preserve their culture and religion after immigration and actively engage in imparting their values to their offspring.

Awan (1989) mentions that Pakistani-Canadian parents feel concerned at the discrepancies between their traditional values and the liberal values of the Canadian society, to which their children get exposed at school and through social interactions. Immigrants in the present study felt worried about the possibility of losing their children in the Canadian society through cultural and religious loss. Many studies have highlighted immigrants’ fears and worries about losing their children in the host society through cultural and religious loss (e.g.

Mohammad-Arif, 2000; Khan1, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990;

Williams, 1988; Lovell, 1983). Immigrants feel worried and apprehensive about the potential of losing their children in the host society, which offers freedom, more personal rights, and flexibility to children in pursuing their desires apart from their parents’ wishes. Participants felt helpless and powerless in exerting any control in disciplining their children due to the fear of their limited rights to use ways that were acceptable in Pakistan but unacceptable in Canada, such as physical punishment. A female immigrant Sara mentioned feeling quite helpless in the current situation and seeking support from her faith and trying to teach her children about a desirable character as explained in Islam. The immigrants who appeared more worried about their children also perceived the losses and hardships in Canada to be more intense and devastating than those who expressed some confidence and hope in their abilities to protect their children from the liberal environment of Canada.

In addition to experiencing culture shock, racial discrimination, fears and worries about children’s upbringing in Canada, immigrants also expressed suffering significant losses after

184 immigration. Many studies have highlighted the phenomenon of loss in the context of immigration to different countries. Lee (2010) describes multiple losses that are parts of the uprooting experience for immigrants such as loss of status, loss of job, loss of family ties, loss of a culturally conducive environment, loss of language, loss of religion, and loss of intimate friendships. In the context of present research, an important aspect of this resettlement process that brought a sense of loss for immigrants is the unconventional and unfamiliar context, which magnified many hardships for immigrants. Awan (1989) in his study describes that although

Canada welcomes immigrants to preserve and maintain their culture, multiculturalism in Canada is still evolving (p. 73). He further states that for Pakistani Muslim immigrants, it is particularly difficult to practice and follow Islamic values since Islam is known to be a more collectivistic system whereas the predominant values in Canada are individualistic (Awan, 1989, p. 73).

The participants of the present study felt distressed by the strong dissonance between their values and the values of the host society – a feeling which further intensified many other losses. Loss of family, friends, familiar surroundings, and precious assets of life made immigrants feel isolated and depressed. Many studies have highlighted immigrants’ experiences of pain and loss as a result of immigration to a different country (e.g. Awan, 1989; Akhtar, 2011;

Arrendondo-Dowd, 1981; Aroian, K.J., Norris, A.E., Tran, T.V., Schappler-Morris, N.,1998;

Khan, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Casado, Hong, & Harrington, 2010; Lee, 2010 etc.). The present research describes and highlights immigrants’ sense of loss due to cultural clashes between their value system and that of the host society. Pakistani Muslim immigrants feel sad after realizing the costs of immigrating to Canada and leaving their assets behind. They recalled their past lives as ones where they felt confident and carefree, held a respectable occupational status, had the love and support of their families, had ease in raising their children as per their

185 wishes and their value system and, had a sense of control and predictability about life and children. It is important to note that some of these losses are intangible (e.g. loss of control, loss of a sense of competency and confidence, loss of family support and loss of religious environment) and are not readily acknowledged. Such losses could prove very painful as they directly relate to immigrants’ feelings of emotional well-being. Those losses are hard to mend through certain gains that they would or may have made through immigration. Arrendondo-

Dowd (1981), states that after a while, immigrants’ excitements becomes voices of sadness and expressions of depression that result due to homesickness; immigrants start to grieve and feel the pains of separation and loss of the homeland. Akhtar (2011) emphasizes that the trauma of geographic dislocation is clearly evident in the context of immigration. He notes that moving away from one’s place of origin not only brings about a sense of loss of family, friends, and ties but also loss of familiar, non human surroundings and environment which can make the person feel that s/he belonged to that place (Akhtar, 2011; Doka,1989). Doka (1989), states that along with fellow beings, people form attachments to the non-human environment such as their surroundings (e.g., their homes, community), possessions, jobs, organizations, ideas, and beliefs, and loss of any of these would induce grief reactions.

Immigrants felt that they lost a sense of belonging, which seems to be at the crux of all the other losses that immigration to Canada brought on them. Extreme weather, different language, different societal norms and procedures, different cultural values, customs, traditions, and different ways of living in the host society made immigrants feel that they do not belong and as if they are out of place. The sense of not belonging made immigrants grieve the losses even more as it induced a sense of hopelessness that there is little to look forward to but a lot to mourn as a result of immigration. Lee (2010) mentions that as with any significant life change,

186 immigration results in “a looking forward” and “a looking backwards” (p.160) and postulates that immigrants suffer pain with respect to coping and overcoming the loss of family ties, secure reassuring jobs, friendships, and sense of familiarity and that they need courage and support to be able to face and cope with many sorrows that are part of the immigration process.

In short, a sense of displacement, occupational discouragement, a loss of status and roots had been the main hardships for immigrants in addition to culture shock, fears and worries about children. There were gender differences in terms of how certain losses were experienced. Male immigrants were sadder about losing their status, job, family ties, and friends after immigration; whereas female immigrants were sadder about losing the love and support of their parents and a religiously supportive environment for their children’s upbringing. In summary, the stage of experiencing cultural shock and losses in the theory of Muslim immigrants’ identity formation coincides with the past research on Muslim as well as non-Muslim immigrants to North America in general and Canada in particular.

Stage 2- Actively coping- holding on to Islam and trying to realize a sense of unique self in asserting a Muslim identity

Stage two in the theory of Muslim identity formation highlights Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ active attempts to cope with the adversities of immigration and recovery from the trauma of uprooting. At this stage, Pakistani Muslim immigrants begin to process their experience of relocation in light of their changed life situation in Canada. As immigrants face and experience the challenges that Canadian immigration presents, they begin to process their experiences of pain, loss, uprooting, and despair to make sense of it.

The course of processing the experience of immigration allows immigrants the opportunity to understand and accept certain changes that come with immigration, realize a sense

187 of unique self, and try to optimize the benefits of immigration. As immigrants expressed their pain and sense of loss, they began to reframe their experience with the help of new knowledge obtained after immigration to Canada. They start perceiving the new society in a more positive light and begin to conceptualize ways that would optimize their immigration experience. They try to put various aspects of their immigration experience into perspective to rationalize certain losses that they suffer and appreciate some gains that they already made or are hoping to make by making Canada their permanent new home.

The expression of despair seems to be a healthy process, which allows immigrants to vent their pain, realize a sense of a unique self and articulate ways that would facilitate their survival and growth in the new land. Immigrants learn to accept the inherent difficulties associated with immigration and try to get past the stage of despair. They come to an increased understanding and acceptance of their differences from the host society, try to maintain their individuality by seeking a sense of differentiated self, attempt to protect their values and at the same time exercise ways that would help them integrate and become useful members of the new society.

This authentic knowledge, understanding, and differentiation induces resilience and optimism in

Pakistani Muslim immigrants and assists them to opt for certain means that can ensure meeting both goals: the task of maintaining and protecting their individuality and, the task of securing a respectful place in the host society by successfully integrating into the new society.

The stage of coping and asserting a Muslim identity serves as a bridge between the stage of uncertainty and incapacity to the stage of self-actualization, differentiation, and healthy resolution of the culture shock. This stage represents a two-dimensional process in which

Muslims engage in: seeking refuge in faith to protect self and family from certain unappreciated

188 aspects of the host society and, preserving and safeguarding their ethnoreligious identity through actively adhering to original values and bonding with fellow Muslims in the new land.

In response to the hardships of immigration, Muslims actively engaged in protecting their ethnoreligious identity. They appraised and exercised the resources that seemed to facilitate this process and faith emerged as one of the most useful resources in this quest. Research to date has supported that immigrants and refugees often turn to religion to maintain a sense of self and to feel stable; faith acts as a buffer against the trauma of uprooting and displacement (e.g.

Williams, 1988; Mella, 1994; Ralston, 1996; Khan, 2005; Khan & Watson, 2005; Husaini, 1990;

Leonard, et al., 2005; Othelia Lee & Sharpe, 2007; Othelia Lee & Chan, 2009; Acharya

&Northcott, 2007; Mohammad-Arif, 2000, etc).

Mella (1994) describes that the word religion is derived from the Latin word religio which means, “to bind together” (p.4). Mella (1994) states that the new social world seems chaotic to immigrants and religion in that state of distress serves as a shelter or bonding agent.

The role of faith as a bonding and comforting agent makes sense especially in the context of immigration where religion provides a sense of orientation, a means for social cohesion, and a way to implant the customs and traditions brought from the country of origin to the new land in order to feel grounded and at home in the foreign land.

Faith in the present study also appears to provide a safety zone to immigrants by affording them an opportunity to express their pains and vulnerabilities and grieve over the losses to recuperate and emerge from the state of despair without fear of being dismissed or judged. Sullender (1999) raises the importance of proper grieving for immigrants in order to come to terms with their feelings of loss and for them to move on and adopt the new country.

Sullender (1999) identifies the important role that faith can play in this grieving process by

189 encouraging immigrants to process the losses, accept the changes in the new life, integrate in the new society through acceptance of the changes, and achieve psychological and emotional wellbeing in their adopted country. The present study supports Sullender’s (1999) observations that faith acts as the soothing and comforting agent in immigrants’ lives. Besides providing a safety zone to immigrants in expressing their fears and worries, faith also provides a clear path to these immigrants to follow in the new land where such direction was absent.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families seem to hold a special connection with faith. Not only do they want to nurture faith in Canada to feel self-assured but also to keep their children well directed and informed about Islam in the new land. Their affiliation with Islam requires them to assume the responsibility to keep its values alive by safeguarding and preserving Islam in the new land and successfully transferring it to their offspring. Pakistani immigrants become particularly concerned as they are faced with the task of protecting and safeguarding Islam and their original values, and transferring those values to their offspring.

Although, Canada is a predominantly Christian country, there is separation between the

Church and the State. In Canada, human rights overtake religious rules and the society fosters a sense of independence amongst its inhabitants. The predominant culture in Canada is individualistic and people have rights to pursue intimate sexual relationships without making legal commitments for such relationships. The age of consent to sex was 14 years until recently when it was increased to 16 years, with some exceptions that still stand (Statistics on Sex and the

Law: Canadian Resource Library). Canadian culture appears opposite to Pakistani culture where

Islam is the State religion and Islamic doctrine dictates the State Law and religious values are central in the society (Pavri, 2009). Pakistan is a non-secular country and religion enters many

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aspects of Pakistani political and social life (Pavri, 2009). The dominant culture in Pakistan is collectivist and family values override individual values (Raja, 2005). Children are taught about religious values right from early childhood and this tradition is common across different settings including school, peers’ network, home, work, and the larger society (Raja, 2005). Teachers, relatives, family members, and friends all take part in this teaching process. Sexual freedom is unaccepted and viewed with extreme dislike and sexual intercourse is allowed only among spouses (Raja, 2005). Coming to Canada appears culturally shocking for immigrants as they find the reverse of what they have been raised with back home. As a result of this cultural shift after immigration, Pakistani immigrants take refuge in Islam and try to shelter themselves and their families from what they experience as the liberal, individualist and open sexual environment of the host society.

Awan (1989) in his research states that many Pakistani Muslim immigrants seek solution to the cultural problems in Canada by actively engaging in religious activities and supporting

Islamic centres. They also actively teach and provide religious training to their children inside their homes. Mohammad-Arif (2000) accentuates in her research that Muslim immigrants tend to become more religious after moving to America and try to take refuge in faith in order to protect their families and to transfer their original values to their children. Mohammad-Arif (2000) asserts that South Asian Muslim immigrants perceive religion as the primary means for transferring the original values to their children, and in minimizing the impact of American values on them. This is in line with the findings of the present research— Pakistani Muslim immigrants observe Islam and use its teachings to direct their children and inform them about

Islam in Canada. While being aware of the limited resources that they have in the host society for a smooth transfer of Islamic values to their children, Muslim immigrants adhere to Islam more

191 than ever in an attempt to present themselves as Muslim role models to their offspring, who lack such exposure in Canada.

Research has consistently shown immigrants’ increased engagement in religion in an attempt to provide their offspring a religious role model which is otherwise absent in the host society (Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996; Mohammad-Arif, 2000; Khan, 2005; Khan & Watson,

2005; Abu-Laban, 1983).

Pakistani Muslim immigrants try to centralize Islamic teachings in their day-to-day lives in Canada by taking a number of proactive steps to ensure the objective of transferring their original values to their children. First of all, they become realistic and recognize that they are alone in transferring their original values to their children and that they should accept the status quo. They try to remedy the loss of a religious environment in Canada by assuming the central role in their children’s upbringing.

Awan’s (1989) research findings proposed that Pakistani Canadian parents assume every single role towards their children, by not only being the providers but also the teachers in fostering positive values amongst their children (p.88). Pakistani immigrants in the present study appear to have devoted themselves to their children’s proper upbringing and make certain arrangements in providing their children with a morally and religiously supportive environment inside and outside their home. They regularly and increasingly engage in religious practices to help their children appreciate the importance of Islam in their lives and to provide them with a solid foundation of Islam. Research on various groups of immigrants including those from non

Muslim communities also supports this finding that immigrant parents from societies with prominent religious orientations such as Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Jews, and Buddhists work

192 hard in transferring their original values to their children in their adopted countries (Ochocka &

Janzen, 2008; Basran, 1993; Kelley & Tseng, 1992; Khan1, 2005).

Pakistani Muslim immigrants seek direction from faith in raising their children in the new society. Faith guides their parenting practices in three significant ways: offering them a guideline to tailor their lifestyle according to Islamic values; providing them directions on raising and teaching children; and, offering them a means through which they can bond up with fellows, engage in congregational religious activities, and use those interactions to keep their children involved in Islam. Husaini (1990) asserts that Muslim immigrants to Canada try to create an atmosphere, which is conducive to the preservation of their religious values by actively engaging in group religious activities (p.17). Williams’ (1988) research also highlights immigrants’ increased involvement in religion and congregational religious activities after immigration to maintain the continuity of value transfer to their children in the new society.

While past research describes immigrants’ increased involvement in religion for the purpose of value transfer to the next generation, the present study comprehensively outlines the steps that immigrants take in ensuring this objective. Most of the participants in the present study noted that they resided in the areas populated by Muslims. Male participants gladly made long daily commutes to their jobs for the sake of living closer to mosques and in order to provide their children a religiously supportive environment. They present themselves as Muslim role models by endorsing and observing the practices that they want to impart in their children. Participants also noted taking part in the Islamic cultural and religious activities in the GTA and considering it a good fortune to be residing in Toronto, which they believe is a culturally and religiously very tolerant place for immigrants. Women participants mentioned being mindful of their clothes and wearing only those clothes that fully cover their bodies. Besides that, immigrants mentioned

193 avoiding cable TV, especially the channels that have mature adult content; consuming only halal foods; offering prayers; frequently socializing with people from their ethnoreligious community; and, participating in congregational religious activities along with their children.

Awan’s (1989) research concluded that Pakistani-Canadian parents take an active part in their children’s choices and education and play a central role in their religious, social, psychological, moral, and personality growth. The present study supports Awan’s research findings showing that Pakistani Muslim immigrants make religious activities central in their routine. For example they make arrangements to teach their children how to read the Quran in

Arabic, regularly fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, celebrating Eid with full enthusiasm along with their friends and family in Canada, and closely monitoring their children’s peer group activities, and media related activities. Exercising these measures provided Muslim immigrants with the satisfaction that they are doing a fair job of keeping their children informed about Islam to the best of their ability. However, it is important to note that despite making Islam central in their lives, Pakistani Muslim immigrants also encouraged and facilitated their children’s positive interactions with the host society to help them integrate well and become useful members of Canadian society.

Besides, religious values, Pakistani Muslim immigrants also want their children to excel in every single aspect of their lives with particular focus on their academic and occupational success. Pakistani Muslim immigrants feel that they sacrificed their homeland for a better future of their children. Similar results were found in research with other ethnocultural groups. For example, research on Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, Sikhs, and Atheists suggests that immigrant parents hold higher expectations for their children to justify the pain and trauma of migrating

(Ochocka & Janzen, 2008; Basran, 1993; Kelley & Tseng, 1992; Khan1, 2005). Immigrant

194 parents perceive the sacrifice of leaving their homeland behind and bearing the hardships of uprooting as justification to push their children to make most out of this move and bear the fruits of their sacrifices (Ochocka & Janzen, 2008; Basran, 1993; Kelley & Tseng, 1992; Khan1, 2005).

The second dimension of this stage in the theory of Muslim identity formation involves immigrants’ proactive attempts to realize their sense of a unique self and create a positive image of Muslims so that they would feel accepted and respected in Canada. Mohammad-Arif (2000) states that the prejudice against Muslims and Islam that has flared up in the media as a result of certain unfortunate events in the Muslim world, has in part contributed to increased religiosity of

Muslims in the West. She asserts that Muslim immigrants nurture Islam and claim their identification to Islam even more in reaction to perceived discrimination.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants put their best foot forward in safeguarding Islam and their ethnoreligious identity as they consider these to be the central defining features of their identity.

They claim ownership of Islam and their ethnic identity and try to preserve their culture and values in the host society. The process of claiming this identity requires them to internalize their uniqueness and accept that they hold different values than the host society. They come to an increased appreciation of the inherent differences between themselves and the host society.

Declaring this difference also means that they are claiming membership in a religious minority group that is perceived with certain reservations in the West. Husaini (1990) states that the media gave rise to certain stereotypes, which resulted in undeserved prejudice and ill treatment of

Muslims in Canada. She asserts that it is very important to learn the Muslim history and be informed about the Muslim presence in Canada over the past century as Muslims in Canada have been regarded as well educated, civilized, thoughtful and modern citizens who have made important contributions to Canadian society. Similar views were expressed by Williams (1988)

195 in his research where he described Muslims’ position in the American society. He mentions that

Muslims have been put in a position where they feel defensive and try to correct the misperceptions of Islam as highlighted by the mass media (Williams, 1988). He further adds that the misrepresentation of Islam as perceived by Muslims, has not allowed them the opportunities to participate in the host society in the way they might have otherwise.

Williams (1988) observes that the negative depictions of Islam and Muslims in the West have been perceived by Muslims as limiting their rightful access to society. It is important to note that the studies of both, Williams (1988) and Husaini (1990), were conducted more than 20 years ago and the perception of Islam and Muslims in the West has further suffered in the aftermath of 9/11 incident (Abu-Raiya, Pargament, & Mahoney, 2011; Byng, 2008; Nagra, 2010;

Saleem, 2011). This presents Pakistani immigrants with the greater challenge of restoring a positive image of Muslim immigrants, which used to be the hallmark of this group a few decades ago (please see Hussaini, 1990; Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1989; Awan, 1990 for further detail on

Muslim history in North America). Muslim immigrants in the present study reported feeling attacked, embarrassed, ridiculed and pointed at for being Muslims and expressed sadness, humiliation and worries about themselves and their children whom they would like to see maintain the Muslim identity in Canada. However, these painful emotions were positively channeled by Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ into restoring a positive image of Islam and creating an authentic identity for themselves and their offspring in the host society. Participants in the present study seemed to be actively engaged in presenting an authentic version of Islam, which is free from the biased image portrayed by the popular media. They try to embrace and demonstrate pro-social Islamic values of humanity, care, honesty, inclusion, tolerance, empathy, and altruism in their everyday interaction with members of the host society. Research participants claimed

196 taking part in this quest of restoring the positive image of Islam and reclaiming a respectful place in Canadian society through modeling authentic teachings of Islam.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants in the present study called for a collective effort on the part of the Muslim community residing in the West to show the world that Islam is religion of peace and humanity and not violence or hostility through their personal character. They reported adhering to the teachings of Islam by being truthful, hardworking, honest, committed to their jobs, loyal, caring, polite and helpful in their day-to-day interaction with the members of the host society. They hoped that by adhering to the above mentioned pro-social values they would reclaim their respectable place in the West and would make way for an authentic Muslim identity for themselves and their offspring in Canada. Awan (1989) recognized this in his research and mentioned that Pakistani Muslim immigrants are highly motivated to elucidate and share their culture and religion with the host society in an attempt to increase their social transactions with its members. He further states that Pakistani Muslim immigrants are keen to teach the host society about their culture and to learn about the host culture in return.

In his research, Awan (1989) ascribed Pakistani Muslim immigrants the responsibility to explain their true cultural and religious values to the host society in order to effectively combat the prejudice and racism that Muslims in Canada experience. The participants of the present study seem to have assumed this responsibility and were actively engaged in efforts to represent the true face of Islam to Canadian society. The present research is quite informative in the sense of unearthing the core feelings, emotions, and motivations that Muslim immigrants hold for the task of restoring a positive image of Muslims in the West. In addition to feeling self-assured for holding a Muslim identity in Canada and clearing grounds for their offspring to feel proud of their Muslim identity, immigrants in the present study assumed a moral obligation towards

197 representing the real Islam to the host society. They have been deriving peace, satisfaction, and a sense of pride in fulfilling this task through sincere personal contributions. This qualitative exploration of immigrants’ feelings, emotions, intentions and aspirations with respect to creating an authentic identity has been a valuable addition to the existing literature on Muslim immigrants’ identity formation in the West.

Another important aspect in laying the foundations for an authentic Muslim identity involves Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ active attempts to have their religious needs recognized, acknowledged and integrated into their social and occupational lives in Canada. This has allowed them the opportunity to mark and claim their existence in Canada. Previous research has also identified Muslim immigrants’ needs to have their religious needs recognized in Western societies. For example, Williams (1988) states that the establishment of an Islamic identity requires Muslims to observe Islam and its tenets in the new society and have their religious needs recognized, acknowledged and integrated into the host society. The study participants mentioned requesting breaks for noon prayer at their places of employment, which was generously accommodated by their employers and supervisors. Throughout the interviews, there were minor expressions of dissonance especially by male participants for not having holidays on Eid despite a large numbers of Muslims residing in Canada and despite Canada’s claim to be inclusive of diversity and respectful of minorities’ religious celebrations.

One of the most important factors in the religious survival of Pakistani Muslim immigrants in Canada involves formation of a larger Muslim community which should ideally include members of all cultures, ethnicities, languages and origin under the bigger umbrella of

Islam. As it appeared, Pakistani Muslim immigrants in the present study seemed particularly engaged in bonding with other Muslims to feel united as well as to derive a sense of

198 belongingness to the Canadian society. Berry and Kalin (1995) also note in their research that strongly identifying with one’s original culture did not preclude also strongly identifying with

Canada. Study participants reported feeling a special connection with Muslims from all over the world due to the religious bond that exists among them. The Canadian context proved particularly conducive in facilitating this connection and provided them with the liberty to fulfill their cultural and religious obligations and pursue their desires of Muslim unity. Many research studies in the past have highlighted Muslim immigrants’ increased bonding with fellow Muslims from across the globe in an attempt to preserve their original religious identities to feel connected with the links left behind (Williams, 1988; Awan, 1989; Husaini, 1990; Ralston, 1996, 1992;

Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Khan1, 2005; Abu-Laban, 1983). The present study confirms those findings as Pakistani Muslims reported feeling reassured and unified by bonding with other

Muslims in Canada regardless of which part of the world they were from. Pakistani Muslim immigrants claim their religious identity before seeking an ethnic affiliation. This is quite a common finding that has been repeatedly supported by the research in the past. Religion, becomes a central force in defining immigrants’ identity and takes precedence over ethnic identity (e.g. Williams, 1988; Ralston, 1996; Mohammad-Arif, 2000; Husaini, 1990; Min, 2010 etc).

Mohammad- Arif (2000) underscores that Muslim immigrants from India, Pakistan, and

Bangladesh, are the adherents of the belief where religion becomes a primary mode for identification and the central ingredient in identity formation. She further postulates that the

American context in particular gives rise to this trend where other ethnoreligious minorities such as Irish, Greek, and Jews have traditionally embraced religion as a basis for their community formation and in their identity re-composition (Mohammad-Arif, 2000). The present research

199 confirms Mohammad- Arif’s observation. Immigrants in the present research reported making the effort to participate in congregational religious activities where they meet and greet other

Muslims. Women participants mentioned arranging religious gatherings at home with their

Muslim friends and acquaintances in Canada to make special prayers and to raise funds to support Muslims in less privileged areas of the world. The study participants stressed the importance of these activities to provide their children the needed exposure to Islamic culture in

Canada. Bonding with other Muslims seems to serve multiple functions for Pakistani Muslim immigrants, including: restoring the links left behind, forming a religious community in the new land, deriving a feeling of unity and brotherhood, reinforcing sense of an authentic identity, having a feeling of belongingness, keeping children informed about Islam, feeling socially alive and active in the new land, networking, and feeling satisfied for fulfilling the religious duties performed in congregation.

Williams’ (1988) research illustrates that the establishment of groups provides a means of negotiating personal and group identity in the new setting. The present study explicates the same process, i.e. identity formation at the individual level, in the form of reformation of personal identity (e.g. changing from a Pakistani to a Pakistani Canadian Muslim) and, at the group level

(e.g. from belonging to a particular clan/cast to belonging to a broader religious group and merging into one unified group of Muslims, in Canada). The present study confirms Williams’ findings on immigrants reforming a personal and group identity after immigration. Pakistani

Muslim immigrants experience a shift in their identity; prior to immigration they were living in a country where being Muslim was an identity ascribed to them by default. However, after immigrating to Canada they encountered a different context where they were required to redefine their individual and group identity. They called themselves Pakistani Muslims and expressed a

200 sense of relief and satisfaction by identifying themselves with Muslims from all over the world to feel strong, unified, and grouped in a culturally and religiously different country. As Williams

(1988) states, “Strategies of adaptation and the role of religion in the formation of personal and group identity are central to the establishment of immigrant religious groups”(p.3). Similar observations are made by Mohammad-Arif (2000) who found that religion is a significant force in the modes of identification and identity construction. Abu-Laban (1983) states that the need for religious resources increases as Muslim immigrants face the challenge of perpetuating the faith in the lives of their second generation. All of the above mentioned research studies support the findings of the present study.

Qureshi & Qureshi (1983) provide a cultural and social explanation to Pakistani immigrants’ needs for social groupings in Canada. The authors state that “Pakistani Muslim immigrants bring with them a unique concept of social grouping which reflects intimacy, identification, and mutual support, directly rooted in their experience of larger family and reinforced by Islamic emphasis on the centrality of the bonds of family” (p.135). The present study mirrors Qureshi & Qureshi’s (1983) proposed explanation for Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ desire for social connections in Canada. Many participants in the present study expressed a need to feel connected with fellow Muslims to continue the tradition of maintaining social cohesion. Hogben (1983) proposed that with the help of positive thinking on the part of the Muslims, Islam can develop its own successful multiculturalism and melting pot within the wider multicultural Canadian environment. Hogben (1983) suggested Muslims to stay optimistic and demonstrate their true values in order to avoid cultural and religious extinction in Canada, about 30 years ago; the present study shows that Pakistani Muslim immigrants have initiated the process of integration and Islamic multiculturalism within the Canadian society. Canadian

201 society is not unsupportive of immigrants’ efforts in maintaining their original ties; the social atmosphere in Canada allows these people to form their own identity without being fully immersed in the new society as is encouraged in America’s “melting pot”.

Stage 3: Defining an authentic identity: differentiating from the country of origin-thriving in the adopted country

The stage of defining an authentic identity in the theory of Muslim identity formation is profound, complex and multidimensional and highlights the core processes involved in the development of a well negotiated and articulated authentic Muslim identity. The course of identity formation takes place in succession and offers Pakistani Muslim immigrants an opportunity to examine their experience of immigration, reflect on it from an informed place, and experience a change in their world views and personal perspectives. The process of realization and reformulation of their experience brings a fundamental shift in their perceptions and views towards the new society and self. As time goes by, Pakistani Muslim immigrants start to perceive the positives of living in Canada and have the opportunity to enjoy living in a culturally and religiously tolerant and diverse society. They also acknowledge the high standards of living and the access to quality education and healthcare facilities that are equally provided to all residents in Canada.

A number of factors play a vital role in the process of forming this new identity including: a renewed understanding and relationship with their faith; heightened awareness and wisdom about life which adds to their sense of self worth and feelings of serenity; a sense of being accepted by the host society; and, a resulting shift in experience which enables them to differentiate themselves from their country of origin and allows them to thrive in their adopted country. The process of differentiation of self from the country of origin is similar to the

202 developmental process of Differentiation of Self and Other as outlined by Watson (2011) in her process model of becoming a self-governing person. According to Watson (2011), “in adaptive and supportive environments individuals develop the capacity to accurately symbolize all aspects of their experience independently of the demands of others” (p.17).

The stage of Muslim identity formation also highlights the healthy resolution to the experience of culture shock and a process of development into a mature, differentiated, and functioning being (Watson, 2011). This stage extends the findings of a number of previous studies in addition to offering answers to the questions posed by some of those studies (such as,

Awan,1990; Husaini, 1990; Williams, 1988; Hogben, 1983; &, Abu-Laban, 1983) and highlights important areas for future research to focus on.

As seen from the previous stage, as the process of coping and rejuvenating began,

Pakistani Muslim immigrants start to feel stable by preserving their faith, taking complete ownership in their children’s upbringing, and initiating efforts in crafting a positive Muslim identity in the new land. The sense of stability helps them seek the essence of Islam and make an elective decision to embrace it in the new land where following religion is considered an individual’s personal choice. This lends a sense of accountability to these immigrants and provides them with an opportunity to ascertain the actual meaning of faith to make informed decisions. As they explore Islam in depth, they feel convinced of its goodness to their wellbeing and embrace it genuinely. At the same time the enhanced knowledge of Islam’s teachings helps them feel reassured and happy as they feel themselves being an authentic source of knowledge on Islam for their children and the host society, whose knowledge on Islam is significantly limited.

The process of achieving an enhanced understanding of Islam and the motivation behind

203 seeking that awareness is an experience unique to immigration. Immigration provided the participants with an opportunity to fully educate themselves about Islam for their religious survival in the new country. This point has been stressed by Hogben (1983) as well, who asserts that Muslim immigrants are required to rethink Islam and understand and present it in the light of this renewed knowledge, a task which is impossible at home. The participants in the present research reported a shift in their thoughts and perceptions on Islam after immigration. They reported a need to dig down into the crux of Islam in Canada to feel convinced of its doctrine supporting their wellbeing so they could follow it without feeling obliged to do so. This was different from the homeland where they were required and expected to follow Islam, a factor that they reported had never allowed them to understand Islam’s authentic philosophy in depth.

Canadian immigration offered these individuals a context where they experienced this need to update themselves on Islam and to educate themselves about the benefits of following it. This need kept them motivated to seek a comprehensive knowledge of Islam and grasp the core message of it to genuinely appreciate its place and importance in their life.

The process of seeking enhanced knowledge about Islam and its teachings improved immigrants’ relationship with Islam and helped them follow it by genuinely feeling convinced of its goodness. They appreciated the implicit message of their religious doctrine and the religious rituals and can see its connection with the well-being of humanity and society at large. This realization of Islam helped them comprehend the teachings of Islam and embrace and internalize those teachings in their lives. They seem to demonstrate those teachings through displaying the pro social values of Islam to the host society in their day-to-day interaction with its members.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ efforts in representing the genuine version of Islam in Canada highlight a process which was called for by Hogben in his research. Hogben (1983) urged

204

Muslims to demonstrate that Islamic values and beliefs can survive successfully under very new circumstances; the circumstances, which in the context of present research is Canadian immigration. Hogben (1983) had called for a need of a liberal interpretation of Islam which would confirm the position and growth of Islam in Canada and that the clash of cultures can be mitigated by positive thinking on the part of Muslims and non-Muslims alike (p. 122-123).

Similarly, Awan (1989) in his research raised a need for Pakistani Muslims in Canada to share their part in presenting the true image of Islam in Canada, which would combat the negative stereotypes about Muslims being violent and aggressive. The present study shows that

Pakistani Muslims seem to be actively engaged in Awan (1989) and Hogben’s (1983) proposed processes by doing their fair share in demonstrating the original version of Islam in Canada while awaiting a positive response from the host society which will hopefully change the existing negative perceptions of Islam in Canada. This aspect is unique and an essential ingredient in the theory of Muslim identity formation as it demonstrates Muslims’ sincere and engaged efforts to fulfill their obligations in presenting a true picture of Islam; it is also optimistic in the attainment of a true multiculturalism in Canada.

Another aspect of the shift has to do with the immigrants’ heightened sense of wellbeing which was accomplished by means of their sense of contentment, peace, orientation, and direction in life through following the original version of Islam in Canada. As mentioned earlier, immigrants’ increased understanding of Islam helps them appreciate the actual spirit of Islam and brings them closer to Allah, and contributes to make them devoted Muslims. They realize the implicit meaning of the teachings of Islam and embrace those teachings to set a good example of Muslim role models in the host society. This contributes to their wellbeing in two ways: first, they feel successful at doing their fair share of representing the true face of Islam to

205 the host society; and, secondly, they internalize the desirable social attributes that instill healthy emotions and generates positive feelings about self and the host society. They appear self- assured and grateful when their positive behavior is prized and acknowledged by the members of the host society. This appreciation and acceptance further adds to their sense of well-being. They nurture Islam even more since it provided them with an impetus to embrace those admirable character traits. Their unique connection with Allah gives them peace and reassurance and helps them rationalize the hardships with some of the benefits of immigration. This improved understanding of the Canadian immigration experience and feelings of self as a worthy being instills a sense of maturity, wisdom and spirituality among these immigrants.

As they begin to feel safer and more valued, the process of differentiation is initiated whereby immigrants start reconsidering the experience of self in relation to the new society in comparison with the life lived in the homeland. As they achieve maturity, wisdom and spirituality through an enhanced sense of self, they become increasingly appreciative of the importance of living in Canada for their personal growth and wellbeing. They start perceiving the host society in a different way -from a realistic and positive stance. They re-evaluate their experience of immigration in the light of their understanding of self and the host society. They begin to differentiate themselves from their country of origin to become self-governing individuals in the new land. This brings about a positive shift in their perception of self and the new society. They emerge in creative ways to make absolute sense of their immigration experience and recognize the many benefits that Canadian immigration added to their lives.

This process of differentiation mirrors the developmental process suggested by Watson

(2011) in her extension of Rogers’ (1951/1965, 1961) view of personality and the process of change. The process of differentiation as experienced by immigrants in the present research

206 resembles Watson’s (2011) proposed developmental task of differentiation of self from others.

According to Watson (2011), differentiation is a critically important task that people engage in, to know the world and themselves as they actualize and mature in interaction with their environments (p. 17). Watson’s (2011) model suggests that individuals are both autonomous and socially constructed beings, which require them to be informed about and be able to represent their inner experience as well as that of others and integrate it to reach their optimal functioning.

According to Watson (2011), “the process of differentiation is both an inter personal and intra personal process and it is essential not only to the wellbeing of individuals, couples, families, and communities but to the survival of the species and the planet” (Watson, 2011, p. 17-19).

Sameroff (1982) conceptualizes that personal identity is organized around individual’s concept of self and his/her awareness of the personal impact in a given social role within particular cultural relationships. Sameroff (1982) emphasized the degree to which individual has developed a well formed sense of identity distinct from his or her social organization.

LaFramboise et al., (1993) adds to Sameroff’s (1982) theory and conceptualizes a process that is similar to Watson’s (2011) concept of differentiation. LaFramboise et al., (1993) describes that the capacity to develop a well formed sense of self independent from an individual’s social organization allows immigrants to develop and maintain bicultural competence. Bicultural competency assists immigrants to integrate into the new society while at the same time maintain a certain level of individuation; a process that describes the person-other relationship

(LaFramboise et al., 1993). LaFramboise et al., (1993) hold that a bicultural individual is fully informed about self and aware of others; he/she knows self in relation to others and is able to maintain certain level of individuation, thus has the capacity to be biculturally competent.

LaFramboise et al., (1993) denote the process of individuation to be at the core of bicultural

207 competence.

The immigrants in the present study seem to be engaged in a similar process whereby they seek to understand themselves by attending to their inner experience, and come to see themselves and their experiences differently. Canadian immigration provided them an adaptive environment, which enables them to achieve wisdom as they begin to listen to their inner self and fully attend to what resonates with their organism. They become increasingly self-reflective and understand the crux of their experience of self in the new land. They appreciate Islam by understanding its benefits to their wellbeing rather than following it from an uninformed place.

They become clear and reflective of the basis to their adherence to Islam and follow its doctrine as it fulfills their organismic need to be directed on a healthy path for life. They realize the difference in their perceptions of Islam that they held while living in Pakistan and reconstrue it in the light of the knowledge achieved after immigration.

The immigrants become increasingly aware that the basic message of their faith system is to foster and promote positive values of humanity among people. As in the words of one of the participants, “being a good Muslim simply means to be a good human being, who is true and honest to himself and others”. This increased knowledge of self helps them to see the difference between the country of origin and the adopted country. Canadian immigration offered a positive context to these immigrants which facilitated their growth into autonomous beings; the supportive environment which was suggested in Watson’s (2011) model as the necessary condition to becoming a differentiated and fully functioning being. The improved knowledge of self enabled the discharge of immigrants’ optimal potential in living and being the person that they wanted to be in the new society. Triandis (1980) also emphasize the importance of a person’s enhanced awareness of self and the ability to analyze his or her social behaviour in the

208 context of immigration to diverse societies. As Pakistani Muslim immigrants achieve maturity and wisdom, they become increasingly aware of the impact of their own behaviours on others; an awareness, which helps them in becoming informed, individuated, and differentiated beings.

In addition to the process of differentiation, at this stage in the theory of Muslim identity formation, a unique process of acculturation, which has been termed by Berry (1997),

“acculturation based on mutual accommodation” (p.28), also takes place. Berry (1997) mentions that acculturation is a process that requires accommodations and certain changes to be made on both sides; from the host society as well as from the acculturating group. The accommodation to be made by the host society for the immigrant group involves sensitivity and accommodation of immigrants’ certain needs. For the acculturating group (immigrants), it requires a “shedding of some aspects of their culture that are not adaptive any more” (p. 29). Berry (1997) stresses that a sense of coherent personal identity among immigrants enables the acculturating groups/individuals to integrate in the new society while at the same time maintain a positive sense of who they are. Berry (1997) calls this phenomenon as integrationist or bi-cultural acculturation strategy, which is the healthiest of all the four acculturation strategies of marginalization, separation, assimilation and integration (p.27). It seems that Pakistani Muslim immigrants are engaging in the bi-cultural acculturation strategy by maintaining a sense of coherent self, differentiated from the country of origin; preserving the fundamental original values; awareness of the impact of self on others; embracement of the host society by adopting aspects of it and blending in it; and, negotiating a positive relationship with the host society.

The present research highlights the process of differentiation, individuation, and bicultural acculturation which takes place in the context of immigration to Canada. Pakistani

Muslim immigrants achieve an enhanced sense of self which also allows them to be fully aware

209 of self and the others around them. This knowledge of self gives people a sense of mastery and control over self.

The concept of control over inner self is quite an authentic aspect in understanding the personal growth. Watson (2011) refers to the concept of control in relation to a fully functioning individual’s taking ownership of behaviour and seeing that behaviour as under one’s conscious control (p. 18). Pakistani Muslim immigrants express a sense of control through their willful efforts in demonstrating as responsible and mature beings to self, to their families and to the society. Immigrants express satisfaction in sharing that they became more tolerant, respectful considerate, and sensitive towards the needs of others after immigration. They gained control over personal behaviour by being cognizant of self and sensitive about the others around them.

The present study demonstrates that a sense of control over self allows immigrants to feel self- assured and make a personally meaningful decision on choosing what is best for them. They become increasingly aware of their own behaviour through an analysis of the life spent at home.

They condemn certain social problems in Pakistan that involved ignorance on the part of people in society. They realize the importance of being self aware in their interactions with others so that they can evaluate the impact of their behaviour on others and have control over it. This experience of differentiation, which contributes to immigrants’ enhanced knowledge of self, helps them achieve healthy individuation from the country of origin and appreciate the positives of living in Canada, thus helps them thrive in their adopted country.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants embrace Canada and become appreciative of it as they perceive the host society from a positively shifted and more realistic stance. They invest their trust in the host society and accept it as their new home. They appreciate Canada for allowing equal and free access to quality education and healthcare. This aspect of the host society appears

210 quite attractive as Pakistani immigrants did not have these facilities back home where most of the basic necessities such as quality education and healthcare are beyond an average person’ s financial reach. All participants in the present study acknowledged that they moved to Canada for a better future and improved quality of life for themselves and their families as those conditions were inaccessible in Pakistan. Furthermore, participants expressed that political instability, corruption in the systems of government, unequal and unfair distribution of public resources, unsafe living conditions, and poor quality of life were the primary reasons behind their immigration. They noted wanting to provide their families with the facilities that Canada offers to its residents including a clearly defined social system and an opportunity to live in a tolerant and humane society. Despite all the hardships that Canadian immigration brought on them, they appreciated Canada for maintaining standards of equality, social justice, and tolerance towards racial and religious minorities. This fostered more respect and liking for Canada among these immigrants. They found Canada a culturally and religiously tolerant society where they experienced fewer restrictions about celebrating their religious and cultural activities. The participants felt that they had the liberty to implant their individual culture within the larger multicultural Canadian society. They liked Canada’s accommodation of their religious needs within their job settings, their children’s schools and experienced a sense of inclusion within the larger society. Canada’s care and sensitivity to its residents’ basic needs, tolerance and inclusion of minorities within their social system, equality in providing healthcare, education and social services to all of its residents regardless of their color, nationality, ethnicity and religious affiliation convinced Pakistani immigrants that Canada is an ideal, humane society. The appreciation of the host society in the light of its perceived positive features brought a significant shift in these immigrants’ perceptions and views about this society.

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As immigrants experience a shift in their perceptions about their adopted country, they start perceiving the links between Islam’s portrayal of an ideal Social State and the Canadian society. They found the prevalence of actual Islamic social values of care, sensitivity, honesty, accountability, truthfulness, equal access, tolerance, inclusion, and humanity in Canadian society. This positive fundamental shift in their personal perspectives about the host society, self, and life enables them to conceptualize their immigration as a gift of Allah which was meant to be in their best benefit. They acknowledged and expressed that immigration to Canada was for a reason, i.e. they came to a place which mirrors their true ideals of Islam; a place when they actualized a true sense of self and had the opportunity to practice Islam as per their wishes, needs and convenience without contaminated cultural bindings. They call Canada a true representation of an ideal Islamic Welfare State, a State that unfortunately never existed in Pakistan.

The increased appreciation of the host society seems to have largely facilitated immigrants’ social integration in the host society. Pakistani Muslim immigrants expressed feeling self part of the new society. Reitz et al.’s (2009) research on social integration of religious and cultural minorities in Canada confirms Muslim immigrants’ enhanced social integration in Canada in comparison with other immigrant minorities. Reitz et al.’s (2009) research explored social integration of new religious minorities including Muslims, Sikhs,

Buddhists, and Hindus in Canada. The findings suggest that Muslims were more socially integrated than Hindus, Sikh, and Buddhist immigrants. Furthermore, Muslims and Sikhs showed higher life satisfaction than the other religious minority groups. Muslims also appeared to show higher levels of belonging and trust in Canada in comparison with other religious minorities. South Asian, Arab and West Asian Muslims report somewhat higher levels of integration than co-ethnics in other religions (Reitz, Banerjee, Phan, & Thompson, 2009).

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Overall, Reitz et al.’s (2009) research supported that social integration of immigrants is affected more by visible minority (or ethnic) status than by religious affiliation. Although, the authors found that ethnicity, not the religious affiliation, affects immigrants’ integration in the Canadian society, religious affiliation does show immigrants’ relative standing on certain social domains such as trust, belongingness to Canada, and life satisfactions etc. The present research adds to

Reitz et al.’s (2009) findings by suggesting the possibility that religious affiliation along with a sense of assured self may contribute to immigrants’ better social integration and sense of contentment in the new land.

The higher level of appreciation and acceptance in Canada also helps immigrants to condemn many social ailments in Pakistan that had made the lives of its citizens miserable and unsafe and thus differentiate themselves from it. They start perceiving the country of origin in a much more realistic light and compare their life in Canada with the life they have had in

Pakistan. They increasingly become more reflective of the problems that they faced in their home country such as corruption, political and social instability, disparate and unequal access to resources, poor quality of life, insensitive class and status conscious culture, judgmental attitudes, unsafe living conditions, misuse of Islam for political/cultural gains, and lack of actual implementation of Islam in Pakistan. Participants became increasingly aware that given the socially and culturally deteriorating conditions in Pakistan, the country has lost the sight of Islam and has moved far away from the actual teachings of Islam. Immigrants feel that insensitivity and the loss of teachings of Islam in Pakistan is the main cause of the worsening living conditions of Pakistan which have made the life of common people miserable.

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STAGE 4: FORMATION OF AN AUTHENTIC MUSLIM IDENTITY: BECOMING

PART OF THE CANADIAN MOSAIC

The process of differentiation of self from country of origin contributes to immigrants’ sense of wellness. They become increasingly aware of self, which fosters sensitivity and empathy towards others. The healthy and supportive social context in Canada helps them feel safe, worthy and reassured. They have the freedom to follow their faith and original culture, be true to themselves and become part of a society which resembles their true Islamic ideals.

The findings of the present study offer an opportunity to view Canadian society in a revitalized light, making it similar to the adaptive and supportive environment suggested by

Watson (2011) as essential in the development of fully functioning individuals. Such a perception of Canada holds true especially for immigrants from socially and politically turbulent countries. Pakistani Muslim immigrants develop into coherent and fully differentiated beings and thus become, as per their reflections, true Muslims. They do not completely enmesh with the new culture without realizing their true self; neither do they cling to the culture of their homeland.

Pakistani Muslim immigrants engage in crafting a distinct identity that resonates with their inner self. They perceive their distinctiveness from the host society, adhere to pro-social Islamic values, appreciate Canada for holding high standards of humanity, selectively endorse social values of the host society and change into coherent and fully differentiated beings.

Williams (1988) in his research also suggests that immigrants transform after immigration. He states that immigrants are not captives of the religious traditions that they bring with them because in the regrouping that accompanies emigration, they are able to choose elements of the religion in a dynamic that permits both the retention of religious tradition and its reformulation (Williams, 1988, p 279). According to Williams (1988), this component of

214 flexibility in articulating a more tolerant interpretation of faith and reformulating its traditions empowers immigrants to create a more sophisticated version of faith in North America. The findings of the present study attest to what Williams proposed. Muslims in the present study reconceptualize Islam in light of the new knowledge acquired after immigration and perceive its connection to their wellbeing. They feel reassured and thrive in following this uncontaminated, genuine version of Islam which speaks to their authentic self. The process of this reconceptualization adds to their sense of wellness and maturity. Along with a unique experience of a differentiated sense of self, immigrants re-appraise their views and perception of Canada and genuinely embrace the country. They become enlightened and optimistic about the many benefits that Canadian immigration added to their lives. Thus, they craft an identity which has a blend of both the Eastern collectivistic values and the Canadian traditions of sensitivity, equality, inclusion, tolerance, care, and fairness. This identity is different from the identity that they initially brought from back home. This identity is inclusive, coherent, comprehensive, yet fully differentiated, thus making it an important addition to the Canadian mosaic.

The theory of Muslim identity formation answers many questions that were posed in the previous research. For example, Awan (1989) had proposed that Muslims are responsible in ensuring a respectful place of Islam in Canada through demonstrating to the host society what

Islam is and who should be called a Muslim. Awan (1989) had ascribed this responsibility to all

Muslims who want to make Canada their new home. He proposed that Muslims should explain to the host society that Islam is no longer an upholder of conservative monarchs of the state’s power and that it is a religion of peace and inclusion (p.74). It seems that Pakistani Muslim immigrants engage in this quest and do their part in explaining to the host society what Islam means.

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Awan (1989) further suggested that Muslims should maintain their own culture while simultaneously familiarizing themselves to the Canadian culture and that the two should not be irreconcilable (p. 75). Muslim immigrants in the present study intuitively followed what Awan had suggested for Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ successful assimilation in the Canadian society.

Pakistani Muslims expressed determination to not give up their original values for the sake of fully immersing within Canadian society. They rather wish to maintain their individuality from the host society while adopting aspects of the host culture that resonate with their renewed sense of self and their revitalized version of Islam. Awan (1989) had suggested Pakistani Muslims strike a balance in terms of their resettlement in Canada and see the pros and cons of this relocation experience. Pakistani Muslim immigrants seem to have analyzed their immigration experience and have come to a point where they have reached a well bargained agreement for giving up the benefits of living in the homeland for the gains of living in Canada. Awan (1989) in his research also demanded Pakistani Muslims to communicate their feelings to the host society effectively through gaining a respectful position in the host society where their voices could be heard and their concerns could be understood. It seems like participants in this study are en route to this goal. Future research is needed to explore Muslim immigrants’ success in meeting this goal through securing respectable positions in the Canadian society and having their voices heard at a higher level.

With respect to surviving the culture shock that is a result of immigrating to culturally diverse societies, Abu-Laban( 1983) had suggested that there is a need for Muslims to have an innovative survival strategy that facilitates community cohesion on the one hand, and successful adaptation to the new Canadian environment on the other hand (p.88). Pakistani Muslim immigrants have already initiated their coping mission to successfully survive the many

216 difficulties of living in a socially, culturally and religiously different country. They seem to be preserving their original values, bonding with the Muslim fellows, keeping their children well directed and informed about their original values, marking their presence in the host society through actively participating in congregational religious activities, and, yet at the same time embracing Canada and feeling “well blended” in Canadian society.

Husaini’s (1990) research described four aspects of Muslims’ growth and community development in Canada: 1). The economic adjustment 2). Social connections among those sharing the same culture 3). Initiation of cultural, religious, linguistic, and other community organizations and, 4). The consolidation of the community life and political participation, after which leadership emerges in the community. While Husaini’s (1990) research described how leadership might emerge within the Muslim community in the Canadian society, the present research adds to her research by explicating the step by step process of an authentic Muslim identity formation which would eventually render Muslims eligible for influential positions in the host society. I believe the formation of an authentic Muslim identity is the precondition to leadership positions within the community and eventually at the political level in the Canadian society.

Husaini (1990) proposed in her research that Canadian Muslims who love both the land of their choice and their original homelands, living here in freedom, practicing their Islamic faith and availing themselves of the opportunities of this advanced society, have the potential to become an exemplary model of mutual friendship and peaceful coexistence to the Muslim world

(p. 101). Participants of the present research seems to have planted the seeds for the formation of exemplary Muslim role models by being sensitive, sincere, caring, honest, authentic and committed citizens. Their attempts seem to have been positively perceived and received by the

217 host society as well.

In sum, immigration to Canada appears to be a growth oriented and insightful experience for Pakistani Muslim immigrants. This experience allows them to engage in a process of differentiation that brings about a fundamental shift in their perspectives on self, other, and the world. They appraise their immigration experience in the changed context and realize the inherent racial, cultural, and religious differences from the host society. They engage in protecting aspects of self, which are inseparable features of their being, such as their original values and religion. They also appraise the host culture’s values in a more realistic and positive light and selectively adopt and endorse certain values of the new society, which they truly admire and had wished to have in their homeland. This allows them embrace Canada genuinely and accept it as their new home. It appears that together with actual benefits of immigration to

Canada, faith is creating an emotional equilibrium in regulating the personal, psychological, emotional, and spiritual aspects of immigrants’ life in Canada.

In this research, the process of identity formation of Pakistani Muslim immigrants in the

Canadian mosaic has been highlighted through a four-stage theory which leads to the process of initiation of an authentic Muslim identity in the Canadian mosaic. The process of identity formation evolves through those stages that provide the context, substance and finally a resolution to the culture shock resulting in the development of a differentiated sense of self and an authentic Muslim identity. This theory develops from evolutionary stages starting from shock and resistance to resilience, differentiation, integration and finally assimilation into the host society.

Finally, I would like to conclude this discussion with a note that Canada as a land of opportunity, continues to grow as a multicultural society that embraces and includes many

218 religions, cultures, ethnicities and traditions, each of which add to the beauty and eternity to its cultural mosaic. Canada presents the living example of the positive conducive environment which was recognized by Watson (2011) as the necessary condition in facilitating the process of becoming a differentiated and fully functioning being. It is only in Canada that Pakistani Muslim immigrants realize their organismic selves and develop into sensitive, caring, informed, genuine, differentiated, and functioning beings. Canada, despite being a religiously and culturally diverse place, provides these immigrants the needed positive context in accessing their potential in becoming their ideal self, the true Muslims.

COUNSELLING AND CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS

The present study highlighted many important aspects of Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ emotional needs and ways of perceiving resolution to distress and pain in life. This research, like the research conducted before (Khan 1, 2005), shows Pakistani Muslim immigrants’ resistance to counselling for resolving emotional problems. Most participants in the present study showed a reserved attitude towards seeking counselling. Most of them noted never being in counselling and having no intentions to seek support through counselling even if they needed help. The likely reasons of this disinterest in counselling could be: stigma attached to mental illnesses in the country of origin, different upbringing where personal emotional needs are overtaken by family needs and, being raised in a society where counselling is not a common mode for addressing emotional problems. It is important to consider that this group holds a more reserved approach to mental health problems and even if they do seek counselling, their expectations from the counselling may differ from those of Canadians. It would be very important for the therapist working with this group of immigrants to maintain a positive and non-judgmental stance on their preferred choices for themselves and their children, even if they appear different from the values

219 of the therapist or society. Sensitivity, respect, and an open outlook to their preferences, choices, likes, dislikes and ways of living is extremely vital in making counselling a positive and growth- oriented experience for them. The therapists working with this group may want to familiarize themselves with Pakistani culture, values and customs before starting therapy. However, at the same time the therapist must maintain a not-knowing stance to explore the individual beliefs of their clients and clarify their understanding of clients’ experiences before implementing any interventions.

As with any other client group, fostering a relationship of trust and respect would be an essential and much needed component of therapy work with this group of immigrants as they feel judged and negatively stereotyped in the host society and are sensitive and self-conscious about themselves. Their sensitivity towards therapist’s impression of them may be too high, for which the therapist should be prepared and should address it effectively in therapy.

Research indicates that bicultural efficacy can largely contribute to immigrants’ sense of competency, self-confidence and feelings of self-assurance in the new land (LaFramboise,

Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). Laframboise and her colleagues (1993) suggest that fostering bicultural efficacy could be an important goal of programs that focus on immigrants’ healthy adjustment in the new society. Therefore, counseling with this group of immigrant, as with any other group of immigrants, may focus on encouraging and developing immigrants’ bicultural efficacy. Development of bicultural efficacy could be an important goal of therapy for the successful integration, as well as growth of immigrants in the receiving cultures. Therapists can accomplish this goal by helping the clients feel connected with their culture of origin by taking part in cultural activities held within their sub community, while at the same time help them acknowledge and appreciate the positives and benefits of living in a multicultural host society.

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As it is found in the present study, religion appears to be one of the most precious and cherished assets for this group of immigrants. They appeared very protective of Islam. It would be critically important for the counsellor working with this group to be respectful of their religious values and avoid comparisons with those living and preferring secular ways of life.

Family values and children appeared to be central in these immigrants’ life. Many of the participants sacrificed their homeland and highly accomplished careers for the better future of their children. It is important to acknowledge those values and to offer a positive regard to client’s values and decisions.

It is also important to foster a positive attitude about seeking help for emotional problems among this group of immigrants, as they appear resistant to seeking such help. In order to foster positive acceptance for help seeking for emotional difficulties in the Pakistani Muslim community, it is important to use media to demystify the counselling process and challenge cultural stereotypes regarding professional psychological help. Saleem (2009) noted that television sitcoms and movies have a strong link to the South Asian population; presenting a positive picture of help seeking through counselling in movies or television shows may be an effective way to change their negative perceptions of mental health problems and may foster positive acceptance for such help.

It is important to consider that the children of Pakistani immigrants may not necessarily perceive certain values and customs the same way as their parents. Therapists working with them should understand that these children are socialized in two different worlds, one of their parents’ and the other of the Canadian society. These two worlds are not necessarily as clearly defined to them as they were to their parents who immigrated to Canada at a mature age. It would be

221 important for the therapist working with the second-generation children of these immigrants to explore their needs from their unique subjective perspectives.

STRENGTHS

The present research is an explanatory study that explicates the step-by-step process involved in the formation of an authentic Muslim identity in the context of Canadian immigration. One of the strengths of this research lies in its chosen topic of exploration. The chosen topic has been an area which was identified by several studies (e.g., Reitz et al, 2009;

Husaini, 1990; Awan, 1989; Williams, 1988; Dion & Phan, 2009; Hogben, 1983; Qureshi &

Qureshi, 1983 etc) as an important area for future research. While past research explored an overall picture of immigrants’ social and religious integration and resettlement in Canada, the present study highlights aspects of Muslims’ experiences in Canada that facilitate their smooth, social and cultural integration in the Canadian society. Therefore, the present research, in the light of the information ascertained through the above-mentioned studies, probes the many processes that are subjectively construed by Muslim immigrants in crafting and embracing an identity that resonates with their sense of self. This research enhances our understanding on

Pakistani immigrants’ feelings about being a Muslim in the multicultural Canadian society.

The Muslim identity, as construed by Pakistani immigrants, is developed through a complex process of experiencing, negotiating, differentiating, and becoming. In that sense, this study serves as a needed piece of information which provides a thorough understanding of the complexities of the subjective experience of Pakistani Muslims in forming a new identity in

Canada. This information holds special value in Canadian context where the current number of

Muslims is over 940,000 [2.8% of the total population] (Lewis, 2011, in National Post).

This research is an extension of a previous research which explored the resettlement

222 experiences of recent immigrant women from Pakistan to Canada (Khan1, 2005; Khan &

Watson, 2005). The previous research explicated the theory of Pakistani Muslim immigrant women’s resettlement in Canada. However, the present study included Pakistani immigrant men in addition to women to have a well-rounded inclusive picture of Pakistani immigrants experience in Canada. In addition to the resettlement aspect, the present study also focused on immigrants’ experience of faith and feelings about being an ethnoreligious minority in a different society and looked at how these experiences impact their integration in the Canadian society.

The present study confirms and expands many of the previously explored aspects of Pakistani

Muslim immigrants’ resettlement in Canada. By focusing on long term residents, the present study comprehensively explores immigrants’ intentions and motivation behind making Canada their permanent new home. The participants in the present study articulated an enhanced sense of self by explicating the rationale behind their decision in making Canada their new home.

Although, past research has focused on immigrants’ resettlement experience, this aspect in which immigrants experience a new sense of belonging to the host society was not explored before.

The Grounded Theory framework used for exploring immigrants’ subjective experiences has been very apt useful and informative. This methodology allowed participants’ subjective experiences to inform our understanding of their immigration process. Grounded Theory framework allowed an in-depth exploration of the deeply subjective aspects of immigrants’ lives and assisted in conceptualizing a four-stage theory of identity formation in the Canadian mosaic.

This theory explains the course of ‘meaning making of the relocation experience’, ‘coping & rejuvenating’, ‘differentiating’, and finally ‘becoming’, in a systematic manner.

The results of the present research are optimistic. This research contradicts many false perceptions about Muslims and shows that Muslims are not that different from other groups of

223 immigrants or even from native-born Canadians on many aspects of their social behaviour. This study also attests to Canada’s claim of including cultural and religious minorities within its cultural mosaic as acknowledged by these immigrants. The findings of the present study validate the results of many research studies conducted on various groups of immigrants, which increases the generalizability of the findings of this research to other groups of immigrants as well.

LIMITATIONS

Although the present study is a valuable addition to the body of knowledge on immigrants’ resettlement and identity formation experiences in the context of Canadian immigration, the study also has certain weaknesses in terms of limiting the query to the Pakistani

Muslim immigrants who identified themselves as Muslims. This aspect limits the generalizability of its findings to other groups of immigrants or even Pakistani immigrants who do not want to be classified as Muslims.

Secondly, although all efforts were made in recruiting immigrant who are from diverse occupational and economic cohorts within the Pakistani immigrant community, all but one participant in the present study were underemployed and did not have the jobs within their professional fields, which may have affected the findings of this research. The occupationally homogenous group may have inflated the findings on experiences of uprooting and culture shock and may not conform to the experiences of those Pakistani immigrants who are occupationally well settled and more reassured in Canada than the study participants.

Thirdly, although all attempts were made in recruiting immigrants with diverse levels of religiosity, the final sample was largely represented by people who identified themselves as

“moderately religious”. Most of them called themselves “modern Muslims” and expressed

224 satisfaction on their children’s healthy and selective assimilation in the host society. This aspect may have limited the generalizability of these finding to highly religious or less religious Muslim immigrants.

Another limitation of this study emanates from recruiting only skilled immigrants who moved to Canada with their families. Most of these immigrants were highly qualified and educated individuals and the level of education may have contributed to their thinking processes, analytical perspectives, and optimistic outlook to life in Canada. In that respect, these findings may not be equally applicable to refugee population or unskilled/less educated groups of

Pakistani Muslim immigrants who may not construe their immigration experience the same way as the participants of the present study. Similarly, the present study focused on immigrants who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families and the findings may not necessarily be relevant to those who are single in Canada. The pressure of having the family and stress of keeping Islamic values alive in children’s life may have contributed to the participants’ increased positive feelings about Islam and enthusiasm in creating a socially desirable Muslim identity in

Canada.

Although, the finding of this study attest and confirm previous studies on different groups of immigrants, the results may not be equally generalizable to immigrant from other ethnic and religious groups due to differences in their cultural, religious, and social beliefs.

Finally, although the research retained interviews of fourteen participants with an equal number of male and female respondents and the fact that the sample size was large enough for qualitative study, the results may still be limited in accounting for the experiences of all Pakistani

Muslim immigrants to Canada. A number of variables about the target population that were beyond the control of the researcher may have confounded the results such as the particular

225 family background, upbringing experiences, personality variables, level of acculturation, desire to stay in Canada, and social desirability effect.

FUTURE DIRECTIONS

This research offers several important avenues for future studies to explore. As observed in the study and many previous studies, employment challenges have been at the top of the hardships experienced by recent, as well as long-term, immigrants to Canada. Research has consistently shown that well-paid jobs continue to stay out of immigrants’ reach despite the immigrants’ upgrading. Future research is needed to explore certain fields, which consistently show lower representation of immigrants in those jobs. It could be an important piece of information for policy makers to keep in mind as most of the employers declare to be “Equal opportunity employers” but such research may highlight the hidden discrepancies in their claims and actual practices with respect to their claims. Similarly, identification of certain job fields where immigrants continue to represent in smaller numbers could be helpful for immigrants to prepare them for either upgrading or adding another skill set to their portfolios. Such information would be useful for potential immigrants before they make a decision to immigrate. This can help immigrants diversify their skills in the areas where there is more demand to secure better chances of professional development and to be able to secure well-paid jobs.

In addition to the exploration of certain professional fields where immigrants are underrepresented, it may also be helpful to explore certain aspects of immigrants’ behavioural presentation and emotional states that may have a potential to affect their employability. Their behaviours, such as self-confidence during interviews, resume writing skills, and interview skills could also be contributing factors to their abridged entry into the job market.

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There is a need to research aspects of the host society that are vital in the successful integration of Muslims in the Canadian society. Future research may focus on Canadians’ attitude towards Islam and Muslims based on their interactions with Muslims in the capacity of a citizen, friend, acquaintance, colleague, employer, teacher, supervisor, service provider, service recipient, subordinate etc. to explore their perceptions of Islam and Muslims in the Canadian society. This exploration would also help gauge Muslims’ efforts in restoring their positive image and securing a well-deserved place in Canada. Hogben (1983) had suggested in his research for an equal participation in the attainment of an ideal multiculturalism in the Canadian mosaic through active efforts on part of both the Muslims as well as Canadians. Awan (1989) had also raised a similar question by asserting that if Canada believes in a multicultural society, it will ensure respect for immigrants and integration without alienation. Future research should explore the attitudes and feelings of Canadians towards Muslims to see the extent of actual implementation of the multicultural policy in terms of achieving true multiculturalism in Canada.

Although, present study sought experiences of male and female Pakistani Muslim immigrants, and provided an overall picture of their identity formation experiences in Canada.

As such, looking at the specific differences across gender on each single aspect of immigrants’ identity formation and resettlement experience was not explored. However, this might be an important area for future research to explore to understand male and female immigrants’ unique experiences.

There is also a pressing need to explore the experiences of the children of these immigrants to probe their feelings and experiences about Muslim identity in Canada. Most of these children immigrated to Canada at a young age and some of them are born in Canada. Their sense of ethnic identity may not be the same as their parents since there are multiple variables

227 influencing their acculturation in Canada including the school, media, peers, overall society, etc.

There is a need to explore how this young generation feels about being Muslim in Canada. Have they been successful in achieving healthy individuation as their parents did? If not, what are the barriers? What are their feelings about their identity in Canada? What are their feelings about

Canada? Exploration of the above mentioned areas would be a valuable addition to the body of knowledge on immigrants’ resettlement in culturally diverse societies.

Finally, it may be helpful to conduct research on Pakistani Muslim immigrants who have used counselling/mental health services to explore their attitudes and feelings towards such services. It would be helpful to probe into their feelings about such services after they used it; what they found useful/helpful and what they did not find helpful in their experience of counselling. Answers to these questions could be an important piece of information to inform the practice of counselling and in designing culturally sensitive interventions for this group of immigrants.

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http://www12.statcan.ca/english/census01/Products/Analytic/companion/rel/canada.cfm Statistics Canada. (2003). Longitudinal survey of immigrants to Canada: Process, Progress, and Prospects. Housing, Family, and Social Statistics Division. Retrieved from: http://www.settlement.org/atwork/research.asp Statistics Canada. (2006). Census 2006: Immigration in Canada: A Portrait of the Foreign-born Population, 2006 Census: Findings. Retrieved from: http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/as-sa/97-557/index- eng.cfm?CFID=2987437&CFTOKEN=57728114

Statistics on Sex and the Law. (2011). The Canadian Resource library. Retrieved from: http://www.sexualityandu.ca/en/resource-library/statistics/sex-and-the-law

Status of Women 1914-1945. The Canadian Encyclopedia. Historical Foundation of Canada. Retrieved from: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1SEC828550 Supreme Court of Canada: The Honourable Madam Justice Bertha Wilson. About the Court: Judges on the Court. Retrieved from: http://www.scc-csc.gc.ca/court-cour/ju/wilson/index-eng.asp

The Daily. (2008). 2006 Census: Ethnic origin, visible minorities, place of work and mode of transportation. Retrieved from: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/080402/dq080402a-eng.htm

The Star. (2007). Bertha Wilson; First female Supreme Court justice. May 01, 2007. Retrieved from: http://www.thestar.com/News/article/209065

Times Online. (2008). Islam Overtakes Catholicism as World’s largest religion, March 31, 2008. Retrieved from: http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article3653800.ece

Wikipedia: The Canadian Encyclopedia. Pakistani Canadians. Retrieved from: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PakistaniCanadian (viewed on April 5, 2009)

APPENDIX A – Phone Screening

Participants were asked the following questions during the initial phone contact. These questions were designed to ensure that the participants meet the selection criteria for inclusion in the study and to ensure that the final sample includes men and women of diverse socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds within our larger sample of Pakistani Muslim Immigrants. Participants were asked only to give their first name or a pseudonym. They were informed that these questions were asked to ensure that the sample represents diverse groups of Pakistani Muslim Immigrants.

1. Participant’s current age ______2. Do you identify yourself as Pakistani Muslim? 3. When you arrived in Canada? ______4. Are you a Canadian citizen now? 5. Did you migrate with your spouse and children and or extended family members? ______6. Current occupation ______7. Language ______

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Appendix-B Background Information

Please provide the following information

1. Age: (30-40) _____ (40-50) _____ (over 50, please specify age) _____ 2. Occupation (current) ______(pre immigration) ______3. Do you have any children? No ___Yes ____, If yes how many? ______4. Level of Education ______5. Place of Birth (country) ______7. Parents birth place – mother ______, father ______8. What language do you speak at home? ______9. How do you identify your ethno-cultural heritage? ______10. How do you identify your ethnoreligious background? ______11. Your estimated total income of last year $CAD ______12. You and your spouse’s current source of income ______13. How long have you lived in Canada ______14. When you arrived in Canada: ____ did you accompany your Spouse __, Children__others _ 15. How easy or difficult was/is it to adjust in a new environment? ______Very easy ______Somewhat easy ______No real problems ______Somewhat difficult ______Very difficult 16. How easy or difficult it is/was for you to communicate in English language ______Very easy ______Somewhat easy ______No real problems ______Somewhat difficult ______Very difficult

17. How often do you pray? ______Five times a day ______two to four times a day ______once a day ______Only occasionally, such as only Friday prayer, Eid prayers etc. ______I don’t pray 18. How often do you go to mosque to offer prayer in congregation? ______Five times a day ______two to four times a day ______once a day ______Only occasionally, such as, for Friday prayer, Eid prayers etc. ______None Please specify (optional) (e.g. nonstop work hours, tough work duties, unavailability of short breaks for prayer in the work setting, household responsibilities etc) ------19. Do you celebrate the month of Ramadan? Yes----No----- ______by fasting every day ______by fasting most days of the month

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______by fasting only few days of the month, please specify how many days(optional)------______without fasting, due to (e.g. difficulty fasting due to extended global day hours in Canada, job schedule etc) please specify (optional) ______16. Do you celebrate Eid in Canada? Yes __ No __ How do you celebrate Eid in Canada? With immediate family _____ with extended family ______with friends ______20. Do you recite Qur’an? Yes __ No __. If yes, how often ______21. Do you pay Zakat? Yes ______No______22. Do you have arrangements for your children to learn Qur’an? Yes ___ No ___ 23. How important is it for your children to have understanding of Islam? ______very important ______important ______somewhat important ______not so important 24. How often do you get together with people from your community through combined religious gatherings? ______once or more times a month ______once in three months ______once in six months ______once in an year ______rarely ______never If yes, where you have this kind of gatherings? Inside house (yours ___ others ___) mosque and/or community centre or place designated for such activities ______

APPENDIX C – Interview Guide

Interview Guidelines

The interview will begin by asking participants to describe their experiences about Islam and participation in religious activities in Canada. The interviewer will use the following questions and prompts to facilitate this discussion. These questions will only be addressed after discussing all topics that will be spontaneously raised by the participants.

Interview Questions The interviewer will use the following questions and prompts to facilitate this discussion. These questions will be addressed after discussing all topics that will be raised by the participants spontaneously.

1. What have been your feelings about Islam and experience of Islam in Canada? 2. What has been your experience of religion in Canada? Is this experience different from what you had in Pakistan, if yes? how? Please share your insights. 3. What are your feelings about participating in religious activities? What religious practice (or practices) have you been mostly engaged in and why? Please share your feelings about it. 4. How and where do you participate in religious activities? How does your role as mother/father/husband/wife affect your involvement in religious activities? 5. How important is joint religious participation for you? Is your engagement in religious activities the same as before? What does it mean to you? please share your feelings. 6. What is it like to be a Pakistani Muslim in Canada? What does this identity mean to you? Please share your experiences and feelings. 7. What has been the influence of Canadian immigration on your views about Islam and your participation in religious activities? 8. How do you feel about Canadian culture? What has been the influence of Canadian culture on you and your original culture? Please share your feelings. 9. What would you like for your children to adopt? What do you do to make sure that your children are raised according to your preferred values? Please share your feelings about your values. 10. What have been the main resources that helped you adjust and integrate in Canada? What have been the main hurdles in your adjustment and integration? 11. What resources have you been using to seek guidance, support, direction, and self assurance in difficult times? What has been the most helpful resource? Please share your feelings. 12. Have you ever used counseling? What are your feelings about counseling? If you haven’t used counselling yet, what have you been using in the time of crisis? How helpful those resources have been?

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APPENDIX D – Recruitment Flyer

Recruitment flyer for research participants

Are you a Pakistani Muslim immigrant and a Canadian citizen who immigrated to Canada 5 to 10 years ago? Are you interested in talking about your experience of Islam and your identity as a Pakistani Muslim in Canada?

A qualitative comparative study examining and comparing Pakistani Muslim Immigrant men and women’s experience of Islam and their experience of a distinct ethnoreligious identity as a ‘Pakistani Muslim Immigrant’ is being conducted by Salaha Khan, a PhD candidate at the Department of Adult Education and Counselling Psychology at OISE/UT under the supervision of Dr. Jeanne Watson. Pakistani immigrant men and women over 30 years of age, who immigrated to Canada in the last 5 to 10 years with their immediate families under the category of skilled workers, are invited to participate in a face-to-face interview. Interviews would be scheduled in July, will take about 75-90 minutes, and are confidential. In appreciation of your participation, you will be paid $CAD20.

If you are interested in participating in this study, please contact Salaha by email at [email protected] or call her at: 416-901-0697 or you may also contact Dr. Jeanne Watson at 416-978-0705.

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APPENDIX E – Information Letter

Contact persons: Salaha Khan, Principal Investigator 416-901-0697

Prof. Dr. Jeanne Watson, Research Supervisor 416-978-0705

Dear Participant,

I am a graduate student in the Department of Counselling Psychology at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. For my Doctoral level research project, I have chosen to inquire about Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women’s experiences in regards to Islam and their unique ethnoreligious identity as Pakistani Muslim Canadians in Canada. I am conducting a comparative study that looks into the experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women, who identify themselves as Muslim. As a minimum they should have arrived in Canada in the last five to ten years with their immediate families under the category of skilled workers and have become Canadian citizens now. I am talking to men and women over the age of 30 who immigrated to Canada with their families including their spouses, children and or extended family members.

The goal of this project is to understand what it means to be a Pakistani Muslim immigrant in Canada; what has been the place of religion in the immigrants’ life after immigration to a culturally and religiously diverse country; how has their involvement in religion been for them; what feelings are associated with this involvement; and what resources immigrants use to feel safe, healthy, and self assured. This would include exploration of their feelings about Islam in their post immigration lives, the extent of their involvement in religious activities, any difference in their practice of religion in Canada in comparison with the practices they had in Pakistan, their feelings about being a Pakistani Muslim Canadian in Canada, what meaning this identity holds for them, and the impact of their affiliation with Islam and their unique ethnoreligious identity on their emotional and psychological wellbeing in Canada. In order to accomplish these goals, I anticipate interviewing 6-9 Pakistani Muslim immigrant men, and similar number of Pakistani Muslim immigrant women, with a total of 12-18 participants in both groups.

Your participation in this study involves taking part in one interview 75-90 minutes long and one to two follow ups (via email) with your interview summary and interview themes for the purpose of verifying my understanding of your experience. During this interview, I will ask you to complete a two-page background information questionnaire. During the interview you will be given a chance to talk about your experience of Islam, your involvement in religious practices, the feelings associated with your affiliation and involvement in Islam; and your experience and feelings about your ethnoreligious identity in Canada. The interview will be conducted in either of three languages: Urdu, Punjabi or English, whichever you feel comfortable to communicate in. As well, you will get the chance to read the summary of your interview (in the language of

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your choice) and make any corrections or changes you feel necessary. I will try my best to conduct the interview at a time and place convenient to you. You will receive $CAD 20 for your participation in the interview.

All interview sessions will be audiotaped and the tapes will be transcribed. Once transcribed, the tapes will be erased. The transcripts, questionnaires, and any written reports will not contain any names or other identifying information. All materials will be coded by numbers only and will be kept in a locked filing cabinet accessible only to the investigator and the research supervisor. The information in the study may appear in future publications and public presentations. In order to maintain your confidentiality, your name and other identifying information will not be used in any written reports, publications or presentations.

Your participation in the research is completely voluntary. You can choose not to discuss any particular topic in the interview and can choose not to answer any question during the interview and on the questionnaire. You may also withdraw your data from the study at any time without any negative consequences to you. If you decide to withdraw from the study or withdraw your data, you will still keep the payment that you have received for interview.

Your participation in this study provides no direct benefits to you. However, some people find participating in the interview interesting and informative because they are given an opportunity to think about their experiences and talk about issues that matter to them. As well your participation may help other Muslim immigrant men and women who hold similar views and experiences as you in Canada. There are likely no risks to you as a result of your participation in this study. However, discussing experiences related to your religion and personal belief system would be a unique personal experience and might make you feel emotional. If you wish to discuss this with a counsellor, I will assist you in finding a suitable counsellor. I will make all attempts to protect your confidentiality. The only times I could not protect your confidentiality would be if you reported that you were planning to hurt yourself or someone else; if you reported that a child was being hurt or neglected or in danger of being hurt by you or another adult; and, if you reported being sexually abused by a regulated health care professional.

If you would like to participate in this research, please complete the attached consent form. You will receive an additional copy of the consent form for you to keep. You can receive written information about the results of your study by completing the summary results form attached to the consent form. Should you have any questions or concerns about this study, you can contact Salaha Khan at 416-901-0697 or Dr. Jeanne Watson at 416-978-0705.

APPENDIX F – Consent Form

You are invited to take part in a research project investigating the experiences of Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women in regards to Islam and practice of Islam and their ethnoreligious identity as a Pakistani Muslim Canadian in Canada. We believe that the experience of religion and a distinct ethnoreligious identity is quite unique for each individual. If you decide to participate in this research you would be asked to take part in an interview conducted by Salaha Khan, a PhD student in the Department of Counselling Psychology at the University of Toronto and will be supervised by Dr. Jeanne Watson, Professor at OISE of the University Of Toronto. Your participation in this study involves taking part in one interview 75- 90 minutes long and one to two follow ups (via email) with your interview summary and interview themes for the purpose of verifying my understanding of your experience. There will be 12 to 18 participants in this study.

This study would look at your experiences that you have had in relation to Islam, practice of Islam, and your identity as a Pakistani Muslim Canadian. Participation will involve taking part in an individual face-to-face interview, lasting 75-90 minutes, where questions will be posed addressing your experiences, feelings, emotions, views, and opinions about your unique identity and Islam in Canada. Topics of discussion would include the experience of Islam in Canada, engagement in religious activities; involvement in religious activities in community settings such as mosques and community centres vs. at home; importance of religion and religiously significant activities to you; feelings about being a Pakistani Muslim Canadian; and the importance of this identity. The questions would also explore the meanings you attach to Islam and this religious identity in the Canadian context, and the impact of this experience on your mental and emotional health.

The possible benefits to participating in this research include an opportunity for increased reflection on issues relevant to your experiences, and an opportunity to learn about research results across participants. It is likely that there will be no risks to you as a result of participating in this research. In addition to PhD dissertation this research may result in publications, chapters, or public presentations so others can learn from your precious experiences.

The interview will be audio taped for later analysis and the tapes will be transcribed and then erased. Only Dr. Watson or a graduate research assistant under her direct supervision will have access to the audiotapes for the purpose of transcribing them. Individuals will be paid a sum of $CAD 20.00 for participating in the research. The $CAD 20.00 will be paid to you, even if you subsequently decide to withdraw from the research. Participation in this research is entirely voluntary, and individuals taking part in this research are free to withdraw at any point without any consequences. Before the analysis of data if a request is made to Dr. Watson, the data gathered from your participation in the research can be withdrawn, and not be used.

Participants will be assigned a code number to be used on all transcriptions, and identifying information will be removed from transcribed document. The transcriptions will be kept for up to five years for research purposes, after which point they will be destroyed. Reports

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of the results of this study will not contain any information that could personally identify any interviewee. However during the process of interview should you mention a situation in which someone is in immediate danger or a child is at risk of abuse or neglect, I am required to report the information to the appropriate authorities.

If you have any questions or if you are interested in participating, please contact me, Salaha Khan, by email at [email protected], or by phone at 416-901-0697. You can also contact Prof. Dr. Watson at [email protected] or 416-978-0705.

Consent Form

I have read and understood the attached information letter and I agree to participate in the study.

I understand that I will receive a copy of the consent form and information letter and that I can receive a report on the results of the study, if I wish.

Signature ______Date ______

Yes ( ) I want a report on the results of the study mailed or emailed to me.

Email address ______Mailing address ______

APPENDIX G – Sample Summary

Danish is a 49 years old Urdu speaking Sunni Muslim who immigrated to Canada from Pakistan with his wife and children, about seven years ago. Danish did Master in Business Administration with specialization in Management of Technology from School of Management, Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok in 1992. He did Bachelor in Mechanical Engineering from University of Engineering and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan in 1984. He also did many postgraduate courses in Production Engineering, Industrial Engineering & Management, Finance, E-commerce and Computer Application from various reputed International institutes. He has professional experience of over twenty-five years in the field of Marketing, Designing, Manufacturing, Installation / Commissioning of various types of crane and Hoisting system. Danish is currently working in Canada with a Cranes company. Due to high living expense and low employment rate, he had to take a part time job as a Security officer. Before immigration, he had held the director’s position in a large multinational crane company which has offices across Middle East, South Asia, and Europe. Danish has also performed financial consultancy projects during his stay in Pakistan and had been a visiting faculty in various academic institutes in Pakistan. Danish’s wife was a practicing physician in Pakistan. However, after immigration to Canada, her credentials were not considered equivalent to the same medical program in Canada. Therefore, she completed a diploma in ultrasound technology and is currently working as an ultrasound technologist in a clinic located in GTA. Danish reported finding his adjustment in the new environment as somewhat easy experience for him because of his experience of living with diverse communities. He did not experience any difficulty in communicating in the English language. He prays two to four times a day in the mosque, which is located within a walking distance from his home. He reported celebrating the month of Ramadan in Canada by fasting every day. He celebrates Eid in Canada with his family and friends. He reported reciting Quran twice a week and paying Zakat regularly. He has arrangements for his kids to read Quran and considers it very important for his children to have understanding of Islam. He reported getting together with people from his community through combined religious gathering at mosques once or more times a month. Danish stated that his experience of Islam in Canada has been more positive than the experience that he has had in Pakistan. He elaborated that he finds implementing Islam in a more 253

254 balanced and liberal way here in Canada. He believes that in Pakistan, Islam is perceived and interpreted differently due to cultural connotations imposed on it and due to segregation of different sects within Islam which according to Danish is against the authentic spirit of Islam. He further stated that culture in Pakistan uses religion to maintain the control and authority of political parties over people; Islam personal in Pakistan is used for personal gains which sabotage the actual philosophy of Islam. He feels that Islam in Canada is free of cultural binds and is not corrupted and limited due to cultural restrictions and that he can practice it in its actual spirit. He stated that each country has its own culture, which influences the way people practice their religion. He appreciated the personal freedom in practicing Islam as per his wishes, personal values and convenience which was not much available in Pakistan. In Pakistan, a normal conversation or friendship between man and woman is perceive inappropriate and is unacceptable. Danish feels better about following his faith in Canada due to personal freedom and the liberal environment. However, Danish noted that celebrating religious festivals and having Islam recognized in Canada has been little hurtful experience for him. He reported finding it sad that Islamic religious days are not acknowledge and recognized here in Canada despite of large population of Muslims residing in this country. He expressed frustration about not having day off on Eid and no break for prayer at the jobs for most job sites. He thinks that Pakistan despite being a Muslim country is more inclusive of religious minorities as Christmas and Easter holidays are regular statutory holidays in Pakistan. Therefore, overall he noted that following Islamic culture and Islamic festival, here in Canada has not been that great experience due to community level restrictions and the non recognition of minority immigrants’ religious needs within the Canadian system. Danish suggested a number of steps that could improve people’s experience of Islam in Canada. He noted that there is a need to have special Islamic day of Eid included as part of statutory holidays in Canada. He noted that schools should be more sensitive about certain restrictions that Muslim children are required to follow and that schools should be more consistent and respectful of Islamic practices and should not expect Muslim children to participate in certain activities that are part of prevalent Western culture. He also noted that this practice of religious sensitivity should be consistent in all schools across Canada. Danish mentioned that he lives in a neighborhood where most people. He mentioned choosing that area for providing his kids a better religious environment otherwise he could have moved to a more affluent residential area. He noted that he offers his prayers during break time at his job. He

255 noted that his involvement in religious activities has been the same, and his home environment has been consistent with the religious values. Danish reported having the full support of his wife in ensuring the integration of Islamic values in his home. He noted that both he and his wife take active part in making their home environment conducive and consistent with their religious values. He noted being watchful in looking after the activities that his kids engage in, especially during their time of watching TV, the sites they visit on the internet, and the times they use the internet. He noted that he and his spouse have created a home environment in which there is very little chance for children to de-track from the religious path. He noted making personal sacrifices to accomplish that goal like giving up on watching certain TV channels and spending most time with family, instead of engaging in personally desirable recreational activities. He noted that living in a Muslim community made it easier for him to implement his values inside his home. With respect to his engagement in religious activities, Danish noted that he offers prayers with the same routine (2 to 4 times a day) and has been fasting regularly during Ramadan ever since he was small and immigration had no effect on those activities. He noted that he wants to make sure that he and his family follow basics of Islam, at the minimum. He considers himself a moderate Muslim and does not demand his wife to wear Hijab. According to Danish, there are two ways of keeping fundamentals of Islam, one is to use religion for personal purpose and the other is to understand the actual spirit or philosophy of Islam and embrace it. He thinks if the basic understanding of Islam is sound, there is a very little chance for people to drift away from the right path, even if they miss a religious practice. He is determined to keep fundamental of Islam intact for himself and his family. He noted practicing faith as a way to express his loyalties to his faith and to feel self assured; for him, practicing faith is not a way to show off that he is a good Muslim. To him, Islam means more than just following religious rituals. To Danish, the basic ingredient of Islam is sound personal character, which shows kindness to others, honesty in business dealings, sensitivity to others’ rights and needs, and duties towards family and community. He stated that when Islam was first introduced, Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) started with rectifying social problems and taught people to be truthful, caring, honest, respectful, and helpful to others. Religious practices were introduced much later in Islam. Danish thinks that Muslim immigrant parents who wish better future for their children and want their children to succeed academically and professionally in life should first consider

256 focusing on the moral character growth of their children in making them good human being. So when their children accomplish high levels of success in the new society and hold positive personal attributes and strong moral character, people would admire them and would feel compelled to appreciate Islam which guided their character growth. He stressed on the importance of positive social character in the Islamic doctrine as the well-being of humanity and society is based on positive social traits that ensure equality, fairness and happiness in society. To Danish, religious practices are way of expressing gratitude to God, otherwise each single religion since the creation of first human being, has been the same; it has stressed on the development of positive social traits. Danish stated that his role as a father and husband does not affect his involvement in religion. He tries to offer prayers in the mosque whenever possible; otherwise, at work, he prays in his office. He thinks that immigration has slightly affected his involvement in religion as the culture here is non conducive for Islamic values whereas in Pakistan he was more regular in performing religious practices due to Islam being part of legislation in Pakistan. He noted that he interacts with people from different cultural backgrounds and they appreciate him for his personal character. He also noted receiving positive feedback from his employer for his hard work and honesty. To Danish, congregational religious activities are very important; they give message of unity, equality and brotherhood among Muslims. He prefers those to individual religious activities. He thinks that religious practices save people from many bad things and are not only way to express gratitude to God but are also protective for human beings. He noted having fine experience with respect to his identity as Pakistani Muslim in Canada and not having experience of religious discrimination. However, he noted having very bad experience finding a job that matches his skills set because of strong colour discrimination. He holds high-level skills and experience in his field but not being able to secure a job that he is qualified for. He stated that colour discrimination is quite an overt phenomenon in Canadian society. He stated that licensing requirements are a way of getting rid of immigrants for high profile jobs. To him, it is in fact in the disadvantage of Canada to not have immigrants in the workforce for high profile jobs; he stated that immigrants posses diverse skills which Canadians lack due to having homogenous skills set. He thinks that colour discrimination is quite evident in Canadian job industry and immigrants are treated differently than white people in the workforce. He stated that many

257 qualified people including doctors and engineers from Pakistan are forced to do labour jobs here. He thinks that immigrants mainly stick around here for their children’s better future. To Danish, Canadian culture is quite different from his personal culture and he expressed apprehensions about the possibility of losing his kids in this culture. However, from the perspective of physical protection, he acknowledged that this culture offers protection and equality. Among the negatives, he noted that this culture teaches assertiveness to immigrant kids and grants them too many rights, which are not age appropriate, and this can make kids rebel against parents. He noted feeling confused on the cultural intersection as immigrants bring their kids here for good reasons but have no guarantee whether they would be able to protect them from this culture or not. He noted feeling scared of the prevalent culture in Canada for his kids. He wants his kids to take the values of his religion and follow the path that Islam suggests for its followers. He said making arrangements for kids so they stay on the right path, like not subscribing to certain TV channels, living near mosque and living within Muslim community. In terms of supportive resources, he noted finding Canadian system helpful. For emotional resources, he mentioned feeling a special connection with God and communicating his needs and wants to God and feeling heard and blessed by Him in times of need. He noted finding peace and comfort in prayers.

Appendix H - Participant Profile

SEX (M/F) AGE Residency No of Education Praying Quran period (yrs) children (yrs) practices Recitation per day (times per week)

M 39 8 3 16 3 1 M 50 10 3 16 5 7 M 47 5 5 16 3 2 M 41 5 3 16 5 1 M 42 5 4 14 3 3 M 40 10 2 14 5 1 M 35 6 2 16 5 7 F 39 10 3 14 3 7 F 45 7 4 14 5 2 F 39 7 3 14 5 7 F 34 5 4 14 3 1 F 30 5 3 14 5 7 F 36 5 2 16 3 1 F 40 10 1 16 3 1 Mean 40 7 3 15 4 3

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APPENDIX I – Survey Telesheet

Age group Occupation children Education Place of Parent’s birth Home language Ethnic identity Religion Income group Income source Residency Arrived with Name birth place period family 30-40 41-50 51~ Pre immig Post immig 0 1 2~ ~MS MS MS P Ind PK Ind oth urd Pnj ot SEA Pnj urdspk Mus oth ~25 25-40 40 Emp Busns Oth 5-7 7-10 yes No ~ K h ~ Zaid * Engineer Planner * * * * * * * * * * * Faraz * Teacher Business * * * * * * * * * * * Danish * Engineer varied * * * * * * * * * * * * Shahid * Teacher varied * * * * * * * * * * * * Ahmed * Pharmst Pharmst * * * * * * * * * * * Abid * IT IT/varied * * * * * * * * * * * Sobia * Teacher HW * * * * * * * * * * * Shazma * Teacher Teacher * * * * * * * * * * * Ria * HW HW * * * * * * * * * * * Duaa * teacher HW * * * * * * * * * Seema * teacher HW * * * *M *F * * *S * * * * Sara * HW HW * * * * * * *S * * * * Neha * Teacher Daycare teacher * * * * * * * * * * * Tahir * Engineer Real Estate agent * * * * * *Sn * * * *

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APPENDIX J First Comprehensive Coding Scheme

Negotiating the costs and benefits of immigration- striving to defend, cherish, and actualize faith and ethnoreligious identity to maintain sense of well being in Canadian society

Losses, Hardships, Understanding the implicit Coping -appreciating fears and pains meaning of faith- needing faith the gains of and ethnoreligious identity to feel immigration grounded and oriented

Faith and ethnoreligiou s identity- the Finding Preserving and most peace protecting faith and precious and cure Pain of dashed ethnoreligious identity assets and dreams and in for sense of wellbeing Fear of defining feelings of prayers losing pieces for self minority children in in the new the host land culture Positive Loss of social Seeing effects of network, faith faith means to negatives of immigration- achieving consistent feel connected home environment, with original maturity and and sense of value system- Feeling wisdom displacement feeling blessed to be protected in Canada

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APPENDIX K

Intermediate Comprehensive Data Coding Scheme

A renewed understanding of faith Striving to defend, cherish, Understanding the Avowing, claiming, and actualize implicit meaning of and safeguarding faith and Faith- needing faith faith and and ethnoreligious ethnoreligious ethnoreligious identity to feel Negotiating costs and identity to identity benefits of maintain sense grounded and oriented of wellbeing immigration- striving Needing faith to feel to defend, cherish, and grounded and actualize faith and protect sense of ethnoreligious identity well being to maintain sense of wellbeing Negotiating Losses and fears costs and Coping and counting benefits of gains of immigration immigration Pains and hardships

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APPENDIX L Third Comprehensive Coding Scheme Experience of hardships and the process of identity formation,Core Categorycoping, rejuvenating and resilience building: the role of faith in the emotional wellbeing of Muslim immigrants to Canada

Rejuvenating, coping and Experiencing the Protecting, negotiating, Realizing spirit of Islam— embracing the new land hardships, pains, losses, and claiming Islam and finding support and peace and fears in Canada ethnoreligious identity— in Islam crafting a new identity in Canada Coping and Recognizing Pains and Losses Fears Asserting Preserving Renewed Needing faith appreciating disadvantag hardships and and Islam in Canada understanding to maintain benefits of es of living uprooting concerns agency in and increased sense of immigration in Pakistan about protecting self, appreciation for wellbeing children children and Safeguarding Islam Harsh winters ethnoreligious Islam and Family and Loss of Fear of losing family identity in the ethnoreligious Help seeking friends helpful Pakistan- a children in identity support Understanding from Allah- emotional status Systematic Canada host country the teachings of conscious barriers Loss of religious replacement resource Islam & impolite environment Working hard Ownership for Threat of peer and pride for High cost of to erase bad counselling society pressure Islam and Practicing with living in Missing roots image of Realizing true ethnoreligious increased Canada in Pakistan- ethnoreligious Finding Islam and Miserable Fear of common identity devoution feeling culture identity in orientation, finding it life homesick Canada Assuming full purpose and implemented conditions Job problems Ethnoreligious Essence of Islam Missing responsibility of identity—the direction in in Canada in Pakistan religious children’s upbringing in Prophet’s Islam Loss of status most teaching due to loss environment for important self of Islamic Feeling children in Making sacrifices and Enhanced attacked for defining piece teachings Canada tailoring life priorities Considering Finding refuge wisdom, ethnoreligio Cultural shock for children worldly life to in Islam to maturity and us identity Feeling self alone Negotiating be temporary- protect self spirituality in transferring accountability Cultural and values to children Declaring religious needs and family Pakistani Experiences of for deeds religious differences with the host culture racism due to Feeling proud displacement between personal society Faith—connector manipulate ethnoreligious values and values to be trusted identity to the past and s religion Different cultural in the host employee- values- hurdle in society means to create Treasuring easy Islam-taken Feeling blamed immigrants’ ties with Muslim religious negotiation of for granted at work occupational growth in Canada teachings religious in Pakistan Engaging in needs faith for Islam—resource children to sense of contentment Canada-a Participating in home away congregational from home religious activities Practicing to for children express gratitude to Allah Appreciating Feeling well physical blended protection Prayer—the most soothing Improved emotional Congregational sense of self resource in the religious new land through new Sound social activities— learnings system and needed and standards of soothing equality 262

APPENDIX M

Final Core Category and Associated Higher Order and Lower Order Categories

Core Category The process of crafting an authentic identity in the context of immigration to Canada –The Muslim experience

Harsh Experience Fears of Loss of Assuming Claiming Understandin Feeling close Canada – a Seeing winters ownership of g the heart of to Allah of racism children family responsibilit home away negatives of Islam and Islam Challenged y for kids ethnoreligiou from home homeland Loss of Finding by policies / s identity Comprehend procedures religious Making ing the peace in environment sacrifices & Treasuring teachings of prayers tailoring and Islam High cost of Loss of Finding Canada – personal preserving orientation Islam taken living status culturally Engaginglife in Islam and and purpose for granted Fear of religious and in Pakistan Feeling Loss of faith Rejecting in life losing teachings religiously Job attacked due belonging- Western Emergence to children in tolerant restrictions ness cultural of positive Pakistan – a ethnoreligiou Canada values feelings for status Erasing bad s identity self conscious image of Improved Threat of Enhanced impolite Job Muslims in quality of peer pressure wisdom and society discriminatio Canada life – valuing Loss of maturity n Negotiating Soundphysical social Islamic protection Concerns religious system and teachings Feeling well standards of Difference in about needs in blended in equality Pakistani values – children’s Canada Experience culture hurdle in religious/ Bonding Canada Finding of racism manipulates occupational cultural with Islam free of religion growth Feelingdisplacement Muslims in cultural Feeling alone in Canada binds in blamed at teaching Canada children Seeing Islam work implemented in Canada 263

APPENDIX N DEVELOPMENT OF THEORY: CRAFTING A MUSLIM IDENTITY IN THE

CANADIAN MOSAIC

Stage 1- Experiencing pain and culture shock: fears, worries and resistance

Stage 2- Actively coping- holding on to Islam and trying to realize a sense of unique self in asserting a Muslim identity

Stage 3: Defining an authentic identity: differentiating from the country of origin- thriving in the adopted country

Stage4: Formation of an authentic Muslim identity: Becoming part of the Canadian Mosaic

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