I TRANSFORMATION of GENDER POWER RELATIONS in IGEMBE

TRANSFORMATION OF GENDER POWER RELATIONS IN IGEMBE CENTRAL, MERU COUNTY, KENYA BETWEEN 1895 AND 2010

MARANYA ZIPPORAH NKIROTE

C50/NYI/CE/26860/2013

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN HISTORY OF KENYATTA UNIVERSITY

FEBRUARY, 2020

DECLARATION

This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other

University or for any other award.

Sign______Date______

Maranya Zipporah Nkirote

C50/NYI/CE/26860/2013

SUPERVISORS

We confirm that the work reported in this thesis was carried out by the candidate under our supervision.

Sign______Date______

Dr. Lazarus Ngari Department of History, Archaeology and Political Studies Kenyatta University

Sign______Date______

Dr.Wafula Wekesa Department of History, Archaeology and Political Studies Kenyatta University

iii

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my parents Mr. and Mrs. Jason Maranya, my husband

David Kihara and our children Benjamin Karani and Dorcas Waruguru. It is also dedicated to all who work in pursuit of knowledge.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I wish to acknowledge the immense support and firm commitment of my supervisors

Dr. Lazarus Ngari and Dr. Wekesa Wafula in the completion of this thesis. The doctors helped me to scale the walls with courage. God bless them. I also wish to sincerely thank the members of staff in the department of history, archaeology and political studies for their continued help in making this time a very worthwhile and stimulating experience. My deepest appreciation goes to my husband David Kihara for encouraging me to go on and study when I had almost given up, for putting up with my absence by gracefully taking a dual parental role for our children and for encouraging me on daily basis. I am highly indebted to my friends and classmates for their intellectual discussions, enquiring about the course and encouraging me to give it a try. Their presence and concern for my welfare enabled me to ride over the waves of tiredness. I would also like to express my utmost gratitude to all whom in one way or another made it possible for me to focus on the study undistracted. These include our children

Benjamin and Dorcas for taking my absence positively. I commend Joseph Kimathi,

Mercy Mwika, Charles Kaimenyi, Dr.Laria, Limiri Elong’i and Patrick Chabari for their inputs which made it possible for the successful completion of the study. All these people remain a valuable facet of my life. I can only say to them; Asante sana (Thank you very much). Above all I glorify the Almighty God, most holy and all-knowing for giving me the strength to successfully complete this study.

TABLE OF CONTENT

DECLARATION...... ii

DEDICATION...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iv

TABLE OF CONTENT ...... v

LISTS OF TABLES ...... ix

LIST OF FIGURES ...... x

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ...... xi

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS ...... xii

ABSTRACT ...... xiii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.0 Introduction ...... 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 3

1.3 Purpose of the Study ...... 4

1.4 Objectives of the Study ...... 4

1.5 Research Questions ...... 5

1.6 Research Premises ...... 5

1 .7 Justification and Significance of the Study ...... 5

1.8 Scope and Limitations...... 6

1.9 Literature Review...... 7

1.9.1 Summary of the Gaps...... 12

1.10 Theoretical Framework ...... 12

1.11 Methodology ...... 14

1.11.1 Research Design...... 14

1.11.2 Research Site ...... 14

1.11.3 Target Population ...... 14

1.11.4 Sampling Techniques ...... 15

1.11.5 Sample Size ...... 15

1.11.6 Research Instruments ...... 15

1.11.7 Question Guides ...... 16

1.11.8 Interview Schedules ...... 16

1.11.9 Data Collection Techniques ...... 16

1.11.10 Secondary Data ...... 16

1.11.11 Primary Data ...... 17

1.11.12 Data Analysis ...... 17

1.11.13 Logistical and Ethical Considerations ...... 17

CHAPTER TWO: THE CONCEPT OF POWER RELATIONS BETWEEN

MEN AND WOMEN AMONG THE AMERU OF IGEMBE UP TO 1895 ...... 19

2.0 Introduction ...... 19

2.1 Location and History of Meru People ...... 19

2.2 Division of Labour ...... 20

2.3 Property Inheritance ...... 28

2.4 Initiation ...... 31

2.5 Elderhood ...... 35

2.6 Religion ...... 36

2.7 Patriarchal Society ...... 38

2.8 Summary and Conclusions ...... 39

CHAPTER THREE: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN GENDER POWER

RELATIONS IN IGEMBE; 1895- 1963 ...... 40

3.0 Introduction ...... 40

vii

3.1 Colonial Rule; 1895-1963 ...... 40

3.2 Christianity; 1895- 1963 ...... 44

3.3 Mau Mau Uprising; 1895-1963 ...... 46

3.4 Education; 1895 -1963 ...... 47

3.5 Migration; 1895-1963 ...... 49

3.6 Summary and Conclusion ...... 49

CHAPTER FOUR: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN GENDER POWER

RELATIONS; 1963-2010 ...... 52

4.0 Introduction ...... 52

4.1 Female Labour Force; 1963-2010 ...... 52

4.2 Education; 1963 to 2010 ...... 54

4.3 Land Tenure System; 1963-2010 ...... 56

4.4 Media; 1963 -2010 ...... 57

4.5 Support Groups; 1963-2010 ...... 59

4.6 The 2010 Constitution of Kenya ...... 63

4.7 Conclusions and Summary ...... 64

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND

RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 66

5.0 Introduction ...... 66

5.1 Summary ...... 66

5.2 Conclusion ...... 72

5.3 Recommendations ...... 73

REFERENCES ...... 76

viii

APPENDICES ...... 82

APPENDIX A: Question Guide...... 82

APPENDIX B :Interview Schedule for Local Administrators, Religious Leaders, and

Village Elders...... 86

APPENDIX D: Map of Kenya Showing Meru County ...... 89

APPENDIX E: Map of Meru County Showing Location of Igembe Central...... 90

APPENDIX F: A Map of Igembe Central ...... 91

APPENDIX G: Research Permit ...... 92

LISTS OF TABLES

Table 1: Skills Taught to Boys and Girls in Pre-Colonial Era ...... 22

Table 2: Gender Roles in the Pre-Colonial Period...... 24

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: A Map of Kenya (Source: Internet) ...... 89

Figure 2: A Map of Meru County (Source: Internet) ...... 90

Figure 3: A Map of Igembe Central (Source: Internet) ...... 91

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

AIDS : Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

Dr. : Doctor

HIV : Human Immunodeficiency Virus

K N A : Kenya National Archives

MYWO : Maendeleo Ya Wanawake Organization

NGO : Non-Governmental Organizations

UK : United Kingdom

UNFPA : United Nations Fund for Population Activities

USA : United States of America

WCWK : National Council for Women in Kenya

WHO : World Health Organization

xii

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS

Culture: Refers to a set of traditions, beliefs, and behaviour that people of

Meru express and uphold.

Femininity: Having cultural specific characteristics and behaviour associated

with women.

Gender: This study used the term gender to mean ones maleness or

femaleness that is culture specific.

Gender relations: The socio-economic and political relationships, which exists in

any family, workplace, or society between male and female.

Gender role: Societies expectations for a normal and appropriate male or

female behaviour. Set of duties, rights, obligations and expected

behaviour for individuals in a given sex.

Masculinity: Having cultural specific characteristics and behaviors associated

with men.

Patriarchy: Leadership of male head of a social unit including and not

limited to the family, clan and tribe.

Power relations: This study used the term power relations to mean the division of

power between the genders especially in relation to decision

making.

xiii

ABSTRACT

This study set out to explore the changes in gender power relations among the people of Igembe Central, Meru County in Kenya. It focuses on the pre-colonial power relations between men and women, the transformation of gender power relations during the colonial and post-colonial eras among the Ameru. The study aimed to achieve the following objectives; to examine the concept of power relations between men and women before colonialism, investigate the transformation of gender power relations during the colonial and post-colonial periods among the Ameru of Igembe central. The study was based on gender role and Social Construction Theories. Descriptive survey design was used for the study. Purposive sampling and snowballing techniques were used to sample respondents for the study. The study used both primary and secondary methods during data collection. Primary data and secondary data were derived from field research, archives, libraries, published books, journals, unpublished thesis, and internet. Question guides and interview schedules were used as instruments to collect data. Question guides were used to collect information from the local targeted population. Interview schedules were used to collect data from relevant local administrators, religious leaders, and village elders. Data was qualitatively analyzed and presented in narrative form. It was established that during the pre-colonial era the community had distinctive male and female identities which produced complementary relationships. The twentieth and the twenty first century have seen a shift in gender relations. The study further indicates that changes brought about by the colonial institutions had eroded the traditional laws that guaranteed balance in the society. Gender power relations underwent changes emanating from socio-economic and dynamics to fit within the capitalist production system. The study established that the needs of the contemporary society are changing and so as the gender power relations. Therefore, there is need to ensure that the socio-economic and political undertakings creates harmony in the society.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0 Introduction

This chapter addresses the background information to the study, contextual background information of the study, statement of the problem, aim of the study, objectives of the study, research questions, justification and significance of the study, scope and limitations of the study. It also presents the literature review and the theoretical framework employed in the study. Finally, it elaborates on the research methodology used during the study as well as the data collection and data analysis strategies.

1.1 Background of the Study

Gender roles are diverse and varying. They rise from different cultural histories in different parts of the world, have changed in the past and are undergoing changes even now (Connells, 2002; Ferreeet al 1999; Hottler, 1997; Walby, 1996). Silberschmidt

(2004) agrees that gender relations are not static but are cultural and historically determined. Despite the existing studies, Connell (1995) urges that the study of gender relations in Africa has received little attention.

A number of studies have revealed that gender roles have undergone transformation all over the world. According to Powell and Graves (2003) since 1986, gender relations in Australia have changed. Traditionally men were breadwinners and women took the role of care givers. However the first constitution of Vietnam in 1946 stated that power relations in the country belong to all people and that women are equal to men in all aspects.

Western commercial cultures have destabilized gender arrangements and power relations in Japan, the Arab World and elsewhere. He further notes that neo- liberalism has brought unprecedented number of women into the waged economy putting the male breadwinner’s model under severe strain Ito (1992)

According to Oke (2001), Lawal (2005:129), before the introduction of western education, traditional Yoruba people in Nigeria had always spread their cultural values from one generation to another. Cultural heritage practice among the Yoruba was not women friendly. Traditionally the issue of will was non- existence. Women did not have any right to inherit anything from their father.

A study by Margrethe (1999) noted that women roles and responsibilities have increased. She further notes that patriarchal structure and stereotyped notions of gender hide the increasing disempowerment of many men in rural and urban East Africa.

According to Amuyunzu and Paul (2006) in their study of six districts in Kenya they observe that many relationships turned to be, come-we-stay marriages. This is due to socioeconomic changes in the 1980s, which impacted on the masculine identities.

Mburugu and Adams (2001) observe that Kenyan society show that today there is substantial deviation from the partrilineal principle of an inheritance and it is not as strong as it once was ideologically. This study reveals that gender relations change over time.

According to Fadiman (2012), Njogu (1992), Rimita (1988) Meru community was organized along a clan system headed by Mugwe and a council of elders. This was composed of respected men known as Njuri Ncheke. It was a very powerful for it could settle disputes and discipline the evil doers; execute judgments over them such as death

3 penalty, paying of fine and excommunicated people from the society if they misbehaved in the contemporary Meru setting. However today these responsibilities are functions of the justice system where even women participate. Communities are guarded by the police and administrators who are composed of both men and women. This study will investigate how such men and women roles are assigned in the contemporary society.

M’imanyara (1992) notes that property ownership and inheritance was a preserve for sons only among the Meru community. Today the Kenya constitution allows daughters entitlement to ownership of the family property and inheritance. Moreover, women are buying their own property such as land, cattle and doing other investments. Therefore traditional gender roles have been influenced which is a concern for this study. He further notes that circumcision during initiation was a virtual that enabled boys to prove their manhood and validate it on behalf of the entire community. This has changed because circumcision is done in hospitals based on Christian and modern values. This will shed light on the study of transformation of power relations between men and women of Igembe.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

It should be understood that gender roles and responsibilities are achieved through socialization by the society. It should also be noted that the most important aspect in gender’s lives is not that biologically are males and females but rather they become so through social construction. Despite the prevalence of the change of gender power relations increase in Kenya few studies have been done to document such prevalence and the contributing factors. The change and the continuity of gender power relations

4 have not received adequate attention from the scholars particularly in Igembe central.

This neglect prompted the researcher to undertake the study.

The study explores the historical shift of gender power relations among the Igembe people from the early 20th to the beginning of the 21st centuries while examining the significance of the transformed power relations.

It investigates various ways in which a reversal of gender power relations in the last decades led to some men get involved in identities traditionally known as feminine while some women engage themselves in work place in the public domain. The study examines various forces that shaped and reshaped the gender roles in relation to socio- economic and political changes and how these changes impacted on the families of

Igembe central.

1.3 Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to examine the transformation of power relations between men and women among the Ameru of Igembe Central, 1895-2010.

1.4 Objectives of the Study

This study aimed to achieve the following objectives;

i) To examine the concept of the Ameru gender power relations before 1895.

ii) To investigate the transformation in gender power relations in Igembe

Central between 1895 and 1963.

iii) To analyze the changing nature of the transformed gender power relations

in Igembe Central between 1964 and 2010.

1.5 Research Questions i) How was gender power relations conceived among the Ameru before 1895?

ii) What were the causes of the transformation of gender power relations in

Igembe during the colonial period?

iii) What contributed to the changing nature of gender power relations in

Igembe between 1963 and 2010

1.6 Research Premises

1. Power relations between men and women did not create disharmony among the

people of Igembe before colonialism.

2. Colonialism, Christianity, education, world wars, mau mau uprising and land tenure

system have caused the transformation of gender power relations between men and

women among the people of Igembe from 1895 to 1963.

3. Post-colonial institutions, female labour forces, support groups and media have

contributed to the changing gender power relations between 1963 and 2010.

1 .7 Justification and Significance of the Study

The finding of this research contributed to the advancement of the knowledge in terms of power relations between men and women. While acknowledging that gender is socially constructed, many studies often end up focusing only on women without giving similar attention to men. It’s therefore in Africa generally and in Kenya in particular where academic gap exist at the local level and Igembe is on such area this gap is evident. Mwangi (2004) points out that local level research is needed to bring to knowledge the socio-economic and political realities on gender relations. This study

6 has taken into account the transformation and continuity of gender power relations among the families of Igembe.

According to Hearn (2001), and Kimmel (2005) gender relations has largely been done in European countries rather than African contexts; none of these studies gives any empirical data that is specific to Igembe power relations between men and women.

Morrel (2008) points out that masculinities and femininities in Africa changes, a cross time, and space. This called for research on the construction of African gender. The study was important because of its socio-economic and political impacts on the families. The study will contribute to the existing knowledge. It will also form basis upon which other studies will be done. The findings may serve as a useful feedback to

Kenyan government and policy makers because they will be able to make the right adaptation geared towards improving power relations between men and women in the society.

1.8 Scope and Limitations

The study covers the Igembe people of Meru County in Kenya. The area is found on the slopes of Nyambene hills an area that is well known for the growth of miraa. The

Igembe have similar oral traditions with other sub-ethnic groups of Meru which includes Mwimbi, Tharaka, Muthambi, Chuka, Tigania, Igoji, and Imenti. The study is carried to explore the transformation and continuity of gender power relations that have been taking place in the region.

The study covers a period between 1895 and 2010. The year 1895 marks the period when Kenya was declared a British protectorate. Colonialism is one of the factors that led to the changes of various African traditions and customs Fadman J (2012). The year

2010 is equally important because the Kenya constitution of 2010 widened the place of women socially, economically and politically.

It was not always easy to gain the confidence of the informants. Majority of men took it as a shame and were unwilling to disclose that they perform roles that were traditionally believed as feminine. Some did not admit it readily for the fear of being ridiculed by some villagers who branded them as fools given charm by their wives. The interviewer encouraged them by assuring that the information will be kept confident and used only for the research purposes.

Some of the informants asked for payment in exchange for the information. The researcher explained to them the objective of the study until they dropped the idea of expecting for payment.

1.9 Literature Review

Although numerous studies on gender relations have been carried out in the western studies, very few of them deal with the non- western societies. However these studies raise fundamental theoretical and empirical perspectives that could be useful to the study of women, men and power relations in Igembe Central.

Worldwide, the majority of men and women had to live to rigid ideas about how they should behave and feel as men and women (WHO, 2007), studies in Latin America have found that women dedicated up to 85% of their time to domestic responsibilities whereas men were accepted to financially provide for their family.

Tragos (2009) indicated that in Europe in the period of industrial revolution and modernization in urban areas men workers exhibited pride in their craft, their physical

8 strength and earned praise for their skills in doing their work. Throughout the 1900s, the man of this generation was strong, confident, and competitive and a decisive patriarch and women were independent on the financial resources of men. Typical roles of men in Australia before World War II were breadwinners, who were paid enough money to support a family , worked until were 60 years and more, did real work which required skills and women were portrayed as mother and house housewives.

There have been a number of studies in Africa on masculine and feminine identities.

However, Morrel (2005), Kimmel (2005), Hearn et al (2001) observe that studies on the transformation of power relations between men and women in the continent remains relatively minimal. Most of the literature on femininity pays special attention to the rights and position of women in the society (butler, 2007); Thomas & Gallagher (1987) while on masculinity researchers pays attention on hegemonic masculinity.

Egara. K (2005) notes that in Kenya, gender relations are constructed in terms of the relations of power and dominance that determined the opportunities and circumstances of both men and women. Egara urges that there were basic benchmarks within the masculinities of its male member’s functions. Failure to fall within these defined parameters makes one unmasculine. For the Luhya of Western Kenya where bull fighting is a prominent ritual, only families with male children could own a bull. It is important to find out how men and women constructed their masculinity and femininity among Ameru.

Fadiman (2012) notes that in Meru community, men performed masculine roles like being warriors, while women did feminine roles like food seekers, clown dancers, and baby sitters. Such roles no longer exist hence this study examines how men and women are assigned roles.

Connel (1987:111) observes that patriarch is declining. Nowadays men are involved in housework and childrearing and women are in work place. There has been a reversal of power over the last decades. He further notes that marital powered struggles are often won by the wives. More men are finding it hard to adjust, even though being the sole provider for the family was difficult. They had a definite role and knew what was expected of them. This is the purpose of this study since it explores the masculinity and femininity and how they have been transformed.

Connel (1995), Usman (2012), Morrel (1994) points out those colonial empires were gendered institution, which disrupted indigenous order and installed violent masculinities in hegemonic position. The period 1920s were characterized by certain historical processes that were responsible for change in gender roles. The Africans were compelled to provide labour and pay taxes. Men mobility for work increased affecting families many women entered a new world with a number staying without husbands who were left to work in the capitalist world. The burden of household production fell solely on women as they were left taking male roles in the homestead. This challenged the belief that men were sole breadwinners hence the need to carry out a research.

The development of labour intensive plantation in agriculture in the white highlands as well as the need for soldiers in the world war increased the male labour migration in all parts of Kenya (Okuru, 2002). Most men took part in the Mau Mau uprising between

1952 and 1958. Several of them were also killed. Therefore most women got involved in trade and in land cultivation alongside other roles. This has shed light on this particular study.

Mugambi (1992) notes that the Meru tradition that provided the means and ways of dealing with criminals and moral perpetrators became ineffective. Clan elders who

10 solved disputes by calling young men for discussion are no longer there. This decline of Meru traditions and leadership is assumed to have fundamental changes in gender roles. He further urges that Christian faith has replaced Mugwe and people pray directly to God without involving his intervention. Women priests also serve as religious leaders in Christian denomination. This having been the preserve of men roles has impacted on the gender relations.

Yuan (2008) associates men enactment of themselves through violence with poor participation in community activities, insecurity, and fears as well as disempowerment of community members. This challenges the belief that men were breadwinners and women stayed at home hence the need to carry out a research.

Amuyunzu and Paul (2006) argue that in rural areas in Kenya development activities have continued to focus on empowering women. Meanwhile men are losing their economic livelihoods and becoming dismembered, leading many of them to take out their frustrations on women through domestic violence and alcohol abuse.

Margrethe (2005) notes that in the 1980s many men in Dar es Salaam lost their jobs and could not support their families. This challenged their status and self-esteem as women accused them of being irresponsible. Many marriages were come-we-stay marriages as men were unable to pay bride price as expected. Divorce cases filed by women had become common and it was difficult for male to control their women.

Divorced women were seen to be hardworking than men and they became sole providers of their children. She further notes that female-headed households in urban

Tanzania were on the increase with women becoming economically independent and men declining economically. This study has revealed that these conditions are found among the people of Igembe.

Okuro (2001) points out that there has been increasing frequency of female-headed households in Africa. Okuro argues that according to the Kenya Demographic and

Health Survey (1999) there was a large proportion of female-headed households in rural areas than in urban areas. It was estimated that one in three Kenyans household was headed by a female.

Ssenngonga (1977) observes that there was change in role allocation in case of the absence of male household heads. The female had to perform roles meant for the men.

Ssenngonga further notes that in Maragoli of Kakamega district (now Kakamega

County) forty-six percent of the household were female headed. This study proved that there is increase in female-headed household and females are performing roles meant for men.

Ogola (2008) argues that in Kenya the overwhelming numbers of rape cases are perpetuated by men on both women and children. Ogola’s analysis of the rape cases over the years revealed that men such as father, brothers, cousins, schoolmates, teachers, doctors, and police officers, top government officials among others are involved. He further notes that Police report in July 2005 indicated that rape against women was the number one crime in Kenya.

The Daily Nation of July 13, 2005 states that in July 13, 1991 the rape of over seventy girls, which resulted to the death of nineteen girls at St.Kizito secondary school in Meru, stunned the Kenyan public. The horror of this event prompted calls especially by women organizations for public debate on gender violence.

1.9.1 Summary of the Gaps

This study found out that the Ameru society during the pre-colonial period had distinctive male and female identities. It sought to know how these identities were constructed and what gave them value to these respective identities. It further examined how men and women of Igembe are assigned role.

The study found that women are now fulfilling masculine roles and men are taking on traditional female roles. It also examined whether unemployment, rising rates of female labour force, Colonial Empires, World Wars, Christianity and Justice System among others disrupted indigenous order. Finally, it has discussed the impacts of the transformed gender relations on the families of Igembe.

The study attempted to reveal whether change in gender relations in Igembe has led to drug abuse, underdevelopment, criminality, come-we-stay marriages, divorce cases, female headed household, rape cases and domestic violence.

1.10 Theoretical Framework

The study was based on gender role theory and social construction theory. Gender role theory is based on the supposition that individual socially identified as males or females occupy different ascribed roles within divergent expectations for how they ought to behave. The theory groups men and women separately and assigns them roles based on biological sex (Eagly 1987). This is premised on a structural approach to gender relations maintaining that formal institutions such as family, organizations and communities have caused men and women to behave differently. Eagly and Wood

(2011) suggested that gender roles are designed to equip males and females for their designations within formalized institutions. The authors elaborate by indicating the

13 socialization within the roles. Diekman and Schneider (2010), Dulin A, (2007) argued that gender roles led to societal norms and expectation regarding what is male and female constitutes. When the expectations are narrowly adhered it causes both genders to acquire different skill sets. This theory was useful to explain how different roles were traditionally assigned to women and men in Igembe Central as well as the changes that have taken place over time.

The major focus on social constructionist theory was to uncover the ways in which individuals or groups participate in the construction of their perceived social reality. It involves looking at the ways social phenomena are created, institutionalized, known, and made into traditions by humans. Gergenet al (1999) social constructionists’ place emphasis in everyday interactions between people, how they use language to construct their reality. It regards the social practice people engage in as the focus of inquiry.

Cultural influences determine how individual socially construct categories of identities.

This was possible to examine the construction of masculine and feminine identities among the Ameru of Igembe.

Human identity is seen as non- static and is composed within the boundaries established by the social surrounding (Berger &Luckmann, 1966). The theory further focuses on how institutions were created together in a social context and how this social context in return helps create selves. The same way masculine and feminine identities have been influenced by the social economic surroundings. They are in flux and its reality is dependent on time and space. Similarly, gender and power relations have been undergoing transformation among the Ameru in the course of time. Hence there was a need for investigation.

1.11 Methodology

1.11.1 Research Design

This study employed descriptive survey design. The major purpose of descriptive survey design is description of the state of affairs as it exists. It was used when collecting information about people’s attitudes, opinions, habits or any other of the variety of social issues. Descriptive survey design was used to collect information by interviewing and administering questionnaires to the sample individuals.

1.11.2 Research Site

Meru County is one of the forty-seven counties in Kenya. The county borders Isiolo

County to the north and north east, Tharaka County to the south east, Nyeri County to the south west and Laikipia County to the West. Meru County is an agricultural county but also a business and educational centers for Eastern and North-Eastern part of Kenya.

The major agricultural crops grown include coffee, tea, French beans, timber, and

Miraa. The county has a total population of 1,356,301 and covers an area of 6,936.9 km2. The study was carried out in Igembe Central of Meru County. Igembe Central is found on the slopes of Nyambene hills an area that is well known for the growth of

Miraa (see figure 1 on page 109). Igembe Central constituency comprises of five assembly wards namely; Njia, Kangeta, Akiriangondu, Athiru Rujini, and Igembe East.

The neighboring constituencies are Igembe North, Igembe South, Tigania East and

Tigania West.

1.11.3 Target Population

The population targeted for the study was the people of Igembe Central. The total population in the area is 182,641 (National Census, 2009).

1.11.4 Sampling Techniques

The study adopted a purposive sampling technique. It interviewed men and women who were believed to have a clear understanding of how gender relations have changed over time. In-depth interviews on the local administrators, religious leaders, and village elders were conducted. Question guides were administered to the local men and women in the area who shed light and provide details on the transformation and continuity of power between genders. The technique was deemed appropriate, as only those who are deemed to have information required for the study were targeted.

1.11.5 Sample Size

The study interviewed ten religious leaders, ten village elders and ten local administrators from the area. These informants were chosen on the basis of their status in Igembe central. Question guides were administered to sixty local people who provided details on the gender power relations in the area. The informants were identified from different locations and this variation enabled them to present varied information on gender power relations. The age limit was between thirty and ninety seven years. At this age informants are believed to have a clear understanding of how gender relations have changed.

1.11.6 Research Instruments

The researcher used question guides, and interview schedules. The question guides allowed the researcher to give similar questions to the informants hence compare the responses for the respondents and can be used to capture large amount of data, while interview schedules gathered information through verbal interaction with informants.

This enabled the researcher to get clarifications and obtain more details and in-depth information on the problems.

1.11.7 Question Guides

The researcher used question guides to collect data from women and men of the area under study. Both open ended and closed ended questions were used to collect data for the study. The question guides were divided into different sections whereby each section addressed questions to achieve the specific objective of the study.

1.11.8 Interview Schedules

This instrument was used to gather information through verbal interaction between the researcher and the local administrators, village elders and religious leaders. Interview schedules were based on the fact that more people were willing to communicate orally than in writing. The advantage of this tool was that the researcher probed for further clarification therefore be able to obtain more details and in-depth information on the problem. The researcher conducted the interview on face to face while probing for clarifications. The interview schedule will be structured based on the predetermined questions on the study.

1.11.9 Data Collection Techniques

For the purpose of this study, both secondary and primary methods of data collection were used.

1.11.10 Secondary Data

Data under this category included written materials such as books, journals related articles, local newspapers, periodic reports, and thesis among others. Secondary data

17 provided background information on the changing masculinity. Data from these sources are obtained from various libraries, Kenya national archives, and internet.

1.11.11 Primary Data

To gather the information from the informants, the researcher used comprehensive and flexible question guide. Primary data included gathering in-depth oral interviews and question guides administered to the informants.

1.11.12 Data Analysis

The data collected in this study was qualitatively analyzed. Using qualitative approaches the researchers analyzed the data collected inductively from the informant’s perspective. Primary data from interviews and question guides were transcribed immediately after collection for accuracy, validity, and uniformity. All collected information was carefully scrutinized, corroborated, and analyzed in relation to respective historical period. Primary and secondary data were presented in narrative form in an effort to discuss the findings.

1.11.13 Logistical and Ethical Considerations

The researcher obtained an introductory letter from Kenyatta University and a permit from National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation. The researcher arranged with the government officials to confirm dates for data collection and get consent to carry out the research in their areas of administration. Ethics throughout the research process was given paramount importance. Collection of data only commenced after the researcher has secured a research permit from relevant authorities. Cultural sensitivity and observance of research protocol on the part of the researcher was vital.

Information from the informants was treated in confidentiality. Plagiarism was

18 carefully avoided by acknowledging all sources of data. The researcher showed respect to informants and ensure that she does not abuse the privileges accorded.

CHAPTER TWO

THE CONCEPT OF POWER RELATIONS BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN

AMONG THE AMERU OF IGEMBE UP TO 1895

2.0 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings on the location and history of the Meru people, initiation, marriage, division of labour, property inheritance, religion and elder hood in

Meru society during the pre-colonial era. The objective of this chapter is to analyze the concept of power relations between men and women among the Ameru before 1895.

The chapter intends to present background information on the organization of Igembe people, consequently provide us with a deeper understanding of their gender relations.

This is based on the premises that the construction of power relations between men and women created harmony among the people of Igembe before colonialism.

2.1 Location and History of Meru People

The Ameru people are Bantu ethnic groups that inhabit the Meru region of Kenya on the fertile land of north and gentle slopes of Mount Kenya. The name Meru refers to both people and the region. The Meru region is comprised of nine sections namely;

Tigania, Igembe, Imenti, Miutini, Igoji, Mwimbi, Muthambi, Chuka and Tharaka.

(KNA, DC/EBU/1/2/3, 1924) Each sub-tribe speaks its own dialect of Kimeru language. Differences in the dialects reflect their varied Bantu origins and influences form the cushites and nilotes, as well as their Kikuyu and Kamba Bantu neighbours.

Much of the available written and oral testimonies view suggest that the ancestral homeland of Meru has to do with a place known as Mbwa, precisely on the north western edge of Manda Island. Mbwa is a name derived from a Swahili term Pwani

20 meaning shore or beach. This tradition tells how the Meru people were once captured, enslaved by the Nguu Ntune meaning the red people around the years 1700. Some analysts interpreted this Nguu Ntune (red people) tradition as referring to Arabs

(Lambert, 1950; M’Imanyara 1992; Fadiman, 2012).

During the early 1700 Meru ancestors were conquered by neighboring people probably

Arabs from one of the nearby trading principalities. In consequences, the Ameru chose to flee Bernadi (1997). Nyaga (1989) claims that conditions of enslavement were intolerable, therefore secret preparations were made to leave Mbwa. The Ameru were held captive until a great leader and a prophet known as Koome Njue organized their escape. They eventually escaped and in their exodus came across a large body of water which they crossed by magical means. They stayed there for sometimes, however due to poor climatical conditions and threats from neighbouring communities they were forced to travel further along Tana River basin until they finally reached the Mount

Kenya area in the 1730s where they reside today (Mwithali O.I: 3rd Sept 2016),

2.2 Division of Labour

According to Samuel (O.I: 4th Dec 2016) Meru environment favoured a wide range of economic activities in the pre-colonial period. The Ameru were hunters who used bows, iron knives and axes to hunt and gather honey and meat. Proficiency in hunting which involved taking long journeys over a rough and gorgy terrain was a gauge for real manhood. Hunting and gathering was not just an economic activity but a social isolation that isolated the weak from the skilful men and women. Those who excelled in hunting and gathering commanded social control over those who were weak. Women gathered fruits and vegetables which was an activity done closer to their homesteads as they

21 worked with the children and enjoyed the men’s protection. The study also revealed that the community cultivated crops such as peas, sorghum, millet, sugarcane, bananas, beans, maize, fruits and vegetables. Men planted specific crops such as yams, bananas and sugarcane while women weeded for the grains such as millet and sorghum which were labeled as women crops. This reflects gender division of labour. According to

Achebe (1959) a similar practice was seen in Eastern Nigeria where men were charged with the growing of yams which was described as the king tuber while women grew small tubers such as Cocoa and Cassava.

This division of labour according to crops allowed men to execute hegemony over women by creating an impression that men’s crop were of higher status than the women crops. This study shows than men provided hard labour such as preparing new fields clearing the bushes and cutting firewood which they gathered for women to carry. Most of the trade expeditions were men’s domain. They also reared various types of livestock including cattle, goats, poultry and sheep. The men liked cattle which were a great source of prestige and measure of wealth. Young boys herded small animals such as sheep and goats. The Ameru engaged in the economic practice of bee keeping and beer brewing. Importantly, beer was made from honey and was a reserve for senior male leaders. The honey harvesting and bee keeping were economic activities which also shaped the social transformation of the young males to men (O.I: Kathali 4th Dec 2016).

The study revealed that Meru children were introduced to their roles, culture and their people as soon as the child was born. By the age of between five and seven years children underwent an education rite (Kiama kia Ncibi) in which they were instructed on basic social values (Murangiri O.I: 14th Sept 2016) Children were taught through songs, dance, legends, storytelling, tales and riddles which were aimed at amusing and

22 educating them. Boys and girls were raised differently since they were expected to assume different roles in the society. Girls would help out their mothers by taking care of the household chores; tend farm crops and younger children, while boys were expected to help out their fathers by herding animals. This was an evident of traditional gender roles. Table 2.1 indicates that boys and girls were taught different traditional gender skills.

Table 1: Skills Taught to Boys and Girls in Pre-Colonial Era

SKILLS TAUGHT TO BOYS SKILLS TAUGHT TO GIRLS

Hunting skills Farming skills like planting ,weeding and harvesting

How to look after livestock How to cook

How to defend their clan in case of war How to take care of the family How to behave as adults How to look after young children

Medicine skills Household chores

Iron working

With the introduction of formal education boys and girls are taught similar skill in school by both male and female teachers. This is an indication of changed gender roles.

This study shows that the enormous task of feeding the boys and men was communally done by the mothers assisted by their daughters among the Igembe people. Here the division of labour along gender lines is detected, which serve to completely permeated in the girls domestic roles as opposed to the warrior roles of the boys. Whereas the boys were to protect property the girls took up domestic chores which clearly drew the distinction between masculine and feminine roles that were fixed to either gender. The shift from young boys to men came with masculine responsibilities such as being

23 protectors, providing and owners of the property. Part of the training was enshrined in their duty of herding in the highly, dense and forested terrain. In the process they also hunted wild animals. Girls of their age were busy doing domestic chores such as cooking while boys were busy herding and hunting.

The division of labour and isolation of the boys from their sisters encouraged them to begin to exercise hegemonic masculinity. Whereas the girls remained at home caring for the day to day needs of the family, the boys had to work hard in hunting and herding in order to gain hegemony. Consequently this took the girls to a subordinate position in the private domain while elevating the boys to a superior masculine status in the public domain. During the herding, boys were exposed to a communal lifestyle which laid the foundations for age set formation. This communalism cemented a strong bond of identity between the boys who belonged to one herding bond. The bonding unconsciously prepared the boys for the forth coming barracks life as warriors. The male stages of life which were childhood, boyhood, Worriorhood, junior elders and senior elders prepared them to take charge of power and resources within the community. The men controlled hunting, herding, defense, raiding, family matters and rituals (Kaloki O. I: 20th Aug 2016).

Men worked to do extremely well in their masculine duties in order to become famous and gained indirect control over others. Men who failed to meet the set standards for each stage acquired a masculinity that was submissive to the other men in their age set

Mukomariu (O.I: 12th Feb 2017). Table 2.2 shows the duties undertaken by men and women before the colonial period. The division of labour below demonstrates than men undertook hard physical tasks while women did what the respondents portrayed as easy and safe tasks.

Table 2: Gender Roles in the Pre-Colonial Period.

MEN’S DUTIES WOMEN DUTIES Hunting for wild games Gathering fruits. Protecting the family and property Weeded for grains such as millet sorghum

Planting perennial crops such as Owned by the fathers or husbands. yams, bananas and sugarcane. Clearing and preparing new fields. Pottery, basketry, weaving. Owners of property such as cattle, Domestic chores, cooking and babysitting. sheep, goats and land. Making wooden or iron implement. Maintenance of the homestead.

Involved in warfare, ritual. Collection of firewood, fodder.

Bee keeping. Fetching water. Head of the family Provide and own property. Settling disputes

The social, political and economic gender based division of labour among the Meru before 1875 was constructed and structured in such a way that gender specific roles were complimentary in a way that there was balance. They worked according to the roles assigned to each sex which at the end propagated the interest of the entire family.

Throughout the Meru region, there was increasingly cooperation between husbands and wives in economic undertakings. However the study shows that nowadays some men are involved in housework, child rearing and women are in the workplace. Before the colonial period it would have been unusual to see a man changing a nappy or feeding the baby because these were considered as women’s duties.

During the pre-colonial periods women learnt how to brew variety of millet beer and potent honey wine. Its actual consumption was by the senior elders (Mukomariu(O.I:

6th Dec 016). The young men were prohibited from drinking beer because alcohol would dull their senses against an enemy’s attack. Gaiti (O.I: 22nd Dec 2016) argued that the Igembe traditionally forbidden women from drinking alcohol to prevent them from becoming sexually immoral. Such regulations on beer consumption showed that the elders had control over the young men, women as well as the community at large unlike nowadays where even the adolescent boys and girls illegally use alcoholic drinks. During the colonial period, there was diminishing of the worriorhood by the colonial masters. Frustrated and stripped of their manhood privileges, the warrior begun to drink millet beer and strong honey which were hitherto a prerogative of elders

(Thomas 1992). The pattern of drunkenness spread from warriors to unmarried girls which was a great violation of tradition norms. The laws that governed sexual relationships begun to decline. Fadiman (1994) elaborates that traditionally, warriors were supposed to abstain from drinking as well as sexual relations in order to maintain their alertness in the cases of an attack. The breaking of liqueur regulations by the young men caused conflict between elder and the warrior age sets. Masculinity among the young men was no longer expressed in diet prohibitions as revealed by this study.

People like Ntoiti (O,I: 15th Oct 2016, Mung’athia (O.I: 13th Aug 2016) and Kimathi

(O.I: 2nd Feb 2017who still remember the old days lament the loss of moral values and even the new churches that try to fill the void have not been immune to this change.

Kaloki (O. I: 4th Jan 2017) further pointed out;

The warrior system has long been defunct , meaning the entire generation of

young men who would formally have been warriors to defend the people or raid

neighbouring people livestock , now sit around in the towns and villages without

work and without much purpose in life either.

The above statement shows that young men have not been adequately briefed on the changes of gender roles in order to cope with the contemporary society needs hence resulting to some sort of crisis. According to the study alcohol and drug addiction is a societal problem that is steadily growing which contributed to the destruction of families. This research had identified a strong connection between disrupted family relationships, alcohol and other drug addiction. The research shows that majority of men have indulged into substance abuse which contributed to subsequent addictive behaviour and which they felt had attracted their children loss of employment, marital breakdown, physical and psychological abuse, depression and ill health. This has consequently interfered with their roles and behaviour in the society. Some had also drug related crimes and as a result of their addiction it affects their relationships with their families. Substance abuse results in enormous cost to the abusers, his or her family and the community with respect to Meru situation. Some participants such as Gacheri

(O.I: 5th Aug 2016) and Karui (O. I: 6th Nov 2016) argue that some wives left their homes because of drug abuse by their husbands. They also point that out that substance abuse puts a lot of stress on parents, brothers, sisters, grandparents and anyone who is part of the home. Kendi ( O.I: 22nd Oct 2016) indicated;

You can’t count on drunkards to do what they say they will do. They get fired

from jobs. They do not come home at night. They do bad things they would never

do if they weren’t abusing drugs. They can’t support their families. Family

members might fight a lot because of the problems the drug abuse is abusing.

The drug user might say things that upset neighbours and friends and make the

family ashamed.

A parent drinking problems has a detrimental effect on children. (Kaufman 1990) posits that parents’ alcohol problem can have a cognitive, behaviour, psychosocial and emotional consequences for children. This leads to increased rate of divorce, violence, the need for control in relationships, mental disorder such as depression anxiety and low self-esteem. Substance abuse has led to inappropriate family systems and role taking. For instance a father who uses substances is expected to take on the role of father. Many women in Igembe have turned to a business of buying and selling miraa, a role which was traditionally preserved for men in order for them to provide for their families (Muthee O. I: 11th Jan 2017).

Sometimes school going children are involved in adults roles hence the boundaries essential for family functioning are becoming blurred. Substance use and abuse among the men of Igembe continues to be a serious condition that leads to a range of possible detrimental consequences such as poverty, violence behaviour, delinquency and risky sexual behaviour. People who abuse substance in this area are likely to find themselves increasingly isolated from their families. Often they prefer associating with others who abuse substances or participate in some other form of antisocial activity (Kirimi O. I:

23rd Sept 2016).

When some men commonly lose their traditional male roles as the provider for their family, may find themselves suffer from feeling of inferiority and ego is hurt. (Gerald

B 1974). Some Men lose their vigour and women took over. When a man lost over his household, he escaped to alcohol, violence against women and girls. When he is unable

28 to find employment some find status and power in sexual violence and possession and use of weapons.

2.3 Property Inheritance

During the pre-colonial period the African families owned land, a man apportioned his land to sons as they married (Mbilinyi, 1991). Women have use rights on their husband’s farm but could not inherit land. Mother could however hold land in trust for sons. When his mother dies, the last born son would inherit the land she farmed.

Communal lands such as surplus land or those used for grazing were under the control of clan.

During the pre-colonial days property ownership in Igembe was a preserve for sons only (Kaari O.1st Nov. 2016). The father owned everything in the family including the wife or wives and property such as land, and cattle. In case the father is death or absent, the eldest son of the senior wife took charge of his father’s property on family property.

In this view the senior son was administratively responsible for the allotment of land and use. On the other hand if the head of the family departed, a male relative took over all the responsibilities of the family property rather than the widow. No woman could take, accept or control property including the bride wealth.

Economically, inheritance of land, property and cattle was patriarchal; boys were looked upon as the future fathers and heads of the families. Therefore masculinity was based on land owner ship and linked to the lineage and kinship networks among the

Igembe. This power to own property, to allot and command others defined a real man in Igembe and presented men with an opportunity to exercise control over women

(Kananu, 01, 12th Nov. 2016). This means that the Igembe controlled the economy and imposed their authority over women and children.

According to Rev. Murithi (0.1: 6th Aug 2016) livestock keeping in Igembe was a preserve for men and also a great pride and prestige. All these roles were instructed to male child in order to take up after the male head of the family. On the other hand in the pre-colonial days women could not own property among the Igembe. In a family, a woman could not get a suitor was under the authority of her brother, father or even her grandfather and could not inherit or own property. Women were men’s property and a source of great pride for men. Women found their identity in men (Nkirote, 0.1; 5th Dec

2016). However women nowadays can inherit, buy, sell or own property. Moreover, there is gender equality in inheritance. Consequently, there is completion among the siblings which sometimes lead to court cases, conflict and domestic violence. The affected people whether men or women who find themselves in such situation need to reconstruct their roles so that they can be relevant to the trend of the times and the law of the land.

According to Kimathi (0.1: 22nd Aug 2016) livestock was a preserve of men and also a greater prestige in the pre-colonial era. All these roles were instructed to male child in order to take up after the male head of the family. Women can now own land unlike the pre-colonial period. They can now use farm machinery or hire labour. Women can plant all kind food crops without depending on men to do for them. Women are also free to keep, buy and sell livestock in market places as role which was traditionally meant for men

The traditional circumcision among the Ameru created a masculinity that was based on the land ownership and linked to the lineage and kinship networks. Kinship was based

30 on clans and groups with relative links through series of male ancestors and descendants. In the past incorporation in the kinship groups occurred after the post pubertal rite of circumcision. The nature of kinship interactions reflected passage through age grades. Inheritance of land, cattle and property was patriarchal since boys were looked upon as the future fathers and heads of the families. Murithi (O. I: 14th

Sept 2016) argued that inheritance laws were preserved for men only. Daughters were not entitled to ownership of the property. Historically, clan elders disposed land inherited from God to individual men and families. In the view of this men were administratively responsible for family especially land assignment and use. The study shows that the Igembe men had the power and authority to apportion land, cattle for bride wealth or even for slaughtering. This power to allot, withhold resources and command others defined a real manhood and presented men with the opportunity to exercise control over women. Rich men who had huge herds of cattle and higher number of wives and children were bestowed with power and authority to make decisions while commanding respect from poor members of their clans. This is a reflection that men used their position of power to legitimize, extract and exploit women through their access and manipulation of resources.

Moreover the Constitution of Kenya 2010 has given women more gains to enjoy economic and soil rights. In article 45(3) both men and women are entitled to equals rights at the time of marriage and during the dissolution of marriage. Meru women have been placed at a better position to acquire property than before. This has led to changed gender relations in the society. Mungathia (.I: 22nd Dec 2016) argued that Igembe women are permitted to inherit land in the contemporary society, but more often acquire land by purchasing it themselves. He further argues that grazing lands are now rare

31 because of the population pressure. Most land is registered and buying and selling of lands are individual affairs. Land disputes are handled in courts or in sub-location meetings convened by the Chiefs.

2.4 Initiation

Traditional circumcision was the rite of passage which was paramount in defining a person status in Meru society. Circumcision was a big turning point where boys and girls were taught to desist from immature behaviour through circumcision, both boys and girls attained adulthood and all the respect and responsibilities that went along with it. It also marked their initiation into the society and therefore full membership of the community (M’Imanyara, 1992). Without circumcision both men and women would still be considered as mere children no matter how old they were and could neither reproduce, nor partake any function that affected the entire society.

Female circumcision was also traditionally performed on girls in their teens and was followed by a period of healing and seclusion form the society, during which they were instructed in tribal knowledge and their roles in life. They were prepared to face responsibilities of womanhood. They were socialized into the domestic domain and taught to be submissive, serving and caring. After the period of seclusion was over, they would swiftly be married.

Following circumcision each and every adult male and female automatically became a member of a particular age- set. Mwenda (O.I: 22nd Dec 2016) said that unity across the various Meru clans and sub-groups was achieved through a sophisticated system of age sets, running along the same lines as the other central highland Bantu societies. The

32 age set system was cyclical, so that as one age set move to the next age grade the following age-sets move up to assume older age-sets functions.

According to Murangiri( O.I: 14th Sept 2016) the mode of circumcision was greatly changed by the establishment of colonial rule in the 1900s. Worriorhood was systematically dismantled in the colonial Meru which reduced importance of circumcision in ushering the young males into Worriorhood. Disgruntled warriors had to seek other avenues for reinforcing their manhood with many of the opting to look for low cadre and feminine jobs such as being cooks, messengers and ground men within the British system of administration. This means that the spear, bows and arrows ceased to serve as symbols of manhood without which effective training of warriors proved very difficult (Fadiman, 1994).

Missionaries trained the Ameru men to hate their traditional circumcision ritual by presenting them as pagans during this period female circumcision was also banned.

(K.N.A.DC/MRU, 1919) They introduced hospital circumcision and seclusion which forbade the converts form participating in traditional ceremonies. (Orde 1925) shows that the traditional ideology that a real man had to show courage by withstanding the circumcision pain was altered through the use of anesthesia. By 1963, the traditional notions of masculinities were replaced with some new forms of masculinity. For instance, feminine masculinities emerged as women began to take up leadership positions as headwomen and counselors. Masculine femininities also emerged as circumcised men began to do feminine duties such as digging and cooking. This has shown that the imposition of colonial role changed the construction of masculinities through circumcision. In the post-independence period many of the Igembe people acknowledged hospital circumcision which had been introduced by the Christian

Missionaries. From 1920s, the seclusion for initiates had slowly become individualized.

Men who had performed well in school were revered as real men as opposed to those who performed poorly in school despite their circumcision status. Schools became the new centers of acculturation while the male and female teachers took up the role of the sponsors and fathers in educating initiates on responsible adulthood.

The study revealed that nowadays circumcision is no longer a clan issue but a nuclear family affair whereby even women are involved. The former rituals, practices and cleansing were replaced by modern counseling based on Christian and modern values.

Boys who have come of age turn to hospital circumcision other than traditional way.

Given the importance of circumcision in Meru, participants agreed that a new alternative form of female circumcision called circumcision through words is taking root in the society. This was spearheaded by the women’s organization Maendeleo ya

Wanawake in 1996 to develop an alternative initiation ritual. It is therefore clear that the platform of constructing masculinity and femininity changed from that of traditional rites to modern rites as witnessed by new faith in education and religion, hence transformation of gender relations.

Before colonization the roles of governance and security were entirely on men among the Ameru (Nthama, 0.1: 2nd Dec 2016). The council of leaders and the warriors governed and protected the women, children, aged people, land and livestock.

Circumcision incorporated the new initiates in the group of protection of the community. Women were excluded from worriorhood hence denied the power bestowed upon the warrior. Mwila (0.1: 17th Feb 2017) urges that the exclusion of women from worriorhood was based on the belief that women were a weaker sex, who could not raid or fight. He further explains that the Igembe people were always targeted

34 by their hostile neighbours known as “Maitha” (Raiders) and had to form a strong warriors to defend the community. Therefore core duty of the warriors was to guard the society. Each mountain ridge clan was guarded by its band of warriors who lived together in “aaru” (barracks) (Kirianki: 0.1: 18th Feb. 2017). The warriors kept a fire burning inside the “aaru” for protection against wild animals and for warmth during cold nights. In the military barracks warrior’s life were centered on the construction of their masculinity. Each barrack was governed by the council of senior warriors who were given higher status, due to their impressive physical qualities. While men were expected to fight and enlist their military service women were barred from such activities.

By 1963, some of the Igembe people advocated for the hospital circumcision which had been introduced by the Christian missionary (Mithika, 0.1 13th march 2017). After sometimes, some of the adherent of the traditional circumcision began to engage a trained practitioner to perform the operation form their home rather than form the hospitals. This is a clear indication of the decline number of traditional warriors.

Modern circumcision gain force in the post-independence Igembe. More and more parents acquired education and began to appreciate the medical procedures of circumcision of young boys. By the end of the 20th C. the Igembe real manhood revolved around the theme of education and the benefits acquired from it (Kimathi, 0.1

20th Jan. 2017). The initiates believed that the proper way of proving their manhood was by expelling academically. Academic excellence therefore became a new way of constructing masculinity among the men rather than through circumcision and worriorhood. Today the responsibilities which were meant for the council of elders and warriors only are a preserve of justice system where even women participate (Murithi,

0.1: 2nd Oct. 2016) Igembe community is guarded by the police and administrators who are comprised of both genders. Men and women stand side by side in the defence forces.

This shows how the gender roles have been transformed among the Ameru of Igembe.

2.5 Elderhood

The Ameru have since the 17th century been elected in hierarchical council of leaders from the clan level right to the supreme, Njuri Ncheke Council. The Meru community was organized along a clan system. The clan was the basic unit which consisted of families that had a common descent. The elders of that community were divided into three ranks. The first rank was made up of elders known as Kiama. The second rank was formed by the Njuri and the third was Njuri Ncheke as it was explained. (Ntioti O.

I: 22nd Dec 2016, Fadman,J 1994)

The elders forming Njuri Ncheke were carefully selected. They were comprised of mature, influential, respected, knowledgeable and incorruptible members of the community. This was necessary as their work required get wisdom, personal discipline and knowledge of traditions. In order to be elected Njuri Ncheke, a candidate had to pay a heavy fee, consisting of livestock which had to be sacrificed and eaten during an important feast. To become a member of Njuri Ncheke in particular was the highest social- political rank to which a man could long for. It was the apex of the Meru traditional judicial system and their edicts applied across the entire community Kirimi

(O. I: 19th Oct 2016)

Traditionally, the elders served as the custodian of the ancestral land and by extension as the keepers of social cohesion within the community Lambat 1950, KNA,

DC/MRU/1/4, 1944). They also deliberated over religious matters. The indigenous

36 tribunal (Kagita) had authority over all the Njuri and the community. It consisted of the most renowned Njuri, the Mugwe who was a religious leader and a prophet, the witchdoctor and the headman.

Each member of the council had to wear the ring and carry the forked walking stick which symbolized their seniority over the warriors. Junior elders were men who had their sons successfully circumcised and had joined Worriorhood stage. These council of elders presented forums for men to debate community issues and transfer of political power to the well behaved young males through ritualized transfer of power. During important deliberations, decisions were made collectively and by consensus among the leaders. In the pursuit of justice the council of leaders undertook the ancestral oath, which was a public declaration by the individual, on the truth of the word uttered. A suspect was supposed to take oath by his word. For instance Fadiman (1994), one could swear that if he lies may the oath kill him. The Kiama also used to solve conflicts by asking the suspect to offer a sacrifice of cattle, goat or sheep. They believed that animal blood bound the suspect to the ancestral spirits. The council of leaders also used to inflict physical pain on the suspect by subjecting him or her to a painful ordeal such as executing a thorough beating, carrying a heavy load or licking a hot iron. The senior council therefore exercised their power by giving out punishments to those who made error among the members of the society.

2.6 Religion

The Meru religious beliefs in the pre-colonial era were based on God (Ngai or

Murungu), ancestral spirit (Nkoma) and rituals. Although God was considered the most important, the presence of ancestral spirits who were both bad & good, was also an

37 important feature of their daily life. The bad fortune of individuals was caused by an offended spirit. The system of the supernatural rituals included prophesies, cursing, curse detection, curse removal and divination. They believed that witchcraft used to cause illness or death, which remains prevalent in the part of the region (Njogu, 1992).

According to Murithi(O,I; 14th Aug 2016) diviners (Kiroria), curse detectors (Aringia) and medicine men (Agaa) who were mainly men were integral to the social structure of the Meru people. The Mugwe who was a man was the prophet and spiritual leader of each Meru sub tribe, filed with the most important role in the society. The Mugwe functioned as an intermediary between God and that people invoking God’s blessing for the protection of warriors and the community as it has also been explained by

Mungathia (O.I: 2nd Dec 2016) who participated in this study. He further argued that this Meru man personality Mugwe intervened directly between God and the clan for blessings .Other religious practices such as offering sacrifices for rain, harvest, cleansing and other rituals were roles meant for men only. They confirmed that after colonization the most of the supernatural practitioners have disappeared. The Christian faith has replaced Mugwe and people pray directly to God without involving a third party. Since Mugwe was men, then masculine identities have been transformed as women priest do similar duties in Igembe region. Women serve as religious leaders in

Christian denominations where they preside over the marriage a role which was a preserve for men, offer counseling services even to men and oversee all religious ritual in their respective churches.

2.7 Patriarchal Society

Meru was a patriarchal society which was organized and run by men even before the colonial period. Patriarchal value was seen shortly after birth where the mother announces the child by ululating five times if the child was a boy, against three times if the child was a girl. It was said to be a man’s world. Men made rules and dominated in all forums in and outside the home. A woman’s main value was to support a man, bear children and housekeeping duties as explained by the participants. However, Kiriamana

(O.I: 5th Aug 2016) claimed that the traditional society before 1895 was structured in such a way that through patriarchal gender specific roles were complementary in a way that they created balance. He further argued that the roles assigned to each sex at the end propagated the interest of the entire family.

The informants posits that male held primary power predominance in role of political leadership through the council of elders known as Njuri Ncheke , moral authority , social privilege and control of the property. This meant that property such as cattle; miraa and land titles were inherited by the male lineage only. Men claimed and sustained leadership position in social life through their kinship and patriarchal authority. Applied in social organization of the Ameru, a husband’s hegemony and masculine honour were intertwined in his ability to support his wives and children.

Legitimacy of patriarch guaranteed the men a dominant position over women through culture and persuasion and not through the use of any form of coercion. Women and children in patriarchal society became men’s property to be provided for and protected and they had no option rather than to surrender to male dominance.

2.8 Summary and Conclusions

This chapter has explained the concept of gender relation among the Ameru before

1895. The chapter has reviewed that gender relations played a major role in setting a platform for the construction of masculinity and femininity. The division of labour demonstrated that men undertook hard physical tasks while women did what was portrayed as easy and safe tasks. Analysis of this chapter also shows during the pre- colonial era the property was strictly inherited by sons only. Meru was a patriarchal society headed by council of elders commonly known as Njuri Ncheke.

This means that men controlled the economy and imposed their authority over women and other clan members. Individuals were expected to fit into the two gender status by recognizing and creating their version of men and women at a particular time. It has also elaborated that traditional circumcision as the rite of passage played a major role in socializing both girls and boys to take their different roles in the society. It has also shown that after circumcision a man who was ready to marry used to pay dowry adequately.

In conclusion, it also explains that the social, political and economic gender relations among the Ameru before 1895 was constructed in such a way that there was balance and propagated the interests of the entire society.

This chapter has elaborated that some men are involved in tasks traditionally meant for women and vice versa. Before the colonial period it would have been unusual to see a man babysitting or doing domestic chores because these were considered as women duty.

CHAPTER THREE

CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN GENDER POWER RELATIONS IN IGEMBE; 1895- 1963

3.0 Introduction

The concept of power relations between men and women of the Ameru of Igembe before 1895 is described in chapter two. This chapter examines the causes of the transformed gender relations among the members of Igembe people between 1895 and

1963. This is based on the grounds that colonial systems have contributed to the changed power relations between men and women in the society. This chapter broadens our understanding on how colonialism, Christianity, world wars, Mau Mau uprising, land tenure policy and colonial education have subjected masculinity and femininity and how these factors socialized men and women to change their traditional roles in the society.

3.1 Colonial Rule; 1895-1963

Europeans first arrived in Meru at the end of the nineteenth century as part of Arab trading caravans Fadman J, (2012). The Ameru called them “Chomba” which meant men of the coast. Among the first European traders to reach Meru region in 1890s were

Karl peter, William Astor and Herman Tiedemann. Oral sources claim that they brought with them clothes, beads and blankets in exchange for tusks, goats, grains and honey.

Some elders opposed the warrior’s attacks on the caravans because they thought collaboration with the traders was a means of acquiring wealth. The Ameru submitted to the British for the fear of being humiliated and defeated like the much powerful

41 neighbours as the Gikuyu and the Embu in 1906 (Mwaniki H.1974).Furthermore the

European military defeat had superior weapons (KNA,DC/MRU/1/3/2,1921)

By 1906, colonial rule was formally established in Meru following the arrival of

Edward Butler. Kimanaa (O.I: 16th Nov 2016) explained that Butler was popularly known as “Kangangi” meaning wanderer due to his constant movements across Meru region. Oral sources indicate that the batch of resisting worriers withdrew on the realization that they had poor weapons; spears, bows and arrows as compared to the

British muzzle – loading riffles. Fadiman posits that Butler encamped at Mwitari which was later renamed Meru town. He rode on a white horse and displayed the rapid firing of his gun throughout Meru region in order to make an impact in the area. Orde B.

(1925) argued that Butler informed his subjects that he came to rule, stop raids for livestock and women and to solve all forms of conflicts.

Home’s extensionally force arrived, Meru elders struggled to prevent their eager and aggressive warriors from resisting. Several factors contributed to the leaders’ avoidance to fight the British. Meru prophesies had previously predicted the coming of white men who would destroy the society if opposed. Previous sporadic contacts with fire arms of

European trading safaris had reinforced these. The region was administered from the

District Office in Meru town (Annual Report for Meru District, 1913). Thus the British occupation of the region occurred without active military option except for a few encounters with small bands of stubborn warriors.

Fadiman J. (1979), beginning in 1910 the Meru began to feel the effects of imposed colonial social order. Colonial administrators collected hut taxes and explored the region, cut new roads. One of the most immediate, far, reaching and socially destructive effect of British administration came from the imposition of regional peace. Suspension

42 of the system of limited warfare at the heart of social structure had an immediately destructive impact. Kaloki (O.1: 18th Aug 2016) says that European stripped energetic young warriors of role and purpose and denied them their only avenue for attaining the livestock need for bride wealth, honourable marriage and future prosperity. Some dislocated warrior went to work on European owned plantations in kikuyu land, a role which was temporarily low status and brought very small economic returns. This is an evident of changed gender relations as it was agreed by the informants. Most warriors stayed home with no clear purpose or direction. Demoralization followed sexual discipline strictly enforced upon this age group therefore quickly decayed warriors began to engage in sexual intercourse with unmarried and often uncircumcised women on a scale previously unheard of in Meru. This lack of discipline threatened to destroy the seniority principle which was the backbone of social harmony by disrupting prescribed relations among different age sets (Fadiman 1977). Furthermore, premarital pregnancies began to occur at an alarming rate. A child born out of wedlock especially of uncircumcised parent had no clan and thus no defined place in Meru society. At a more abstract level, stopping warfare also removed one of the primary functions of the age set social structure. Age set died a gradual death over the decades until today they are no longer used to order the life course in Igembe Meru. Young people who are initiated today retain a special affinity for the age-mates but no longer take formal age- set names. Kimathi (O.I: 29th July 2016).

The administration method used by the early district commissioners infiltrated further social political change. Instead of working through council of elders Njuri Ncheke, commissioners instituted hierarchy of appointment chiefs to collect taxes and serve as liaisons with colonial government. In the late 1930s, the colonial administrators started

43 to work more closely with council elders (Lambert, 1940) from that until 1960s, elder councils served as an advisory function to the government official; nevertheless, changes in the mechanisms of political control eroded the position and influence of leaders.

The imposition of a foreign judicial system caused additional social destruction. A formal system of government courts handled criminal cases. Most civil cases were referred to native tribunals loosely modeled after elders’ council, however as time passed, government officials tried to reorganize the tribunals to make them conform more to a European pattern. The Meru felt that those who knew most about particular case made the best judges and judicial deliberations should not deal with the facts of what happened but with the correct interpretation of traditional law. Nevertheless, official government courts gradually usurped more and more decisions making power from clan elders, further weakening the role of male elders in community life.

Thus colonialism was a force that shaped and reshaped many cultures in Africa. The establishment of colonial economy and political order generally had the effects of destabilizing the option of men and women both socially and economically.

Kisiang’aini (2004) argued that the colonial encounter profoundly interfered with

African men and women identities and identifications. Their activities seemed to render women subordinate, residual and inferior to men. Mwangi,S (2004) argued that colonialist activities had no place for women and this was later adopted by the independence Kenya in 1963.

The colonial administration in Kenya followed patriarchal leadership (Kabira 1993).

The colonial government introduced law of private property ownership rights in Kenya.

This property ownership included individualization and registration of land ownership

44 in men’s names. This colonial land reform denied women their traditional access and control of land. The origin of tenure reform can be traced back in 1895 which marked the onset of series of ordinances which eventually led to alienation of large track of land from the indigenous people. During this period Kenya embarked on land reforms to convert traditional land tenure system to private land ownership. Women were excluded from land ownership under this system (Wangari, 1998). It is therefore evident that changing land ownership from tradition to capital private land ownership did not improve women’s right.

The recruitment of labour to the settler economy, cash crop production and formal education and Institutionalization of wage migration for male adults had the general effect of considerably increasing women’s workload. The imposition of the hut tax and abolition of cattle villages by the colonial compelled Meru men to seek wage labour outside their homestead. This happened so as to raise money for tax payments thereby affecting their traditional roles.

3.2 Christianity; 1895- 1963

Christian doctrine traces women’s inferiority Eve from Adams rib during creation in the book of genesis (Uchendu, 1993). Hence meaning that woman cannot stand independently. Before the coming of the missionaries, the community maintained that the Mugwe was their leader and that they could recognize him. He was frequently likened to a king. The Mugwe was an important male personality who intervened directly between God and the clan for blessings. He played a vital role in the formation of each age-set. He must bless the young men when they were initiated and also bless each raiding venture. His failure to bless a raid or his refusal to do so was apparently

45 sufficient to stop it. It also appeared that he could indirectly bring about a raid by indicating it was propitious; in the context of the warrior age set, the Mugwe was a leader. He also could play an important leadership role in the assemblies of leaders by precedence in discussion Murithi (O.I: 14th Sept 2016) and Kaloki (O. I: 20th Aug,

2016).

It is to be understood that Christianity reached Africa generally in the context of the

Europeans moral duty to change the traditional religious practices and beliefs of

Africans.

Christian missions mounted a direct assault on the Meru belief system. (Thomas S.

1992). In the eyes of early 20th century European civilization, Meru beliefs appeared strange and backward and evil. Christian missionaries established hospitals and schools as well as evangelism. Catholic missionaries, Italians Consolata Fathers, were the first to arrive in Meru in 1910. The Methodist followed shortly afterwards in 1912 (Annual

Report, 1933). A church leader further explained that the goal of the mission was to eliminate native customs and to turn its adherents into good Christians. The mission taught against many beliefs and customs not only were practices such as traditional healing and veneration of descent group ancestors dismissed but elder councils, Kiama and Njuri Ncheke activities surrounding initiation rites was questionable.

Baimwendwa (O.I: 14th Sept 2016) argued that Christian youths were required to have separate circumcision ceremonies. Missions took an adamant stand against any form of initiation of girls. An entire generation of people held a very low opinion of their own culture and indigenous beliefs. Many elder dislike discussing the old customs and refused to teach their grandchildren the old songs and dances. Such things they say are of the devil. It is now difficult to find traditional healers or diviners apart from herbalist

46 in the area. Most church leaders say they have not used traditional healers since their parents took them for treatment as small children or that they ceased to believe in such things when they become Christians.

3.3 Mau Mau Uprising; 1895-1963

By the end of World War II a vigorous nationalist movement had emerged in Kenya commonly known as the Mau Mau movement whose aim was to regain land and achieve freedom from Great Britain. The Mau Mau uprising between 1952 and 1960 was a war involving Kenya and the British colonialists (Gikoyo G. 1979) dominated by the Kikuyu, Meru and Embu people. Rebel leaders from Meru such as field marshal

Musa Mwariama and general Baimungi among others participated. The uprising in

Kenya colony costs deaths and wounds among the Mau Mau forces. Such participants affected the community’s way of life socially, economically and politically.

Because of widespread inductions, mass meetings and attacks on Africa loyalists and

European, the government declared a state of emergency in October 1952. Thousands of African men and women fled to the forest and established Mau Mau guerrilla base through oath to abide by a solemn promise was traditionally reserved for males, women also took oath. This gives an evident of changed gender roles for Igembe women who turned to be warriors which were unheard of in Kenyan traditions. Consequently, over

10,000 men lost their lives during the rebellion. Many more were imprisoned during the war that lasted from 1952 until 1959 when the imprisonment system ended. This led to increased burden to women who were left to take dual task (Caroline, 2005).

Female Mau Mau adherents, by giving and taking oaths, were also breaking an important gender relations form introduction to the movement. Gender barriers were

47 also broken in the area of leadership roles and combat roles. The woman’s wing of Mau

Mau had a prominent female leader. Thus the legacy of women participated in the struggle resulted in a shift in traditional gender roles. It laid basis for social and political change in the contemporary society when independence was achieved in 1963. The new government acknowledged women roles in the nationalist struggle where some women were able to assume political roles.

3.4 Education; 1895 -1963

During the almost seven decades (1890 -1963) of British rule in Kenya, the colonial government introduced socio-economic and political policies to facilitate the integration of Kenyan societies into the colonial economy. The colonial system ensured that men joined formal and informal education and prepared them for employment in the public sector such as military and commercial activities. By 1937, many schools had mushroomed in the early mission stations within Meru. The schools became sites for socialization and construction of the elite masculinity. Depriving of women of equal chances to education with men clearly reflects the determination of the colonial administration define the gender divide in a more fundamental way that was obvious to the African at that time. Christian missionaries sought to socialize and shape the youth into real men and women. Coopers (2002) posits that in many parts of Africa, introduction of the school enabled the missionaries to tear down the beliefs and practices of the African people. This enabled the missionaries to put aside kinship ties, the council of elders, age groups and other social life. The missionaries entrenched individualism in the entire education process and dismantled the communalism that was common in traditional non- formal teaching Ntombura (O.I: 15th Aug 2016).

Depriving of women an equal chance to education with men reflects the gender divide in a more fundamental way that was obvious to the African at that time by the colonial administration. The subordination of women in the public position of power and decision making that came from colonial patriarch and economic structures is clearly seen by a corresponding low female participation in the colonial education compared to that of males. With increasing urbanization especially after the Second World War education for women appeared to grow. It was not until 1950 for example the first training school for women was initiated. The first school for girls was also started in

1949 Chege F. (2001).

The mission schools enrolled, both men and women alike which changed traditional perception that the masculinity had to be constructed away from the women. Admission into the mission schools was based on conversion to Christianity which differed from admission into the traditional age sets (Fadiman 2012). Fathers and elders continued to lose control over the generation of elites whom they expelled from their homesteads.

Through their earnings the elites realized that they could establish independent livelihood without relying on their fathers to allocate them land and bride wealth.

Between 1937 and 1947 schooling had become an attraction for warriors who view it as a means to acquiring jobs within the colonial economy. Through employment, the youth anticipated to earn enough wages to be able to pay taxes and purchase European goods. Due to formal schooling men and women acquired new masculinity and femininity to secure wage labour which they traditionally did not have. The attribute of hegemonic masculinity was no longer based on traditional practices but acquisition of western education and consequently waged labour.

Education provided several positive benefits in the early days it offered a few bright warrior age youth an alternative avenue for advancement though that success would take them away from their families and clan. The structural outcome of education of indigenous society was recognized by H.E Lambert District Commissioner in Meru in

1930s. The indigenous educational system intended to fit the individual to become a worth member of his group, his clan and his grade. The European education system applied to the Meru was to cram the individual to climb out of his class and this means youth of his group and age grade (KNA, DC/MRU 1936).

3.5 Migration; 1895-1963

The development of labour intensive plantation in agriculture in the white lands as well as the need for male solders and potters in the world war increased male labour migration from all parts of Kenya by 1908. The colonial government felt that the Ameru had large reservoir of labour. Various factors impelled them to take employment outside their homes. These included land scarcity in the African reserves, search for higher living standards, preference to work in the industries, need to pay taxes and bride wealth. Male labour migration left considerable number of women without male company. Therefore women got involved in hoeing and trade and to play both traditional gender roles. Thus workload of women increased both in land cultivation and on wage labour contract due to absence of men.

3.6 Summary and Conclusion

This chapter has analyzed the possible causes of the transformation of gender relations among the people of Igembe between 1895 and 1963. The analysis of this chapter shows that the establishment of colonial institutions; Christianity, colonial education, land

50 tenure among others played an important role in the change of gender roles. They stripped energetic Igembe warriors of their role and purpose and instead went to work on European owned plantations. It revealed that the establishment of colonial rule had effects of destabilizing the option of men and women both socially, economically and politically.

It has explained that the males who participated in the world wars, mau mau movement were strong patriarchs but the men returning from the wars were not the same strong men. Dissent from gender norms was more easily tolerated by women as they took up roles that had previously been the work of men. In the colonial society, many women left the home to go out and get education, jobs and now work alongside men It has explained that the need for labour in European farms, the world wars and men’s mobility for work changed the Igembe gender relations. Many men started taking roles traditionally meant for women and many women entered a new world operating in miraa business with a number staying without husbands. As a result women could not only rely on the social support and protection men offered but in many cases women became the de-facto heads of households.

This chapter has shown that the security or protection of the Igembe people relied upon the warriors in the pre-colonial days. Worriorhood was systematically dismantled in the colonial Meru which reduced the importance of circumcision in ushering the young males into worriorhood. Disgruntled warrior had to seek other jobs with many of them opting for traditionally feminine jobs

In conclusion, this study shows that the imposition colonial institutions transformed gender relations and created new versions of manhood and womanhood. Consequently,

51 many Igembe men and women have not been adequately briefed on the changes on power relations.

CHAPTER FOUR

CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN GENDER POWER RELATIONS; 1963-2010

4.0 Introduction

The causes of the transformation of gender power relations in Igembe during the colonial era are examined in chapter three. This chapter analyzes the change and continuity of power relations between genders in the post-colonial period. This is based on the premises that after independence in 1963 the Kenya government activities further socialized men and women to change their traditional gender identities.

4.1 Female Labour Force; 1963-2010

A reflection on the Mau Mau movement gives the role women played. Mzee Jomo

Kenyatta (1938), the first president of Kenya, gives an anthropological literature and structure of African society. He notes that women in Mau Mau movement played a large role in helping men to hide from the British army, gave them food and some fought side by side with the men. During the Lancaster Conference when Kenya negotiated the independence constitution in 1962, one woman accompanied the team of men. This is important to trace how far women got to participate in decision making.

Deteriorating material conditions have seriously undermined the normative order of patriarchy in Meru community. Mung’athia (O. I: 16th April 2017) said that Lack of access to income opportunities had made men role as heads of household and breadwinners reduced to figureheads of household. Men’s authority has come under threat and so their identity and sense of self esteem. In most cases this leads to domestic violence. Despite women claiming to have been empowered they are more burdened instead. Out of frustration form failure to provide income; men are spending their time

53 idling and taking local brews. Wives in the household are further burdened by performing reproductive and productive roles as argued. Some of the respondents note that alcohol abuse by the husband, poverty, in-laws, immorality have also caused domestic violence. Disagreement over family chores, the couples disagree on the basis that the wife disrespected the husband demanding equality. Domestic problems are also caused by high standard of living whereby some men are unwilling to do simple duties like grocery which they term as feminine roles. Some educated women earn more than their husbands hence some men suffer inferiority conflict. On the other hand the study shows that some women who earn more disrespect their husbands’ hence domestic violence. Koome (O. I: 7th Nov 2016) argued in an interview that money, lack of proper involvement of gender roles, economic hardships are things which make men to abandon their duties. Women wanting men to do feminine roles bring misunderstanding in most of the families. Thus, this is an evident that poor involvement of gender relations in the contemporary society has resulted to domestic violence. (Gitonga 13th

Sept 2016). The study shows that refusing to recognize the man as the head of the family and making him to do menial jobs such as cooking, laundry, baby sitting and other domestic chores traditionally meant for women causes domestic violence. Men had difficulties taking up roles that were traditionally meant for women. Men had to adjust to having women around them at their job sites and some felt that women were filling positions that unemployed man should have been given. Men felt that their traditional role as provider was being threatened, so some men did not allow their wives to enter the labour force. Many men whose wives worked outside the home also felt that their wives were responsible for all home making and child care jobs. Marital problems often result from this, mainly from women who resented that they were doing domestic chores as well as provide for the family. Men’s role identities became confusing and

54 contradictory hence expression of helpless, inadequacy, low self- esteem and disempowerment. Wangari Maathai (1992), in Silberschmidt (2001), I think that when we talk about the position of women in Africa and how miserable it is quite often we forget that these miserable women are married to a miserable man. This mis- match gender expectations and the roles men and women find forced upon them often causes frustrations and humiliations especially among the men. Gitonga (O, I; 19th Oct 2016) voiced this frustration in an interview;

What makes most women not submissive to their husbands is the issue of gender

equality for women rights. Women who are educated and employed are the

worst group of the people because after they get pregnant they throw out the

man. They have enough money to look after themselves.

This shows that women have infringed traditional rights on property and financial rights. Most men therefore suffer in silence because they don’t want to appear weak.

Whereas there are many organizations seeking for girls and women, boys and men have no one to turn to. However some says that men have refused to acknowledge women’s right. Karambu (O, I; 28th Oct 2016) argue that the real cause of strive in the families is the fact that men have refused to change with the times. She further points,

Men need to acknowledge that women and men are equal partners in marriage.

None rules over the other.

4.2 Education; 1963 to 2010

During the post-colonial period, women in Kenya continued to live in a society that has a patriarchal order. Kenya as in other African nations joined the stream of independence movements and regained independence in 1963. When Kenya gained independence a

55 few women were able to attain education (Mama A. (1996). Gender issues in general moved into the post colonial phase of Kenyan history. The new government toward policies affecting genders paralleled those of colonial administration. Immediately after independence the government and the people of Kenya have been committed to expanding education system to enable greater participation Abaji O. (1999). This is due to the belief that every child has the right to access basic education and to provide the opportunity to participate in socio-economic and political development of the country.

In 1964 the Kenya education commission ordered a study on education needs of the country under the chairmanship of S. Ominde. The Ominde laid the foundation for post colonial education policy stressing the goals of education (Ibid). The report recommended greater social inclusion and decreasing gender disparity.

After 1995, due to the Beijing platform for Action, many Kenyan women have benefited from the introduction of feminist point of views such as gender equality.

Many women became active participants in Kenya. The study reviewed that Formal education gave advantage to the women with high levels of education. They have access to information and self assertive to negotiate with their spouses on how to utilize family resources (Kinyua O.I: 17th July 2016). Formal education level therefore positively affected gender relations in households as women are able to make decisions on utilization of resources. However during interviews some women conceded that men consider themselves as head of households, who should be consulted at all times in decision making by women. This is an evident that some traditional gender roles are still in existence.

4.3 Land Tenure System; 1963-2010

In 1963, Kenya gained self-government with Jomo Kenyatta as the prime minister and became republic in1964. Kenyatta administration was not keen to distribute the legal frame work on development laid down by the colonial rule. The land reform continued in independent Kenya as a matter of policy. The development plan 1970 to 1974 pointed out that the land tenure system in Kenya should be changed so that farmers could be issued with title deeds to their land and that fragments of the land be consolidated into one holding. Development plan (1970-1974). The registered land the registered land act did not recognize women’s right access to registration of land. Title deeds alienated women from control over land. Land titles were registered in the name of a man

Mwithali (O.I: 12th July 2017).

It was during president Moi regime that the African charter on human and people’s right adopted in 1981 by the OAU to provide a framework for African that takes onto account recognition of women right by stating that every individual was entitled to enjoy the right and freedom and guaranteed in the charter without discrimination of any kind such as race, ethnic, colour, gender or religion. The charter prohibits discrimination against women on issues of women’s property and land rights (FIDA

2013). The law of the succession 1981 was also enacted which was gender neutral. It was also during this period when Kenyans held a referendum on the proposed commission known as Wako draft in 2005.It proposed important changes to land administration in Kenya. It permitted women to legally own land through inheritance but did not win.

During the president Kibaki administration, this era came up with the National Land

Policy (2009) that called to outlaw regulations, customs and practices that discriminated

57 against women. This policy addressed the main obstacle which women faced since the advent of colonialism when women rights to ownership of the property were not protected by law.

4.4 Media; 1963 -2010

There is no doubt that media was responsible for the many of the images people were exposed to at that time just as they influence people view today. If we think back the way in which women were portrayed in the 1950s and 1960s, they were invariably presented as housewives, mothers and other forms of caring role. Today the traditional view of a woman as a housewife or low status work has been exchanged for the successful woman in a position of power such as a business leader (Guaralett, 2002).

Women now see their lives as more meaningful and they are anxious to have their say in the way the world is run. Women have become more optimistic, enthusiastic and confidence setting themselves very high standards. By the 1990s, work career had become more important than family commitments. Women were beginning to flex their muscles, egged on by the media which unveiled the idea of girl power.

We have seen various ways in which popular ideas about self in society have changed so that identity today is seen as more fluid and transformable than ever before. It seems more appropriate to emphasize that within limits, the mass media is a force for change of gender roles as the study reveals. The traditional view of a woman as a housewife or low-status worker has been kick boxed out of the picture by feisty, successful girl power icons. One of a good example is the strength of a woman episode shown in the citizen television. Meanwhile the masculine ideas of absolute toughness, stubborn, self- reliance and emotional silence have been shaken by a new emphasis on men’s emotions

58 need for advice and the problem of masculinity. Although gender categories have been shattered, these alternative ideas and images have at least created space for greater diversify of identities. As Karithi( O.I: 8th Oct 2016) urged;

Modern media has little time for tradition. Popular media fosters the desire to

create new modes of life. Modern media is encouraging the overthrow of

traditions. They feature women doing work for men.

Magazines bought on one level for a quick fix on glossy entertainment, promote self- confidence (David, 2008) and provide information about sex, relationships and lifestyles which can be put in various uses. Television programmes pop songs, adverts, movies and the internet also provide numerous kinds of guidance not necessarily in the obvious form of advice giving but in the myriad suggestions of ways of living. This implies that identity is social construction. Some media figures therefore are potential role models. It is for this reason that some of the role models seen in our media remain an important concept. Role models serve as navigation points as individual steer their own personal route through life. It’s not all a world of transformed masculinities and femininities though images of conventionally rugged ,supper independent ,extra – strong macho man still circulates in popular media especially in adverts and movies.

Magazines for women are empathetic in their determination that women must do their own thing, be themselves and /or be outrageously sassy and sexy as possible. Several recent televisions have featured self-confident, tough, intelligent female lead. Female pop stars sing about financial and emotional independence and inner strength. This is evidence that gender relations have been transformed and in particular Igembe not left behind. There are some men who have grown up with women as equal and who do not feel threatened or emasculated by the social change as it has been seen in this study.

4.5 Support Groups; 1963-2010

Women groups consist of women who get together to help each other with what has traditionally known as women’s work (Booner and Goodman 2002). The history of popularly known as merry go round in Kenya predates the feminist movement. After attaining independence, the National Council for Women in Kenya (NCWK) was established as a national umbrella membership organization in 1964 (Koech 2008). The purpose of NCWK was to strengthen and unite women’s organization in Kenya. NCWK was a coordinating agency for women’s organization at the local, national, regional an international levels.

In the immediate post-colonial period that is 1964, the national council of Women of

Kenya (NCWK) was formed. This was formed as a front for women’s concern that brought women self-help groups into the movement. This study views these changes as power for women. The oldest women organization, Maendeleo Ya Wanawake

Organization (MYWO) was first established as a welfare organization at the height of

1980s (Nzomo 1989). Its focus was initially strengthening women’s capacity to generate income and manage their households as a means of alleviating poverty and creating a better environment and quality of life. MYWO as its inception did not concern itself with challenging the patriarchy; rather it sought to find ways and means through which women would weave around the imbalance of power to improve the quality of their lives and that of their households. Today it still remains the largest grassroots organization in Kenya and particularly in Igembe. Kirimi (O.I: 19th Oct

2016) pointed out that women in the villages have mobilized themselves to address common issues concerning the families and they have improved their status.

The feminist movement is an activity that involves women coming together with the aim of meeting gender interest of women (Ogola 2003) global perspectives addressing women issues can be traced from the first world conference in Mexico 1975 followed by Copenhagen 1980 then in Nairobi, Kenya in1985 and finally in Beijing in 1995. In

Kenya this period saw the development of welfare association at the local level by improvement of incomes and the standard of living through self-help activities.

MYWO has field workers who coordinates day –to –day actives of the organization. It operates through committees at the sub-location, location, division and district branches. MYWO has years of experience in management of development projects in the areas of family planning elimination of harmful traditional practices, nutrition energy and environment, girl child education, civic education and leadership development. MYWO mission is to work towards a society in which equality, peace, justice and unity prevail. MYWO believes in uplifting and empowering women as a means of alleviating poverty and creating better environment and quality of life for all.

This intense promotion of girl child/ women and the negligence of boy child /men is largely blamed for the situation where women have gained more socio-economic mileage than men since the study reveals that there are women organization in Igembe but none for men. Today many women pay school fees, hospital bills, cloth the family and generally ensure that he household runs smoothly Kananu (O. I: 13th April 2017).

This study reveals that most women engage Maendeleo ya Wanawake organizations such as Kenya Women Finance Trust, Sacco’s organizations and various self-help groups at the village level, unlike men. This has made them to engage into small businesses which make it possible to provide for their families, a role that was

61 traditionally meant for men. However, (Harriet O.I: 11th Feb 017) claimed that there is a Men Welfare Christian Association in the area.

This study shows that that the society has sidelined the boy child. The boy child has been pushed to the peripheral. The boy child has been ignored for too long. The boy child is suffering a life skill crisis and needs to be empowered since the disappearance of the traditional age grades. Life skills enabled them to deal with day-to-day challenges. Consequently family values are in danger since the boy is expected to head the family. This has caused many families today to be dysfunctional. The nation which is built on the foundation of the family is standing on a shaky foundation. Our upbringing models as to be what we are. Currently some families have been brought up mainly by their mothers. Most fathers are absent physically or emotionally to act as a role model to the boy child. Consequently he has not been trained in the responsibilities of a man. It is common to find family men who are running away from their responsibilities. Mithika (O. I: 23rd Nov 2016) argued that when challenges arise at home many men hide in work and in the bars getting home late. This takes them deeper into drugs and substance abuse which has become a nation problem as well Igembe threatening to cripple the society. Women though empowered bear the heavy burden of caring for the family single handed.

Over the years, groups and activist have focused on empowering the girl child achieve her potential especially in education and job market with varying results. However in the process of lifting the girl child, the boy child has been left lagging behind consequently creating imbalance in family setup and society in general as argued by

Njoka the male activist chairman. Sadly the boy child has been left to choose his future and chart his own course without much guidance from the environment. The impact of

62 this neglect can’t go unnoticed. In his bid to find his footing, the boy chid is now assisted with vices such as drug and substance abuse, sexual abuse and dropping out of school. Muthee (O, I; 14th Sept 2016) explained that we are sitting on a time bomb if empowerment program continue neglecting the boy child. Frustrations may push him to join dangerous underground activities. He further asserts;

After initiation people thought that the boy child has become a real man and he

was left all lone to make his independent decisions. This is where things go

wrong to boys and men.

Many Non-Governmental Organization, international bodies as well as government have made efforts to address issues affecting the girl child echoes. The status of gender equity and equality in the basic education has highlighted changes facing girl child in particular, but none at all looked at issues affecting boy child, making him more vulnerable than the girl- child. Since so much attention has been directed to a girl child ignoring the fact that both are equally vulnerable and equal attention needs to be directed to both children. The goals of education should serve the people of Kenya and the needs of Kenyan without discrimination of any nature as stipulated by Ominde

Commission 1963. There is no clear way to defend the boy child as compared to the girl child. Speaking during the official visit at Central Province, Professor Ongeri appealed to relevant authorities not to neglect the boy child. He further reminded them not to forget that it is their responsibility to ensure the gender gap in access and performance is bridged (Education News, 2012).

In this miraa growing areas the (Karui O.I: 17th March 2017) points that many men literary abandon their family. The most affected are young boys who grew up with no

63 male role model at home. This also happens when men abandon their families and camp in towns centers having a good time and go home late when all the children are asleep.

4.6 The 2010 Constitution of Kenya

On 27th August 2010 Kenya promulgated a new constitutional dispensation which ended the struggle by Kenyans clamoring for new constitutional order. It is among other things that brought in recognition of women rights. The constitution 2010 recognizes economic, social and cultural rights including the right to education housing and right to health including reproductive health care. The principle of equality and non- discrimination is established as a core value of leadership. Chapter four of the Kenya constitution is the Bill of Rights; every person is equal before the law and has the rights to equal protection and benefit of the law. Women and men have the right to equal treatment, including the right to equal opportunities in political, economic and social sphere. Both direct and indirect discrimination is forbidden. The decentralization of power created in the government has revolutionized leadership bringing many women into public leadership space.

The promulgation of the constitution in 2010 is also an achievement for the women.

The new constitution provides for an equitable way of access to ownership of property.

As mentioned earlier, colonial era did not recognize women ownership of land which deprived women of equal right to own property (Otieno 2004). The denial of equal property right put the women at a greater risk of poverty. The constitution guarantees gender equity under national values and principles of governance which include equity, social justice, equality, non-discrimination and protection of the right of the marginalized society. The constitution obligates the state to recognize and protect

64 human right and promote social justice that is relevant to women’s struggle for gender equity and equality (constitution of Kenya 2010). The constitution establishes broad principles on the land and recognizes land as a principle source of livelihood and material wealth. The principle includes equitable access to land, security of land rights and elimination of gender discrimination in law and customary practices related to land property. It advocates for the creation of National Land Commission these principles.

It upholds and recognizes women in Kenya in areas of property ownership and political participation with the advent of the new constitution (CEDAW 1979). This observed the inaccuracies in property allocation and ownership between men and women.

The constitution further advocates that land tenure reform must ensure women’s property rights during marriage at divorce and the event of husband’s death FIDA

(2010). The constitution of Kenya 2010 provide for gender gain for women of Igembe in terms of property owned by women. Kalayu (O I. 20th Sept 2016) agreed that she owns a piece of land which she purchased from her business income.

4.7 Conclusions and Summary

The chapter gives the analysis of the changing gender relations in Igembe central between 1963 and 2010. After independence Kenya inherited the colonial institutions and there are changes in gender power .relations

The chapter has shown that rising rate of female labour force participation has changed the gender roles within the family. It has also elaborated that some men have reduced earning power in the current economic transition era. Men’s increased participation in migration as a family survival strategy promoted new roles for women left behind by the men.

Media is also responsible for the change of gender roles. Unlike in the 1950s where women were portrayed as housewives and men as breadwinners, images of successful women in power are shown which in turn encourages reversal of gender roles. Many women have also acquire education which has enable the more bargaining power in decision making as reviewed in the chapter

Self help groups have promoted many women who have gained social economic mileage and eventually became providers for their families and decision makers many women are taking part in businesses such as miraa, livestock among others and a number of men staying at home .It has also shown that the new constitution of Kenya has given women more gains to enjoy economic and property rights.

In conclusion, this chapter has demonstrated that post-independence institutions had profound consequences on gender identities and relations. These transformed gender relations and created new versions of manhood and womanhood. Consequently, many

Igembe men and women have not been adequately briefed on the changes in power relations to enable them cope with the contemporary needs in the society.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction

This chapter presents the summary of this thesis. It gives the general outline of what each chapter intended to achieve. The conclusion and the recommendations based on the research findings are also presented.

5.1 Summary

Chapter one covered the introductory to the entire study. It provided the setting, objectives of the study, knowledge gaps and framework of the analysis and the instruments used to achieve objectives. The purpose was to investigate how gender relations have been transformed among the families of Igembe. This chapter discussed the background of the study, literature review and the theoretical framework of the study. This chapter also presented the premises that gender relations created harmony in the pre-colonial era and that in the 19th century colonial institution cause the transformation of the existed gender identities. It was also based on the premises that the transformed gender identities has resulted to instability among the families of

Igembe. Chapter one too examined the methodological approach applied during the data collection. Question guides, interviews, archival materials, internets and other written sources were used during the data collection. This chapter showed purposive sampling and snowballing techniques were relied upon to sample the informants.

Chapter two entailed the concept of gender relations of the Ameru society before the colonialism. The chapter gave a deeper understanding that gender roles among the community produced a complimentary relationship between men and women. It further

67 traced the history and present settlement of the Ameru people. This is in order to get clear picture of the nature of people and their cultural identities. This chapter analyzed the gender relations among the Ameru and found that division of tasks though different was seen to be complimentary. This chapter investigated the role played by men and women in relation to social institutions such as division of labour, inheritance, patriarch, bride price wealth, religion, circumcision, elderhood, and council of elders. It was found that gender relations among the Ameru though different was seen to create a balance.

The above factors being socialization institutions portrayed a man as a leader, provider, protectors, breadwinners and decision makers in the Igembe community. The study revealed that a man was intelligent, physically strong, hardworking and aggressive in his roles. This chapter also portrayed a woman as a care taker of the household and homemaker within the domestic spheres. The construction of gender identities through age grades were also discussed in this chapter. Individuals born and sexed as males were gendered to be masculine while those born and sexed as women were gendered to be feminine. They worked according to the roles assigned to each sex which at the end propagated the interest of the entries family. Finally, attempts were made to show that the installation of colonial institutions in the late 19th century transformed the Ameru masculinities and femininities.

It also demonstrated how inheritance laws were a preserve for men only and daughters were not entitled to ownership of the property unlike where Constitution of Kenya 2010 gave women a better position to acquire property. The chapter analyzed how circumcision before colonialism in the community was a big turning point where boys and girls were taught to desist from immature behaviour and attain adulthood. Boys

68 were socialized into gender roles in the public domain while girls were socialized into the domestic domain.

The chapter also showed how Meru community was organized along a clan system under the respected men of the council of elders. After colonialism the Meru were drawn into fold of colonial government through local native tribunal of 1913 and local native council of 1925. Male council of elders was later replaced by national government administrators and courts comprising of both males and females. This chapter also elaborated how the payment of dowry helped to create stability with traditional marriages. This was a serious test of man’s capability and strength to undertake his roles in the family. It further showed that in the past divorce was difficult to obtain. It further elaborated that bride wealth payment declined with the decline of cattle camps.

Chapter two also presented men as the only ones who served in religious practices.

After the establishment of colonial rule, the Christian faith gave women the mandate to preside all over the practices in their respective churches. This chapter also investigates the power and privileges of men in the society. It demonstrated that Meru was a patriarchal society where men made rules and dominated in all forums. A woman’s main value was to support a man and do housekeeping duties. Finally, attempts were made in this chapter to elaborate how women rub shoulders with men in many domains and fields that have been exclusively known for men while some men are now doing domestic chores which were a preserve for women only

Chapter three discussed the changes and the continuity of transformed the gender relations among the families of Igembe during the colonial era. The study revealed that the concept of manhood and womanhood shifted with the arrival of colonial institutions.

Attempts were made to show how colonialism, Christianity, education, world wars, female labour participation, migration, among others had a profound implication on the male and female roles, values and identities. It elaborated how these colonial institutions created new versions of masculinity and femininity as a result of new systems which were different form traditional version of manhood and womanhood.

Christianity through Christian missionaries in the 1910s and 1920s enabled them to tear down the beliefs and practices of the people as analyzed in this chapter. This enabled the missionaries to put aside kinship ties and age groups. They further attempted to civilize the circumcision rituals through the introduction of hospital circumcisions hence stripping the energetic warrior of their role.

This chapter further analyzed how the colonial administrators dismissed the role of the council of elders replacing it with their own. It also discussed how imposition of hut taxes and abolition of cattle villages by the colonial compelled Meru men and women to seek wage labour outside their homestead leaving women to take dual roles. This chapter also presents an analysis of how men who participated in the world wars found it very hard to return to their former practice as the provider and unable to function as traditional men which changed the relationship between men and women. It also demonstrated how Mau Mau uprising increased the burden to women whose husband died in the warfare. Men increasingly participation in migration as family survival strategy resulted to an increasingly scarcity of traditional male labour promoted new roles for women they left behind. Educated men were able to attain skill for male labour and could not rely on their fathers to allocate them land and pay for their bride wealth; something that their fathers did.

The chapter showed how employment threatened the stability of a traditional masculine identity constructed around discourses such as bringing home a wage and freedom from the domestic spheres hence taking roles traditionally known for feminine. The chapter also emphasized that identity today is seen as fluid and transformable through the media. The traditional view of a woman as a housewife has been changed for a successful woman in position.

Chapter three also described how the colonial system appointed women in the local native council changing the gender based stereotype that only men were in charge of political power. It further showed how the Kenya constitution 2010 has equal rights to both gender as was opposed to traditional practice of is people.

Chapter four entailed the causes and the impacts of the transformed gender power relation in the post-colonial era. It described how the rise of female labour force participation was a large blow to the family structure. Many women left their homes to go out and get education and work alongside men.

After independence the new government committed to expand education system which gave advantage to women to achieve higher education. Women therefore work alongside men in various sectors.

It also that the national land policy protected the women rights to ownership of land which was not the case in the colonial era. It also entails that many women engage in support groups, participate in small businesses which enables them to provide for their families.

The chapter also showed that the 2010 constitution recognized women rights which were not there during the colonial period. Women were given rights to own and acquire of property.

Attempts were made to show that the reversal of roles and power between genders has destabilized the families. The frustration and loss of status of men in a subtle reversed of roles has resulted to hard drinking, breakdown of families, female headed households among other factors. This scenario shows that despite women claiming to have been empowered by the reversal of roles they are more burdened instead by performing reproductive and productive roles.

This chapter also showed how men have difficulties accepting and adjusting to changes in roles. Some felt that women were filling positions that unemployed man should have been given. Some felt that wives were responsible for all home making and child care jobs. Marital problems often resulted from this, mainly from women who resented the dual burden.

This chapter demonstrates that when some husbands are crushed down of their identities. When a man has lost control over his household, he escaped to alcohol, violence against women and criminality among others. Finally the chapter attempted to show how gender identities have become confusing and contradicting hence expression of inadequacy and disempowerment. Boys and girls have nobody to take as role model for the masculine and feminine identity.

Chapter five has presented a summary of each chapter in this thesis, based on the objectives intended to be achieved. Conclusions and recommendations have been provided based on the findings of the research.

5.2 Conclusion

The idea is not to blame the colonial institutions and forever get stuck in a blame game.

The aim is to share experience, knowledge, information and provide a historical perspective as we look at our current state of affairs and as we make plans to positively mould our future. The analysis of the data indicates that much of the pre-colonial period

Igembe society had defined roles. Society had associated men with the act of working and providing. It is seen that men had long typecast in economically driven positions whereby male identity and male performance were all centered on work. Women have been involved in the domestic spheres and had been undertaking nurturing roles. This study has clearly shown that these role arrangements were complimentary and served the interest of the entire community. Gender relations directly or indirectly influenced the way the society was economically, socially and politically structured. This confirms the premises that gender roles coexisted and created harmony in the society. Based on the theoretical framework of gender roles, the findings confirm that gender roles were strictly defined among the society. This study revealed that the family structures were altered when the European started their exploration and colonization. The European institutions brought with them political, economic and religious socialization structures and the roles inflicted upon the population impacted on gender roles. There was a break with the traditional set up. The patriarchal conventions which regulated the relations between male and female started to slide and a new relationship between genders was created and has to some extent been in the society ever since. A housewife in the society has become a more rare sight and more men who have adapted to the changes in our present society are taking up more household chores that were reserved for women only. However, men who have not adapted to the demands of the present society are

73 drinking more leading to alcoholism; drug abuse and violence as they have found themselves “jobless” as women have take up some of jobs that were seen as masculine.

It seems that the borders between genders have become more fluid and less defined.

Individuals of today’s society are looking for ways to establish their identity and find their roles in the society. When roles are not prefixed form birth or given to people by the society, it can cause confusion in individuals as to what their right or appropriate role may be. Power relations have and are gradually changing and women depend less on men for survival than there before. Equality between genders , women becoming liberated ,educated and financially independent , Christians values among others factors have lessened many of former predetermined male traditional roles such as sole provider, protector , head of the family and general relationships as well.

5.3 Recommendations

This study will indicated areas where future research may be conducted. The study shows a need to carry an in-depth research on the changing gender relations in the

African socio-economic and political contexts since the world is changing very fast.

There is need to rethink the notion that only man is the sole decision maker and breadwinner in the family. Men and women should note that life will never be the same again. Roles should not be monopolized and labeled as masculine or feminine. The needs of the society are ever changing due to the dynamic cosmopolitan society as well as technological advancement. Rather they should be ready to adapt all the time as human beings rather than as men and women.

The results of the study show that in the contemporary society some men are presented at home in a domestic environment working as women become increasingly assertive,

74 apparently triumphing in all roles. Men are said to be anxious and confused about what their role is today. This calls for the government’s intervention to sensitize men that they should not feel threatened by these social changes. They should embrace the change rather than returning to the idea of a traditional “real” man. There is need to intensify campaigns against the risks of holding onto the stereotype of male domination and female subordination. This is dangerous and does not allow for change.

The education system should prepare boys and girls and therefore men and women to take up and drop roles depending on the needs in the society. The school system should offer the best chance to engage the youth on how masculinities and femininities are socially constructed. There is need for educationists to understand how traditional masculinity and femininity is nurtured in our schools and how they can produce irresponsible, violent and anti-social behaviour in the society.

In our rehabilitation institutions drug addicts and violent persons and other social misfits should be helped to adapt to new roles in the society. The roles should never be presented as masculine or feminine.

Guidance and counseling of those affected should be done to help them to find identity in terms of behaviour and response rather than in terms of their roles. Partners whether a man or a woman in domestic violent and other problems should seek outside help and not suffer in silence any longer lest the situation gets out of control.

The current men and boy child empowerment efforts are far from adequate. More local and international organizations need to commit themselves to the worthy course in

Kenya. More initiatives that are focusing on the boy child empowerment should be embraced and supported.

The media should put more efforts in associating men with domestic products like body care and home goods. Women should also be presented many times in public domain and having a speaking role. Caring and loving images of fathers nurturing fatherhood publicly will be part of acceptable gentle tender masculine set up.

Finally the national and the county governments should ensure that our rich cultural and moral foundation that was built by many generations of our forefathers is not abandoned. Our youth should learn how the traditional societies functioned and how their social economic and political undertakings created harmony in the society. The study of our past heritage is very important because it will give us a point of reference for the present and the future.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

QUESTION GUIDE

Dear Informant, I am in the process of conducting a research on the transformation of power relations between men and women among the Ameru of Igembe Central, 1895-2010. I am therefore humbly appealing for your assistance. The information will be kept

CONFIDENTIAL.

Section A: Demographic Information of the Informant 1. Age bracket? 18- 25 years 26 – 30 years 31-35 years

36- 40 years 41- 50 years above 50 years

2. Gender? Male Female

3. What is your highest academic qualification?

KCPE O’levelDiploma Bachelor’s Degree Master Degree

Any other (specify)______

4. What is your marital status? Single Married

5. What is your source of income? ______

6. Is your income adequate to sustain you and your family? Yes No

Briefly explain your answer______

Section B: Concept of Gender and Power Relations Before 1895

7. The following are some of the traditional roles in Kenya before 1895. Which ones

were performed by only men in Igembe?

Cooking Head of the family Provider Home maker

Protector Child rearing Breadwinner

Apart from the above, list other roles that were done by men and women before the

colonial rule.

______

Who headed households in Igembe Central before 1895?

Female Males 8. Comparing men and women roles in the period before 1895 and after 1895 has

there been any change in terms of roles? Yes No

Briefly explain ______

9. Were men in Igembe paying dowry adequately before 1895? Yes No

10. Is dowry being paid adequately today? Yes No

Explain briefly______

11. Did circumcision of boys in the period before 1895 improve masculine identities?

Yes No

12. Who settle disputes among the people of Igembe before 1895? ______

13. Who inherited property such as land, cattle, miraa in Igembe before 1895?

Males Females

14. How was family property inherited during the colonial and post-colonial era?

______

15. Is patriarch declining in Igembe? Yes No

16. Are there some men involved in housework and childbearing while women are in

the work place ? Yes No

17. Do you think some men are finding it hard to adjust to the reversal of power?

Yes No

Explain briefly ______

Section C: Causes of the Transformation of Power Relations between Men and Women 18. The following are some causes of transformation of power relations between men and women in Kenya. Please indicate the extent to which each of the causes exists in Igembe. 1. Very large extent; 2. Large extent; 3.Neutral extent; 4.Small extent; 5. No extent at all

Put a tick (√ )

Extent Causes 1 2 3 4 5 Colonialism Education Justice system church World Wars Media

19. What are other factors contributing to the changing of power relations between men and women? ______20. Do you think the rising rates of female labour force participation in the 20th century have altered the roles and relations of women and men within the home? Yes No 21. Is the nature of by circumcision nowadays affecting the roles and relations of women and men? Yes No Explain briefly ______22. Do you think the imposition of colonial rule in Kenya affected families in Igembe

as far as power relations is concerned? Yes No

Please explain briefly ______

23. The following are some of the roles performed by men in Kenya today. Please

indicate the extent to which each of the roles is performed by men in Igembe.

1. Very large extent; 2. Large extent; 3.Neutral extent; 4.Small extent; 5. No extent at all Put a tick (√ )

Extent Roles 1 2 3 4 5 Child rearing Dependent on women financially House work

24. Is the ownership of the property by females affected the power relations between

men and women? Yes No

Please explain ______

25. In your opinion, do you think the boy child has been sidelined?

Yes No

Explain briefly______

26. Who handled and conducted Miraa business in the past?

Men Women

27. Has the nature of conducting Miraa Business among the families of Igembe

changed? Yes No

Explain the change briefly ______

APPENDIX B

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR LOCAL ADMINISTRATORS, RELIGIOUS LEADERS, AND VILLAGE ELDERS

1. For how long have you served as a government officer/religious leader /community

elder in Igembe Central? ______

2. Do you agree that in the period before 1895 there were gender specific roles for

men and women in Igembe? Yes No

3. What are some of the roles performed by men and women before 1895?

Men:______

Women:______

4. Who dealt with the settling of disputes among the Ameru before

1895?______

5. Did the roles, which were done by men and women before 1895 create harmony or

instability in the society? Yes No

6. In your opinion, do you think Patriarch is declining? Yes No

Briefly expalin______

7. What are some of the causes of the transformation of roles and relations between

men and women in Igembe since 1895?

______

8. Do you think colonialism has contributed to the changing of masculine and

feminine identities in Igembe? Yes No

Explain briefly ______

______

9. Has the adaptation of new constitution in Kenya transformed the power relations

between men and women in Igembe? Yes No

Please explain ______

10. Do you agree that there is a rising rates of female labour force participation in the

society? Yes No

If yes, how has it affected the families in Igembe?______

11. The following are some of the impacts of transformed relations between men and

women in Kenya. Please indicate the level of agreement with each of the impact in

relation to Igembe.

1. Strongly agree 2. Agree 3. Undecided 4. Disagree 5. Strongly disagree Put a tick (√ ) Level of Agreement Impacts 1 2 3 4 5 Domestic violence Drug abuse Breakdown of families Substance abuse Criminality Female headed household Come we Stay marriages

12. Is gender equality inheritance law welcomed in this area? Yes No

Briefly explain______

13. Do you think the church has contributed to the transformation of gender relations

Yes No

Briefly explain ______

14. Do you support the Maendeleo ya Wanaume Organisation? Yes No

Explain briefly ______

15. Have you witnessed criminality in this area? Yes No

If yes list the nature of crimes found in the area______

______

16. Are men able to pay dowry adequately? Yes No

Explain briefly ______

17. Do you think some men are embarrassed by receiving support from women?

Yes No

Briefly explain______

18. What would you recommend to be done to improve the power relations between

men and women in Igembe? ______

Thank you for your cooperation

APPENDIX D

MAP OF KENYA SHOWING MERU COUNTY

Source:Figure 1 Internet: A Map of Kenya (Source: Internet)

APPENDIX E MAP OF MERU COUNTY SHOWING LOCATION OF IGEMBE CENTRAL

Igembe central

Igembe North

Tigania East Igembe south Tigania Buuri West

Figure 2: A Map of Meru County (Source: Internet)

APPENDIX F

A MAP OF IGEMBE CENTRAL

Figure 3: A Map of Igembe Central (Source: Internet)

APPENDIX G

RESEARCH PERMIT