Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. The scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos*

Tatjana Starodubcev** Academy of Arts, University of Novi Sad

UDC 75.046.3:75.041.7](621)”07/08” 27-36:617.7-089 DOI https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1842001S Оригиналан научни рад

Abstract: This paper presents the investigation of a scene on of the fresco encouraged experts to continue their work the second layer of paintings done around 800 in the Virgin in the church. It was carried out from 1995. During this Church of the Monastery of the Syrians (Deir al-Surian) in research, changes and renovation could be observed on the Scetis Desert or the Nitrian Desert (Wadi Al-Natrun). In it one can see Saint Colluthos performing a surgical operation the building itself, and it was possible to distinguish on an eye. Also presented are writings dedicated to the saint its original appearance. Several layers of frescoes were and his cult and images of him. One can recognise influences found to exist beneath the last unpainted plaster layer. of pagan traditions and Christian iconographic patterns and In addition, inscriptions in Coptic, Greek, Syrian or details of contemporary everyday life in the scene. Arabic were discovered in the frescoes dating from dif- Key words: Scetis Desert, the Monastery of the Syrians, the ferent periods, and in some of them the years were re- Virgin Church, Saint Colluthos, Egypt, cult, representation, corded.2 surgery, eye, ophthalmology Several architectural alterations were made on the church in the course of the centuries. Nevertheless, its There have been many new discoveries in ancient basic spatial form has been preserved. It is a three-aisled monastic settlements in Egypt during recent decades. basilica with a narthex. In the east it has an elaborate Such is the case with the Nitrian Desert (Wadi Al- sanctuary with a semi-circular altar apse, called a haikal. Natrun), also known as the Scetis Desert, located south- In front of it is the space between the naos and the altar west of the Nile Delta, between Alexandria and present- which occupies the width of all three aisles, the khurus, a day Cairo. The frescoes found on the walls of the Virgin choir which is distinctive for Coptic churches. It is vaulted Church in the Monastery of the Syrians (Deir al-Surian) and has a dome above the central part and a semi-dome occupy a significant place among them. The painting of at the northern and the southern end. The upper part of the Annunciation was discovered first in 1991. Many the western wall of the nave of the naos has also the form studies have been written about it. Issues such as dat- of a semi-dome (Fig. 1).3 ing and iconography or the painters who created it have been examined. Opposing opinions have been put for- ward in the attempts to determine at least the approxi- Annunciation as part of a cycle?, 129–132; N. Thierry, L’ Annonciation mate time of its creation. Since the frescoes previously de Deir Al-Souriani. Recherches typologiques, 133–140; T. Velmans, Quelques traits significatifs du style dans l’ Annonciation au Monastère found in Coptic churches, frequently left in situ with- des Syriens, 141–145; L.-A. Hunt, The newly discovered wallpainting of out basic protection, were gradually obliterated, stylis- the Annunciation at Dayr al-Suryān. Its twelfth century date and ima- tic or iconographic comparisons were made with vari- gery of incense, 147–152. On the problems in dating due to the lack ous, mostly Byzantine paintings. Therefore, researchers of comparative material, K. Innemée, Keynote address: mural painting in Egypt, problems of dating and conservation, in: Living for eternity: attributed the time of its creation to different periods, the White Monastery and its neighborhood (Proceedings of a sympo- 1 from the eighth to the twelfth century. The discovery sium at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, March 6–9, 2003), ed. Ph. Sellew (articles published on the internet: http://egypt.cla. umn.edu/eventsr.html) 1–2, 3, 4, 9 [25. 7. 2015]. Cf. A. A. Gormatiࢎuk, * ,The paper is a result of research on the project supported by Drevneĭshie rospisi tִserkvi Bogoroditִsy v monastyre siriĭtִsev v Egipte the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Iskusstvo khristianskogo mira 7 (Moskva 2003) 249–251, with an ex- Serbia, no. 177036. haustive bibliography. ** [email protected] 2 On these works, K. Innemée, L. Van Rompay, La presence 1 Studies presented at the round table dedicated to the fresco des Syriens dans le Wadi al-Natrun (Égypte): à propos des découvertes of the Annunciation, held in Paris on 25th and 26th March 1994, were récentes de peintures et de texts muraux dans l’ église de la Vierge du published in CA 43 (1995), P. Van Moorsel, A brief description of the Couvent des Syriens, Parole de l’ Orient 23 (1998) 167–180; Innemée, Annunciation discovered in 1991 at Deir es Sourian, 118–124; M. Wutt- Keynote address, 2. mann, Circonstances de la découverte de la peinture de l’ Annonciation 3 Gormatiࢎuk, Drevneĭshie rospisi, 249 and plan on page 250; dans la conque ouest de l’ église de la Vierge au Deir Al-Souriani et ob- Innemée, Keynote address, 3, Fig. 3; idem, Dayr al-Suryan: new discov- servations techniques, 125–128; K. C. Innemée, Deir es-Sourian – The eries, in: Claremont Coptic encyclopedia, 29 January 2016, 1–2, in the 1 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

motifs and crosses painted in red and ochre. In the next undertaking, when the image which is the subject of this research was created, extensive painting works were carried out, mainly in the technique of encaustics, sometimes com- bined with tempera. The tall dado, imitating marble pan- eling and stone pillars along the whole church, the represen- tations in the second zone on the pillars and on the walls of the choir and, apparently, of the aisles, as well as the scenes in the three semi-domes were done at that time. These works are assumed to have been done only a few decades Fig. 1. Plan of the Virgin church in the Monastery of the Syrians, 1. Saint Victor Stratelates or Mercurius of Caesarea on horseback, after the completion of the frescoes’ first layer, on which 2. Saint Colluthos performing an eye surgery, 3. Saints Cosmas and there were almost no traces of dust or damage. The already Damian, 4. Saints Cyrus (Apakir) and Pisentius the bishop of Koptos, mentioned fresco inscription in the Syrian language, found 5. a holy patriarch, probably Damian of Alexandria, 6. Saints Luke on the northern wall, on the second layer, mentions that in and Barnabas (drawing after: Gormatiuk,ִ Drevneĭshie rospisi) 818/819 a certain Mattay and Yacqub ‘built and constructed this monastery’. Of course, they did not establish it, but re- stored and erected a defensive wall around it after the pil- The date was ascertained when the monastery was laging by the Berbers, which had taken place several years founded and when the subsequent restoration works were earlier. This means that the second layer of the frescoes was periodically carried out on its church. Credence should certainly painted before that year. The third layer of images be given to the outcomes of the latest research, based on was done in encaustic technique as well. On that occasion, available reliable sources that have been collected and to the original frescoes and those in the higher registers were comparisons of the information they provide. Only a few partially covered with plaster and the images today visible important items of information from the early history in the lower part of the dome and the upper zones of the of the institution will be briefly mentioned here. It was walls of the choir were painted over them. Determining the erected as a dependency of the nearby Monastery of Saint time of the creation of these paintings based upon a com- Bishoy. Numerous records in manuscripts in the mon- parison is equally elusive as in the previous case. Howev- astery library testify to the presence of the Syrians from er, the changes observed on the edifice and the preserved the first decade of the ninth century, especially of monks inscriptions provide a fairly reliable basis for the dating. from Tikrit, today in Iraq, while the Virgin monastery of The altar area was apparently completely restored and the the Syrians in the Scetis Desert is recorded to have been wooden door with the upper beam with the inscription in in existence since the middle of the same century. The the Syrian language mentioning the abbot Moses and the fresco inscription found in the church indicates that it year 913/914 was placed between the choir and the sanc- was restored in 818/819 by several monks, probably the tuary. In addition, the partly cleaned Coptic inscription same ones recorded in the aforesaid manuscripts. Reliable along the dome above the choir, executed together with one written sources, therefore, speak of the Syrians residing in of the scenes, mentions one Moses, the abbot and oikono- the monastery only from the beginning of the ninth cen- mos. Presumably he should be identified as Moses of Ni- tury. The renowned and diligent abbot Moses of Nisibis sibis. At the time when the frescoes of the third layer were played an important role in the decoration of the church painted, the windows on the eastern wall, which had been and the design of the library. The Syriac inscriptions from walled up after the building of the new sanctuary, were still the years 913/914 and 926/927, engraved at the door be- there. That would mean that Moses had undertaken the tween the altar and the choir, testify to this. Between these painting first and then the rebuilding of the altar area and works Moses was in Baghdad and spent almost five years that the third layer of frescoes was created before 913, but in Mesopotamia, collecting Syriac manuscripts, and he re- probably not before 900. In the fourth phase the windows turned to the monastery in the Scetis Desert in 931/932, on the south side of the choir and naos were walled up as with 250 books.4 they had lost their purpose due to the erection of the high On the basis of the available data, Karel Innemée has defensive monastery walls, and the interior of the church identified four phases in the architectural ensemble and the was completely repainted. Judging by the appearance of the frescoes of the church and elaborated his conclusions with paintings, this could have taken place at the beginning of appropriate explanations. The church was certainly built the thirteenth century. Finally, the church was restored and during the time of the Patriarch of Alexandria Benjamin I its interior walls were covered with plaster placed over the (626–665) and soon had frescoes with modest decorative old frescoes, which were hammered in order to make the new layer adhere more firmly. This was done around 1781, 5 website address http://ccdl.libraries.claremont.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ when the church was reconsecrated. cce/id/2137 [9. 2. 2016]. 4 Cf. Innemée, Van Rompay, La presence des Syriens, 180–194, 5 Karel Innemée carefully examined different layers of the the results of the meticulous investigation on the history of the mon- paintings and the time of their creation and presented all the available astery were presented, and the inscriptions found on the inner walls of data, Innemée, Keynote address, 2–6, so one should accept his dating, the church were published, ibid., 174–180. Regarding the present-day which is also presented in the following studies: idem, Deir al-Surian: fund of Syrian manuscripts in the monastery’s library, it is very rich conservation work of Autumn 2000, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies despite the fact that many books have long since been taken away, S. 4/2 2001 (2010) 263–265, 267–268; idem, Dayr al-Suryan: new discov- P. Brock, L. Van Rompay, Catalogue of the Syriac manuscripts and frag- eries, 1–48. For the history of the monastery, Innemée, Van Rompay, ments in the library of Deir al-Surian, Wadi al-Natrun (Egypt), Leuven– La presence des Syriens, 181–193, specially 182, 192–193, where it is 2 Paris–Walpole, MA, 2014, passim. indicated that the presence of the Syrian monks can reliably be fol- Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

The scene in question belongs to the area of the choir and to the second phase of painting. On the frescoes of that layer one can notice various artistic approaches.6 These paintings were created after 700 and before 818/819, possibly around 800. The works of four masters, who were different in terms of expression and technique, were dis- tinguished in the paintings of the choir, raising the ques- tion of why so many artists worked in a rather small area. Between two possible answers – that the church had to be decorated as quickly as possible so several painters were engaged, or that the frescoes were gradually painted over a lengthy span of time that may even have lasted an entire century – a reliable solution has not been be found.7 The paintings of the zone beneath the semi-domes and above the dado are important for this research. The figures of the saints are preserved on the pillars. On the eastern walls of the choir one can see two saints on horse- back in the south arm and Saint James the Lesser and an unknown saint before the cross in the glory of light in the north part. Positioned on the southern wall of the south arm of the choir are a saint on horseback, Victor Strate- lates or Mercurius of Caesarea, in the east, a saint per- forming a surgical operation on an eye in the middle, and Saints Cosmas and Damian in the west. Represented on the northern wall of the north arm of the choir are Saints Cyrus (Apakir) and Pisentius the bishop of Koptos in the west, a holy patriarch, probably Damian of Alexandria, in the middle, and the holy apostles Luke and Barnabas in the east (Fig. 1).8 Fig. 2. Saint Colluthos performing an eye surgery, the painting after the retouching (photo courtesy of Karel Innemée) lowed on the basis of the sources from the early ninth century only, cf. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: new discoveries, 1–2. Earlier, the monastery was considered to have been founded in the sixth century, but Innemée * * * proposed a different dating, idem, Keynote address, 2. Alexandar Gor- matiuk accepts the established view that the monastery was bought The scene this paper is dealing with, set in the mid- around 710 by an Egyptian dignitary, a native of Syria, and entrusted dle of the southern wall of the south arm of the choir, was it to the Syrian monks, Gormatiࢎuk, Drevneĭshie rospisi, 249. He under- heavily damaged and there are no traces left of an inscrip- lines the important role of the abbot, Moses of Nisibis (907–943?) in tion. Besides, it was retouched after cleaning and conser- decorating the church and the founding of the monastery library, men- 9 tions the inscriptions in the doors from 913 and 926, and suggests that vation (Fig. 2). In the eastern part there is a saint with a it was probably the time when the key layer of the newly discovered halo, sitting on a decorated stool with a cushion. He has painting was done. Then he says that the monastery was regularly at- short grey hair and a round, thick, straight beard of me- tacked and plundered during the eleventh century and was rebuilt af- dium length. The saint is clad in a dark red tunic and a terwards, that most researchers dated the new layer of frescoes to the light grey cloak and wears sandals. He is embracing a pa- year 1225, and mentions that the church was renovated and painted in 1882. He observes four entities of paintings produced at different tient with his left arm and, with his right hand, directing times – one in the western semi-dome and one in the southern aisle towards the latter’s eye an instrument with a sharp tip and and two layers in the space before the sanctuary. For the inscriptions a handle with a cruciform top. Above, i.e. behind them, on the doors he sees a direct relationship with the fragment of the one is a decorated wooden cupboard with a triangular gable written in the base of the dome mentioning the apa Moses, possibly topped with a cross. Its doors are open so one can see two the donor’s inscription, so the paintings of the choir, i.e. the layer of frescoes that is important for our study, dates back to the time of Mo- shelves, both with three belly-shaped bottles with narrow ses’ abbacy in the monastery, in the first half of the tenth century, ibid., necks, and between them are two groups consisting of 249–250, 251, 252–253, 264, 269–270. Innemée warned that it was not four circular shapes, for which it is impossible to ascertain known when Moses became the abbot, Innemée, Keynote address, 5. whether they are medicines, i.e. pastilles, or decorations. 6 For narrowing the date to the time of around 800 AD, K. Innemée, L. Van Rompay, Deir al-Surian (Egypt): new discoveries of 2001–2002, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies 5/2 (2002) 245 (K. 246–248, figs. 1–4. For a detailed description of the programme of the Innemée); Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: new discoveries, 1. paintings of the second layer, Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: new discover- 7 idem, Keynote address, 3–4. The diversity of the works of ies, 2–24, Figs. 1–20, for the frescoes in the second zone of the choir, various painters is also noted by Gormatiuk, who distinguishes three ibid., 6–18, Figs. 4–16. The iconographic programme of the paintings artistic entities, Gormatiࢎuk, Drevneĭshie rospisi, 266, 267–269. of that part of the church is very distinctive and abundant in apoc- 8 Ibid., 251, 260 and schemes on pages 250 and 253, Saints ryphal themes, and some of them are the only preserved examples, Pisentius and Cyrus are mentioned as unknown holy doctors (al- Gormatiࢎuk, Drevneĭshie rospisi, 253–266, 269. though the name of Cyrus is written beside the photo of his image), 9 The works on discovering and presenting the frescoes have the patriarch Damian is identified as Saint Mark, and the apostle not been completed in the usual way. Namely, the monks of the Mon- Barnabas is recognised as Saint Bartholomew. For the identification of astery of the Syrians required the reconstruction of missing parts of Saints Pisentius, Cyrus, Damian of Alexandria and Barnabas, Innemée, the paintings, especially the heads and faces. The conservators did re- Van Rompay, Deir al-Surian (Egypt): new discoveries of 2001–2002, touches as a compromise solution, cf. idem, Keynote address, 10. 3 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

The sick man is of smaller stature than the saint, and his Church of the Monastery of the Syrians, showing an eye posture as he approaches him is slightly bent. He has thick operation being performed by the saint, unidentified at brown hair, a red garment and a light green cloak, and he the time, deserves special research which would include is barefooted. In his left hand he holds a stick, a sign of further examination about how he was venerated and por- visual impairment, while his right hand is extended to- trayed. There are numerous reasons for this. As it has been wards the saint in a posture of addressing. One can make said, Karel Innemée showed that the scene belongs to the out the fragmentary traces of a figure, also of smaller stat- fresco layer created at the time when the monastery was in- ure, behind him, in the upper west corner. That person habited mostly by Coptic monks. Arietta Papaconstantinou has thick, apparently short, brown hair. The upper part of published a comprehensive book in which the cults of the the body is naked and the lower part is covered with a saints in Egypt from the Byzantine to the Abbasid epoch red cloth. The person perhaps had a small object in his were analysed on the basis of inscriptions and notes in the right hand. The background of the scene is dark blue in Greek and Coptic languages, and appropriate attention was the upper part and dark green in the lower one, and there paid to Saint Colluthos.13 The writings dedicated to this is a very irregular field of bright blue around two smaller saint have been diligently investigated during recent dec- figures.10 The scene shows an eye operation being per- ades. The Encomium attributed to one Isaac, the bishop of formed by a holy physician. One can accept the opinion Antinoe, was translated from Coptic and published by Ste- of Karel Innemée that the holy doctor portrayed is, in all phen Thompson.14 Events described in a collection of the likelihood, Saint Colluthos, who was often invoked for Miracles of Saint Colluthos in a book in Arabic produced help as an eye healer.11 around 1549 were presented by Ugo Zanetti. They were The cult and representation of Saint Colluthos have published in the original language and in translation into been discussed and concisely analysed by Maria Vassilaki. French and carefully examined, and those preserved in the Her pioneering work, accompanied by extensive literature, Coptic manuscripts and fragments were singled out.15 The is a solid basis for further study.12 The painting from the Encomium attributed to a certain Phoibamon, the bishop of Panopolis (Akhmim), was recently studied and presented, 10 The description was given based on the literature and the both in Arabic and an English translation, by Youhanna available photographs. The photos were taken from different websites, Nessim Youssef. This account was assumed to have been as well as from the profile Deir al-Surian Conservation Project on written in around the mid-sixth century, but he pointed the Facebook social networking service. Cordial thanks to Dr. Karel Innemée for the high-resolution photo of the scene. out, relying on powerful arguments, that it was probably 11 Innemée did not intend to make an iconographic analysis written after the Arab conquest, perhaps in the eighth or 16 of the paintings, so he described the scene, Innemée, Keynote address, ninth century. The Passia, Encomia and Miracles of the 3, Fig. 8; idem, Dayr al-Suryan: new discoveries, 12–13, Fig. 11. In the saint preserved in the Sahidic Coptic language were criti- first report, published much later, he presented the working hypothe- cally reviewed and published, based on manuscripts and sis that a doctor treating a patient, perhaps Saint Luke, was presented, fragments from the ninth and tenth centuries, by Gesa although he immediately warned that this assumption was very un- certain, idem, I. The wall paintings of Deir al-Surian: new discoveries of 1999, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies 2/2 1999 (2010) 167–207, 13 specially 174–174 and ill. 8 (with a detailed description of the scene A. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints en Égypte des Byz- before retouching). That report speaks of the frescoes discovered in antins aux Abbassides. L’ apport des inscriptions et des papyrus grecs 1999, at a time when the research had not been completed of all the et coptes, Paris 2001, passim, specially 122–128, with sources and li- surfaces of the interior walls of the church (cf. idem, Deir al-Surian: terature. Unfortunately, the study, was not available E. Sanzi, Il santo conservation work of Autumn 2000, 259, 260, where the saint is also martire Colluto: archiatra del corpo e dell’anima: osservazioni storico-re- referred to as a doctor, for the illustrations of retouched painting, ligiose su alcune testimonianze copte, in: Cristo e Asclepio. Culti terapeu- ibid., ill. 1, 2). Gormatiuk mentions the scene as a representation of tici e taumaturgici nel mondo mediterraneo antico fra cristiani e paga- the holy physician Cyrus. He states that a composition, painted with ni (Atti del Convegno internazionale. Accademia di studi mediterranei, many figures, depicts a healing with Saint Cyrus. He then says that Agrigento 20–21 novembre 2006), ed. E. dal Covolo, G. Sfameni Gas- Saint Cyrus, healer of eye diseases, was celebrated after his martyrdom parro, Roma 2008, 189–202. in Alexandria and the translation of his relics to the town of Menou- 14 Encomiastica from the Pierpont Morgan library, transl. P. this, Gormatiࢎuk, Drevneĭshie rospisi, 251, 260 and schemes on pages Chapman et al., ed. L. Depuydt, Louvain 1993, 37–64. 250 and 253. For the opinion that Saint Cyrus is represented here, cf. 15 U. Zanetti, Les miracles arabes de saint Kolouthos (Ms. St- G. Vikan, Early Byzantine pilgrimage art. Revised edition, Washington, Macaire, hagiog. 35), in: Aegyptus Christiana. Mélanges d’ hagiographie D.C. 2010, 74 and fig. 53, i.e. that one can see the scene of a holy doc- égyptienne et orientale dédiés à la mémoire du P. Paul Devos Bollandiste, tor directing an instrument towards the eye of a young man, S. Pasi, ed. U. Zanetti, E. Lucchesi, Cahiers d’ orientalisme 25 (Genève 2004) Il ciclo degli affreschi della chiesa di Al-Adra nel monastero di Deir el- 43–109. Before Ugo Zanetti published the miracles of the saint, a book Surian (Wadi el-Natrun), in: Ricerche italiane e scavi in Egitto IV, ed. in the Arabic language came out of the press, but it has not been avail- R. Pirelli, Il Cairo 2010, 260. The basic reason for accepting Innemée’s able to us. It is cited in the literature as Le noble saint, Abba Kolouthos identification is the fact that Saint Cyrus was already painted in the le médicin. Sa Vie, sa Passion et ses Miracles, edition revue par Anbā choir area in the same layer of frescoes. The appreciation for Saint Bīšūy, introduction par Anbā Makārī, Le Caire 1997 (Zanetti, Les Colluthos as a holy doctor often helping those suffering from eye dis- miracles, 43 and n. 1), respectively Le noble saint, Apa Kolta le médi- eases will be presented below in this study. Saints Cyrus and Colluthos cin. Sa vie, son martyre et ses miracles, préface d’Anba Makărĭ, évêque have a similar appearance, indeed. For the images of Saint Cyrus in d’Al-Árĭš, imprimé par Dār Nūbār li al-Ţîbā’a 1997 [R. Boutros, L’ h a - the frescoes chronologically close to those in the church of the Mon- giographie des saints thérapeutes: une source pour l’ histoire religieuse astery of the Syrians, within the church of Santa Maria Antiqua in des pèlerinages en Égypte, in: Études coptes 10. Douzième journée d’ Rome, in the Chapel of Physicians decorated during the pontificate of études (Lyon, 19–21 mai 2005), ed. A. Boud’hors, C. Louis, Paris 2008, Pope John VII (705–707) and in the niche on the lateral wall of the 233]. The book encountered considerable criticism for oversights and atrium, probably from the time of Pope Paul I (757–767), both with changes in the text (in comparison with the one in the two manu- Greek inscriptions, D. Knipp, The chapel of physicians at Santa Maria scripts on the basis of which it was published) and for omissions of the Antiqua, DOP 56 (2002) 5, 17–23, figs. 4, 5, 12–15. parts viewed as unnecessary (ibid., 233). 12 M. Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, in: Through a 16 Y. Nessim Youssef, The second Encomium of Phoibamon on glass brightly. Studies in Byzantine and medieval art and archeology pre- Saint Colluthus, Bulletin de la Société d’ archéologie copte 50 (2011) 4 sented to David Buckton, ed. Ch. Entwistle, Oxford 2003, 57–63. 123–171. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

Schenke.17 The excavations in Antinoe, the centre of the stories about the miracles of the saint.22 The second Passio cult of Saint Colluthos, were carried out by Peter Gross- was compiled later, sometime in the sixth century, without mann. His interpretations of various findings complete the doubt in Coptic, but it is only partly preserved in the origi- picture of the practices that had been taking place there, as nal language. The part about the conversation with Arianus well as their development.18 In addition, a number of medi- presented in detail remains, but it breaks off before the de- cal, primarily surgical instruments, found in Fustat, a part scription of the martyr’s death. According to this account, of modern Cairo founded as a military settlement in the the suffering of the holy martyr Colluthos occurred in the year 641, were published earlier. It is not possible to deter- twenty-first year of the reign of emperors Diocletian and mine precisely when they were made. Firstly, the assump- Maximinian (sic!). Colluthos was brought to Arianus the tion was that they were Byzantine, and later it was pointed governor of Thebaid and brought before the court in Her- out that they were produced during the late Umayyad or mopolis (Shmun). He refused to offer sacrifices to the idols early Abbasid period, respectively at the end of the eighth so the governor ordered the soldiers to bring various in- or the beginning of the ninth century.19 Finally, Maria Pa- struments of torture and lay them before Colluthos to scare rani’s research dealing with the influences of so-called eve- him, but the threats had no effect on the determination of ryday life on the appearance of certain motifs in Byzantine the saint. Arianus asked him what he was by profession, art from the eleventh to fifteenth century has shown how and Colluthos answered that before this world he had been much that field, still insufficiently studied, is important for a doctor since his youth because God had given him the understanding Eastern Christian artworks.20 power of healing, and before God he was a Christian wor- shipping Jesus Christ his Lord. The governor ordered the saint to be tied to the rack and scraped and stabbed. How- * * * ever, when Colluthos was placed on it, he made the sign of Saint Colluthos is usually celebrated in the Coptic the cross and the rack fell into two pieces, so Arianus called th for another one to be set up. Unfortunately, the preserved Church on the 25 day of the month of Pashon, which cor- 23 responds to May 20th in the Byzantine calendar.21 Several part of the account ends there. writings were dedicated to him, of which two Passia, two Two Encomia in honour of Saint Colluthos have Encomia and collections of Miracles have been preserved. been partly or completely preserved in the Coptic and the Arabic languages. The introductory parts of both writings The first Passio was composed in the fourth or fiftht note that they were compiled by certain bishops, who were century, and is presumed to have been written in Greek not mentioned in other sources. In these texts, as in the and then translated into the Coptic language. In the head- note in the Coptic synaxarion, which will be discussed ing of the text it was noted that the holy martyr Colluthos later, the development of the narrative on the saint con- was a physician and a healer. The account says that, in the tinues and is enriched with new data.24 Four miracles are twentieth year of the reign of the emperors Diocletian and described at the end of both Encomia. They are different Maximinian (sic!) and the third year of Constantine, Col- luthos was brought before the court in Antinoe, before the 22 Four martyrdoms from the Pierpont Morgan Coptic codices, governor Arianus, and describes in detail the conversation ed. E. A. E. Reymond, J. W. B. Barns, Oxford 1973, 25–29 (in Cop- that took place in an unusually conciliatory tone between tic), 145–150 (in English), published after the manuscript in the Pier- Arianus and Colluthos, who refused to offer sacrifice to pont Morgan Libary in New York M 591, made before 14th February the pagan gods, and was eventually burned. There are no 861, brought from the monastery of Saint Michael near Fayum. It was pointed out that a part of the Passio containing some differences can be read in a fragment kept in Berlin (Berlin, Palimpsest P.9755) from 17 G. Schenke, Das koptisch hagiographische Dossier des Heili- the tenth century (ibid., 11, 20). Schenke recently published the text gen Kolluthos Arzt, Märtyrer und Wunderheiler, Louvain 2013. Gesa relying on both sources, Schenke, Das koptisch hagiographische Dos- Schenke published the texts dedicated to Saint Colluthos on the basis sier, 40–59 (Morgan M 591), 80–81 (Palimpsest 9755), side by side in of manuscripts and fragments made during the ninth and tenth cen- Sahidic Coptic (on the even pages) and German (on the odd pages) turies. They are located in many libraries and came from the White and accompanied it with an introduction and comments, ibid., 35–38, Monastery, while the manuscript, which is in very good condition 58–78, 82–83. For the examples of the text observed until 1996 in the and is now kept in the Morgan Library in New York, was found in the Coptic and Arabic manuscripts, Zanetti, Note textologique, 12–14, and monastery of Saint Michael nearby Fayum. after that year, in Arabic books, idem, Les miracles, 54. For that Pas- 18 P. Grossmann, Antinoopolis January/February 2012. Work sio, cf. Crum, Colluthos, 325–326; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, in the Church D3 and in the baptistery chapel of the north necropolis, 125 (offers the dating of the text); Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollou- Aegyptus 91 (2011) 81–110; idem, Antinoopolis. The area of St. Collu- thos, 57; Zanetti, Les miracles, 54. thos in the north necropolis, in: Antinoupolis II, ed. R. Pintaudi, Firenze 23 Four martyrdoms, 11–13, the English translation based on a 2014, 241–300. partially preserved text in the manuscript at the National Library in Paris 19 S. K. Hamarneh, H. Amin Awad, Medical instruments, in: Ms. Paris. Copte 78, apparently from the ninth century, is stated in the Fustat finds. Beads, coins, medical instruments, textiles and other arti- Introduction of the book and the original in the Coptic language is ed- facts from the Awad collection, ed. J. L. Bacharach, Cairo – New York ited in the chapter Translations and notes, ibid., 141–143. That Passio was 2002 (=Fustat finds), 176–189. published later by Schenke (idem, Das koptisch hagiographische Dossier, 20 M. Parani, Reconstructing the reality of images. Byzantine 86–93, with an introduction and commentaries, ibid., 83–85, 94–103). material culture and religious iconography 11th–15th centuries, Leiden For the examples of the text noticed until 1996 in one very damaged 2003, passim. Coptic and one well-preserved Arabic book, Zanetti, Note textologique, 21 W. E. Crum, Colluthos, the martyr and his name, BZ 30 14–15, and after that year, in Arabic manuscripts, idem, Les miracles, 54. (1929–1930) 325; U. Zanetti, Note textologique sur S. Colluthos, AB 144 It seems that the Arabic translation has not been published yet. On that (1996) 10, 11, 12; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 125. Almost all Passio, cf. Crum, Colluthos, 326; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, researchers note that he was mentioned in some Coptic synaxaria on the 125, 126 (gives the dating of the text); Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Koll- 24th day of the month of Pashon, i.e. on 19th May. The cult of the saint outhos, 57; Zanetti, Les miracles, 52–53. Coptic and Arabic names of the did not spread far beyond Egypt. His memory, however, is recorded in settlements often differ from those of ancient times, so the earlier and the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople (as the second for May well-known names will be regularly cited in this study. 19th) and is a very concise one, cf. Delehaye, Synaxarium, 695.34–42. 24 Cf. Four martyrdoms, 13–15. 5 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

and none of them are recounted in both scriptures. One The other Encomium, whose writer introduced himself as Encomium is attributed to an Isaac, the bishop of Antinoe. Phoibamon, the bishop of Akhmim (Panopolis) and vicar It was delivered on the day of the saint’s commemoration, of all of Egypt during the second exile of the patriarch of and it certainly originated before 861, as in that year the Alexandria Theodosius (537–567), was composed in hon- oldest manuscript in which it is preserved was completed. our of the consecration of the Church of Saint Colluthos It contains the miraculous events with which later collec- in the village of Pneuit, northwest of Panopolis. It has been tions of the miracles of the saint would begin. According already said that it was believed to have been compiled to the text, Colluthos was from a reputable family in An- around the middle of the sixth century, but then recently tinoe. His father Heraklamon was a good governor and it was said to have probably been written after the Arab righteous judge. His mother Christiana, who came from conquest, perhaps in the eighth or ninth century. There are a senator’s family, was merciful and compassionate. They numerous claims regarding ancient history that have no had a child in their old age. The boy studied diligently, and corroboration in written sources. The saint appears to the when he grew up he took care of the poor and of his elder- writer in a vision and foretells his fate. Only that part of ly parents. Then the archangel Gabriel appeared to him, the text will be briefly exposed here. Colluthos was the son pledged him to celibacy and showed him future events. In of the great lord Heraclamon, the prince of all Egypt. The Antinoe, Colluthos healed a man with a withered hand, governor Arianus worshipped idols, however, he did not who spread the word about his powers. His father wished reveal that until Diocletian came to power. Colluthos spent to marry him to his sister’s daughter, the beautiful Tadi- time with the bishop Serapion, and healed all who came ane, but Colluthos revealed that he had made a vow to to him. Arianus married a notable local woman named remain celibate. The parents accepted his decision. Soon, Dadiana, for which Colluthos had to give his consent. A they passed away, and he distributed most of his posses- month after the wedding, Diocletian came to power and in sions to the poor, freed the slaves and raised and support- the first ten years he did not require sacrifices to be made ed three shelters for wayfarers and donated money each to idols. When Arianus assumed authority, he arrested month to a place for the sick called Skēnon. He traveled to the holy bishop Apa Abba Dion and had him decapitated. the city of Shmun (Hermopolis), where he healed a blind He ordered the burning of most of the priests in the city. man who was out begging with his son. Then he stayed Then, for ten years he proceeded to shed the blood of the with the bishop Apa Pinoution for seven years. At that innocent. However, he never requested Colluthos to offer time, his best friend was the bishop’s son, Philip, a deacon sacrifice. When young Protonius was martyred, his uncle and a doctor, and he taught Colluthos the art of medicine. demanded to know why Arianus had punished the young Colluthos was ordained a priest by the bishop. The Greek man, and not Colluthos, who openly performed the Chris- idolator Arianus was appointed after the death of the gov- tian sacraments. The governor brought Colluthos before ernor Kantitos. He then married the already mentioned the court and tried to force him to offer pagan sacrifices, daughter of Colluthos’ aunt. Diocletian became emperor which the latter refused. And so he was tied around the and commanded that idols be worshipped and all Chris- waist with three iron chains and hung from a tree under tians be killed. Arianus obeyed him, inflicting great blood- which a halved mill stone was placed, of which one half shed among the martyrs, and had Bishop Pinoution put was tied around his neck and the other to his legs, and to death. The governor forced the priest Colluthos to of- he was left hanging for three hours and only then was re- fer sacrifice, but he refused, so he was thrown into prison, leased. Colluthos was bleeding from his nose and mouth, where he spent three years. Finally, Arianus ordered the and his servant Magi collected the blood and gave it to saint to be burned. The holy body of Colluthos was laid the sick, who were healed with it. Afterwards, Colluthos in a martyr’s tomb built for him, and many miracles oc- was thrown into prison in Shmun (Hermopolis). Collu- curred beside the shrine. In the end, four of them were thos’ sister vowed that she would not enter the marriage described. All of them took place in Antinoe, of course.25 bed while her brother was in a dungeon, and animosity prevailed between her and Arianus for three years. Dur- 25 ing the second year of his incarceration, Colluthos had a This extensive Encomium of 111 chapters, based on the vision of the Savior in a luminous chariot, the Virgin, and manuscript M 591 written before 14th February 861, was published by Steven Thompson, Encomiastica from the Pierpont Morgan library, 37– thousands of thousands of angels and archangels. Then the 64 (in English), for four miracles, ibid., 52–64 (chapters 61–108). Ste- Lord told him that in a village named Pneuit, which was phen Emmel and Kristin Hacken South presented the earlier editions likened to Sodom because of its adultery, one day a church and referred to three copies of the text – in addition to the mentioned to the glory of Colluthos would be erected, which would one, two more fragments – the one in Vienna and the other one in forever be guarded by a group of angels, as well as to order the British Library, Or. 7558 (40), and edited the second one, S. Em- mel, K. H. South, Isaac of Antinoopolis Encomium on Colluthus for 24 his servant Magi to bury him beside his father Heraclamon Pašons (19 May). A newly identified Coptic witness (British Library Or. 7558[40] = Layton, Cat. BLC, No. 146), AB 144 (1996) 5–9, in Coptic 53). For the earlier known three Coptic and four Arabic manuscripts and the English translation, ibid., 8–9. Schenke published the Encomi- containing the First Encomium (ibid., 15–18) and four more noted af- um based on the two fragments, Schenke, Das koptisch hagiographis- ter 1996, and for the inerrelations of various redactions, both in Cop- che Dossier, 140–143 (from Vienna), 148–149 (from London), 40–59, tic and in Arabic, idem, Les miracles, 54–55. The Second Encomium of while presenting the text in the manuscript Morgan M 591 according Isaac of Antinoe was found in two Arabic manuscripts (idem, Note tex- to Thompson’s edition, ibid., 113–114, 138–139, 144–147, 150–151. tologique, 18–19), and it seems it had been preserved in the one kept at Ugo Zanetti gave meticulous observations on possible interrelations the Coptic Museum in Cairo, number 475 (idem, Les miracles, 56). The of earlier and later manuscripts. He named the text the First Homily first text is briefly mentioned in, Crum, Colluthos, 326; Papaconstanti- of Isaac, the Bishop of Antinoe, and assumed that the Second Homily nou, Le culte des saints, 127; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, of Isaac of Antinoe (for the Khoiak 14th, i.e. December 10th or 11th), in 57. Coptic homilies, unlike the Greek, often contain a lot of informa- honour of the discovery of the relics and erection of the Church of tion on the saints, cf. Encomiastica from the Pierpont Morgan library, Saint Colluthos in Antinoe, which had not been published (on that, v. V–XVII (S. Ashbrook Harvey). In order to avoid a long title, the text also, Emmel, South, Isaac of Antinoopolis Encomium, 5; Zanetti, Note will be referred to as the Encomium of Isaac of Antinoe further in the 6 textologique, 18), contained the miracles (idem, Les miracles, 44, 50, 52, study. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos on the mount of the city of Antinoe, where a church would In the Coptic Arabic synaxarion there is a note men- be built in his honour by order of the God-loving Emperor tioning that the commemoration of the death of the holy Constantine, and that Father Phoibamon would erect a martyr Colluthos from Antinoe was on the 25th day of the church dedicated to his pure name in Pneuit, that the Lord month of Pashon, which corresponds to May 20th in the would secure glory for the church and that the miracles Byzantine calendar. He was the son of pious parents. He that would take place in it would be mentioned all over studied hard and was a keen reader of ecclesiastical writ- the earth. In the hope that his wife would reconcile with ings. Since childhood he had been dedicated and devout him if Colluthos was no longer alive, Arianus sent a ruth- and had spent a great deal of time in prayer. When he less soldier to Shmun. He took Colluthos out of the prison grew up, his father wanted him to marry, but he refused. and severed his neck from the back, so the blood spurted His parents had a daughter, bestowed by God to them af- all around. Next, a ring of sulfur was placed around his ter their son. They married her to Arianus. He assumed neck and wood on his hair, and he was burned alive, in the the governorship after his father-in-law. The latter, being thirteenth year of the reign of Diocletian. Then Colluthos old, requested the emperor to relieve him of his duties and appeared to his servant Magi and told him how, according he handed them over to his son-in-law Arianus. When his to the Savior’s command, he was to bury him. Finally, the parents died, Colluthos erected a shelter for wayfarers. four miracles that occurred in the church of the saint in He studied medicine, became a doctor and took care of Pneuit are described.26 the sick, free of charge. As the emperor Diocletian was an The Collections of Miracles, composed in Coptic or idolator, and Arianus agreed with him, he began to torture Arabic, carry various stories about numerous cures thanks Christians. In the desire for martyrdom, the saint went to to the therapeutic properties of the shrines dedicated to the assembly and berated the emperor, his brother-in-law Saint Colluthos, primarily in Antinoe, and in rare cases, Arianus and their idols. Because of his sister, the gover- by means of the saint’s appearance to patients outside the nor could do nothing but send him to El-Bahnasa (Oxy- places of his cult.27 rhynhus), where he spent three years in prison, while she tried in vain to have him released. A new governor was appointed instead of Arianus. He heard about the case of 26 This comprehensive text of 107 chapters was recently stud- Colluthos, sent for him and threatened him, but the saint ied and published by Youhanna Nessim Youssef, Nessim Youssef, The paid no heed to his threats. The governor was furious and second Encomium, 123–171. For the edition of the Encomium based on the manuscript the British Library Or. 4723 (while the other one, ordered him to be tortured. Colluthos endured various mentioned in earlier literature, could not be traced), ibid., 133–148 torments, and each time the angel of the Lord came to (in Arabic), 149–171 (English translation, for the miracles, ibid., 164– comfort him and performed great miracles. The governor 171). He noticed the similarity of the Encomium (preserved in Arabic realised that he was helpless as the saint did not renounce manuscripts and only fragmentarily in Coptic ones) with certain texts his belief, so he ordered his head to be cut off. The people written in honour of other saints and recognised them as its sources, of Colluthos’ city interred his body in a beautiful place, ibid., 125–129. Prior to his research it was generally accepted that the 28 writing originated in the middle of the sixth century, cf. ibid., 123–133, and it performed miracles and wonders. specially 130–131. Soon afterwards, Schenke published the parts of the Finally, despite the fact that his cult did not take text based on one fragment from Paris, B. N. 129.16, and two more root in Byzantium, in the Synaxarion of the Church of from Vienna, K 9525 and 9526, and K 9524, Schenke, Das koptisch Constantinople, a very concise note recollecting the suf- hagiographische Dossier, 160–163 (from Paris), 172–179 (the first from fering of the holy martyr Colluthos was recorded for the Vienna), 186–189 (the second from Vienna), 40–59, with introduc- th tions and comments, ibid., 151–158, 164–170, 180–184, 190–191. Zan- 19 day of the month of May, as the second in succession. etti assumes, for many reasons, that there was also the First Encomium He lived in the time of the Emperor Maximian and was of Phoibamon, which has not yet been found, expressing the hope that from Thebaid in Egypt. Brought to the governor Arianus it would increase the number of miracles attributed to the saint (Zan- in Hermoupolis (ἐν Ἑρμουπόλει) he professed his belief in etti, Note textologique, 19; idem, Les miracles, 44, 53). He published Christ. He did not succumb to flattery nor was he fright- four miracles based on the Arabic translation, since they have been ened by threats. Firstly, a huge stone was hung about his preserved only partially in the Coptic fragments, ibid., 48–50. He also neck. Then he was sentenced to be punished by fire, and pointed out that along with three fragmentary Coptic examples and an 29 Arabic one, known by 1996, two more Arabic ones were noted, idem, died when he was thrown into the blaze. Note textologique, 19–20, warning that the full Arabic text had not been published yet; idem, Les miracles, 56. The Encomium is also mentioned of the miracles of Saint Colluthos in the Coptic language did not stop in, Crum, Colluthos, 326; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57, growing and that some Arabic recensions bring fifteen miracles, such 58. In order to avoid a long title, the text will be referred to further in as the collection published by Ugo Zanetti, and that some of them the study as the Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis. describe even twenty-one events, referring to the edition from 1997 27 Cf. Zanetti, Les miracles, 42–109, the miracles of the saint (Boutros, L’ hagiographie des saints thérapeutes, 235, 245 and n. 35). have been explored and the texts in Arabic and in French translation 28 According to, R. Basset, Le Synaxaire arabe jacobite (rédaction were issued according to a manuscript written around 1549. Schenke copte) IV. Les mois de Barmahat, Barmoudah et Bachons, PO 16 (1922) recently published the miracles in the Coptic language based on the 412–413, a parallel Arabic text with a translation into French, the contents fragment in the British Library Or. 3581 B (38) firstly, then on the of which are summarised here. Somewhat different data on the saint had manuscripts Paris B.N. 129.15 and Borg. Copt. 109 and finally on the been conveyed in a memory in a synaxarion for which no literature is list- Berlin fragment P. 9036, Schenke, Das koptisch hagiographische Dossi- ed, recounted in the book, Four martyrdoms, 14, 17, where it was pointed er, 206–209 (London fragment), 212–267 (two manuscripts, from Paris out that, according to the text in the synaxarion, the saint had not been not and Naples, with comments), 270–273 (Berlin fragment), and accom- burned, but decapitated, ibid., 17. Unfortunately, the edition of an Arabic panied the texts on the fragments with introductions and comments, manuscript from the thirteenth century has not been available – a transla- ibid., 193–205, 210–211, 268, 274–276. Earlier, some of the miracles tion into Latin was issued by Jacques Forget, Synaxarion Alexandrinum II, were published by Paul Devos, based on the Paris manuscript, P. De- ed. I. Forget, Louvain 1912, and he published a version in Arabic earlier, vos, Un étrange miracle copte de saint Kolouthos: le paralytique et la Synaxarion Alexandrinum I, ed. I. Forget, Louvain 1905. Forget’s editions prostituée, AB 98 (1980) 363–379; idem, Autres miracles coptes de saint were quoted by Walter Crum, Colluthos, 326. Kolouthos, AB 99 (1981) 284–301. The book of 1997, which encoun- 29 Delehaye, Synaxarium, 695.34–42. It should be recalled that tered a rather negative critique has already been mentioned. Ramez Hermopolis (Shmun) was mentioned as the place where the court was Boutros points out that the number of the episodes in the collections in session in the second Passio, the saint healed the blind man in the 7 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

was laid to rest31 and the one in Asyut (Lycopolis), south of Antinoe, where the bodies of Colluthos and the holy martyr Bagham were laid to rest, are listed.32 It seems that the saint was deeply revered later in the area around Asyut (Lycopo- lis), as well. Al-Maqrizi, a historian and topographer from the first half of the fifteenth century, testifies to this. He noted that next to the nearby town of Rîfah al-Gharbî there was a church to Saint Colluthos, the doctor and monk who miraculously healed people of eye inflammations, and that the feast of the saint was celebrated there.33 Old writings show that he was very popular in nearby Hermopolis. In the Encomium of Isaac of Antinoe, composed before 861, there is a description of the saint’s visit to Shmun (Hermopolis), where he healed a blind man. Moreover, the brief note in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople, assumed to have summarised the content of a lost Greek text, describes Saint Colluthos as a martyr in Hermoupolis (ἐν Ἑρμουπόλει). This may be the trace of the ancient tradition, or the echo of an at- tempt by the neighboring city to strengthen the cult of the saint from Antinoe.34 Written sources, mostly from the early seventh century, repeatedly mentioned the buildings dedicated to Saint Colluthos in Hermopolis, and appar- ently a small church and a chapel existed next to the gate, and perhaps one more building erected in his honour.35

31 B. T. A. Evetts, Churches and monasteries of Egypt and some neighbouring countries, Oxford 1895, 244, fol. 86b, cf. Papaconstanti- nou, Le culte des saints, 126; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58 (mentions that Abul Makarim wrote in the thirteenth century that some relics of the saint were also kept in the monastery of Saint Col- Fig. 3. Map of Egypt (*churches and sites with preserved luthos in Asyut). About the name of the text and the earlier opinions portrayals of Saint Colluthos, + churches and monasteries on the time of its creation, its author, his role models and sources, and dedicated to Saint Colluthos, • monasteries in which the fact that he visited some churches and monasteries and received fragments or manuscripts with the texts on Saint Colluthos indirect information on the others, ibid., IX–XXV. Johannes den Heijer in Coptic language were found) has made a great effort to distinguish the history of the writing, J. den Heijer, The composition of the history of the churches and monasteries of Egypt: some preliminary remarks, in: Acts of the fifth international con- * * * gress of Coptic studies (Washington, 12–15 August 1992) II/ 1, ed. D. W. Johnson, Roma 1993, 209–219. He points out that in 1895 Evets pub- Many churches and monasteries were erected in lished the second part of the text on the basis of the then only known honour of Saint Colluthos throughout Egypt, and the old- manuscript kept in Paris which records the name of one Abu Salih est buildings, founded by the ninth century, will be pre- the Armenian, the owner of the book or one of the later compilers, which is why the conclusion was drawn that he was the writer. Much sented here (Fig. 3). later, in 1984, Father Samuel of the Monastery of the Syrians edited the According to the first Passio and most of the texts first and the third parts using a manuscript in Munich, and in 1992, dedicated to him, the saint was martyred in Antinoe. His as Bishop Samuel, he translated the first part into English (the two main shrine was in that city. The earliest preserved source books have been unavailable to us). So den Heijer comes to the follow- mentioning the martyrium of Saint Colluthos is Palladios’ ing conclusions: 1. part refers to Lower Egypt and a part of Cairo and 30 originated somewhere between 1160 and 1187, 2. refers to other parts Lausiac History, written in the year 420. In a much later of the capital and Upper Egypt and briefly to some areas outside of narrative, the History of the Churches and Monasteries of Egypt, written in about 1190, 3. narrates about Sinai, Syria, Mesopota- Egypt, compiled in about 1190, which was regarded until re- mia, Anatolia and Rome and was written between 1200 and 1220 and, cently to have been written by Abu Al-Salih the Armenian finally, 4. is the addition of an unknown writer from the fourteenth at the beginning of the thirteenth century, the monastery in century. He has tried to clarify as much as possible the complicated Ansina (Antinoe) in which the body of the martyr Colluthos history of the creation of the text, the chronology, the number of writ- ers, and singled out Abu al-Makarim, whom he credited for the com- position of the first part. 32 Encomium of Isaac of Antinoe and the dungeon was located in the En- Evetts, Churches and monasteries, 251, fol. 90a; Papaconstan- comium of Phoibamon of Panopolis. tinou, Le culte des saints, 126. 33 30 For the words of Palladios about the martyrium in the story Evetts, op. cit., 344, chapter 60 (Appendix); Papaconstantinou, about the virgin in Antinoe, to whom Saint Colluthos appeared, PG Le culte des saints, 126; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57. 34, 1236.C–D; Paladije, episkop Helenupolja, Lavsaik ili kazivanje o 34 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 127, cf. Delehaye, Syn- životima svetih i blaženih otaca, trans. S. Prodić, Šibenik 2004, 97. For axarium, 695.34–42. Boutros believes that the memory in the Synax- the reference to the martyrium in Lausiac History, cf. Papaconstanti- arion of the Church of Constantinople is a brief version of a lost Greek nou, Le culte des saints, 125. Concisely on Palladios, Palladios, in: ODB text, and that the decline of the city of Antinoe may have been one III, 1565 (B. Baldwin), on the writer and his work, as well as on the of the reasons for the displacement of the worship of the saint to the patron of the text, C. Rapp, Palladius, Lausus and the Historia Lausi- other area, Boutros, L’ hagiographie des saints thérapeutes, 231, n. 5. aca, in: Novum Millennium: studies on Byzantine history and culture 35 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 123. The fiscal docu- dedicated to Paul Speck, 19 December 1999, ed. C. Sode, S. Takács, Al- ments from the beginning of the seventh century have been preserved, 8 dershot 2001, 279–289. as well as other important written sources, so as many as 45 church- Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

Moreover, he was the patron saint of the hospital in the The saint was buried in Antinoe. His martyrium, city.36 Finally, at the beginning of the seventh century, as has been said, was already mentioned by Palladios in there was mention of buildings dedicated to the saint in the Lausiac History in the year 420. It is recorded in the the vicinity of Hermopolis, in the village of Thrake, and at literature that the description of a miracle in the Coptic the site recorded as τόπου ποιμένων.37 language indicates that the relics of Saint Colluthos were Saint Colluthos is among the saints in whose honour lying in his martyrium located on the mount of the city of numerous churches were built along the Nile, those who Antinoe. The assumption therefore is that sometime be- were revered in all the regions of Egypt.38 Churches dedi- tween the sixth and eighth centuries, the martyrium was cated to him were recorded in Arsinoe (632) and in the vil- relocated from the city cemetery, where it had probably lages of Talao near Oxyrhynchus (sixth century) and of Aph- been placed when it had been seen by Palladios, to the rodito (sixth century),39 as well as a church or a monastery mountain behind Antinoe.45 On the other hand, based in ancient Apollinopolis Heptakomias (Ἑπτακωμία), which on the words in the Lausiac History and in the Encomium already existed in the fifth century, and perhaps should be of Phoibamon of Panopolis, which was said to have origi- recognised in an edifice registered at the end of the sev- nated in the sixth century, it is presumed that the first enth or the beginning of the eighth century in the region of tomb of the saint, on the mount of the city of Antinoe, was Apollinopolis (τοπαρχία Ἀπόλλωνος).40 In the documents, carved into the rock and a martyrium was built in front of shrines of Saint Colluthos (τόπου απα Κολλόυθου, τόπος it, followed by information that several late Roman tombs ἁγίου Κολλόυθου) were recorded in the cities of Panopolis were spotted on the slopes north and east of the city.46 (599–600) and Apollonos Ano, Ἀπόλλωνος πόλεως (be- In the northern necropolis of ancient Antinoe there tween 703 and 715).41 One should recall that the Encomium was a shrine, that is, an oracle. The papyrus biglietti from of Phoibamon of Panopolis was composed in honour of the the sixth and seventh centuries with questions often re- consecration of a church in the village of Pneuit, northwest lated to health and addressed to the God of Saint Collu- 42 of Panopolis. In the village of Psenantonios, near the city of thos, written in Coptic and exceptionally in Greek, were Koptos, the resident priest of Saint Colluthos signed an attes- found there.47 That holy place has been carefully explored tation (eighth century), as indirect evidence of the existence 43 of a religious institution dedicated to the saint. It was noted mentioned); Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58. Al Hamra al- that in Cairo, a church to Saint Colluthos was built in the Wusta was a part of the quarter Al-Hamra, which was located in the ninth century in the quarter of Al Hamra al-Wusta, and that northern part of Fustat, i.e. Cairo, W. B. Kubiak, Al-Fustat: its foundation another one of the same dedication was destroyed by fire in and early urban development, Cairo 2016 (1st ed. 1987) 100–101. The the twelfth century and later restored.44 testimonies about later churches and monasteries dedicated to Saint Col- luthos in the village of Dalaş near Fayum, as well as far to the south in es are listed in the city, ibid., 289–294. Among them, besides a small Kuş and Qena (Kanah) have been preserved, Evetts, Churches and mon- church and a chapel (both marked as εὐκτήριον), there were two more asteries, 254–255, fol. 91b (the church in Dalaş), 234, fol. 81b (the church buildings erected in honour of Saint Colluthos in the seventh or eighth in Kuş and a source next to it), 281, fol. 103b (damaged and restored century, ibid., 290–291, 292–293. monastery in Qena); Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58. 45 36 Ibid., 238. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 126; eadem, The cult of saints: a haven of continuity in a changing world?, in: Egypt in the 37 Ibid., 123–124, 293. On one grave stele found at Tourna near Byzantine world, 300–700, ed. R. Bagnall, Cambridge 2007, 357. She Hermopolis, there is an inscription with the invocation to the God of notes the lines in the Coptic description of the miracle published ac- Saint Colluthos, ibid., 326 and n. 65. cording to a fragment (the British Museum BM 329) by Walter Till, 38 The most numerous are the churches dedicated to the arch- mentioning the body of holy Apa Colluthos in his martyrium on the angel Michael and Saint John, followed by those built in honour of mountain of his city Antinoe, W. C. Till, Koptische Heiligen– und Mär- Saints Colluthos, Theodore and Victor. In addition, Saint Colluthos is tyrerlegenden 1, OCA 102 (1935) 173 (in Coptic), 179 (in German). one of the saints whose shrines can be followed continuously in sourc- It is the miracle about Eudocia and Theognostos, who were childless es from the second half of the fifth to the first half of the ninth century, for 40 years, described in the Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis. cf. ibid., 232, 256, 257, 260, 261, 264. Finally, he enters the group of However, in the new edition of the Coptic text (Vienna fragment K saints mentioned in more than 40 documents, like Victor and Theo- 9524) it is recorded that they went to the body of Saint Colluthos in dore, as well as the archangel Michael, ibid., 233, 253, 262, 263, 369. 39 his martyrium in the necropolis of the city of Antinoe (Schenke, Das Ibid., 123, 124. The existence of the shrines in these cities koptisch hagiographische Dossier, 187), and in the Arabic text it is said can be followed thanks to written sources, which are particularly nu- only that the spouses went to the body of the saint in the city of Anti- merous for the churches in Arsinoe (ibid., 283–285, a list of 25 church- noe (Nessim Youssef, The second Encomium, 170), and in both versions es) and in Oxyrhynchus (ibid., 286–288, a table of 30 churches, but the saint appeared and told them to go to Pneuit. The discrepancies in the one in the village of Talao, mentioned as Saint Colluthos in κώμη the contents of the texts in different languages, as well as in two Cop- Ταλαώ, is absent, ibid., 288), and in the village of Aphrodito and its tic examples, show that, despite the edition of many scriptures written surroundings (ibid., 296–298, listed are 26 edifices). It should be noted in honour of Saint Colluthos, caution is needed when considering his that, according to the Coptic Arabic synaxarion, the saint spent three cult. Arietta Papaconstantinou also points out that, according to the years in the dungeon in El-Bahnasa, i.e. Oxyrhynhus. History of the Churches and Monasteries of Egypt, the body of the saint 40 Ibid., 124, 295. was still in the martyrium on the mountain in the twelfth century, 41 Ibid., 124. For sacral edifices in Panopolis, ibid., 298, in when its writer visited the site (Papaconstantinou, The cult of saints, Apollonos Ano, ibid., 304. Boutros notes, on the basis of Coptic and 357, n. 28). She notes, Evetts, Churches and monasteries, 244, fol. 8b. Arabic texts, that the saint was particularly venerated in three areas – However, there it is mentioned that the body of Saint Colluthos was Antinoe, Hermopolis and Panopolis, Boutros, L’ hagiographie des saints in the monastery dedicated to him in Ansina (which is already quot- thérapeutes, 234, 243–244. ed), without a precise indication of where the complex was located. It 42 Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57, 58; Grossmann, should be remembered that the Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis Antinoopolis, 273. One should remember the new dating of the Enco- described that Christ told Colluthos that he should be buried next to mium, Nessim Youssef, The second Encomium, 130–131. his father on the mountain, and that the servant Magi did so, cf. Nes- 43 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 124, for the churches sim Youssef, The second Encomium, 158, 160. in Koptos and its surroundings, ibid., 299. 46 Grossmann, Antinoopolis, 271–272, 274, 276. 44 Evetts, Churches and monasteries, 108, fol. 32a (Hamra al- 47 A. Papaconstantinou, Oracles chrétiens dans l’ Egypte byz- Wusta), 112, fol. 33b (repaired after the fire), 114, fol. 34a, 126, fol. 39a antine: le témoignage des papyrus, Zeitschrift zür Papyrologie und (the reference to the church with a reminder that it had already been Epigraphik 104 (Bonn 1994) 282–283; eadem, Le culte des saints, 123, 9 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

recently. It seems that the oracle gradually grew beside a It had a large, three-aisled basilica from the second half of modest, old, three-aisled family funerary church with an the fifth century, called D3, with built-in beds along the underground burial chamber, built of mud-brick some- walls and between the columns of the two colonnades. time at the beginning of the sixth century, in which some Alongside the lateral porches of the added atrium there changes were subsequently made, thus adapting it to new were numerous dormitories for the sick, and beside the requirements. The rooms were added to it somewhat lat- south wall of the basilica was a richly decorated room er, firstly those to the south, so the church was located in with an apse, and a western chamber with a large rectan- the northeast corner of the complex. Since numerous ex gular niche for a sarcophagus at the western end. Since vota for healing have been found within the shrine, these Saint Colluthos was the only holy healer in the city, it is chambers, as well as those built later, are presumed to assumed that the complex was dedicated to him.49 have served mostly for accommodation of the sick during The shrine in Antinoe, otherwise rarely mentioned, incubation. The complex was surrounded by high walls, is unusualy absent in the written sources after the end and later expanded to the west, adding on new rooms, as of the sixth century.50 However, the deacon of Alexan- well as small swimming pools in the northwest part.48 dria during the time of Patriarch Cyril II (1078–1092), During recent research in the southern part of an- Mawhub ibn Muffarig al-Iskandarani, who visited many cient Antinoe, a vast Christian healing centre was found. churches and monasteries in Egypt, wrote that the relics of Saint Colluthos were housed in Antinoe.51 125, 126, 338, 339, with sources and literature. In earlier archaeologi- The body of the saint is believed to have been trans- cal research 74 papyrus biglietti with questions to the oracle, mostly ferred at some point from a grave cut into a rock on a left unpublished, as well as two fragments of a parchment book from the beginning of the seventh century were found, ibid., 126. During hill to a more representative site in the city. Despite the new excavations, which began in 2002, a large number of biglietti were carefully conducted exploration of two complexes in An- discovered, so almost 200 specimens, including those that were left un- tinoe, it is impossible to reliably judge where and when written, are now known, A. Delattre, Nouveaux textes coptes d’ Anti- the healing shrine existed. The papyrus biglietti from the th noé, in: Proceedings of the 25 international congress of papyrology (Ann sixth and seventh centuries testify that it was at the north- Arbor, July 29–August 4, 2007). American studies of papyrology, ed. T. Gagos, Ann Arbor 2010, 172, 173. On the biglietti, v. also, Trenta testi ern necropolis at that time. Then it was apparently moved greci da papiri letterari e documentari editi in occasione del XVII Con- into the complex with the large old basilica in the city with gresso internationale di papirologia (Napoli, 16–26 Maggio 1983) ed. M. premises that were added for healing purposes, the latest Manfredi, Firenze 1983, 68–69, nos. 20–21 (L. Papini); L. Papini, Big- finds of which originate from the eighth or ninth century. lietti oracolari in copto dalla necropoli nord di Antinoe, in: Acts of the Second international congress of Coptic study (Roma, 22–26 September However, there are no signs that the papyri or ex vota of 1980) ed. T. Orlandi, F. Wisse, Roma 1985, 245–255; Antinoe cent’anni healed patients were found there. It is possible that cus- dopo. Catalogo della mostra Firenze Palazzo Medici Riccardi 10 lugio–1 toms had changed over time and that there were no more novembre 1998, ed. L. Del Francia Barocas, Firenze 1998, 100–101 (L. of those originating from ancient Egyptian oracles, but Papini); L. Papini, D. Frankfurter, Fragments of the Sortes Sanctorum that the healing method was based primarily on incuba- from the shrine of St. Colluthus, in: Pilgrimage and holy space in late antique Egypt, ed. D. Frankfurter, Leiden–Boston–Köln 1998, 393–401. tion, often practised in eastern Christian shrines dedicat- The way the faithful addressed and how they received the prophecies ed to the holy physicians. As for the tomb on the mount was not new in Egypt. Apparently, they would hand over two biglietti of the city of Antinoe, one should raise the question of folded like little packages with a question written in two versions, one whether, in the eighth or ninth century, Phoibamon of positive and one negative. The receiver would announce the answer, according to the custom that originated from the Pharaonic epoch Panopolis, when he compiled the Encomium containing and survived during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, by extracting numerous claims about ancient history that have no con- one or two messages from one of the vessels in the shrine, cf. Anti- firmation in written sources, followed an earlier narrative noe cent’anni dopo, 100 (L. Papini), with the photo of still unpacked or invented the story about the first resting place of the messages, ibid., 100–101, no. 86; Papaconstantinou, Oracles, 281–286; saint’s body. eadem, Le culte des saints, 336–337; Grossmann, Antinoopolis, 280– 282. A group of documents pointing to another purpose, but still left unpublished, was found in the ruins of the northern necropolis. They contain expressions of gratitude to Saint Colluthos, as well as petitions * * * for help submitted to the shrine by the sick expecting to be cured in the city hospital, Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 340–341. Any- There are not many preserved images of Saint Col- way, magic and religion played an important role in ancient Egyp- luthos. However, bearing in mind that the ancient church- tian medicine, J. F. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian medicine, London 1996, es and monasteries in Egypt were severely damaged, these 96–112. In addition, during research carried out in 2010 just north of scant remaining examples point to the deep veneration of the northern necropolis of Antinoe, at the monastery of Deir el-Ha- wa, the fragments of ten inscriptions engraved in sandstone or marble this saint. Probably the most famous among them, discov- dating from the sixth to the eighth century were found. It is observed ered in Antinoe, in the burial chamber of a girl, Theodosia, that four of them are parts of gravestones, but it cannot be established whether the burials were carried out in the monastery or the slabs were taken later from the northern necropolis and used for some other pur- 49 Grossmann, Antinoopolis, 272–273, 274, for the last phase of poses. A Coptic inscription on one of them mentions God of the holy excavations of the church, idem, Antinoopolis January/February 2012, Colluthos, A. Delattre, J. Dijkstra, J. van der Vliet, Christian inscriptions 81–85. It seems that the fragments of pottery from the eighth–ninth from Egypt and Nubia 2 (2014), The Bulletin of the American Society century are the latest finds, cf. ibid., 84. For information on the shrine of Papyrologists 52 (Cincinnati 2015) 308. in Antinoe provided in the descriptions of miracles, Zanetti, Les mira- 48 Peter Grossmann researched and interpreted the findings cles, 51. meticulously, Grossmann, Antinoopolis, 241–282. It is assumed that the 50 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 127, 289, cf. Gross- shrine ceased to exist shortly after the Arab conquest or a century later, mann, Antinoopolis, 273. ibid., 246. For the ex vota made of metal with the representations of 51 Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58, with cited una- full figures or parts of the body, Antinoe cent’anni dopo, 101, nos. 89–98 vailable book, O. H. E. Burmester, History of the Patriarchs of the Egyp- 10 (M. Manfredi). tian Church, Cairo 1959, 362. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

Fig. 4. Antinoe, burial chamber of Theodosia (after: Zibawi, Koptische Kunst) who died at the age of fifteen, was destroyed long ago. Its half-figure of the saint is portrayed, facing fowards. He appearance is known thanks to the water colour produced has grey, short thick hair and a rounded beard. He is clad immediately after its discovery, in the course of works in a bright chiton and a himation and is holding an ob- carried out during 1936 and 1937 (Fig. 4). The saint, ject that resembles a scroll in his right hand.53 A painting marked by the inscription as ΑΓΙΟΣ ΚΟΛΛΟΥΘΟΣ, on linen cloth (57.5 × 123 cm), part of a private collection wears a white chiton with black strips, potamoi, and a in London since the 1970s, has recently been researched white himation. He is giving a blessing with his right and published. It shows Saint Colluthos, marked with the hand, while the left hand rests on the shoulder of the de- inscription ΑΠΑ ΚΩΛ//ΛΟΥΘΟΣ, spreading his arms in ceased girl. There is no accord in the views on the time prayer. The picture is rather damaged but one can make when the fresco was painted. They range from the fourth out that he has short grey hair and a rounded beard, and to the sixth century, although it is generally accepted in is dressed in a bright-coloured chiton and himation, with recent studies that it belonged in the latter century.52 The two black bands on his upper arms. There is good rea- assumption is that Saint Colluthos should be recognised son to assume that the fabric is the upper part of a curtain in the image of a saint on a small icon made in encaus- which originally bore the image of the saint’s full-length tic technique (21 × 19.9 cm), which is kept in the Egyp- figure, today preserved only from the waist up. It is be- tian Museum in Cairo. It was painted in the late fifth or lieved to have been done in the sixth century and to have early sixth century and also comes from Antinoe. It was originated from Antinoe, from the Church of Saint Col- discovered in a grave chamber, in a vase containing three luthos where his martyrium existed.54 In Deir Abou Hen- more small scale panels depicting Christian subjects. The nis, near the peak of the mountain, at about 2 km south of the ruins of ancient Antinoe, there is an underground 52 E. Breccia, Le prime ricerche italiane ad Antinoe (Scavi structure, called a church, frescoed in the sixth or seventh dell’Istituto Papirologico Fiorentino negli anni 1936–1937), Aegyptus. Rivista italiana di egittologia e di papirologia 16 (Milano 1938) 293– 308 (for the painting positioned on the south wall of the chamber and 53 Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58, for the icon cf. the image of Saint Colluthos, ibid., 299–304, figs. 6, 7, 8); A. Grabar, Age of spirituality. Late antique and early Christian art, third to seventh Martyrium. Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l’ art chrétien antique century, ed. K. Weitzmann, New York 1979, 551–552, No. 496 (N. Pat- II. Iconographie, Paris 1946, 34; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, terson Ševčenko), with detailed descriptions of the appearance of the 127; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58, Fig. 8.1; M. Zibawi, icon and of the place where it was found. Koptische Kunst. Das christliche Ägypten von der Spätantike bis zur Ge- 54 Byzantium. Treasures of Byzantine art and culture from Brit- genwart, München 2004, 22, Abb. 9, with a high quality colour illus- ish collections, ed. D. Buckton, London 1994, 80, no. 72 (M. Vassilaki), tration. Arietta Papaconstantinou reminds that Theodosia’s tomb was where it was first published; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 127; located within the necropolis in which the monuments with epitaphs Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57–63, a study dedicated to addressed to the God of Saint Colluthos were found, Papaconstantinou, the painting on the cloth, the iconography and cult of Saint Colluthos, Le culte des saints, 330. as well as the question of the purpose of the item. 11 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

century. The bust of the saint in a medallion accompanied cloak. He holds an object that looks like a scalpel in his by the inscription Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΚΟΛΛΟΥΘΟΣ was observed right hand and in the left one a scroll or etui, as well as the in the church’s room III, on wall 6. Unfortunately, due to strap of a decorated bag with higher lateral parts in the major damage, it is not possible to discern his facial fea- form of two upright cylinders and a lower centre closed tures nor his hair or beard. One can notice only the halo by a triangular flap, of the kind commonly referred to in 58 and the bright chiton and himation and the dark lines of literature as ‘with ears’. the potamoi, seemingly two, in the area of his chest.55 Finally, the damaged festival hall erected in honour The representations of Saint Colluthos have been of the god Amun by the Pharaoh Thutmose III at the site preserved in Bawit, in several buildings decorated with of today’s Karnak was converted into a monastery church. frescoes in the sixth or seventh century. He is portrayed in Based on the times when some of the saints depicted in the vestibule on the south side of the building, which was the church were alive, one may conclude that the paint- named Chapel 1 during the investigation carried out in ings were not done before the seventh century. The im- 1903. On the east wall of that entrance, among the saints age of Saint Colluthos with the inscription of his name Ο depicted waist-length, one can see Saint Colluthos marked ΑΓΙΟΣ // ΚΟΛΛΟΥ//ΘΟΣ, on the northeast side of the by the inscription Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΚΟΛΛΟΥΘΟΣ. The saint has fourth northern pillar of the western bay, was discovered short grey hair and a rounded beard. He is clad in bright in 1925. He was, in all likelihood, represented as a full- robes, a tunic with two dark potamoi and a cloak and length figure, but only the part down to the chest has been over his shoulders, a strap secured on his chest. His right preserved. On his right, an elongated shape referred to in hand is visible also, but one cannot make out whether he the literature as a painted pillar could be seen, and further is carrying anything in it.56 Saint Colluthos is one of the to the right was a small building with a triangular pedi- three saints standing next to the archangels Gabriel and ment with a cross on the top, as well as a palm tree lean- Michael, placed behind the Virgin Orans and the apostles ing against it. The saint, apparently, had grey short hair in the foreground in the altar apse of Chapel 20. One can and a rounded beard and wore a bright-coloured chiton and himation. It was impossible to make out whether he read the inscription ΑΠΑ ΚΟΛΘΕ beside him. His hair 59 is grey, straight, short and thick, he has a strong, round- was holding something in his hands. ed beard and is wearing a white tunic with dark potamoi The representations of Saint Colluthos have been pre- and a white cloak. He seems to be giving a blessing with served, therefore, in Antinoe and its neighbourhood, in Ba- his right hand, while the left hand is hidden by the fig- wit, Karnak and the Monastery of the Syrians. Based on the ure of the apostle standing in front of him.57 His image better preserved among the listed examples, one may con- was probably painted in Chapel 17. Namely, one can dis- clude that the saint had a clearly recognisable face and sim- tinguish the figure of a saint, recorded in the literature as ple apparel, consisting of a tunic with potamoi and a cloak. Philotheos to the south of the large arch on the west wall. He is usually portrayed giving a blessing with his right Based on his appearance, as well as the remnant of the hand or with both hands extended in a gesture of prayer inscription, which can be read as Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ (ΚΟΛΛΟΥ) and he is rarely holding an object such as a scroll. Only in ΘΟΣ, one may assume that he is Saint Colluthos. His face Chapel 17 in Bawit and in the Church of the Monastery of is destroyed and only a thick, grey, rounded beard can be the Syrians is he depicted with medical equipment. seen. He has a white tunic with dark potamoi and a white There were many more paintings of the saint, of course. Written sources testify to some of them. Two 55 J. Clédat, Notes archéologiques et philologiques, Bulletin de l’ small icons were registered in an inventory of the furnish- Institut français d’ archéologie orientale (=BIFAO) 2 (Paris 1902) 54, ings in a house in Oxyrhynchus from the beginning of the 56, Pl. IV, fig. 1, with the water colour illustration of the fresco. For the seventh century. In one of them Saint Colluthos, his head basic information on these paintings, Zibawi, Koptische Kunst, 58–66, surrounded by gold, was portrayed, ἰκονίδα δύο, μίαν with literature; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 127; G. J. M. van μὲν ἔχουσαν τὸν ἅγιον Κόλλουθον περικεχρυσομένην Loon, A. Delattre, La frise des saints de l’ église rupestre de Deir Abou 60 Hennis, ECA 1 (2004) 89, 101, fig. 1.3, with the plan of the complex. τῇ κεφαλῇ. The Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis А tombstone (of one Ioustos) with an epitaph mentioning the God of narrates that, on the day of the consecration of the new Saint Colluthos was found in the necropolis of Deir Abou Hennis, Pa- church in Pneuit, an icon of Saint Colluthos emanated a paconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 326 and n. 64. wonderful and sweet perfume that continued to spread 56 Ch. Palanque, Rapport sur les recherches effectuées à Bawit en during the days when the text was compiled.61 Unfortu- 1903, BIFAO 5 (1906) 9, Pl. VIII. Next to him are depicted Ecclesia in the north and Saint Cyprian in the south. 58 57 J. Maspero, Rapport sur les fouilles entreprises à Bâouit, Cf. J. Clédat, Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouît, Le Caire Comptes rendus des séances de l’ Académie des inscriptions et belles- 1906, 79, Pl. LI, read Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ (Φ)Ι(Λ)ΟΘΕΟΣ. That identification lettres 57/4 (1913) 295–296, the report on the discovery of frescoes in has been accepted by Antonio Iacobini, A. Iacobini, Arte per i monaci January 1913, when the complex was insufficiently explored and the nell’Egitto bizantino. Componenti iconiche e componenti narrative negli room had not yet been given its name number, with the concise and affreschi di Bāwīt, in: Medioevo: immagine e racconto (Atti del Convegno succinct description of the paintings and the readings of the inscrip- internazionale di studi. Parma, 27–30 settembre 2000) ed. A. C. Quinta- tions (followed by the observation that the frescoes are stylistically valle, Milano 2003, 64, fig. 17. 59 related to some tenth century miniatures), but not accompanied by il- H. Munier, M. Pillet, Les édifices chrétiens de Karnak, Revue lustrations; idem, Fouilles exécutées à Baouît, Le Caire 1931, 127, Pls. de l’ Egypte ancienne 2 (Paris 1929) 66–67, fig. 4. A rather freely made XXXI.A–B, XXXII, XXXIII.B, the reading of the inscription of Saint drawing of the fresco was published. Therefore, one cannot make out Colluthos was not provided, but it can be assumed, thanks to many whether his right hand could be distinguished in the drawing, as well illustrations and judging by the appearance of his face, and given the as whether the elongated shape directly to the left of him should be un- fact that the other two portrayed saints were marked by the inscrip- derstood as some object he had in his hand. For dating, ibid., 74. The tions published there, that he was represented next to the archangel at painting is also mentioned by Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, the northern end of the apse; C. C. Walters, Monastic archaeology in 127. The present condition of the fresco is not known. Egypt, Warminster 1974, 122; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 60 Ibid., 125, 353. 58. A colour photo of the fresco in the apse of the chapel, of small di- 61 Nessim Youssef, The second Encomium, 163–164. The scent 12 mensions, was published by, Zibawi, Koptische Kunst, Abb. 88. coming out of the wall is mentioned also in a miracle in Coptic, of Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos nately, there is no data about the appearance of the image. dition, the already mentioned historian and topographer Anyway, there were certainly a great many representations Al-Maqrizi, who lived in the first half of the fifteenth cen- of him. Suffice it to recall that at least one image of the tury, said that Saint Colluthos was a doctor and a monk saint was definitely placed in each of the churches dedi- and performed miraculous cures of eye inflammations.67 cated to him, which, were quite numerous, if one is only to judge by the written sources known today. * * * * * * The scene of Saint Colluthos performing an opera- tion on an eye in the church of the Monastery of the Syri- Antinoe was a city with a rich medical tradition.62 ans is unique among the preserved ancient representations It has already been said that many of the questions on pa- of healings by holy physicians. Namely, the miracles de- pyri, addressed to the oracle discovered in the northern scribed in their Vitae or Passia were designed in medieval necropolis, refer to the health and often have the invoca- Eastern Christian art on the model of the scenes of heal- tion to the God of Saint Colluthos. In that ancient ceme- ing performed by Christ – the holy physicians approached tery numerous Coptic and some Greek stelae were found, from the left and addressed or made a gesture of blessing apparently from the seventh century, bearing inscriptions with their right hand towards the sick on the right, while with a prayer to the God of Saint Colluthos to have mercy in the background was a landscape or simple architectural on the soul of the deceased, and in a Coptic one it was scenery.68 There are no illustrations of the events narrated recorded that Saint Colluthos was a doctor who treated 63 in the collections of Miracles in the preserved cycles dedi- both souls and bodies. In the Encomium of Phoibamon cated to the holy doctors. However, since the scene from of Panopolis, composed in the eighth or ninth century, the Monastery of the Syrians is composed in a completely there is an account that after the consecration of the new different way, one needs to check whether the cure of an church in Pneuit, at midnight on the same day, the writer eye disease or visual impairment described in some of the and Apa Cosma and Apa Savian saw Saint Colluthos and texts dedicated to the saint is represented. This is neces- his servant Magi, following him with a bag of drugs. The sary because in the collections of miracles of the holy doc- saint filled his hands with medicaments and threw them tors there are narratives about different methods of treat- among the sick who were healed and a multitude of peo- ple assembled in the church, and many others, were cured ment, from completely unusual ones to those in which of their illnesses.64 Saint Colluthos is also referred to as the saints appear to the sick in their sleep and perform operations, the results of which the patients see as they a true physician in various writings composed after the 69 ninth century.65 He was particularly esteemed as a healer wake up in the morning. The Encomium of Isaac of An- of eye diseases. A recipe for collyrium, an eye unguent at- tributed to the doctor and martyr Colluthos, was recorded doctors were not „specialised“ for certain ailments. For example, in one papyrus from the ninth or tenth century.66 In ad- Saints Cosmas and Damian and Saints Cyrus and John treated eye diseases among other health issues, cf. J. Lascaratos, Miraculous oph- thalmological therapies in Byzantium, Documenta Ophthalmologica which only a fragment of the last few sentences has been preserved. 81 (Dordrecht 1992) 145–152, where it was pointed out that about 20 It narrates that someone broke the wall in front of the place where percent of the healing miracles in the shrine of Saints Cyrus and John the body of the saint laid to rest and sensed a beautiful fragrance, and in Menouthis near Alexandria referred to eye diseases, ibid., 148–149. when the people who were present saw this, they were convinced that 67 Evetts, Churches and monasteries, 344, chapter 60 (Appen- it was the place where the bones of Saint Colluthos lay and thus they dix); Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57. were healed, cf. Devos, Autres Miracles coptes, 289, 295, 297; Schenke, 68 G. Vikan, Art, medicine, and magic in early Byzantium, DOP Das koptisch hagiographische Dossier, 216, 217. 62 38 (1984) 65–66, n. 3; N. P. Ševčenko, Healing miracles of Christ and Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 127; P. Horden, How the saints, in: Life is short, art long. The art of healing in Byzantium, ed. medicalised were Byzantine hospitals?, in: Sozialgeschichte mittelalterli- B. Pitarakis, Istanbul 2015, 31, 40. cher Hospitäler, ed. N. Bulst, K.-H. Spiess, Ostfildern 2007, 231. Origi- 69 As far as is known, the preserved collections of miracles of nating from Antinoe are 27 medical papyri in the Greek language, dat- the holy physicians are dedicated to Saints Cosmas and Damian from ing from the second/third to the seventh century, mostly fragmentarily Rome, who were venerated in Kosmidion in Constantinople (L. Deu- preserved, from Hippocrates’ and Galen’s works, through magic spells bner, Kosmas und Damian. Texte und Einleitung, Leipzig–Berlin 1907, for healing, to encyclopedias, writings on nutrition and medicinal 97–208; E. Rupprecht, Cosmae et Damiani sanctorum medicorum vita plants. No ancient Egyptian city left such a large number of records on et miracula e codice Londinensi, Berlin 1935), to Saints Cyrus and John the subject, M.-H. Marganne, La „collection médicale“ d’ Antinoopolis, whose shine was in Menouthis near Alexandria [N. Fernández-Mar- Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 56 (Bonn 1984) 117–121. 63 cos, Los Thaumata de Sofronio. Contribución al estudio de la incubatio Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 124, 258, 325–327, cristiana, Madrid 1975; J. Gascou, Sophrone de Jérusalem, Miracles des 328, 330, with sources. Several graffiti were discovered in the northern saints Cyr et Jean (BHG I 477–479), Paris 2006], while Symeon Meta- necropolis of Antinoe, where Colluthos’ oracle was, but they have not phrastes introduced a series of descriptions of miracles in the com- been published yet, ibid., 331. The graffiti for health or healing with prehensive Vita of Saint Sampson the Xenodochos (PG 115, 277.C– the invocations of various saints and sometimes of Colluthos were 308.D, for the miracles, ibid., 292.B–308.B). The tales on miraculous also found in Abydos and in the tomb of Ramesses IV in the Valley of cures also appear in the extensive Vitae of some saints who were ap- Kings, ibid., 333, 334–335. preciated as healers but did not belong to the group of holy doctors, 64 Nessim Youssef, The second Encomium, 163–164. so they are not listed here. On the Byzantine collections of miracles, 65 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints, 126. S. Efthymiadis, Greek Byzantine collections of miracles. A chronologi- 66 It was published by E. Chassinat, Un papyrus médical copte, cal and bibliographical survey, Symbolae Osloenses 74 (1999) 195–211; Le Caire 1921, 303, 304, with the French translation beside the Cop- idem, Late Byzantine collections of miracles and their implications, in: tic text; Crum, Colluthos, 326–327; Papaconstantinou, Le culte des Οι ήρωες της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας. Οι Νέοι Άγιοι, 8ος–16ος αιώνας, ed. saints, 126, 238; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 58, where the Ε. Κουντούρα-Γαλάκη, Αθήνα 2004, 239–250; idem, L’ incubation à l’ English translation is given; Zanetti, Les miracles, 44. Judging by the époque mésobyzantine: problèmes de survivance historique et de repesen- ingredients, it is presumed to be a remedy for ophthalmia, an eye in- tation littéraire (VIIIe–XIIIe siècle), in: Le saint, le moine et le paysan. flammation, which was a widespread disease in the Nile Valley, Crum, Mélanges d’ histoire byzantine offerts à Michel Kaplan, ed. Delouis, S. Colluthos, 327; Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57. The holy Métivier, P. Pagès, Paris 2016, 155–169. The descriptions of healing 13 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

tinoe recounts that once Colluthos went to Shmun, where shrine. The saint appeared to the blind man and told him he healed a blind man who was begging with his son. The to pour milk from the breast of a virtuous woman into man was almost naked. All that was left were the rags of his eyes. Despite the husband’s objections, the wife obeyed his former clothes. The saint took off his own undershirt the saints’ orders: the blind man was cured, and the hus- and gave it to the blind man. While putting it on, the band, convinced of the virtue of his wife by this miracle, man’s eyes brushed against the undershirt and his eyesight was healed because his illness had been the consequence was suddenly restored.70 The other miraculous cures took of jealousy.73 Based on the stories of the healing of people place after the death of the saint. The healing of visual who had problems with their eyesight, it is clear that the impairment is mentioned in a miracle in the same Enco- scene painted in the church of the Monastery of the Syr- mium in the narrative about a cripple. His family brought ians is not an illustration of any of the events described him to the shrine of Saint Colluthos. He spent a month in in the preserved writings dedicated to the saint.74 In the the church and even slept in it, but he was not cured be- first case, the blind man’s eyesight was restored when the cause he lacked faith. In his impatience, he grumbled and undershirt given by the saint brushed against his eyes, in complained that he had seen a blind man applying the oil the second, a sick man anointed his eyes with oil, in the from a lamp to his eyes and had regained his eyesight.71 In third, the saint simply restored the pagans’ vision, and in the Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis, the description the fourth, the blind man poured milk into his own eyes. of the first of the four miracles that occurred in Pneuit re- counts that the village was full of pagans. One Cyprianus, a pagan, and his wife who suffered from a bad and painful * * * wound, lived there. She was carried to Apollo’s temple, but In the scene in the church of the Monastery of the it was to no avail. Eventually, she asked to be taken to the Syrians, the saint is holding a scalpel in his right hand Church of Saint Colluthos. This happened on the first day and is about to touch the eye of the sick man with it. It of a pagan festival the celebration of which lasted an en- is clear, therefore, that an eye operation is represented tire week. The saint appeared to her and promised healing there. When designing the scene, the painter did not fol- if she converted to the Christian faith. He called his serv- low standard models of representing healing and, in all ant Magi, who was in charge of carrying his bag of medi- likelihood, introduced details from everyday life, that is, cal equipment, took out a medicament, applied it to the from the contemporary medical practice. He could know wound and cured the woman. After seven days of celebra- what surgical operations looked like. Written sources tes- tion, the husband, concerned because he could not find tify that they were performed in public, in front of people his wife at home, took to searching for her. He learned who gathered to watch them, like in a theatre.75 Moreo- that she was in the Church of Saint Colluthos. He wanted to tear down the building and came with a great crowd of pagans, but when they arrived at the church entrance next to the well, the saint came out through the door and blew 73 Minutely on the miracle, with a translation of the Arabic in their faces so they immediately became blind. They did text based on the book written around 1549, Zanetti, Les miracles, not know where to go and remained there for three days 46, 95–98. That is, in total, the sixth, or, according to the mentioned and three nights. Tired and weak with hunger and thirst, manuscript, the fifth miracle. It is briefly referred to by Vassilaki, A painting of Saint Kollouthos, 57. For the Arabic and Coptic manuscripts and feeling humbled, they cried out for help. Saint Collu- containing that miracle of Saint Colluthos, Zanetti, Les miracles, 56. thos relented and restored their eyesight. They asked to be The significance of the saint as a healer of eye diseases was enduring. baptised, so the bishop Phoibamon, the writer of the text, This is testified by a miracle which happened much later, in 1495/1496. came with a large escort and baptised all the inhabitants A woman of reputable family lost her eyesight. She sat in her house of the village except for an evil magician and intractable for eight days and invoked Saint Colluthos and during the night of the 72 eighth day, between Sunday and Monday, the saint appeared to her, idolator named Poimen. One of the miracles preserved wiped her eyes with a green handkerchief and applied the collyrium in Arabic speaks of a blind man who went to the Church and thus regained her vision, ibid., 48, 106–108. It is the last miracle in of Saint Colluthos to pray for healing. At the same time, the manuscript in Arabic from about 1549. the husband of a virtuous woman, suspecting that she was 74 As far as it is known, no healing scene or cycle dedicated unfaithful to him, fell ill and he was brought to the same to the holy doctors, whose miracles were extensively described (Saints Cosmas and Damian from Rome, Saints Cyrus and John and Saint Sampson the Xenodochos) have been preserved. On the contrary, miracles were sometimes based on medical practice to a such extent in Eastern Christian medieval painting one can see the cycles of the that they serve as a source of data for knowledge about medieval medi- scenes describing the miracles of Saints Cosmas and Damian from cine, cf. H. J. Magoulias, The lives of the saints as sources of data for the Asia, as well as Saint Panteleimon, sometimes accompanied by epi- history of Byzantine medicine in the sixth and seventh centuries, BZ 57/1 sodes about his teacher, Saint Hermolaus. The observations were made (1964) 127–150, for the operations, ibid., 138–144. on the basis of a wider study of the veneration and the representation 70 Encomiastica from the Pierpont Morgan library, 48–49. of the holy physicians, so numerous examples and extensive literature 71 Ibid., 54–57 (about a healed blind man, ibid., 54). For that are not noted in this text. healing, taken from the Encomium of Isaac of Antinoe and listed as the 75 Cf. L. J. Bliquez, Two lists of Greek surgical instruments and second in the collections of miracles, Zanetti, Les miracles, 45, 91–92 the state of surgery in Byzantine times, DOP 38 (1984) 194, with sum- (the healing of a blind man, ibid., 91). marised words of two Constantinopolitan patriarchs, John Chrysos- 72 Ibid., 49, Zanetti gave a summary of the Arabic text, with tom (†407) and John Nesteutes (†595), as well as of John of Damascus the reference that the part of the narrative on the loss of eyesight and (†749), cf. E. Dauterman Maguire, H. P. Maguire, M. J. Duncan-Flow- the healing of blindness have been preserved in a Coptic fragment. For ers, Art and holy powers in the early Christian house, Urbana–Cham- a complete translation of the Arabic text, Nessim Youssef, The second paign 1989, 199, where the lines of John Chrysostom are emphasised, Encomium, 164–167. The part preserved in Coptic was previously pub- especially those (in the thirteenth homily) narrating that the doctors, lished by Till based on the fragment in the British Museum BM 329, when they were about to perform an operation, did not take the pa- Till, Koptische Heiligen– und Märtyrerlegenden 1, 170–171 (in Coptic), tient into a corner, but placed in the middle of the market-place in or- 14 176–177 (in German). der for passers-by gather around, thus creating a kind of theatre. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos ver, Palladios noted that doctors and pharmacists lived in the Nitrian Desert itself.76 One can see, first of all, that the doctor is sitting and the patient is standing in the scene, which was not the custom, of course. Celsus (Aulus Cornelius Celsus) in the book On Medicine, which he compiled between the years 18 and 39 AD, in the chapter on surgery, describing the procedure of removing a pterygium, said that the patient should be seated facing the physician or with his back to him so that his head rests upon the doctor’s lap. He added that some physicians preferred the first position if the left eye was afflicted and the latter if it was the right one.77 The scene in question is, in all probability, unique in medieval Eastern Christian art, and there are no pre- served images to compare it with.78 One should point out, however, that the scenes of eye surgery in medieval medical manuals in the West painted until the end of the twelfth century were also detached from reality, as both doctor and patient were shown standing.79 It was not un- til later that images of the doctor standing and the patient sitting appeared in these kinds of books.80

76 PG 34, 1020.C; Paladije, 11, he noted that there was a hostel Fig. 5. Vienna Dioscorides, fol. 4v, Dioscorides and the for strangers, PG 34, 1020.B; Paladije, 11, cf. T. Sternberg, Orientalium personification of Discovery (public domain photo) More Sectus. Räume und Institutionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. Jahrhun- derts in Gallien, Münster 1991, 161; A. Crislip, Monastic health care and the late antique hospital, in: Holistic healing in Byzantium, ed. J. T. It is possible that the importance of the saint’s calling Chirban, Brookline, Mass. 2010, 94, 104. is indicated by depicting him sitting on a decorated stool. 77 E. Savage-Smith, Hellenistic and Byzantine ophthalmology: Namely, doctors were usually represented as being seated, trachoma and sequelae, DOP 38 (1984) 173. from the period of late Antiquity. As an example one can 78 It should be noted that Boutros records a much later icon, mention the well-known manuscript of the encyclopedia from 1777, at the Church of Saint Colluthos in Rīfā, on the mountain by Dioscorides, a physician and pharmacologist from the west of Asyut. It shows the miraculous healing of the son of a widow at the request of his sister – the saint is embracing the widow’s son to first half of the first century. It was copied for Juliana Ani- heal him, the widow is in the centre, on the other side is Colluthos’ cia (†528), and is now kept in Vienna. Portrayed in the sister Dādyānā, standing and raising her arm in a gesture of supplica- book are seven pharmacologists on fol. 2v and seven fa- tion, and in the centre, above the widow, is a small cabinet containing mous doctors from Antiquity on fol. 3v. All of them are medicines, Boutros, L’ hagiographie des saints thérapeutes, 238–239 and shown in a seated position in both illustrations. On fol. 4v n. 58. It has not been possible to obtain precise information on the ap- there is a miniature of Dioscorides sitting in a chair while pearance of the icon. In the Encomium of Phoibamon of Panopolis it is stated that the name of the saint’s sister was Dadiana, but there is the personification of the Discovery (ΕΥΡΕΣΙΣ) bringing no mention of the healing of the widow’s son, cf. Nessim Youssef, The the root of the mandrake is approaching him (Fig. 5). In second Encomium, 164–171. The same is the case with the Encomium the scene in fol. 5v, the personification of the Reflection of Isaac of Antinoe, where the sister is named Tadiane, cf. Encomiastica (ΕΠΙΝΟΙΑ) is standing in the middle, an artist sitting from the Pierpont Morgan library, 52–64. before an easel and painting the mandrake is on the left, 79 These are illustrations of cataract surgery in the manuscripts whilst on the right Dioscorides is seated on a stool with of a Medical Miscellany from twelfth century England, Oxford, Bodley, an open book in his lap, and writing down something in MS Ashmole 1462, fol. 10r (L. MacKinney, Medical illustrations in me- dieval manuscripts, Berkeley – Los Angeles 1965, 70, Fig. 69, cf. http:// it (Fig. 6). It is assumed that the first two images are cop- dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/ref/collection/mackinney/id/4045 [7. 11. 2017]), ies of some older representations and that the portraits of the writings of Pseudo-Hippocrates, British Library, Harl. 1585, fol. Dioscorides, like those on the other two miniatures, ap- 9v, from the third quarter of the twelfth century (http://dc.lib.unc.edu/ peared in the manuscripts of certain early recensions of cdm/singleitem/collection/mackinney/id/3644/rec/10 [7. 11. 2017]) his work.81 A sarcophagus from the fourth century found and a Medical and Herbal Collection from the late twelfth century, Lon- don, British Museum, Sloane MS 1975, fol. 93r (P. Murray Jones, Me- dieval medicine in illuminated manuscripts, London 1998, 79–81, Fig. gognoni (1205–1296/8), Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 11226, fol. 55r, from the 72, cf. http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/ILLUMIN. beginning of the fourteenth century, with the miniature of an eye sur- ASP?Size=mid&IllID=3113 [9. 01. 2018]). Medical manuscripts with gery set in the initial (http://dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/ illustrations of surgical operations appeared very rarely after the end of mackinney/id/3939/rec/6 [7. 11. 2017]) and the Italian Medical Picture the twelfth century. New translations of writings from the Arabic into Book from 1510, London, British Museum, MS 197.d.2, fol. 15v, where Latin, whereby the West came in contact with ancient Greek medical a cataract surgery is presented (MacKinney, Medical illustrations, 71, texts, were done during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and in the Fig. 70, cf. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/ref/collection/mackinney/id/3908 thirteenth century, the golden age of scholasticism, lectures on surgery [7. 11. 2017]). became regular in Salerno, Bologna and other schools on the Apen- 81 A. M. Friend Jr., The portraits of the evangelists in Greek and nine Peninsula. It is therefore assumed that the void between older Latin manuscripts, Art Studies 5 (1927) 141, T. XV, XVII, Figs. 149– paintings, which may have originated even from the traditions of Al- 150, 162 (for the last two miniatures); D. V. Ainalov, The Hellenistic exandria, and new secular illustrations in the thirteenth and fourteenth origins of Byzantine art, New Brunswick, N. J., 1961, 56–58, Figs. 27–29 centuries, may have appeared under the influence of the writing of new (for the last three miniatures); A. Visser, From the republic of letters to texts in the universities (Murray Jones, Medieval medicine, 82–84). the Olympus: the rise and fall of medical humanism in 67 portraits, in: 80 The manuscript of the book Chirurgia compiled by the fa- Living in posterity. Essays in honour of Bart Westerweel, ed. J. F. van Di- mous doctor and surgeon, Dominican and bishop, Theodoric Bor- jkhuizen, P. Hoftijzer, J. Roding, P. Smith, Leiden 2004, 304, Fig. 2 (for 15 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

The appearance of the doctors’ chambers, concisely indicated in the fresco in the Monastery of the Syrians, an earlier relief and a somewhat later miniature, is summarily described in some episodes of the collections of miracles. The Miracles of Saints Cyrus and John was compiled in Al- exandria between 610 and 615 by the monk Sophronios, the future patriarch of Jerusalem. In the tenth miracle he narrates that a woman named Theodora had decided to bring her seriously ill baby daughter Marou to the physi- cians in Alexandria. But, in the night before her departure she saw herself in a dream walking across a deserted ex- panse and, after a long journey, came across the house of a doctor, where she found a monk sitting there. He was Saint Cyrus. Being a monk, he always had to wear the monk’s habit. As he was still a doctor by profession, a cup- board (πυργίσκος) stood before him. She entered inside, wondering if it was a physician’s room (ὡς ἰατρεῖον τοῦτο καθέστηκεν). The saint, sitting on a chair at that moment spoke to her.84 In addition to that, in the thirtieth mira- cle of Saints Cosmas and Damian, which belongs to the fourth group, the date of which has not been established, there is mention of a cabinet with a latticed door for keep- Fig. 6. Vienna Dioscorides, fol. 5v, the personification of ing medicines (τὴν τῶν φαρμάκων φυλακὴν κιγκλίδος Reflection, a painter and Dioscorides (public domain photo) χειρουργεῖν ἤθελον) in the surgery room. Namely, a prominent citizen of Constantinople had a severe abscess near Ostia and kept in the Metropolitan Museum in New in the upper part of his chest, which the doctors could not York should be mentioned as well. It shows a doctor sit- cure. On the advice of friends, he went to Kosmidion, ob- ting in a chair and reading a text written on a scroll. It tained a bed inside the church and spent some time there. is important to note that a cupboard is placed next to In a dream one night he saw the Virgin walking between him, just like there is beside the saint on the fresco in the Cosmas and Damian. She came towards him and told the church of the Monastery of the Syrians. The cupboard saints to heal him. Cosmas and Damian lifted him up and doors are also open so that three shelves can be seen. The transferred him to the xenon next door and took him to lower one is empty, on the middle shelf is a bowl, and on the operating room. In that chamber there was a cot for the upper one are some circular objects, possibly folded patients (i.e. an operating table) and a large medicine cup- scrolls. Finally, at the top of the cabinet is an open rec- board with a latticed door. The saints laid the sick man on tangular and shallow box with surgical instruments.82 The representation of a doctor is painted in a miniature in the operating table. Cosmas pulled out his scalpel, while Damian held the patient down and anchored his feet with the well-known manuscript Sacra Paralella, Paris gr. 923, 85 a florilegium with quotations from biblical and patristic the grilled door of the cabinet. texts, mostly attributed to John of Damascus. There are conflicting opinions regarding the manuscript’s place of Representations of glass objects as a source of Byzantine glass: how useful origin. They range from Constantinople to the southern are they?, DOP 59 (2005) 160, fig. 12. 84 part of the Apennine Peninsula, and across to Palestine. Fernández-Marcos, Los Thaumata de Sofronio, 260–262, In any case, it was produced in the ninth century probably specially 261 (in Greek); Gascou, Sophrone de Jérusalem, 49–52, spe- cially 51 (in French, with an extensive scientific apparatus), it is the soon after the iconoclastic crisis. The miniature is placed description of miracle 10, chapter 6. on the margin in fol. 210r. A doctor is sitting on a large 85 For the words about the cupboard, cf. Deubner, Kosmas stool with a foot stool, blending drugs in a mortar. Beside und Damian, 174; Rupprecht, Cosmae et Damiani, 79 (that part of the him is a shelf with four compartments containing various text is very damaged); A.-J. Festugière, Sainte Thècle, saints Côme et vessels, bowls on the two upper ones, and glass bottles on Damien, saints Cyr et Jean (extraits), saint George. Collections grecques the two lower ones.83 de miracles, Paris 1971, 171, for that medicine cabinet, cf. B. Caseau, Parfum et guérison dans le christianisme ancien et byzantin: des huiles parfumées des médicins au myron des saints byzantins, in: Les pères de the first one). It is assumed that the earliest illustrated manuscript of l’ église face à la science médicale de leur temps, ed. V. Boudon-Millot, his work was made in the first century. For the portrayal of the Evange- P. Pouderon, Paris 2005, 173. The time of origin of the fourth and fifth lists, Christianity accepted the representations of seated figures, com- groups of miracles has not been established. The third group is dated mon for poets and philosophers in the pagan tradition, Friend, The to the end of the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century, and the portraits of the evangelists, 141–143, 145–146, 147, T. XV, XVI, XVII, sixth one in the period after 1305/6. Timothy Miller brings the cabi- Figs. 151–152, 153–163, 164 (who maintained the view that they were net into connection with information on the duties of pharmacists – formed in Ephesus and the coastal cities of Asia Minor). It should be to take care and to keep (φιλακή) the drugs in the hospital or to sell remembered that the preserved ancient images of the savants, i.e. phi- medicines or aromatic spices mixed with remedies – mentioned, as an losophers, testify that they were also portrayed as seated. Suffice it to appendix at the end of the eleventh century, in Basilika, the reorganisa- mention a few reliefs on the sarcophagi, cf. A. Grabar, Le premier art tion of Justinian’s law in the ninth century, T. S. Miller, Hospital dreams chrétien (200–395), Paris 1966, figs. 50, 131, 144. in Byzantium, in: Dreams, healing, and medicine in Greece from antiqui- 82 Dauterman Maguire, Maguire, Duncan-Flowers, Art and ty to the present, ed. S. M. Oberhelman, Farnham 2013, 201–202, 212, holy powers, 198, fig. 49. on Basilika, Basilika, in: ODB I, 265–266 (A. Schminck, A. Kazhdan). 83 K. Weitzmann, The miniatures of the Sacra Parallela Par- However, we tend to look the cabinet for medical equipment as usual 16 isinus Graecus 923, Princeton, N. J. 1979, 240, Pl. CL, 695; M. Parani, and necessary in doctors’ premises. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

The representation of doctors sitting, and medicine * * * cupboards as the hallmark of the premises in which they worked, remained in the miniatures in much later Byz- The question arises as to whether one can assume antine books. The manuscript Paris B. N. gr. 2243 was which disease the saint is curing in the scene in the written for the physician Demitrios Chloros by Cosmas church of the Monastery of the Syrians. On the one hand, Kamelos, a priest and exarch of the metropolis of Ath- it is possible that the painter depicted in the palm of the ens, who completed it in August 1339. It is a transcription saint a scalpel doctors who performed eye surgery did not of the collection of pharmaceutical recipes attributed to use. On the other hand, it is probable that he painted an Nicholas Myrepsos, who originated from Alexandria, and operation known to him, since it was practised for heal- who was mentioned in 1241 as the chief physician at the ing an affliction that was widespread in the Nile valley. court of the Nicaean Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes Therefore, attention should be paid to the most common (1222–1254). Fol. 10v is occupied by a full-page minia- surgically treated eye diseases. The medical knowledge in ture, painted on the model of an earlier one from the thir- the Eastern Christian medieval world relied on the foun- teenth century. In the upper part is a Deisis with two an- dations laid by Hippocrates and Galen. On this occasion gels. The lower zone shows a physician (ὁ ἰητρος), sitting there is no need to mention the scholars of Antiquty who on a large decorated chair and holding a long-necked bot- wrote about surgical procedures. One should pay atten- tle, and, facing him, a patient (ὁ ἀσθενῶν), a pharmacist tion to those from a somewhat later period, to Aetios of or doctor’s assistant, a woman sitting with a child in her Amida, and primarily to Paul of Aegina, who, in terms of arms, a pharmacologist (ὁ σπεστιαλος) and his assistant. when and where he lived, was closest to the image in the That the scene is set in a room is indicated by a three- church of the Monastery of the Syrians. Aetios of Amida storey set of shelves with boxes and bottles with healing on the Upper Tigris, first lived in Alexandria and then in 86 substances behind the pharmacist’s assistant. In the Constantinople during the period from 530 to 560, and manuscript kept in Oxford, Ms Barocci 87, on fol. 33v is a was possibly the court physician to Emperor Justinian I. miniature with the representation of John Argyropoulos. He compiled a medical encyclopaedia in sixteen books, He studied letters and medicine at the University of Padua with numerous quotations from the works of ancient from 1441 to 1443. Then he returned to Constantinople, Greek and Roman writers. The seventh volume, dedicated teaching until 1448 in the Mouseion of the Xenon of the to ophthalmology, which was the basic instruction man- Kral, the hospital founded by Serbian King Milutin in the ual until the epoch of the Enlightenment, is particularly monastery of Saint John the Forerunner in the district of important.88 Paul of Aegina († after 642) spent much of Petra. After the fall of the Byzantine capital, he fled to the his life in Alexandria, first studying and then practicing Apennine Peninsula. He settled in Florence in 1456 and and teaching, and remained in the city even after the Arab moved to Rome in 1471, where he died in 1487. In the conquest in the year 641 AD. Islamic sources attribute miniature, Argyropoulos is sitting on a spacious chair. In three treatises to him but only the third, called the Epito- his right hand, he is holding a rod and with the index fin- me of Medicine has been preserved, with its rather loosely ger of his left he is pointing to the lines in a book on a lec- taken extracts from the texts of the ancient writers. The tern resting on a low table that has a shelf, on which there work was highly appreciated in Islamic medicine and had is a box with one elongated and two circular openings on already been translated into Arabic in the ninth century. the top and, beside it, a long-necked bottle. Behind him in The sixth book, on surgery, had a particularly great im- the painting is architectural scenery. The scene is accom- pact and was included in a similar work written by the panied by several inscriptions. They say that John Argy- famous physician Abu’l Qasim (Abu’l Qasim Khalaf ibn ropoulos is teaching his disciples in the Xenon of the Kral and they cite their names.87 Abbas al-Zahrawi, around 940–1013), known as Albucasis or Abulcasis in Europe. Moreover, the third book by Paul of Aegina, which dealt with eye diseases, was translated 86 Vikan, Art, medicine, and magic, 66, n. 3; Byzance. L’ art into Latin in the northern part of the Apennine Peninsula byzantin dans les collections publiques françaises, Paris 1992, 454–455, 89 no. 350 (B. Mondrain, points to an almost identical miniature in a as early as around 800. slightly older manuscript); Byzantium: faith and power (1261–1557), ed. H. C. Evans, New York 2004, 526, no. 316 (R. S. Nelson); Parani, monastère Saint-Jean-Prodrome de Pétra de Constantinople, in: Le sacré Representations of glass objects, 160, fig. 13; S. Lazaris, Scientific, medi- et son inscription dans l’ espace à Byzance et en Occident, ed. M. Kaplan, cal and technical manuscripts, in: A companion to Byzantine illustrat- Paris 2001, 219–233. About the hospital founded by King Milutin in ed manuscripts, ed. V. Tsamakda, Leiden–Boston 2017, 104–105, Fig. Constantinople, M. Živojinović, Bolnica kralja Milutina u Carigradu, 32, Stavros Lazaris, referring to the study of Brigitte Mondrain which ZRVI 16 (1975) 105–116. was inaccessible to us, points to the illuminated manuscript from the 88 Savage-Smith, Hellenistic and Byzantine ophthalmology, 178; thirteenth century, Vat. Pal. gr. 199, which contains various medical Bliquez, Two lists, 187; Aetios of Amida, in: ODB I, 30–31 (J. Scarbor- treatises and in fol. 190v has an almost identical representation in two ough). zones (the differences in the lower scene are very few – the placement 89 Savage-Smith, Hellenistic and Byzantine ophthalmology, 181; of the containers in the medical cabinet and the inscription μαθητής Bliquez, Two lists, 187, 190–191, Lawrence Bliquez notes that Paul of over the assistant blending drugs), so the miniature was certainly a Aegina described more than 120 operations in the sixth book, and that model for the one in the manuscript in Paris, ibid., 105. For the basic his work was unsurpassed compared to the texts of later writers from data on Nicholas Myrepsos, Myrepsos, Nicholas, in: ODB II, 1429 (J. the period from the tenth to the fourteenth century; Paul of Aegina, in: Scarborough, A. Cutler). ODB III, 1607–1608 (J. Scarborough, A.-M. Talbot). Hamarneh, Amin 87 R. Ljubinković, Jedna minijatura u Ms. Barocci 84 – u Oks- Awad, Medical instruments, 177, Sami Hamarneh and Henri Amin fordu, Muzeji 7 (1952) 66–71 (says that the table was the lower part Awad referred to the great influence of his writings (already translated of the construction with an ink bottle and a box for blotting sand); M. by the Arab scholar al-Ibadi, Hunayn ibn Ishaq al-Ibadi, 809–873), es- Marković, Grčke inskripcije na Ms Barocci 84 fol. 33, Muzeji 7 (1952) pecially on Albucasis. On Alexandria as a major centre for the study 73–74, on Argyropoulos, Argyropoulos, John, in: ODB I, 164–165 (A.- of medicine, the city hospital and the association of medical assistants, M. Talbot). On the monastery of Saint John in Petra, E. Malamut, Le recorded at the beginning of the seventh century, T. S. Miller, The birth 17 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

Invasive methods in the treatment of frequent eye cornea, frequently the nasal one. In ancient and medieval diseases, as far as is known, were performed in order to writings it is almost regularly described as a small, sin- help patients suffering from cataract, pterygium, or tra- ewy membrane starting from an angle of the eye, usually choma.90 The operation of a cataract (ὑπόχυμα), opacity from the nasal one, sometimes spreading until it covers of the eye lens, is described in detail by Paul of Aegina, the pupil. Aetios of Amida recommends, like some an- relying on Galen. The procedure does not differ from cient writers, i.e. Celsius, that a hook be penetrated into the one practised by his predecessors. Even the doctors the middle of the growth so as not to detach the epider- of ancient times tried to remove it by couching it with a mis of the corneal epithelium, then to insert a hair from a round-tipped needle. The doctor introduced the needle horse’s mane and a linen thread into a needle and to pull into the eye from a previously designated spot on the side, it through the raised pterygium. The doctor then takes and moved it deeper by rotating and pushing firmly until the hair and the thread in both hands and moves them it reached an empty space. Then he raised the needle to under the pterygium to separate the growth from what the apex of the cataract and pushed it downwards, low- is beneath it, starting from the cornea and advancing to- ering the cloudy lens into the vitreous body. Therefore, wards the canthus. Once the pterygium is separated from even after a successful operation, the patient had blurred the cornea by the hair and the thread, the place in the cor- vision.91 Pterygium (πτερύγιον) is an ingrowth of trian- ner of the eye where it is attached should be cut off with gular shape resembling a wing, which is why it has that a ‘pterygium knife’. The same procedure was put forward name. It appears on the conjuctiva, on one side of the by Paul of Aegina, but he clarifies that the linen thread inserted in the needle penetrates through the middle of of the hospital in the Byzantine Empire, Baltimore–London 19972 (1. ed. the pterygium and raises it upwards, while the horse’s hair 1985) 33–35, 77, 93–94, 157, 160. separates and saws it from the pupil to the canthus, and 90 Paul of Aegina in the sixth book of his work also describes that its root should be cut with a scalpel carefully so as the interventions on an eye such as, for example, the suture of the up- to preserve the natural tissue of the canthus, and prevent per eyelid and other methods of surgical treatment of trichiasis (the 92 growth of eyelashes inward towards the eye) and the operation of hy- the running of the eye after the removal of the growth. datid cysts on the eyelids, cf. The seven books of Paulus Aegineta II, Trachoma (τράχωμα) is an infectious disease of the con- ed. F. Adams, London 1846, 259–264, 270–272 (with comments by juctiva. Lumps appear on the inner surface of the eyelids. the editor); Paulus Aegineta II, ed. I. L. Heiberg, Leipzig–Berlin 1924, They are thick and hard and, as the name of the disease 51–53, 56–57. Interventions carried out by the method of burning by testifies, very rough. The affliction is caused by bacteria means of caustic agents, then scar removal, eyelid tightening, the burn- ing of lashes with a hot iron, operations on the adhesion of the eyelids (chlamydia trachmatis) and, if left untreated, may result and lumps and tumors on the eyelids, and the surgery of staphyloma, in many complications and acute pathological conditions. which was performed not to restore the patient’s sight, but to reduce a Byzantine doctors thought that it consisted of four stages deformity due to a growth, are not listed here. Of course, the method and considered it a disease of the eyelids. Aetios of Amida, in which a physician strongly shakes the patient’s head in order for the relying on a lost manual written by Severus, a doctor and pus (that was believed to cause the disease) to drain downwards is not mentioned either. Paul listed and described eye diseases in chapter 12 ophthalmologist at the time of Octavian Augustus, distin- of book III, The seven books of Paulus Aegineta I, ed. F. Adams, Lon- guished four stages in the development of the disease. He don 1834, 264–275; Paulus Aegineta I, ed. I. L. Heiberg, Leipzig–Berlin pointed out, referring to Severus, that some doctors tried 1921, 170–187. to shave off the roughness with a knife or with fig leaves 91 For the lines of Paul of Aegina on cataract surgery, The seven and warned that this was harmful. Paul of Aegina wrote books II, 279–283; Paulus Aegineta II, 60–61. For the surgical treatment of a cataract, J. S. Milne, Surgical instruments in Greek and Roman that trachoma was the roughness of the inner surface of times, New York 1970 (1st ed. London 1907) 69–70, with the descrip- the eyelids. The advanced form resembles incisions and tion of the procedure by Paul of Aegina (ibid., 70, VI.xxi); L. J. Bliquez, is therefore said to be like a fig, while the chronic stage The tools of Asclepius. Surgical instruments in Greek and Roman times, is when callouses appear with hard thickenings. He then Leiden–Boston 2015, 152–156, with the lines on the topic written by briefly advises that, if the eyelid has callouses and is hard, Celsus and Paul, H. Matthäus, Der Arzt in römischer Zeit, Medizinis- che Instrumente und Arzneien, Archäologische Hinterlassenschaften in the eyelid must be rubbed with a pumice stone or cuttle- Siedlungen und Gräbern, Aalen 1989, 29. It is pointed out that a more fish bone or a fig leaf or an instrument named a ‘curette advanced hollow needle with an inner needle in the centre was used. for eyelids’ (βλεφαρόξυστον).93 The initial procedure was the same. The inner needle was pulled out after introduction, so the doctor could remove the blurred part. Both ancient operating methods are described in detail in the first section 92 Savage-Smith, Hellenistic and Byzantine ophthalmology, of the study on the history of cataract surgery, F. J. Ascaso, V. Huerva, 169, 173–174, 176–177, 179–180, 181–182, 185. Emilie Savage-Smith The history of cataract surgery, in: Cataract surgery, ed. F. Husain Zaidi, carefully studied surgical procedures and collyria for the removal of a 2013, 75–81 http://www.intechopen.com/books/cataract-surgery/the- pterygium based on sources, from ancient Greek to late Byzantine. It history-of-cataract-surgery [31. 01. 2016]. It is pointed out that the is precisely in Celsus’ description of the operation of a pterygium that second method, for which a hollow needle and an assistant with strong the instruction is given on how the patient should sit, cf. ibid., 173. For lungs were required as the blurred tissue was suctioned through the the medical instruments used for a pterygium surgery, according to tube, was mentioned by the tenth century Persian physician Muham- Celsus, Aetios and Paul, Bliquez, The tools of Asclepius, 84, 86, 90, 91– mad ibn Zakariya al Razi, attributing it to a Greek doctor from the 92, 174–175. For the description of the disease given by Paul of Aegina, second century called Antyllus, ibid., 81. For the possible appearance The seven books I, 271–272; Paulus Aegineta I, 181–182, for the operat- of cataract needles in the Hellenistic period, based on two findings on ing procedure, The seven books II, 275–277; Paulus Aegineta II, 58–59. the island of Melos, J. Lascaratos, S. Marketos, Unknown ancient Greek 93 Savage-Smith, Hellenistic and Byzantine ophthalmology, 169, ophthalmological instruments and equipment, Documenta Ophthalmo- 178–179, 180, 181, she studied equally meticulously trachoma surgical logica 94 (1997) 152–153, 155–156, 158, Fig. 1.3, 1.4. The ancient doc- procedures and collyria for the same periods. One eye disease whose tors thought that the disease was caused by fluids flowing into the eye removal was described by Hippocrates (around 460–around 370 BC) and then thickening in an empty space. Therefore, its earlier names, could be regarded as trachoma, although he did not mention the name ὑπόχυμα in Greece and suffusio in Rome, indicate the flow of a liquid. of the malady. He explained that the eyelids should be scraped with Later, it was named καταρράκτης, after the Greek word meaning wa- pure and thick Milesian wool rolled around a wooden stick. If the eye- 18 terfall. lids were thicker than normal, one should try to cut as much of the tis- Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

Both Aetios of Amida and Paul of Aegina spent a short or long while in Alexandria. They were certainly aware of the afflictions inhabitants of the Nile valley suf- fered from. However, our knowledge of eye diseases and their treatments in pre-Hellenistic Egypt is rather mod- est. Despite the fact that some written sources have been Fig. 7. Scalpel for cutting the conjunctiva after Albucasis preserved, researchers do not agree on which diseases to (drawing after: Leclerc, Chirurgie d’ Abulcasis) recognise in the names of certain afflictions. In general, local inhabitants suffered from numerous eye maladies and certainly from cataracts, pterygium and trachoma, also known as Egyptian eye disease, still a very common and serious problem in Egypt.94 After all, the make-up the ancient Egyptians used to apply on their eyes did not serve for embellishment alone. Judging by the fact that it Fig. 8. Scalpel for cutting the conjunctiva after Albucasis contained ingredients with antibiotic properties, it had a (drawing after: Leclerc, Chirurgie d’ Abulcasis) medical purpose.95 On the other hand, to learn about the treatment the purpose of these items, he studied and graduated in of eye diseases in Egypt in the times that are of interest Islamic archeology during the 1960s. Over time he do- in this study, it is important to know about the numer- nated numerous antiques from his collection to various ous surgical instruments found in Fustat, nowadays a institutions.97 It is not possible to accurately determine quarter of Cairo, founded in 641 AD as a military set- the time when those objects found in Fustat were made. tlement in the place formerly known as Babylon.96 They Firstly, the assumption was that they were Byzantine.98 come from the collection of Dr. Henri Amin Awad. He Later, it was assumed that they were produced either in came into possession of the items after opening a private the late Umayyad or early Abbasid period, at the end of clinic in the Fustat quarter in 1950. He did not charge the eighth or the beginning of ninth century, that they poor patients medical fees, but received from them an- clearly demonstrated the skills of Coptic craftsmanship, tiques of no market value. In an effort to understand and, therefore, that the traditions of surgical knowledge developed by the Copts may subsequently have contin- sue on the underside (ibid., 172–173). Galen (129–around 210) knew 99 about trachoma and said that some physicians scraped it superficially ued among the inhabitants of the Nile valley. Some with the spoon of the scalpel, while others used the rough skin of cer- instruments used for eye operations were mentioned in tain marine animals, and mentions also the scraper for trachoma made Byzantine writings, but since they were not accompa- from cuttlefish bone (ibid., 175–176). Cassius Felix (middle of the fifth nied by illustrations, their shapes cannot reliably be de- century) also advises to rub the eyelids with various means (ibid., 178). termined.100 On the other hand, the already mentioned For βλεφαρόξυστον, v. Milne, Surgical instruments, 71–72, where it is mentioned as a spoon-shaped instrument burred on the convex side, famous Arab physician and surgeon, known in Europe and the words of Paul of Aegina are quoted; Bliquez, The tools of As- as Albucasis or Abulcasis, compiled a medical treatise in clepius, 139–140, the instrument is thoroughly investigated, it is noted Cordoba, the capital of the Muslim Andalusia, around that the only ones who mentioned it were Celsus and Paul of Aegina, 1000. Its thirtieth and final book was dedicated to sur- which indicates that it was not in particularly widespread use, and gery. More than 150 operating devices were meticu- Milne’s opinion is re-examined, cf. idem, Two lists, 198. Paul of Aegina at the same time provides a description of the illness and advice on how to treat it invasively, The seven books I, 268; Paulus Aegineta I, 176, and does not mention the procedure among the advice on operations. 97 Bacharach, Introduction, 3–6, 8. 94 Cf. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian medicine, 197–202, emphasises 98 Cf. Bliquez, Two lists, 189–190. In the Coptic Museum there that there were eye doctors in ancient Egypt, provides prescriptions are 56 ancient surgical instruments, and 43 are a gift from Dr. Awad, for the treatment of certain diseases, including cataract, trachoma and who assumed that they were Byzantine, ibid., 189. possibly a pterygium, and notices that invasive methods were not men- 99 Hamarneh, Amin Awad, Medical instruments, 176, 181. tioned in the listed documents, cf. ibid., 200–201, 202; S. Ry Andersen, 100 More data, than from the doctors who wrote about symp- The eye and its diseases in Ancient Egypt, Acta Ophthalmologica Scan- toms, treatment and operations, is provided in two lists of surgical in- dinavica 75 (1997) 338–343, specially 340. Preserved sources (of which struments and equipment – the older and shorter Paris. lat. 11219 from the most important is Ebers Papyrus, originated around 1525 BC) and the ninth century and the extensive and later Laur. gr. LXXIV 2 from ancient ophthalmological instruments do not provide any indication the eleventh century – where there are as many as 32 names of instru- that the Egyptians performed eye operations, ibid., 342. On the other ments not mentioned by Paul of Aegina or his predecessors, which hand, exploring the history of cataract surgery, Ascaso, Huerva, The would mean that they testify about the state of surgery in the period history of cataract surgery, 75–78, assumed that there were eye opera- from the ninth to the eleventh centuries, Bliquez, Two lists, 191–193. tions in ancient Egypt. Otherwise, the title of eye doctor had already They contain many instruments related to eye surgery (cf. ibid., 192), been recorded in the Old Kingdom, ibid., 343. For ophthalmology in those encountered for the first time there (ibid., 195–196, 197, Appen- Egypt in the epochs of Hellenism and the Roman Empire, based on dix I), and those mentioned in the earlier writings (ibid., 198, 199, 201, carefully studied and edited sources, M.-H. Marganne, L’ o p ht a l m o l o g i e 203, Appendix II). It seems that the shapes of the instruments used by dans l’ Égypte gréco-romaine d’ après les papyrus littéraires grecs, Leiden the Romans, known because their custom of burying instruments of – New York – Köln 1994. deceased doctors beside them, had not changed particularly in Byzan- 95 Andersen, The eye and its diseases in Ancient Egypt, 341, 342, tium, as is shown by later examples, dating back to the twelfth cen- cf. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian medicine, 199, with a table of the names of tury, Bliquez, Two lists, 189–190. However, not any of the four scalpels eye diseases of unidentified meaning and the recipes for their treat- found in Viminacium in the grave of a Roman eye doctor buried at the ment, among which make-up for the eyes occur, the black one often end of the first or the beginning of the second century had the shape and the green one occasionally. like the one in the hand of Saint Colluthos in the scene in the Mon- 96 J. L. Bacharach, Introduction, in: Fustat finds, 1; Hamarneh, astery of the Syrians, cf. M. Korać, Medicus et chirurgus ocularius iz Amin Awad, Medical instruments, 181. About old Fustat and its dis- Viminacijuma, Starinar 37 (1986) 53–70, specially 66–67, 68, 69, T. I. tricts on the basis of written and oral sources and archaeological finds, 3, II. 1–2, III. D, E, G, H, IV. 2–5. It is possible that the shapes of some Kubiak, Al-Fustat, passim. instruments had changed over time. 19 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

lously described and illustrated in it,101 and the exam- ples closely resembling those found in Fustat can be seen among them (Figs. 7–8).102 In the Fustat finds one can also recognise analogies of the knife held by Saint Col- luthos in the scene in the church of the Monastery of the Syrians. The blade represented in the fresco is similar to Fig. 9. Scalpel for cutting the conjunctiva from Fustat that of one that was identified, thanks to the illustrations (drawing after: Hamarneh, Amin Awad, in Albucasis’ book, as a scalpel with a single cutting edge Medical instruments) and a sharp tip for cutting the conjuctiva (Fig. 9).103 The handle resembles that of an instrument, probably a probe, finely decorated with incised lines and circles and with a cross-shaped tip (Fig. 10).104 Finally, an identical ending of the handle can be seen in the scalpel in the right hand of Saint Panteleimon on the ninth or tenth century icon from Sinai, brought by Porphyrius Uspen- sky to Kiev, where it is now kept.105 Fig. 10. Probe (?) with decorated handle with the cross- shaped tip (drawing after: Bliquez, Two lists)

* * * There are no traces left of the letters in the inscrip- The painter of the scene in the church of the Mon- tion accompanying the scene in the church of the Mon- astery of the Syrians was obviously familiar with the ap- astery of the Syrians. Therefore, it is not known whether pearance of surgical instruments. He could have seen the painter had the task of depicting Saint Colluthos as them if he had been watching an eye operation in the a holy healer of people afflicted with eye diseases, in an nearby cities of Alexandria or Fustat, or perhaps even in unusual manner, or whether he was confronted with the the Scetis Desert. The cataract operation was performed unusual task of showing him literally performing a sur- by punching, using a needle with a round tip, the pteryg- gical operation to treat an eye disease. The painter relied ium was removed with a linen thread and a horse’s hair on various models – the pagan artistic traditions and the and the root was cut off with a scalpel, while the tracho- Christian iconographic patterns and introduced details of ma was scraped with a pumice stone, cuttlefish bone, fig everyday life. One can recognise older pagan traditions of leaves or a ‘curette for eyelids’, probably a probe with a portraying the holy physician sitting, modeled on ancient roughened terminus. The only one of these procedures in representations of doctors. There are few Christian icono- which the scalpel for a conjuctiva was used is the one for graphic elements. They are reflected merely in the posi- the removal of a pterygium. However, if the painter had tion of the depicted figures, with the principal character the task of representing that operation, he would certainly have shown the longer and more recognisable part of the being designated by a halo and in a visibly higher position process, the one that was done with the linen thread and than the other participants in the scene, and being located the horse’s hair. One may conclude that, in all likelihood, on the left side of the setting. On the other hand, one is he had no intention of representing a specific surgical in- unable to reliably establish whether the appearance of the tervention on the eye. medical cupboard and the shape and decoration of the stool convey that of ancient or contemporary cabinets and 101 Hamarneh, Amin Awad, Medical instruments, 176. For chairs. The shape of the blade and handle of the surgical Albucasis’ writings we have to rely on the old edition of the French knife is certainly derived from everyday life. The meaning translation by Lucien Leclerc, followed by the drawings made on the of the young man without a halo, standing in the back- basis of miniatures and not by the photos of the ancient illustrations, ground in the upper western corner of the scene, remains L. Leclerc, La chirurgie d’ Abulcasis, Paris 1861. A newer book, with an an open question. He is naked from the waist up and one English translation, was not available, M. S. Spink, G. I. Lewis, Albuca- sis on surgery and instruments, London 1973. cannot distinguish whether he is holding something in his 102 Leclerc, La chirurgie d’ Abulcasis, 82–83, T. V.43–44, expla- right hand. He could be the saint’s servant or assistant, a nations as well as illustrations of two knives for the cutting of a pteryg- patient waiting to be healed, a witness to the event hap- ium, on the basis of which the two drawings for this study were made, pening in the foreground, and one should not even ex- cf. Hamarneh, Amin Awad, Medical instruments, 177. clude the possibility that he represented an allegorical 103 Cf. ibid., Fig. 2, no. 15. Based on that illustration of very small dimensions the drawing was made for this study. figure, reminiscent of personifications in pagan art works. 104 Bliquez, Two lists, 189, he points out that many surgical in- Despite the fact that the scene in the church in the struments found in Fustat are finely decorated with incised lines and Monastery of the Syrians is unique among the preserved circles and have tips in the form of a bird or a cross. Under number 1, he refers to a probe (?) with the handle decorated with circles and with old paintings, one should not rule out that it was done on a cross on the top. A rather poor photo of it has been published. It was the model of an earlier representation, perhaps one that the basis for making the drawing given in this study (cf. ibid., fig. 8). existed in the centre of the cult of Saint Colluthos in his Bliquez notes that a probe with a handle with a cross-shaped tip can be miraculous shrine in Antinoe. Whether it is an original seen in the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo. 105 achievement or the echo of an ancient image, its painter N. Petrov, Al’ bom’’ dostoprimechatel’ nosteĭ Tִserkovno- subtly intertwined details taken from various sources and .arkheologicheskogo muzeiִa pri Kievskoĭ dukhovnoĭ akademii I Kollektִsiiִa sinaĭskikh i afonskikh ikon preosviִashchennogo Porfiriiִa Us- managed to create a scene that even now, despite severe penskogo, Kiev 1912, 9–10, no. 5 (inv. no. 3327); W. Felicetti-Liebenfels, damage, introduces the viewer to a world in which an- Geschichte der byzantinischen Ikonenmalerei, Lausanne 1956, 44, Taf. cient traditions, Christian models and details from every- 37A; Ν. Πάσσαρης, Η εικονογραφία του αγίου Παντελεήμονος του ια- day life are interwoven. 20 ματικού, Διαχρονία 7 (Αθήνα 2009) 26–27. Starodubcev T.: Between iconographic patterns and motifs from everyday life. Th e scene of an eye surgery performed by Saint Colluthos

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Између иконографских образаца и мотива из свакодневног живота. Слика операције ока коју врши свети Колутос

Татјана Стародубцев Академија уметности, Универзитет у Новом Саду

У Богородичиној цркви манастира Сиријаца у Након ишчитавања прича, забележених у про- Скитској пустињи откривене су фреске које потичу из славним саставима посвећеним светом Колутосу, четири слоја живописа. У средњем делу јужног зида о излечењима особа које су имале проблема са ви- хора, у зони изнад сокла (сл. 1), налази се сцена опе- дом може се закључити да у призору у цркви мана- рације ока коју обавља свети Колутос (сл. 2). Веома је стира Сиријаца није приказано ниједно од описаних оштећена и ретуширана и на њој нема трагова слова чуда. Живописац је могао да зна како су операције натписа. Припада фрескама другог слоја, за које је изгледале. Извори сведоче о томе да су се оне врши- утврђено да су израђене око 800. године, у време док ле пред људима који би се окупили да их посматрају. су у манастиру већином живели коптски монаси. На- Пред тога, већ је почетком V века забележено да су у ведена сцена, јединствена међу очуваним призорима Скитској пустињи живели лекари. Међутим, на слици у источнохришћанској уметности, завређује посебно доктор седи, а пацијент стоји, што, наравно, није био истраживање. обичај. Могуће је да је тиме наговештен значај позива Свети Колутос се у коптској цркви обично сла- тог светитеља, јер су лекари, засигурно још од позно- ви у дан који, према византијском календару, одго- античког доба, приказивани како седе (сл. 5 и 6). По- вара 20. мају. Њему је било посвећено више прослав- некад је покрај њих, као и на сцени у цркви манастира них списа, од којих су се сачували два страдања, две Сиријаца, смештен креденац за медицинску опрему. похвале, зборници чуда, као и састав у синаксару За упознавање са лечењем очних болести у Егип- коптске цркве. Упркос томе што у Византији његово ту у временима која нас занимају драгоцени су тада- поштовање није примило корена, у Синаксару Цари- шњи хируршки инструменти пронађени у Фустату, градске цркве забележена је сажета памјат тог светог. делу данашњег Каира. Поред тога, славни арапски ле- Многи храмови и манастири били су подигнути у ње- кар Албукасис или Абулкасис (око 940–1013), на кога гову част у свим областима Египта, а овде су издвоје- је великог утицаја имало дело византијског доктора ни најстарији, оснивани до IX века (сл. 3). Он је био Павла са Егине, саставио је медицинску енциклопе- сахрањен у Антиноји, где се на северној некрополи дију са описима и илустрацијама справа за операције, налазило светилиште у којем су пронађене цедуље а међу њима се налазе примерци скалпела за конјук- са записима везаним за здравље који великим делом тиву слични оном који нас занима (сл. 7 и 8). Када је садрже обраћања „Богу светога Колутоса“, а у јужном реч о ножићу који држи свети Колутос на призору у делу града је било пространо средиште исцељења уз цркви манастира Сиријаца могуће је уочити сродне велику базилику названу D3. Представе светог очува- предмете и међу онима из Фустата, како по облику се- ле су се у Антиноји и њеној околини (сл. 4), Бавиту, чива (сл. 9), тако и по облику дршке (сл. 10). Карнаку и манастиру Сиријаца. 23 ЗОГРАФ 42 (2018) [1–24]

Поставља се и питање о томе да ли се може ка, свакако да би приказао дужи и препознатљивији претпоставити коју болест отклања свети на сцени у део тог процеса, који се обављао уз помоћ влакна и цркви манастира Сиријаца. Стога је пажња посвећена коњске длаке. Може се закључити да он није имао за најчешћим обољењима ока отклањаним инвазивним циљ да представи неку одређену операцију. захватима, на основу списа Етија из Амиде (VI век) и, Углавном, зограф је следио паганске уметнич- у првом реду, Павла са Егине († после 642), који је и ке основе и хришћанске иконографске обрасце и унео временом и местом живљења најближи нашој слици. појединости из свакодневног живота. Паганске тради- То су операције катаракте, птеригијума или трахоме. ције препознају се у приказу светог лекара по узору на Катаракта је третирана пробадањем иглом облог врха, древне представе доктора. Хришћанске иконографске птеригијум је одстрањиван уз помоћ ланеног влакна и основе огледају се само у поставци представљених осо- длаке из коњске гриве и на крају би његов корен био ба у оквиру сцене. Из свакодневног живота потиче об- исецан скалпелом, док је трахома стругана пловућ- лик сечива и дршке ножића за операције. Најзад, није цем, сипином кости, смоквиним листом или „стру- могуће поуздано установити да ли обличја токарене гачем за капке“. Једино је у захвату за одстрањивање столице и ормарића преносе изглед старих или оновре- птеригијума коришћен скалпел за конјуктиву. Међу- мених седишта и креденаца за медицинску опрему. тим, уколико је живописац имао задатак да га насли-

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