The UN's Palestinian Refugee Problem
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The Palestinian Dilemma
EVALUATING PEACE EDUCATION IN THE OSLO/INTIFADA GENERATION: AN IMPACT STUDY OF SEEDS OF PEACE 1993-2010 BY Ned Lazarus ABSTRACT Since 1993, several thousand Israeli and Palestinian youth have participated in 12 summer “coexistence” programs in North America. The programs espouse a common theory of change: that an experience of dialogue in an idyllic American setting will inspire youth to return to the Middle East as aspiring peacemakers. This dissertation provides the first large-scale, long-term empirical assessment of that theory, by tracking the peacebuilding activity of all 824 Israeli and Palestinian graduates of SOP's first decade of operation (1993- 2003), and complementing this with qualitative research on more than 100 adult graduates (ages 21-30). The longitudinal framework assesses fluctuations in activity over time, highlighting the influence of changing personal, organizational, and political contexts. Key findings include that more than half of alumni engaged in peacebuilding during high school; that compulsory Israeli military service discouraged activity among both Israeli and Palestinian graduates; that nearly one-fifth of alumni engaged in peacebuilding as adults; and that extensive follow-up programming was essential for sustaining long-term commitments to peacebuilding. The study concludes that the international intervention structure embeds an effective educational model in a problematic organizational model. While providing an unprecedented evaluation of a popular peace education approach, this study tells the stories of a pivotal generation: Palestinians and Israelis who entered adolescence at the hopeful dawn of the Oslo peace process, to emerge as adults in an era of intifada and “separation.” 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the culmination of a journey of eight years of practice, and seven years of research, study and writing. -
Hamas Type of Organization
Hamas Name: Hamas Type of Organization: Political religious social service provider terrorist violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated group pan-Islamist Qutbist Sunni Place of Origin: Gaza Strip Year of Origin: 1987 Founder(s): Ahmed Yassin, Mahmoud Zahar, Hassan Yousef, Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, Mohammed Hassan Shama’a, Abdul Fattah Hassan Dukhan, Ibrahim Fares Al-Yazouri, Salah Shahada (Founder of the Qassam Brigades), Issa Al-Nashar Places of Operation: Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, Qatar, Egypt, Lebanon, Iran Overview Also Known As: Harakat al-Muqawana al-Islamiya (Islamic Resistance Movement); Al-Tiar Al-Islami (The Islamic Stream); Al-Athja Al-Islami (The Islamic Trend)1 Executive Summary Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood [1] that emerged in the Gaza Strip in the late 1980s, during the first Palestinian intifada (uprising) against Israel. The group’s ideology blends Islamism and Palestinian nationalism and seeks the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.Since 2017, Hamas claims to have severed its ties to the Brotherhood. The group also receives financial and military support from Iran. Qatar has also provided significant funding for the group. Hamas uses its provision of social services to build support amongst grassroots Palestinians, helping it to win the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. However, the group’s engagement in politics and welfare has not tempered its commitment to terrorism. Hamas’s preferred methods include suicide bombings, rocket and mortar attacks, shootings, and kidnappings. Hamas as a whole or its armed faction have been labeled terrorist organizations by the United States, Israel, the United Kingdom, the European Union, New Zealand, Australia, and Japan. -
Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected]
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2009 Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, First Amendment Commons, International Law Commons, and the Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons Recommended Citation Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting, 1 The ourJ nal for the Study of Antisemitism (JSA) 139 (2009) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. jsa1-2_cv_jsa1-2_cv 3/1/2010 3:41 PM Page 2 Volume 1 Issue #2 Volume JOURNAL for the STUDY of ANTISEMITISM JOURNAL for the STUDY of ANTISEMITISM of the STUDY for JOURNAL Volume 1 Issue #2 2009 2009 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1564792 28003_jsa_1-2 Sheet No. 3 Side A 03/01/2010 12:09:36 \\server05\productn\J\JSA\1-2\front102.txt unknown Seq: 5 26-FEB-10 9:19 TABLE OF CONTENTS Volume 1 Number 2 Preface It Never Sleeps: A Note from the Editors ......................... 89 Antisemitic Incidents around the World: July-Dec. 2009, A Partial List .................................... 93 Articles Defeat, Rage, and Jew Hatred .............. Richard L. Rubenstein 95 Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting .......................... -
History and Politics of Nomadism in Modern Palestine (1882-1948)
History and Politics of Nomadism in Modern Palestine (1882-1948) A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arabic and Islamic Studies By Seraje Assi, M.A. Washington, DC May 30, 2016 Copyright 2016 by Seraje Assi All Rights Reserved ii History and Politics of Nomadism in Modern Palestine (1882-1948) Seraje Assi, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Judith Tucker, Ph.D. ABSTRACT My research examines contending visions on nomadism in modern Palestine. It is a comparative study that covers British, Arab and Zionist attitudes to nomadism. By nomadism I refer to a form of territorialist discourse, one which views tribal formations as the antithesis of national and land rights, thus justifying the exteriority of nomadism to the state apparatus. Drawing on primary sources in Arabic and Hebrew, I show how local conceptions of nomadism have been reconstructed on new legal taxonomies rooted in modern European theories and praxis. By undertaking a comparative approach, I maintain that the introduction of these taxonomies transformed not only local Palestinian perceptions of nomadism, but perceptions that characterized early Zionist literature. The purpose of my research is not to provide a legal framework for nomadism on the basis of these taxonomies. Quite the contrary, it is to show how nomadism, as a set of official narratives on the Bedouin of Palestine, failed to imagine nationhood and statehood beyond the single apparatus of settlement. iii The research and writing of this thesis is dedicated to everyone who helped along the way. -
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated May 18, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief May 18, 2020 The following matters are of particular significance to U.S.-Israel relations. Jim Zanotti Israeli unity government, possible West Bank annexation, and COVID-19. In May Specialist in Middle 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his main political rival Benny Eastern Affairs Gantz formed a unity government, bringing an end to a long political stalemate in Israel that had continued through three elections in April 2019, September 2019, and March 2020. Netanyahu and Gantz cited the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to address its public health, economic, and other implications for Israel as a major reason for their agreement. By accepting a unity government, Gantz departed from his campaign pledge not to join with Netanyahu, who is scheduled to begin a criminal trial on corruption charges on May 24. While the agreement provides for Gantz to rotate into the position of prime minister by November 2021, and appears to give him broad powers of approval over the government’s actions, his choice to join Netanyahu split his Kahol Lavan party and might leave Netanyahu with an overall political advantage. Arguably, the most significant aspect of the Netanyahu-Gantz deal for U.S. policy is its explicit authorization of a cabinet and Knesset vote on annexing West Bank territory—in coordination with the United States—after July 1, 2020 (see more on the issue’s significance below). -
How the Israel Defense Forces Might Confront Hezbollah
JEMEAA - VIEW How the Israel Defense Forces Might Confront Hezbollah DR. EHUD EILAM The inevitability of another war between Israel and the Hezbollah terrorist organization seems nearly certain; however, at present, neither belligerent in this longstanding feud desires immediate conflict.1 The two sides confronted each other in Lebanon in the 1980s and in the 1990s, until the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) withdraw from that country in 2000, concluding a campaign that had come to be known as the “Israeli Vietnam.” In 2006, war erupted between the two combatants again, lasting a mere 34 days.2 That war ended in a draw. Since then, the two sides have been preparing for another round. In recent years, the IDF has been adapting to fight hybrid forces such as Hez- bollah and Hamas, instead of focusing on the militaries of Arab states like Syria and Egypt. This transformation has been a challenging process, although overall the risk of state- on- state war is much lower for Israel in comparison with the era of high intensity wars (1948–1982). Even a coalition of hybrid forces together with the Syrian military in its current strength does not pose an existential threat to Israel, in contrast to the danger of an alliance between Arab states from the 1950s to the 1970s. However the IDF still must be ready for major combat.3 Since 2012, Israel has carried out hundreds of sorties in Syria, aiming to reduce as much as possible the delivery of weapons to Hezbollah in Lebanon.4 Israel avoided directly attacking Hezbollah in Lebanon, although some in Israel sup- port a preemptive strike against the terrorist organization.5 There is a low proba- bility that Israel will conduct a massive surprise offensive against Hezbollah due to its cost and the uncertainty of the outcome. -
The Case of the Palestinian Refugees
Psychology Research, ISSN 2159-5542 October 2014, Vol. 4, No. 10, 808-822 D DAVID PUBLISHING A Refugee as a Status Symbol: The Case of the Palestinian Refugees Nitza Nachmias Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel The refugee problem has existed for centuries and has created great suffering for both refugees and for those who have tried to assist them. There are an estimated 11-12 million refugees and about 30 million internally displaced persons in the world today, and approximately 70% of them are in Africa and the Middle East1. The most protracted and complicated refugee situation is the case of the Palestinians who ceased to be stateless refugees decades ago but insisted on being identified as “refugees”. The Palestinians transfer the refugee identity from one generation to the next, as a status symbol and an honored identity. In fact, the descendants of the 800,000 Palestinians, who fled their homes in Palestine in 1948, have long been settled in the countries of their residence, but they still identify themselves as “Palestinian refugees” and they carry a refugee Id card as an honorary membership card. From early childhood, Palestinian children are socialized to adopt the identity of “refugees”, and idealizing of returning to the homeland of their distant ancestors. The have developed a self-concept, self-regard, and self-identity based on the refugee-narrative. They feel that giving up the refugee identity could lead to the elimination of the Palestinian identity and nationality. Keywords: refugee, Palestinan refugees, refugee identity, UNRWA (United Nations Work and Relief Agency for the Palestinian refugees), stateless narrative Introduction “We see ourselves radically differently in different contexts. -
The Combat Performance of Hamas in the Gaza War of 2014
SEPTEMBER 2014 . VOL 7. ISSUE 9 The Combat Performance a clear improvement in performance of medium range and dozens of long since the Hamas-Israel war in 2009.5 range systems capable of reaching as of Hamas in the Gaza War far as Haifa in northern Israel.9 Hamas’ of 2014 Nevertheless, Hamas also showed rocket forces were well prepared for the weaknesses within its military forces. campaign, with a system of underground By Jeffrey White Its rocket offensive, while disrupting launchers spread across Gaza and the life in Israel, and especially in southern means of moving rockets and rocket in its war with israel in the Israel, caused few casualties and little squads to launch areas under cover.10 summer of 2014, Hamas displayed damage. Its offensive tunnel system, a wide range of combat capabilities, while allowing infiltration inside Israel, Hamas expended considerable effort including new offensive and defensive did not lead to successful penetration into the build-up of its ground tactics.1 Hamas’ evolution on the of the border defense system, except forces. These forces were to be battlefield presented serious challenges perhaps in one case.6 Despite the employed offensively against Israel to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and, defensive tunnel system, Israeli forces and defensively to prevent deep when combined with Israeli operations, caused extensive damage to Hamas’ penetrations into Gaza by Israeli made the conflict the most costly in military infrastructure.7 Hamas’ ground ground forces. Hamas organized the terms of casualties and damage to Gaza forces, notwithstanding their upgrades, defensive battlefield by deploying since Hamas seized power in 2007.2 were unable to prevent IDF ground dense systems of improvised explosive operations. -
2020 Raphael Patai Series in Jewish Folklore and Anthropology
Raphael Patai Series in Jewish Folklore and Anthropology Stories of Jewish Life Casale Monferra- to-Rome-Jerusalem, 1876–1985 Augusto Segre Translated and with an Introduction by Steve Siporin Stories of Jewish Life: Casale Monferrato-Rome-Jeru- salem, 1876–1985 is an unconventional mem- oir—an integrated collection of short stories and personal essays. Author Augusto Segre was a well-known public fi gure in post–WWII Italy who worked as a journalist, educator, scholar, editor, activist, and rabbi. He begins his book with stories shaped from the oral narratives of his home community as it emerged from the ghet- to era, continues with his own experiences under fascism and as a partisan in WWII, and ends with his emigration to Israel.Spanning the years 1876 (one generation after emancipa- tion from the ghetto) to 1985 (one generation after the Shoah), Segre presents this period as an era in which Italian Jewry underwent a long-term internal crisis that challenged its core values and identity. He embeds the major cultural and political trends of the era in small yet telling episodes from the lives of ordinary people. The fi rst half of the book takes place in Casale Monferrato—a small provincial capital in the Piedmont region in northwest Italy. The second half, continuing in Casale in the late 1920s but eventually shifting to Rome then Jerusalem, follows the experiences of a boy named Moshè (Segre’s Jewish name and his stand-in). Moshè relates episodes of Italian Jewry from the 1920s to the 1980s that portray the insidiousness of fascism as well as the contradictions within the Jewish community, especially in its post-ghetto relationship to Italian society. -
U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority
U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs January 8, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40664 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority Summary Since shortly after the establishment of limited Palestinian self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the mid-1990s, the United States has periodically provided assistance to the Palestinian Authority (PA) for civil security and counterterrorism purposes. Following the death of Yasser Arafat in late 2004 and the election of Mahmoud Abbas as his successor as PA President in early 2005, then-U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice created the office of U.S. Security Coordinator (USSC) for Israel and the Palestinian Authority to help reform, train, and equip PA security forces which had been personally beholden to Arafat and his political allies. Previous Israeli-Palestinian efforts at security cooperation collapsed during the second Palestinian intifada that took place earlier this decade. Since Hamas gained control of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, head of the USSC since November 2005, and the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) have helped with the “gendarmerie-style” training of West Bank-based PA security personnel. As of June 2009, approximately 400 Presidential Guardsmen and 2,200 National Security Forces troops have been trained at the Jordan International Police Training Center (JIPTC) near Amman. All troops, new or already serving, are vetted for terrorist links, human rights violations, and/or criminal records by the State Department, Israel, Jordan, and the PA before they are admitted to U.S.-sponsored training courses at JIPTC. -
News Frames of Israeli Settlement in the American Newspapers' Websites
International Journal of Media, Journalism and Mass Communications (IJMJMC) Volume 6, Issue 1, 2020, PP 01-12 ISSN 2454-9479 http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2454-9479.0601001 www.arcjournals.org News Frames of Israeli Settlement in the American Newspapers' Websites 1* 2 Dr. Talat A. H. Issa , Mr. Abdulla M. Al Hamarna 1Associate Professor of Journalism, Islamic University of Gaza 2Researcher in Israeli settlement, Gaza – Palestine *Corresponding Author: Dr. Talat A. H. Issa, Associate Professor of Journalism, Islamic University of Gaza Abstract: This study aims to identify the most important news frames for the issue of Israeli settlement in the websites of American newspapers, and to know the topics of Israeli settlement, which focused on these websites, the most prominent framing mechanisms used and tools, and to reveal the attributes and trends of news frames and trends, and the most important key figures, the frames of the reasons and results. This study belongs to descriptive researches using content analysison a selected news in the websites of the New York Times and the Washington Post from January 1st, 2015, to December 31th, 2017, there were 365 news about Israeli settlement in the two websites, , 175 in the New York Times & 190 in the Washington Post, The study found that the frames of the expected results got the first rank of the news frames of the Israeli settlement issue in the websites of the study, then the frames of responsibility, and finally the frames of the proposed solutions, and the Israeli key figures outnumbered the International & Palestinian key figures in the websites of the study and this shows the weakness of the Palestinian presence in this vital issue. -
Imagining the Border
A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2011 The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2011 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: President Barack Obama watches as Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas shake hands in New York, September 2009. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak) Map CREDITS Israeli settlements in the Triangle Area and the West Bank: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007, 2008, and 2009 data Palestinian communities in the West Bank: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007 data Jerusalem neighborhoods: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2008 data Various map elements (Green Line, No Man’s Land, Old City, Jerusalem municipal bounds, fences, roads): Dan Rothem, S. Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace Cartography: International Mapping Associates, Ellicott City, MD Contents About the Authors / v Acknowledgments / vii Settlements and Swaps: Envisioning an Israeli-Palestinian Border / 1 Three Land Swap Scenarios / 7 Maps 1.