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The Palestinian Dilemma
EVALUATING PEACE EDUCATION IN THE OSLO/INTIFADA GENERATION: AN IMPACT STUDY OF SEEDS OF PEACE 1993-2010 BY Ned Lazarus ABSTRACT Since 1993, several thousand Israeli and Palestinian youth have participated in 12 summer “coexistence” programs in North America. The programs espouse a common theory of change: that an experience of dialogue in an idyllic American setting will inspire youth to return to the Middle East as aspiring peacemakers. This dissertation provides the first large-scale, long-term empirical assessment of that theory, by tracking the peacebuilding activity of all 824 Israeli and Palestinian graduates of SOP's first decade of operation (1993- 2003), and complementing this with qualitative research on more than 100 adult graduates (ages 21-30). The longitudinal framework assesses fluctuations in activity over time, highlighting the influence of changing personal, organizational, and political contexts. Key findings include that more than half of alumni engaged in peacebuilding during high school; that compulsory Israeli military service discouraged activity among both Israeli and Palestinian graduates; that nearly one-fifth of alumni engaged in peacebuilding as adults; and that extensive follow-up programming was essential for sustaining long-term commitments to peacebuilding. The study concludes that the international intervention structure embeds an effective educational model in a problematic organizational model. While providing an unprecedented evaluation of a popular peace education approach, this study tells the stories of a pivotal generation: Palestinians and Israelis who entered adolescence at the hopeful dawn of the Oslo peace process, to emerge as adults in an era of intifada and “separation.” 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the culmination of a journey of eight years of practice, and seven years of research, study and writing. -
Caesarea Forum - Xvii
CAESAREA FORUM - XVII PROGRAM Chair: Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance Academic Director of the Forum: Mr. David Brodet Wednesday and Thursday, 1st -2nd July 2009 Hotel Royal Beach, Eilat WEDNESDAY, 1st JULY 2009 8:30 - 9:30 Registration and assembly 9:30 - 13:00 First Session : "The Requisite Size of the Government - between Economy and Politics" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Joseph Zeira , Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Presenters: Prof. Avishai Braverman, Minister of Minority Affairs Mr. Yoram Ariav , Director General and Acting Head of the Budget Department, Ministry of Finance Prof. Zvi Eckstein , Deputy Governor, Bank of Israel Dr. Michel Strawczynski, Director, Macro-Economic and Policy Department, Bank of Israel Prof. Omer Moav, Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg , Head, National Economic Council, Prime Minister's Office Ms. Yael Andorn, Director General, Amitim Pension Funds Dr. Yossi Bachar , Economic Consulting and Business Development Ltd. Dr. Eldad Shidlovsky , Head, Economics and Research Department, Ministry of Finance Plenary discussion 13:00 - 14:15 Minister of Finance's Session : [The Ranch House Restaurant] Luncheon Address by the Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance 14:30 - 18:15 Second Session : "The Future of Growth Promotion in Israel: A Return to Boosting Avant-garde Industries and Scientific Technological Innovation" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] 14:30-16:30 Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Arnon Bentor, Dean, Civil and Environmental Engineering Faculty, and Senior Researcher, The Neaman Institute, The Technion Presenters: Mr. Eli Hurvitz, Chairman, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. -
Hamas Type of Organization
Hamas Name: Hamas Type of Organization: Political religious social service provider terrorist violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated group pan-Islamist Qutbist Sunni Place of Origin: Gaza Strip Year of Origin: 1987 Founder(s): Ahmed Yassin, Mahmoud Zahar, Hassan Yousef, Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, Mohammed Hassan Shama’a, Abdul Fattah Hassan Dukhan, Ibrahim Fares Al-Yazouri, Salah Shahada (Founder of the Qassam Brigades), Issa Al-Nashar Places of Operation: Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, Qatar, Egypt, Lebanon, Iran Overview Also Known As: Harakat al-Muqawana al-Islamiya (Islamic Resistance Movement); Al-Tiar Al-Islami (The Islamic Stream); Al-Athja Al-Islami (The Islamic Trend)1 Executive Summary Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood [1] that emerged in the Gaza Strip in the late 1980s, during the first Palestinian intifada (uprising) against Israel. The group’s ideology blends Islamism and Palestinian nationalism and seeks the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.Since 2017, Hamas claims to have severed its ties to the Brotherhood. The group also receives financial and military support from Iran. Qatar has also provided significant funding for the group. Hamas uses its provision of social services to build support amongst grassroots Palestinians, helping it to win the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. However, the group’s engagement in politics and welfare has not tempered its commitment to terrorism. Hamas’s preferred methods include suicide bombings, rocket and mortar attacks, shootings, and kidnappings. Hamas as a whole or its armed faction have been labeled terrorist organizations by the United States, Israel, the United Kingdom, the European Union, New Zealand, Australia, and Japan. -
Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected]
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2009 Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, First Amendment Commons, International Law Commons, and the Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons Recommended Citation Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting, 1 The ourJ nal for the Study of Antisemitism (JSA) 139 (2009) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. jsa1-2_cv_jsa1-2_cv 3/1/2010 3:41 PM Page 2 Volume 1 Issue #2 Volume JOURNAL for the STUDY of ANTISEMITISM JOURNAL for the STUDY of ANTISEMITISM of the STUDY for JOURNAL Volume 1 Issue #2 2009 2009 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1564792 28003_jsa_1-2 Sheet No. 3 Side A 03/01/2010 12:09:36 \\server05\productn\J\JSA\1-2\front102.txt unknown Seq: 5 26-FEB-10 9:19 TABLE OF CONTENTS Volume 1 Number 2 Preface It Never Sleeps: A Note from the Editors ......................... 89 Antisemitic Incidents around the World: July-Dec. 2009, A Partial List .................................... 93 Articles Defeat, Rage, and Jew Hatred .............. Richard L. Rubenstein 95 Betraying Truth: Ethics Abuse in Middle East Reporting .......................... -
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list. -
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated May 18, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief May 18, 2020 The following matters are of particular significance to U.S.-Israel relations. Jim Zanotti Israeli unity government, possible West Bank annexation, and COVID-19. In May Specialist in Middle 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his main political rival Benny Eastern Affairs Gantz formed a unity government, bringing an end to a long political stalemate in Israel that had continued through three elections in April 2019, September 2019, and March 2020. Netanyahu and Gantz cited the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to address its public health, economic, and other implications for Israel as a major reason for their agreement. By accepting a unity government, Gantz departed from his campaign pledge not to join with Netanyahu, who is scheduled to begin a criminal trial on corruption charges on May 24. While the agreement provides for Gantz to rotate into the position of prime minister by November 2021, and appears to give him broad powers of approval over the government’s actions, his choice to join Netanyahu split his Kahol Lavan party and might leave Netanyahu with an overall political advantage. Arguably, the most significant aspect of the Netanyahu-Gantz deal for U.S. policy is its explicit authorization of a cabinet and Knesset vote on annexing West Bank territory—in coordination with the United States—after July 1, 2020 (see more on the issue’s significance below). -
Speakers' Biographies
Speakers’ Biographies Mr. Elliott Abrams is a Senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in Washington, DC. Mr. Abrams served as Deputy Assistant to The President and Deputy National Security Advisor in the administration of President George W. Bush, where he supervised U.S. policy in the Middle East for the White House. Prior to that Mr. Abrams served in many high ranking public service positions. Including as Assistant Secretary of State in The Reagan Administration, for which he received The Secretary of State's Distinguished Service Award from Secretary George P. Shultz. Mr. Abrams holds a BA and JD from Harvard University and an MA from The London School of Economics. Prof. Dmitry Adamsky is an Associate Professor at the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy, IDC Herzliya. Prof. Adamsky has been a pre- and post-doctoral fellow at Harvard University, a visiting fellow at the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University and at the Norwegian Institute for Defense Studies. His research interests include international security, strategic studies, cultural approach to international relations, modern military thought, nuclear strategy, American, Russian and Israeli national security policy. Prof. Adamsky has published on these topics in Foreign Affairs, Journal of Strategic Studies, Intelligence and National Security, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Journal of Cold War History, Defense and Security Studies and has contributed chapters to edited volumes and encyclopedias on modern military and international history. Prof. Adamsky's books Operation Kavkaz (Hebrew) and The Culture of Military Innovation (English/Hebrew) earned the annual (2006 and 2012) prizes for the best academic work on Israeli security. -
Israel: Background and US Relations
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 1, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL33476 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Since Israel’s founding in 1948, successive U.S. Presidents and many Members of Congress have demonstrated a commitment to Israel’s security and to maintaining close U.S.-Israel cooperation. Common perceptions of shared democratic values and religious affinities have contributed to the strong bilateral ties. The question of Israel’s security regularly influences U.S. policy considerations regarding the Middle East, and Congress provides active oversight of executive branch dealings with Israel and other actors in the region. Israel is a leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid and a frequent purchaser of major U.S. weapons systems. By law, U.S. arms sales cannot adversely affect Israel’s “qualitative military edge” over other countries in its region. The two countries signed a free trade agreement in 1985, and the United States is Israel’s largest trading partner. Israel has many regional security concerns and aligning U.S. and Israeli policies to address these concerns has presented persistent challenges. By voicing criticism of international diplomacy on Iran’s nuclear program, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu may seek to give Israel a voice in an ongoing negotiating process in which it does not directly participate. As a June 2015 deadline nears for a comprehensive international agreement on the issue, Israel apparently seeks material assurances that the United States will bolster its regional security standing and self-defense capabilities. In addition to concerns over Iran, Israel’s perceptions of security around its borders have changed since 2011 as several surrounding Arab countries have experienced political upheaval. -
A Green Blue Deal for the Middle East
0 | Page A Green Blue Deal for the Middle East Authors: Gidon Bromberg, Israeli Director, Nada Majdalani, Palestinian Director & Yana Abu Taleb, Jordanian Director. EcoPeace Middle East is a unique organization that brings together Jordanian, Palestinian, and Israeli environmentalists. Our primary objective is the promotion of cooperative efforts to protect our shared environmental heritage. EcoPeace has offices in Amman, Ramallah, and Tel-Aviv. Forward and Acknowledgment This report incorporates earlier texts of EcoPeace Middle East including “Water Energy Nexus: A Pre- Feasibility Study for Mid-East Water-Renewable Energy Exchanges” (2017), “An Agreement to Share Water between Israelis and Palestinians” (2012), “Governance Structures for transboundary water management in the Jordan basin” (2016), “Climate Change, Water Security, and National Security for Jordan, Palestine, and Israel” (2019), “Can Water Bring The Political Process To A Safer Shore?: Water Issues from a Source of Conflict to Vehicle for Regional Cooperation and Stability” (2016), “Regional NGO Master Plan for Sustainable Development in the Jordan Valley” (2015), “Health Risks Assessment for the Israeli Population following the Sanitary Crisis in Gaza” (2019), “Israeli Water Diplomacy and National Security Concerns” (2018), “Report on the Status of the HebronBesor-Wadi Gaza Basin” (2018), “River out of Eden: Water, Ecology and The Jordan River in the Abrahamic” (2017). For more information or to download any of our publications please visit: www.ecopeaceme.org. The authors would like to credit and thank Shelby Kaplan for her assistance in various rounds of edits of early drafts of this report. The authors are also grateful for comments received from Lucy Kurtzer- Ellenbogen, Neil Kritz and Robert Barron from the United States Institute for Peace and Henk Ovink (Special Envoy for International Water Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands) and Jasper van Mastrigt (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands). -
How the Israel Defense Forces Might Confront Hezbollah
JEMEAA - VIEW How the Israel Defense Forces Might Confront Hezbollah DR. EHUD EILAM The inevitability of another war between Israel and the Hezbollah terrorist organization seems nearly certain; however, at present, neither belligerent in this longstanding feud desires immediate conflict.1 The two sides confronted each other in Lebanon in the 1980s and in the 1990s, until the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) withdraw from that country in 2000, concluding a campaign that had come to be known as the “Israeli Vietnam.” In 2006, war erupted between the two combatants again, lasting a mere 34 days.2 That war ended in a draw. Since then, the two sides have been preparing for another round. In recent years, the IDF has been adapting to fight hybrid forces such as Hez- bollah and Hamas, instead of focusing on the militaries of Arab states like Syria and Egypt. This transformation has been a challenging process, although overall the risk of state- on- state war is much lower for Israel in comparison with the era of high intensity wars (1948–1982). Even a coalition of hybrid forces together with the Syrian military in its current strength does not pose an existential threat to Israel, in contrast to the danger of an alliance between Arab states from the 1950s to the 1970s. However the IDF still must be ready for major combat.3 Since 2012, Israel has carried out hundreds of sorties in Syria, aiming to reduce as much as possible the delivery of weapons to Hezbollah in Lebanon.4 Israel avoided directly attacking Hezbollah in Lebanon, although some in Israel sup- port a preemptive strike against the terrorist organization.5 There is a low proba- bility that Israel will conduct a massive surprise offensive against Hezbollah due to its cost and the uncertainty of the outcome. -
The Combat Performance of Hamas in the Gaza War of 2014
SEPTEMBER 2014 . VOL 7. ISSUE 9 The Combat Performance a clear improvement in performance of medium range and dozens of long since the Hamas-Israel war in 2009.5 range systems capable of reaching as of Hamas in the Gaza War far as Haifa in northern Israel.9 Hamas’ of 2014 Nevertheless, Hamas also showed rocket forces were well prepared for the weaknesses within its military forces. campaign, with a system of underground By Jeffrey White Its rocket offensive, while disrupting launchers spread across Gaza and the life in Israel, and especially in southern means of moving rockets and rocket in its war with israel in the Israel, caused few casualties and little squads to launch areas under cover.10 summer of 2014, Hamas displayed damage. Its offensive tunnel system, a wide range of combat capabilities, while allowing infiltration inside Israel, Hamas expended considerable effort including new offensive and defensive did not lead to successful penetration into the build-up of its ground tactics.1 Hamas’ evolution on the of the border defense system, except forces. These forces were to be battlefield presented serious challenges perhaps in one case.6 Despite the employed offensively against Israel to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and, defensive tunnel system, Israeli forces and defensively to prevent deep when combined with Israeli operations, caused extensive damage to Hamas’ penetrations into Gaza by Israeli made the conflict the most costly in military infrastructure.7 Hamas’ ground ground forces. Hamas organized the terms of casualties and damage to Gaza forces, notwithstanding their upgrades, defensive battlefield by deploying since Hamas seized power in 2007.2 were unable to prevent IDF ground dense systems of improvised explosive operations. -
Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories
REPORT ON ISRAELI SETTLEMENT IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES A Bimonthly Publication of the Foundation for Middle East Peac e Volum e 21 N umber 2 March-April 2011 ISRAEL’S FATEFUL CHOICE—“IRON WALL” OR ACCOMMODATION By Geoffrey Aronson security arrangements that protect Israel Shalom added, “The time has come to whilst respecting Palestinian sovereignty resume construction in practice.” The diplomatic effort to end Israel’s by ending the occupation; a fair, realistic Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz assert - occupation and establish a Palestinian and agreed solution for refugees; and ed, “The freeze is over; we must resume state is in free fall. The U.S. veto in Jerusalem as the capital of both states.” building,” and Diaspora Affairs and February of a UN Security Council res - Hague called on the Quartet and the Informa tion Minister Yuli Edelstein olution supporting a settlement freeze— United States to embrace these princi - said, “it is unthinkable that a Likud gov - the signature element of the Barack ples. ernment, of all governments, should not Obama administration’s policy—marked build in the settlement blocs.” The Let Them Call It A State an ignominious end to its initiative. YESHA settler council is planning to Having failed to win a settlement freeze There are two views in the govern - use these statements in a campaign and now focused on the extraordinary ment of Prime Minister Benjamin whose goal is to pressure Netanyahu to developments throughout the Arab Netanyahu about Israel’s next move. continue building. world, Washington has apparently Proponents of the “Iron Wall” option “They Shoot, We Build” exhausted its ability to direct the Israel- argue that there is no need to do any - Palestine diplomatic process.