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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date).

DRESS STYLE IDENTITIES IN TWO POST-APARTHEID AFRIKANER SUBCULTURAL MUSIC GROUPS

By

Jacky Lucking

Submitted in fulfilment for the requirement of the degree

MAGISTER TECHNOLOGIAE:

In the

Department of

Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

Supervisor: Dr S Narunsky-Laden

Co-supervisor: Ms N Harvey

2015

DECLARATION

I Jacky Lucking hereby declare that the dissertation submitted for the Magister Technologiae: Fashion to the University of Johannesburg, apart from the help recognised, is my own work and has not previously been submitted to another university or institution of higher education for a degree.

……………………………………………………………

SIGNATURE

……………………………………………………………

DATE

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Taking the plunge to commit to a Master’s degree has been an extremely challenging experience for me. In the three years I have spent on this study, my life has taken many twists and turns, and I have learnt so much more than I ever thought I would. There are many people that have walked this journey with me, and I wish to acknowledge them here, with heartfelt gratitude.

Foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Sonja Narunsky-Laden, for guiding this study and being able to provide valuable readings, background information and insight. I am so grateful and blessed to have had Sonja supervising me, whose wisdom and knowledge has meant that Sonja not only supervised my study, but has become a mentor and friend whom I deeply respect. I would like to extend this gratitude to my co-supervisor, Neshane Harvey. Neshane provided valuable and detailed feedback which was extremely helpful. Neshane always believed in my ability to see this study through to the end, and has been a shoulder to cry on when times were tough. Neshane has supported me in these three years so consistently, and for this I am forever grateful.

I would like to thank Leora Farber for the thorough feedback after agreeing to be a critical reader. Leora’s feedback enabled me to see my research from a different perspective which I believe has led to a richer study. I would also like to thank Desiree Smal, the Head of the Fashion Department, who has continuously supported me throughout this time.

Thank you to the Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture and the Fashion Department at the University of Johannesburg (UJ) for providing me with funding to present my research at the 6th Global Conference Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues held in the UK. The feedback from conference delegates was invaluable and resulted in a clearer argument of my analyses. Thank you also for the tuition and relief funding received from UJ, the Department of Higher Education and Training and the Postgraduate Centre at UJ, respectively, which allowed much needed extra time to complete the study. I am very appreciative of the Writing Centre at UJ, in particular to Danielle Swanepoel, as well as my colleague Keneilwe Munyai, for additional and prompt feedback, especially at the critical moments near the end. I

iii would like to thank the participants that I interviewed for the study. Their honesty, friendliness and willingness to be interviewed and photographed is much appreciated. I hope that I have done them justice in my interpretations of their visual identities.

My family have offered HUGE amounts of ‘behind-the scenes’ support during these three years. Thank you to my husband, Steve, for taking care of all the day-to-day running around while I went into my little world to write this dissertation. Also, thank you to Steve for joining me at the dusty and crazy festival and coming along to all the performances of and so that I could do my research. I would like to thank my mom, Jeanette, brother, Dean and sister, Elize for their continued support. They have been pillars of strength to me and have remained steadfast throughout. Thank you to my very special group of friends, who have patiently listened to me rambling on about my research, kept me motivated and provided a number of much needed good times! The distractions were most welcome!

But especially, my heartfelt thanks go to my daughters, Sadie and Mia. My daughters are my reason for living and the reason that I am able to achieve anything. They have managed to help me to maintain balance within my life during these years of study. My daughters remind me to laugh and love and keep me motivated. I love you both more than you could ever know.

Lastly, I would like to dedicate this study to my late father, Johan. My dad taught me to always follow my dreams and under no circumstances to settle for anything less. Thank you for this life-lesson that forms the core of my being.

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ABSTRACT

In this study I set out to explore some of the ways in which the dress styles of post- apartheid Afrikaans alternative bands, namely Fokofpolisiekar (Fuck-off-police-car), and Die Antwoord (The Answer), contribute to a newly-transformed image of what it means to be a young Afrikaner in post-apartheid today. A working premise here is that the oppositional stance of the music played by the bands in question leads to an inclination of these young alternative Afrikaans-speaking musicians and selected members of their audience, to explore new forms of identification through their dress styles.

Non-mainstream Afrikaans music bands have recently become highly successful in post-apartheid South Africa. In pursuing alternative ways of styling themselves through dress, they have taken to borrowing dress styles that reference past , and in the case of Die Antwoord, play a role in consolidating what has become known as zef culture. Alluding to past subcultures due to a relative absence of local, Afrikaner styling options, these non-mainstream Afrikaans bands appear to have ignited a type of zeitgeist among some , most perceptibly manifested in particular dress styles.

In the dissertation I describe and analyse the dress styles of members of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, as well as a select group of these bands’ audience members. The data is then further corroborated through visual methodologies. The interpretations and analyses enable an insight into the role that dress style plays in facilitating newly-transformed perceptions of what it means to be a young Afrikaner in post-apartheid South Africa today.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii ABSTRACT ...... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vi LIST OF FIGURES...... xi LIST OF PLATES ...... xii LIST OF TABLES ...... xv LIST OF APPENDICES ...... xvi CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Style, fashion and dress ...... 1 1.2.1 Subcultural style ...... 3 1.3 Background to the study ...... 4 1.4 Research question ...... 8 1.4.1 Aims and objectives ...... 8 1.5 Chapter outline ...... 9 1.5.1 Chapter One: Introduction ...... 9 1.5.2 Chapter Two: The post-apartheid Afrikaner background ...... 10 1.5.3 Chapter Three: Global subcultural studies ...... 10 1.5.4 Chapter Four: Research methodology ...... 10 1.5.5 Chapter Five: Findings and analysis ...... 11 1.5.6 Chapter Six: Conclusion ...... 11 1.6 Envisaged contributions of the study ...... 11 CHAPTER TWO: THE POST-APARTHEID AFRIKANER SUBCULTURE BACKGROUND ...... 12 2.1 Introduction ...... 12 2.2 Traditional Afrikaner background ...... 13 2.2.1 Traditional Afrikaner dress style ...... 14 2.3 Alternative Afrikaner background ...... 17 2.3.1 Zef Culture ...... 18 2.3.2 The Briel family singers ...... 21

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2.3.3 The Ducktails ...... 22 2.3.4 The Sestigers ...... 23 2.3.5 The Voëlvry movement ...... 24 2.4 Fokofpolisiekar ...... 26 2.5 Die Antwoord ...... 29 2.6 Conclusion ...... 38 CHAPTER THREE: GLOBAL SUBCULTURAL STUDIES ...... 40 3.1 Introduction ...... 40 3.2 Background to subcultural studies ...... 40 3.2.1 The Chicago school ...... 40 3.2.2 The CCCS ...... 41 3.2.3 Post-subcultural studies ...... 42 3.3 Parent culture and resistance ...... 44 3.4 Pertinent global subcultures ...... 47 3.4.1 ...... 47 3.4.2 Hip-hop...... 48 3.4.3 Goth ...... 49 3.4.4 Metal ...... 49 3.4.5 ...... 50 3.4.6 Ravers ...... 51 3.5 Global subcultural dress styles ...... 52 3.5.1 Jackets ...... 52 3.5.2 Buttoned ...... 52 3.5.3 T-shirts ...... 53 3.5.4 Pants ...... 54 3.5.5 Shoes ...... 55 3.5.6 ...... 55 3.5.7 ...... 56 3.5.8 Colour ...... 56 3.6 Conclusion ...... 57 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 59 4.1 Introduction ...... 59 4.2 Research approach ...... 59

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4.3 Research design ...... 60 4.4 Data collection ...... 62 4.4.1 Observations ...... 62 4.4.2 Semi-structured interviews ...... 64 4.4.3 Visual analysis ...... 66 4.5 Sampling ...... 67 4.6 Data analysis ...... 69 4.6.1 Content analysis ...... 70 4.6.2 Semiotic analysis ...... 72 4.7 Validity and reliability of the study ...... 73 4.7.1 Triangulation ...... 74 4.7.2 Peer review ...... 74 4.7.3 Field work ...... 75 4.7.4 Bias ...... 75 4.8 Ethics ...... 76 4.9 Conclusion ...... 77 CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ...... 78 5.1 Introduction ...... 78 5.2 Dress style analysis of Fokofpolisiekar ...... 79 5.2.1 Early dress style of Fokofpolisiekar ...... 79 5.2.2 Fokofpolisiekar’s current dress style ...... 81 5.2.3 International influence ...... 83 5.2.4 Fokofpolisiekar’s effect ...... 84 5.3 Participant perceptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style ...... 86 5.3.1 Fokofpolisiekar and rock ‘n roll ...... 87 5.3.2 Symbolism of rock ‘n roll and Fokofpolisiekar ...... 88 5.3.3 Summary of participant perceptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style ...... 88 5.4 Dress style analysis of Die Antwoord ...... 93 5.4.1 Local influences ...... 93 5.4.2 International success ...... 94 5.5 Participant perceptions of Die Antwoord’s dress style ...... 95 5.6 Dress styles of mainstream Afrikaner musicians ...... 100 5.7 Dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture ...... 105

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5.7.1 Top garments ...... 105 5.7.2 Bottom garments ...... 108 5.7.3 Footwear ...... 110 5.7.4 Hairstyles and body modification: piercings and tattooing ...... 111 5.7.5 Accessories ...... 112 5.7.6 Colour ...... 113 5.7.7 Silhouette ...... 114 5.7.8 Conclusion ...... 114 5.8 Participant perceptions of their own dress styles ...... 125 5.8.1 Freedom ...... 125 5.8.2 Unique and non-judgemental ...... 126 5.8.3 Indifference ...... 127 5.8.4 Comfort ...... 128 5.8.5 Inexpensive ...... 129 5.8.6 Conclusion ...... 130 5.9 Analysis of the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture ...... 131 5.9.1 Anti-nostalgia ...... 131 5.9.2 Authentic and cool ...... 132 5.9.3 International acceptance ...... 133 5.9.4 Connection to the working-class ...... 133 5.10 Conclusion ...... 134 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION ...... 137 6.1 Introduction ...... 137 6.2 Summary of chapters ...... 138 6.2.1 Chapter One: Introduction ...... 138 6.2.2 Chapter Two: The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture background ...... 138 6.2.3 Chapter Three: Global subcultural studies ...... 139 6.2.4 Chapter Four: Research methodology ...... 139 6.2.5 Chapter Five: Findings and analysis ...... 140 6.3 Recommendations ...... 141 LIST OF SOURCES ...... 142 APPENDIX 1: PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 160 APPENDIX 2: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 161

ix

APPENDIX 3: CONSENT FORM ...... 162

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Fokofpolisiekar 2012. Photographer Thomas Ferreira. (Fokofpolisiekar’s photos 2012)...... 29 Figure 2: Ninja and Yolandi Visser of Die Antwoord. Photographer Mark Squires. (Straight outta 2010)...... 32 Figure 3: Photographer unknown, Ninja dressed in a manner resembling a prison uniform. (Guests at the “Late show 2012)...... 33 Figure 4: Photographer unknown, Inmates at Pollsmoor prison (Stabbing delays inmates' Idol debut 2009)...... 33 Figure 5: Ninja from Die Antwoord, displays tattoos that resemble a Cape Coloured gang member. Photographer Sebastian Kim. (Breukel 2012:[sp])...... 35 Figure 6: Cape Coloured Numbers gang members. Photographer Araminta de Clermont. (Prison ink 2008:[sp])...... 35 Figure 7: Yolandi Visser displays a sexually suggestive dress style (Yolandi Visser 2012)...... 36 Figure 8: Photographer unknown, Yolandi Visser wears a Care Bear costume (Super Kawaii love 2013)...... 37 Figure 9: Yolandi Visser and Ninja from Die Antwoord display exaggerated mullet haircuts. Photographer Sebastian Kim (Navarro & Hyman:[sa])...... 38

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LIST OF PLATES Plate 1a: Francois van Coke performs with his band Fokofpolisiekar, 2004. Photographer George Hugo. (Klopper 2011:114)...... 90 Plate 1b: Kurt Cobain, lead singer of 1990s grunge band Nirvana. (Fontaine 2008)……………………………………………………………………………………..….90 Plate 2a: Fokofpolisiekar 2012. Photographer Thomas Ferreira. (Fokofpolisiekar’s photos 2012)...... 91 Plate 2b: Francois van Coke during a 2012 Fokofpolisiekar performance. Photographer Fred van Leeuwen. (Fokofpolisiekar 2012)…………………………….91 Plate 3a: American punk band, The , 1977 (Czerwinski 2009:17) ...... 92 Plate 3b: An image taken from the 1953 movie, The Wild Ones. Iconic rock ’n roll actor, Marlon Brando is in the centre (Adler 2010:[sp])………………………………..92 Plate 4a: Photographer unknown, Die Antwoord display their zef rap-rave dress style (Photos of Die Antwoord [sa])...... 98 Plate 4b: Yolandi’s dress style reference both zef and hip-hop elements, Ninja and Terence Neale (directors), Baby’s on fire 2012 (screenshot by author) (Ninja & Neale 2012)………………………………………………………………………………………...98 Plate 5a: Photographer unknown, Yolandi Visser photographed alongside an advertisement for Versace sunglasses. The similarity between Visser’s mullet and the hairstyle of the model in the Versace advertisement is clearly visible (Versace keepin [sic] it zef 2012) ...... 99 Plate 5b: Yolandi Visser and Ninja feature in an advertisement for the T by Alexander Wang campaign (Edwards-Brown 2012:[sp])………………………………99 Plate 6a: Photographer unknown, Kurt Darren wears a and dark indigo (Kurt Darren 2014)...... 103 Plate 6b: Photographer unknown, Kurt Darren wears a crew neck T-shirt, black jacket and blue jeans (Laat Kaptein Kurt Darren jou seile span in 2010)…103 Plate 7a: Photographer unknown, Bobby van Jaarsveld wears a white shirt, blue jeans and trainers (Bobby van Jaarsveld:[sa]b)...... 104 Plate 7b: Photographer unknown, Karlien van Jaarsveld wears a cropped jacket, white top with lace detail and blue jeans (Molotsi 2013)……………………………..104

xii

Plate 8a: From left to right: ViP14, ViP15 and ViP16. ViP16 wears an Ironfist hooded sweater, Hatfield Pretoria, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 117 Plate 8b: Photographer unknown, from left to right: ViP10, ViP11 and ViP12. ViP10 on the left wearing Unburden Clothing hooded sweater, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (used with permission)…………………………………………………………….117 Plate 9a: Participant ViP3 wears a wide V-neck T-shirt and skinny jeans, the participant’s tattoo on his chest is just visible, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 118 Plate 9b: Participant ViP13 wears a deep scoop neck T-shirt with tattoos clearly visible, Oppikoppi festival, August 2013. Photographer: Justine Odendaal (used with permission)………………………………………………………………………………..118 Plate 10a: From left to right: ViP4 and ViP5. Participant ViP5 displays a dress style that references grunge dress style, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 119 Plate 10b: Participant ViP28 wears more loosely fitting jeans that are faded and ripped, Hatfield Pretoria, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)………………………………………………………………………………..119 Plate 11: Participant ViP2 at Oppikoppi festival, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 120 Plate 12a: : Participant ViP4 wears his head shaved on one side with the remaining kept longer, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 121 Plate 12b: Participant ViP7 wears most of her hair dyed black with just her fringe dyed copper red, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)…………………………………………………………………………..……121 Plate 13: Participant ViP29 with hair dyed blue wears a Pokémon T-shirt, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)...... 122 Plate 14a: Participant ViP25 wearing a toy animal hat more likely to be worn by children, Hatfield, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission. 123 Plate 14b: Participant ViP8 accessorising with a toy figurine of Shrek and with a scarf knitted in the colours of Rastafarianism, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission)………………………………………...123

xiii

Plate 15a: Photographer unknown, Ninja wears a Pokémon costume and Yolandi a Care Bear costume 2011 (Die Antwoord 2 July 2011)...... 124 Plate 15b: Photographer unknown, Ninja wears a crocheted Pokémon hat 2014 (Die Antwoord 11 August 2014)………………………………………………………………124

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Labels assigned to participant interviews ...... 69 Table 2: Labels assigned to participant visuals ...... 70 Table 3: Coding category with colours assigned to each unit ...... 71

xv

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix 1: PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 160 Appendix 2: FRANCOIS VAN COKE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 161 Appendix 3: CONSENT FORMS ...... 162-163

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CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 1.1 Introduction This is a study about the dress style of members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, and specifically, of how their dress styles provide insight into their social identities. Two South African bands have been found to be largely influential in the development of the subculture in question, and these bands are Fokofpolisiekar – which literally translates to ‘fuck-off-police-car’, and Die Antwoord – The Answer (translated from Afrikaans by the author). The socio-cultural stance of these bands is also discussed throughout this study. A number of considerations will be discussed in Chapter One in order to contextualise this study.

Firstly, in section 1.2, I clarify the term ‘dress style’, which is used throughout the study. The term ‘dress style’ is used to describe the totality of the ‘look’ of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture as well as that of the two bands examined. In section 1.2 I explain the relevance and meaning of this term.

Secondly, in section 1.3, I provide a background to Afrikaner culture and introduce the concept of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Thirdly, the research question, aims and objectives of the study are stated. Finally, a brief overview of each chapter is provided.

Lastly, I discuss the envisaged contributions of the study.

1.2 Style, fashion and dress As this is a fashion study, there are a number of terms available which can be used to describe the total ‘look’ of the relevant band members and the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Terms such as style, fashion and dress are often used interchangeably but essentially hold quite different meanings especially within differing contexts (Kawamura 2005:3). In addition to the terms regularly used in fashion studies, subcultural studies refer to ‘subcultural style’, which is a term used to describe the entire ‘mode of being’ for a subculture. However, since this is a fashion study, the emphasis is on how the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants look. In order to be able to provide a holistic interpretation of the ‘look’ of subcultural participants, my analysis includes the types of garments being worn as

1 well as hairstyling, body modification and accessories. In what follows, I explain why I have decided to use the term ‘dress style’ when discussing this total ‘look’ of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

The term dress is referred to as the act of covering the body with a selection of garments, therefore dress is usually discussed as a literal term, not necessarily inferring an association to style or fashion (Barnard 1996:9; Entwistle 2000:43).

The term fashion is much less literal; fashion is not a ‘thing’ or an essence but rather a social process and a system indicative of rapid change with a need for constant newness (Barthes 1985:300; Kaiser 2012:1; Kawamura 2005:5; Polhemus 1978:52). Ted Polhemus (1978:52) argues that constant changes in fashion imply progress, explaining that capitalist ideology symbolises the sense that constantly changing fashion indicates that the world is constantly progressing. Yuniya Kawamura (2005:5) states that fashion does not exist in societies where the dominant belief system is opposed to social change or progress, hence the premise that fashion is closely associated with an ideology of social change. This is affirmed by Diana Crane (2000:3) who suggests that changes in clothing can indicate shifts in social relationships and tensions between different social groups. Thus it can be seen that dress refers to actual garments whereas fashion appears to indicate a global system. However the term style appears to address the underlying meaning that can be found within fashion and dress.

Within the context of fashion studies, the term style is defined as a selection and arrangement of a variety of objects, adornments and/or body modifications, which through their particular combination become a style (Kjelgaard 2009:71). Style can be seen as the “construction of self through the assemblage of garments, accessories, and beauty regimes that may, or may not, be ‘in fashion’ at the time of use” (Tulloch 2010:276). This is further explored by adding that style “is part of the process of self-telling, that is, to expound an aspect of autobiography of oneself through the clothing choices an individual makes” which can be referred to as style narratives (ibid).

On the other hand, subcultural style arises as an attempt to collectively resolve issues that individuals are experiencing with the hegemonic norms from within their culture (Brake 1985:[sp] Preface). It is also noted by Michael Brake (1985:191) that

2 subcultures “provide a collective identity, a reference group from which to develop an individual identity”, allowing people to distance themselves from prescribed roles in the social arena, and in so doing rebelling against their parent culture. The underlying function of a subculture is to attempt to express and resolve contradictions within the dominant society (Cohen 1992:82). This oppositional stance to the hegemonic society is expressed in subcultural style (Hebdige 1979:17).

1.2.1 Subcultural style Style is symbolic of one’s culture - the clothing we wear, the music we listen to, the transport we use, and the way(s) in which we decorate our homes, says something about our identity and where we belong in terms of social categories (Williams 2011:69). There are characteristics that are unique to different cultures that embody and define the collective identity of a particular culture. These characteristics are the societal values, the language, religious beliefs, art, literature, music, traditions, rituals and patterns of living, with many of these features displayed as collectively recognised symbols within a particular culture (Kidd 2002:9-10).

Subcultural studies note that the adoption of a particular style by a group of people becomes a process of cultural shaping and change (Brake 1985:12). Richard Jenkins (2004:86-87) notes that style has the ability to determine group identity, especially for the youth. Jenkins (2004:87) adds that these styles are usually disseminated via music and musicians. Style also has the ability to express the degree of commitment to a subculture and can even suggest whether a subculture disregards, or is seeking to challenge the values of the dominant or hegemonic culture (Brake 1985:11).

Subcultural style is defined by Brake (1985:12) as consisting of the following three main elements:

a ‘Image’, appearance composed of costume, accessories such as hair-style, and artefacts, b ‘Demeanour’, made up of expression, gait and posture. Roughly this is what the actors wear and how they wear it. c ‘Argot’, a special vocabulary and how it is delivered. In other words, how subcultural members look, behave and speak comprises their subcultural style (Williams 2011:67). Although the language and behaviour of subcultural participants are of course equally significant to understanding of the

3 meaning of subcultures, this study focuses primarily on the visual appearance of subcultural participants.

From the above it may be noted that the concept of fashion is not really appropriate when describing the mode of dress of subcultural participants; moreover, the notion of style may have more than one meaning. I use the term dress style throughout this study because it clarifies that the style referred to involves not only the selection of clothing covering the body, but also the practice of stylising/combining/performing the clothing in particular ways, which by extension suggests an intentional construction of one’s visual identity. This practice of stylisation also extends to hairstyles, accessories such as hats or shoes, and body modification practices such as piercing and tattooing.

Thus far I have established that ‘dress style’ is the key term used to describe the ‘look’ of the band members in question and their post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture adherents, or how they display themselves visually. In the following section I provide a background to the bands and to the emergence of a post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

1.3 Background to the study The year 1994 was a major year in the history of South Africa, as it marked the official demise of apartheid1 and the first democratic elections in the country. Prior to 1994, the government of South Africa consisted predominantly of the Afrikaner National Party (Grundlingh 2004:484).

Throughout apartheid, it is generally agreed that the overall perception of the Afrikaans political and cultural worldview was conservative, conformist, and unquestioning (Grundlingh 2004:485). Albert Grundlingh (2004:500) further elaborates that traditional ‘God-fearing’ Afrikaners have usually been regarded as “having inward-looking worldviews and being at a political and cultural impasse”.

1The Oxford English Reference Dictionary (Pearsall & Trumble 2002:60) defines apartheid as “a policy or system of segregation or discrimination on grounds of race, especially the policy followed by South Africa in respect of Europeans and non-Europeans until 1991. Adopted by the successful Afrikaner National Party as a slogan in the 1948 election, apartheid extended and institutionalized existing racial segregation, guaranteeing the dominance of the white minority ... the white regime maintained the apartheid system until Feb. 1991”. 4

During the 1980s there was a surge of Afrikaans anti-apartheid social protest music, which became known as the Voëlvry2 movement. This music was in the style of rock ‘n roll3 with a punk4 overlay (Grundlingh 2004:483). Traditional Afrikaners, by and large, rejected rock ‘n roll music, because it was perceived as “dangerous and alien” and these conservative Afrikaners believed that this music would lead to a moral collapse of Afrikaner culture (Grundlingh 2004:489).

The Voëlvry movement came to have a significant effect on Afrikaner popular culture (Truscott 2010:108). This is because the Voëlvry musicians publicly expressed their disillusionment with the oppressive nature of received Afrikaner tradition (Pienaar 2012:10). In so doing, the Voëlvry movement began to establish a new way of being for those Afrikaners who felt that they did not subscribe to the ideologies of dominant traditional Afrikaners of that time (Pienaar 2012:11).

However, the Voëlvry movement disbanded with the end of apartheid in 1994 (Bezuidenhout 2007:11). This could be because the Voëlvry movement was an anti- apartheid protest movement and with the end of apartheid, there was no longer a need for protest. The remaining Voëlvry musicians5 consciously decided to integrate themselves with the Afrikaans mainstream music (Bezuidenhout 2007:11).

Two non-mainstream Afrikaans bands, Valiant Swart and Battery 9,6 seemed to be the only bands on the ‘alternative music scene’ after 1994 (Bezuidenhout 2007:11). However, this changed dramatically in 2003 with the inception of the punk Afrikaans band Fokofpolisiekar (Klopper 2011:90). The band members, at first in jest, but later more seriously, decided to launch the first Afrikaans punk band (Klopper 2011:67- 68).

2The direct translation of Voëlvry is ‘bird-free’ (translation from Afrikaans by the author). However the word Voëlvry is understood to mean ‘as free as a bird’ or to be an outlaw, Albert Grundlingh (2004:485) suggests that the double meaning was probably intended. 3 Rock ‘n roll music is a genre of music that became popular during the 1940s and 1950s (Rock and roll [sa]). Rock ‘n roll music is a derivation of African-American music genres such as blues, jazz and gospel (ibid). Rock ‘n roll music influenced lifestyles, and language within global popular culture (ibid). 4 Punk music, also often referred to as punk- is “fast, hard-edged music, typically with short songs, stripped-down instrumentation, and often political, anti-establishment lyrics” ( [sa]). 5 With the exception of Johannes Kerkorrel, who committed suicide on 12 November 2002 after a battle with depression; and Bernoldus Niemand — who passed away in a car crash several years earlier (Grundlingh 2004:507). 6 Valiant Swart was a blues-inspired alternative Afrikaans band, and Battery 9 was an industrial- inspired alternative Afrikaans band (Klopper 2011:81). 5

This band was ground-breaking in so many ways, their punk-rock sound accompanied with lyrics written in Afrikaans was novel to the young post-apartheid generation of Afrikaners. The song lyrics offered a social commentary that these young Afrikaners appeared to identify with, as attested to from the band’s popularity. Below is an extract from the Fokofpolisiekar song (Klopper 2009:178, translation from Afrikaans by the author).

Antibiotika Antibiotics

Donker Afrika is net donker vir die met Dark Africa is only dark to those with oogklappe aan blinkers over their eyes hy wat nie kan dink he who cannot think wie se harsings hard en stowwerig is whose brain is hard and dusty mik vir my hart aim for my heart dit pomp wildernis hier binnekant it beats with the wilderness inside ek’s net ‘n toeris I am just a tourist in my geboorteland in my country of birth ‘n gekwesde dier in ‘n hok a bruised animal in a cage op antibiotika on antibiotics dis die waarheid wat my geweld it is the truth that violently aandoen affects me ek leef in ongeloof I live without religion my leed is eindeloos my grief is endless wil jy stilstaan as ek voortgaan? will you stand still while I move hoe kan mens dink as jou hande altyd forward? vasgebind is? how can a person think if your hands are always tightly bound?

It is clear from these lyrics that the band is raising issues or concerns relevant to their own sense of identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The lyrics here suggest that the band members see themselves as dislodged from, or only temporary visitors

6 in their ‘country of birth’, South Africa. The lyrics imply that in post-apartheid South Africa growing numbers of young Afrikaners are experiencing an ‘identity crisis’ (Erikson 1970:11-22), whereby they are interrogating their affiliation to received Afrikaner society, are highly critical of their Afrikaner heritage, and no longer wish to be related to what it might signify. These Afrikaners seem to be undergoing a sense of identity loss in terms of their collective identity as Afrikaners.

The year 2009 saw the inception of Die Antwoord, a band which produces a high energy attitude and ‘rap-rave’ type of music that members of the band themselves have dubbed ‘zef’’7 (Eliscu 2010:64). Zef culture has been described as “the nasty, freaky, gleefully trashy underbelly of post-apartheid white South-African culture” (Fairbanks 2012:36). Die Antwoord has been hailed an international success largely due to the popularity of their video clips, which they make a point of posting online (Cole Rachel 2010:90). They have been labelled a global phenomenon whose “music, visuals and oversize personalities are almost too freaky to be real” (ibid). This is evident in the appearances of Die Antwoord at popular American events, in for example, the Coachella Music and Arts Festival8 and The Late Night Show with David Letterman.9

Both Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord have garnered success, Fokofpolisiekar locally, and Die Antwoord internationally (Monsoon 2008:122; Schenk & Seekings 2010:11). Although these bands have also gained popularity among mainstream audiences, they have largely been viewed as anti-mainstream, anti-social alternative bands. This may well be because Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord do not align themselves, in terms of their internal and external identities, with mainstream Afrikaners. This study will show how the dress styles of these bands communicate a subversive, counterculture approach to mainstream Afrikaans culture.

Die Antwoord wear clothing that evokes 1980s hip-hop and rave styles (Cole Rachel 2010:90). Their dress style comprises a central component of their performances. They are typically seen wearing mid-riff T-shirts and vests in neon colours, oversized

7 The concept of ‘zef’ refers to being ‘common’ among the Afrikaner poor white working-class groups in South Africa (Marx & Milton 2011:738). 8 The Coachella Music and Arts Festival is an annual three day music festival that is held in the Coachella Valley, Indio California, United States of America. The event is well known for showcasing emerging music acts (Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival 2012). 9 The Late Night Show with David Letterman is recorded daily in New York at the Ed Sullivan studio on Broadway, in front of a live audience (Die Antwoord gets Freeky [sic] on Letterman 2012). 7 pants and bright, multi-coloured . On the other hand, various members of Fokofpolisiekar are known to have referenced punk and goth subcultural styles since their early teenage years (Klopper 2011:35). Members of Fokofpolisiekar are almost always seen wearing black ‘skinny’ jeans and black T-shirts and either black or well-worn casual sneakers.

While attending performances of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, I noticed a select group of audience members who appeared to portray a subculture in their own right, due to the ways in which they displayed their collective social identity through dress, ways of speaking and an overall demeanour. The dress style of the select group of audience members appeared to emulate that of Fokofpolisiekar, however, elements of Die Antwoord’s dress style also featured. As this study is formally housed in fashion studies, it is the dress style of these post-apartheid subcultural participants that I am specifically concerned with.

My interest in this emerging Afrikaner subculture prompted additional thoughts on the way these unique dress styles being displayed by audience members of the bands in question may be suggestive of broader insights into the social identities of these young Afrikaners. This inspired the research question of this study which is articulated in the next section.

1.4 Research question In light of the above, I have formulated the following research question:

What do the dress styles of post-apartheid alternative Afrikaans bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and selected audience members, contribute to, and suggest about, the new trends and characteristic features of these young Afrikaner’s in post-apartheid South Africa today?

As implied above, I will address this question through an attempt to describe and analyse the dress styles of members of the bands and a selected sample of their audience members. This will be done through the following aims and objectives:

1.4.1 Aims and objectives This study aims to identify, describe and analyse the dress styles of the band members of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord and select members of the two

8 bands’ Afrikaans-speaking audience. These select audience members appear to be representative of a post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture that has become increasingly visible since the end of apartheid. The purpose of analysing these dress styles is to provide insight into how new ways of establishing an Afrikaner identity is being constructed in post-apartheid South Africa.

Based on the main aim of this study, I have formulated the following objectives:

 To examine the visual dimensions of the dress styles of the band members and selected members of their audience.

 To establish how selected audience members perceive their own dress styles as well as the dress styles of the bands in question.

 To clarify new forms of socio-cultural identification through fashion and style amongst these select Afrikaner audience members in contemporary South Africa.

 To explore whether, and in what ways, the dress styles in question represent and signify new dimensions of cultural distinctiveness for young Afrikaners today.

The objectives of the study remain the focus of the various chapters. The following is a summary of the chapters contained in the study.

1.5 Chapter outline In this section I provide a brief summary of each chapter.

1.5.1 Chapter One: Introduction In Chapter One I discuss the reason for the use of the term ‘dress style’ which is integral to the research focus of the study. In this chapter I introduce the background of the bands Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and the emergence of what I have called a ‘post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture’. Within Chapter One I also address the research question, the aims, objectives and chapter outline. Lastly, I discuss the envisaged contributions of the study.

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1.5.2 Chapter Two: The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture background The literature review outlines the social and historical context, and underlying events, which have contributed to the emergence of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. I include discussions about Afrikaner tradition and alternative, or ‘countercultural’, Afrikaners. In Chapter Two I also give a more detailed account of the bands Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, as these bands have had a pivotal impact on the dress styles and ultimately the identity construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultures in question.

Throughout Chapter Two I attempt to provide an understanding of the dress styles of the various Afrikaner groupings and where possible, clarify what these dress styles might mean. However, it should be noted that, since this is as yet an under- researched area, there is little literature is available about South African subcultures in general and there is currently no research available about the dress style of this particular subculture. Hence the more in-depth discussion about the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture takes place in the findings and analysis sections of Chapter Five.

1.5.3 Chapter Three: Global subcultural studies Chapter Three provides a theoretical literature review which endeavours to account for the emergence of a post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, with specific reference to dress style. As there is very little secondary literature on subcultural practices in the South African context, the literature survey in Chapter Three consists largely of leading studies in the field of international, primarily British, subcultural studies.

1.5.4 Chapter Four: Research methodology In Chapter Four I motivate my use of research methodologies best suited to answering the research question of this study. The research process for this study involves a qualitative research approach, which involves an ethnographic research design, underpinned by a constructivist worldview. The ethnographic nature of this study has steered the data collection methods, which include observations, interviews and visual analysis. In Chapter Four I also discuss the data analysis methods, namely content analysis and semiotic analysis. In this chapter I include the validity and reliability of the analysis as well as the question of ethics.

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1.5.5 Chapter Five: Findings and analysis In Chapter Five I present the findings of the research followed by an analysis based on these findings; this analysis is then reconsidered in light of the initial research question. I discuss the perceptions of participants in the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture in terms of the dress styles of the bands in question as well as their own dress styles. In this chapter I also detail the actual dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture and then, placing these dress styles in the context of the participants’ perceptions, I discuss what being young subcultural Afrikaners today might mean to those who see themselves as belonging to this subculture.

1.5.6 Chapter Six: Conclusion In the final chapter of the study, I provide a general summary of the dissertation as well as discussing recommendations that have arisen from this study which could possibly result in further research projects.

1.6 Envisaged contributions of the study I anticipate that this study will not only shed light on an under-researched sector of post-apartheid South Africans and some of their social practices. It may even provide a working model through which other South African subcultural groups may be examined, such as the isibujwa10 and izikhothane11 subcultures found in the black townships around Johannesburg. In addition, I hope to reveal hitherto unacknowledged nuances in the processes of social change among young people living in post-apartheid South Africa, and how ostensibly superficial practices such as their dress styles are in fact extremely revealing in unexpected ways.

10 Isibujwa is an urban hip-hop inspired dance subculture that occurs among black youth living in Johannesburg townships (South Africa: sbujwa on the streets 2012:[sp]). 11 The izikhothane subculture is a predominantly black working-class youth subculture that entails black youth dressing in expensive clothing and conspicuously wasting expensive or luxury items, for example washing their hands in champagne (Bongela 2014:[sp]). 11

CHAPTER TWO: THE POST-APARTHEID AFRIKANER SUBCULTURE BACKGROUND 2.1 Introduction In this second chapter I focus on the background against which the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture emerged, in order to facilitate a broad understanding of Afrikaner society. This background is also concerned with Afrikaner dress styles. Since the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is, to date, an under- researched area, I conceptualise this subculture through a discussion of the socio- cultural factors that appear to have influenced the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. These include traditional Afrikaner culture, as well as a number of alternative Afrikaner sub-groupings such as the working-class zef Afrikaners and the Voëlvry movement that emerged during the apartheid era.

Firstly, I clarify a number of terms used throughout this and other chapters. It is important to note that these particular terms are based on the social identities of the traditional and alternative Afrikaners. The characteristics arising from the literature are not necessarily applicable to all Afrikaners situated within these groupings.

I have derived these terms from the literature that forms part of this chapter, and I have subsequently ascribed to the various groups of Afrikaners. Traditional Afrikaners are those Afrikaners that embrace received Afrikaner cultural norms and practices. This is the group of Afrikaners that have held a dominant position within Afrikanerdom throughout South Africa’s history (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:310). Alongside the traditional Afrikaners there exists a number of alternative Afrikaner sub-groupings.

The term ‘alternative Afrikaners’ is intended to indicate Afrikaners who do not necessarily share the views of the traditional conservative Afrikaners. This study does not attempt to delve into all of the various alternative Afrikaner sub-groupings that may exist but rather focuses on the alternative Afrikaners that relate to the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Within Chapter Two I identify and discuss the historically hegemonic Afrikaners, namely the traditional Afrikaners; I then discuss a number of alternative Afrikaner sub-groups. Included in this chapter are discussions about Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord who have both contributed significantly to

12 the consolidation of a select group of post-apartheid Afrikaners into a perceptible subculture. Throughout this chapter I identify and determine the dress styles of these categories of Afrikaners. However, I discuss the dress style of the post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaner in the findings and analyses of Chapter Five.

2.2 Traditional Afrikaner background As mentioned above in section 2.1, the traditional Afrikaners have generally held a dominant position among Afrikaners in South Africa. Traditional Afrikaners have, in the past, imposed their nationalist beliefs upon many South Africans and in so doing, traditional Afrikaners have been held responsible for the reprehensible crimes of apartheid committed in South Africa (Pienaar 2012:5-6). Although apartheid officially ended in 1994 and South Africa currently embraces democracy for all its citizens, there are still perceptions of traditional Afrikaners as “right-wing, oppressive and oppressed purists” (Pienaar 2012:10). This perception is a stereotypical view that is still, at times, projected onto Afrikaners in general (ibid). There are a number of cultural practices that traditional Afrikaners adhere to which are subsequently perceived as characteristic features of traditional Afrikaners.

Afrikaner culture and identity have historically been closely associated with the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (Dutch Reformed Church) and the Afrikaner National Party (NP) (Kahn 2011:23). The NP governed South Africa from 1948 until the first democratic elections in 1994 (Giliomee 2003:482 & 647). It was during these years that the socio-economic practices of apartheid rule became standardised in South Africa. The NP comprised two parties which had merged in order to ensure a majority vote in the 1948 elections (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:310). These two parties consisted of one party that promoted white supremacy, and which introduced apartheid, and a nationalist party that purposely intended to mobilise the Afrikaner community by promoting Afrikaner culture (ibid). The NP headed a number of Afrikaner organisations, including the Dutch Reformed Church and Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge or FAK (The Federation of Afrikaner Cultural Organisations). The ethos of these NP-led organisations played a key role in constructing Afrikaner identity from political, religious and cultural standpoints (Vestergaard 2001:20). Religion, and specifically the Dutch Reformed Church, was integral to Afrikaner nationalism and consequently many traditional Afrikaners

13 proclaimed and came to believe that the Afrikaners were chosen by God to lead South Africa (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:152; Cloete 1992:42).

The key ideological points of these dominant traditional Afrikaner leaders consisted of “God-fearing Calvinism, structures of patriarchal authority … adherence to the traditions invented by the nationalist movement, conservative values such as the importance of the nuclear family and heterosexuality, and, above all, the importance of whiteness” (Vestergaard 2001:20-21). Religion played a vital role in keeping the Afrikaner community together (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007: introduction). The NP had such a strong influence over every aspect of Afrikaner life that “generations of Afrikaners grew up in a social space where the boundaries of identity were sharply drawn” (Vestergaard 2001:21). Afrikaners who attempted to deny the identity imposed upon them by the NP did not only stand to “lose their material privileges, but also be ostracised from their communities, churches, or workplaces” (ibid).

Since the traditional Afrikaners retained a dominant position amongst Afrikaners, it is likely that all Afrikaners were perceived as having the beliefs of the traditional Afrikaners. Mads Vestergaard (2001:19) describes the traditional Afrikaner as an orthodox Afrikaner who resists change and clings to established values. As we will see, these characteristics that define the traditional Afrikaner are also evident in the dress styles of these Afrikaners.

2.2.1 Traditional Afrikaner dress style South Africa has not generally been known internationally as being at the forefront of fashion, and there is limited literature that speaks directly to the historical dress styles of the traditional Afrikaners. However, in 1975, Daphne Strutt (1975) compiled a comprehensive study of the dress styles of the early Afrikaners. Although not recently published, this work is an accurate and detailed description of these early Afrikaner dress styles. In late nineteenth-century South Africa, contemporary fashion could be found in the cities, but the traditional Afrikaners (who would have still been speaking Dutch at that time) insisted on dressing in a restrained manner (Strutt 1975:347). The traditional Afrikaners preferred clothing that was plain and sombre (ibid). Even though bright colours were fashionable at that time, only the very young Afrikaners adopted these brighter colours in their dress styles (ibid). In contrast, the English-speaking South Africans were generally seen as being more connected to

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European fashions than the Afrikaners (Grundlingh 2008:154). It is quite possible that these early Afrikaners were attempting to dress so as to distinguish themselves from the British, due to the antagonism between the Afrikaners and the British after the Anglo-Boer war. The Anglo-Boer war ended in victory for the British in 1902, when the British command destroyed rural Afrikaner homesteads and imprisoned Afrikaner families, specifically women and children, holding them in concentration camps (Giliomee 2003:254). Conditions in these concentration camps were horrific, and consequently “a total of 4,177 Boer women and 22,074 Boer children died in the camps” (Giliomee 2003:256). Deep resentment and bitterness lingered between the British and the Afrikaners and has remained intact for many decades (Giliomee 2003:254).

One outcome of the resentment generated by the Anglo-Boer war, was a desire on behalf of the traditional Afrikaners to actively seek a uniquely Afrikaner identity that was distinct from the British identity during the first half of the twentieth century (Leeb-du Toit 2012:26). Establishing a unique Afrikaner identity entailed wearing clothing that distinguished the Afrikaners as a people unto themselves (Leeb-du Toit 2012:27). These dress styles were inspired by the clothing worn by Boers (Afrikaner farmer) and Voortrekkers12 (Afrikaner pioneers). For women, these dress styles consisted of simple long dresses that had high waistlines and a slightly gathered skirt section (Strutt 1975:217). The men also preferred clothing that was selected for comfort and practicality (Boer attire … 2011:[sp]). Men wore simple consisting of short-sleeved buttoned shirts, shorts or trousers and waistcoats, known as safari suits (Strutt 1975:213). As if to emphasise comfort, trousers were wide-legged with hem circumferences of up to 47cm (ibid).

During the first half of the twentieth century, traditional Afrikaners were engaged in establishing their own sense of national identity, so that these Boer and Voortrekker dress styles became the national costume of the traditional Afrikaners (Leeb-du Toit 2012:27). The dress styles developed by the traditional Afrikaners facilitated the cultural re-positioning of the Afrikaners as their own people who were independent of the British way of life (ibid).

12 The Voortrekkers consisted of white emigrants who moved away from the Cape, where white South Africans first colonised South Africa, from the mid-1820s (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:108). The Voortrekkers were identified as being representative of Afrikaner tradition (Leeb-du Toit 2012:27). 15

In contrast, throughout Europe and Britain, fundamental changes were taking place in fashion (Stevenson 2011:78). At this time abroad, in Paris especially, there was “an air of artistic freedom” and this was manifested in the fashions (ibid). These European and British fashions comprised rich colours with outlandish decorations replacing the stiff, corseted fashions from the Edwardian era (ibid). With the introduction of the first British Vogue in 1916, British fashion was heavily influenced by the changes in Paris (Key moments … 1998:35). By the mid-1960s London was being referred to as ‘swinging London’ with psychedelic prints and the air of freedom associated with the being embraced in Britain (Key moments … 1998:188- 189).

In South Africa during the 1960s traditional Afrikaners were concerned that these new global fashions “represent[ed] an assault on perceived Afrikaner morals” (Grundlingh 2008:154). It was at this time that mini-skirts were becoming fashionable internationally, with the trend also being seen in South Africa (ibid). This trend was worrisome to some traditional Afrikaners: “‘[m]any of the modern fashions’, it was argued, ‘lead to a loss of shame and the result is a shortcut to debauchery’” (Die Kerbode 17 February 1969 cited by Grundlingh 2008:154). This led to Afrikaner cultural organisations being urged to “adopt a strong stand against ‘sexually suggestive clothing’” (Handhaaf June 1969 cited by Grundlingh 2008:154). It would seem that the traditional Afrikaners felt threatened by the potentially negative effects that global popular culture might have on the general outlook of Afrikaner youth. The traditional Afrikaners took a firm stance against contemporary global trends, so that Afrikaner dress styles knowingly distanced themselves from cosmopolitan fashions of the time. As discussed in section 1.2, regularly changing fashion trends are not apparent in societies that oppose and control social change (Kawamura 2005:5). Ted Polhemus (1978:52) explains that “fashion is an advertisement for the ideology of social mobility, change and progress” and it can therefore be inferred that societies that do not follow fashion trends prefer to retain their own traditional cultures.

Even today, the preferred clothing of traditional Afrikaner men is not dissimilar from their earlier dress styles, namely shorts or trousers, short-sleeve safari-style buttoned shirts, long socks and leather ankle-high boots (Boer attire … 2011:[sp]). This clothing is typically devoid of pattern, bright colours or black and is produced

16 mostly in shades of khaki or faded light-blue tones (ibid). In terms of dress style, the traditional Afrikaners are notorious for their lack of fashion sense and their outright dismissal of changing fashion trends, preferring clothing that is practical and comfortable (Boer attire … 2011:[sp]). A deliberate lack of fashion mindfulness is an unmistakeable feature in the dress styles of these traditional Afrikaners.

The traditional Afrikaners do not generally approve of body modification practices and usually consider piercing and tattooing to be taboo within traditional Afrikaner culture (Van der Berg 2011:[sa]). Some traditional Afrikaners (ibid) cite the biblical verse from Leviticus 19:28 (1986:106) as the reason why these practices are unacceptable: “Do not cut your bodies for the dead or put tattoo marks on yourselves. I am the Lord”. Thus, body modifying of any kind is seen as ‘un- Christian’ and therefore against traditional Afrikaner values.

The traditional Afrikaners are generally perceived by many non-Afrikaans speakers as being stereotypical of all Afrikaners (Pienaar 2012:10). However, as discussed in section 2.1 there are a number of Afrikaner sub-groups that do not necessarily adhere to the cultural practices of the traditional Afrikaners. As mentioned, these Afrikaner sub-groups are referred to in this study as ‘alternative Afrikaners’. Albert Grundlingh (2004:485) and Clara Pienaar (2012:5) consider the alternative Afrikaners as disapproving of, and seeking to challenge, the received beliefs of traditional Afrikaners. These different alternative Afrikaner sub-groups have also been effective in contributing to the development of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This has in turn shaped the dress style of this subculture.

2.3 Alternative Afrikaner background As the Afrikaners came to enjoy more prosperity in South Africa as a result of the National Party taking power in 1948, shifts in the lifestyles of Afrikaners became increasingly apparent (Grundlingh 2008:148). The Afrikaners enjoyed increased consumerism, with American and British popular culture influencing the cultural choices of many Afrikaners, especially Afrikaner youth (Grundlingh 2008:148-155). Rock ‘n roll music and modern fashions were now favoured by many young Afrikaners, much to the disapproval of the traditional Afrikaners (Grundlingh 2008:153). Also as a result of the improved economic conditions, opportunities came about for some Afrikaners to travel and study in Europe, thus contributing to the

17 formulation of a less insular outlook among them (Klopper 2009:97). The influence of global popular culture undoubtedly had an effect on the mind-set of young Afrikaners at the time. It is through the act of combining and hybridising selected global influences with local cultural markers that alternative identities develop. As Motti Regev (2007:125) notes, it is through the action of

… choosing, selecting and extracting elements from the plethora of expressive components available at a global level ... [that] these elements are then mixed and hybridized into recipes and products that become signifiers of current cultural uniqueness of nations and ethnicities. Once produced, such cultural products and art works become themselves part of the global repertoire available as inspiration and influence to anyone interested.

In order to provide a background to these alternative Afrikaners, which have influenced the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture as well as the bands in question, I now turn to address a number of apartheid-era alternative sub-groupings. One of these Afrikaner sub-groups consists of the Afrikaner underbelly that exists in the impoverished areas of South Africa, identified as the ‘poor white’13 Afrikaner, informally known as ‘zef’ (Marx & Milton 2011:738). In what follows I discuss the origins of this working-class poor white Afrikaner culture.

2.3.1 Zef Culture In the years following the Anglo-Boer war thousands of displaced rural white Afrikaners travelled to the Witwatersrand14 seeking employment in the mines, the railways and the growing garment manufacturing industry in order to support their families (Mooney 2006:65; du Plessis 2004:882). The move from rural farms to the city continued throughout the early twentieth century due to a variety of factors including the flu epidemic in 1918 and the effects of the Great Depression (Mooney 2006:49). Hermann Giliomee (2003:318) states that “white poverty was predominantly an Afrikaner problem” that escalated with the rapid industrialisation that occurred when Afrikaners moved from their farms to the Witwatersrand.

13 The most likely origin of the term ‘poor white’ being used in South Africa can be traced to usage in the Cape Colony during the 1880s (Giliomee 2003:317). The term originated in the American South during the 1870s, “when several million whites were almost as wretchedly poor as the emancipated slaves” (Giliomee 2003:315). 14 Witwatersrand refers to an escarpment that comprises east Johannesburg, central Johannesburg and west Johannesburg. The name Witwatersrand is Afrikaans for ‘ridge of white waters’ (Witwatersrand: [sa]) 18

Many of the Afrikaners who relocated to the Witwatersrand were uneducated and suffered from skill shortages, rendering them unemployable (Giliomee 2003:323). This meant that a number of the rural Afrikaners were excluded from the formal job market, and hence became known as the urban poor whites15 (ibid). This led to the development of slums in and around Johannesburg, with appalling sanitary conditions (Giliomee 2003:324). Crime and prostitution became alternative methods of earning a living for many of these poor white Afrikaners (ibid). During the 1930s the Afrikaner community held political power in South Africa, but the Afrikaner bourgeoisie feared that the growing number of poor white Afrikaners could threaten Afrikaner survival (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:280). This is because many of the poor white Afrikaners were living in inter-racial slums and inter-racial mixing became more widespread within these working-class communities (Mooney 2006:57). There was concern amongst the Afrikaner bourgeoisie that these poor white Afrikaners would lead to the demise of white supremacy (ibid). Hence, the Afrikaner bourgeoisie attempted to uplift the poor white Afrikaners in order to secure support for the white Afrikaner political parties by implementing housing and labour schemes which favoured the poor white Afrikaners above other poor ethnicities (Mooney 2006:58). However, the elite Afrikaners essentially looked down upon the poor white Afrikaners, regarding them as social deviants who were inferior to the traditional Afrikaners (du Plessis 2004:882-883). The “concepts of ‘zef’ or being common” are in relation to these poor white Afrikaners (Marx & Milton 2011:738). As discussed above, these zef Afrikaners did not necessarily adhere to all aspects of Afrikaner tradition, which is why, among other things, traditional Afrikaners were condescending towards them.

The term ‘zef’, originating in the 1950s and 1960s, is derived from the Ford Zephyr, a car favoured by working-class Afrikaners who were generally considered as common, unrefined or kitsch (Zef [sa]). To be labelled as zef was an insult: “zef was used in a derogatory way by the middle-classes to describe a certain style associated with a segment of society that was mostly, though not necessarily, poor, white, and lacking in formal or tertiary education” (Van der Watt 2012:411).

15 The term ‘poor white’ originated in the United States and generally refers to white who are “so desperately poor that they could not maintain themselves as members of the dominant group” (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:280). 19

The traditional Afrikaners felt that these impoverished poor Afrikaners lacked Christian morals and embraced miscegenation (Mooney 2006:57-58; Norval 1996:24). Many people who are labelled under the zef umbrella are negatively judged by the traditional Afrikaners as being ‘un-Christian’ because of the leisure activities that are a part of zef culture, namely parties where alcohol and drug abuse is the norm (Maas 2010:[sp]). Zef culture does not seem to embody the Calvinist values that are held in high regard by the traditional Afrikaners who view the label zef as insulting and derogatory (ibid).

Henry Cloete (2010:[sp]) explains that on the surface, zef seems to embrace an ethos of conspicuous material lavishness in term of cars, money and clothing, or at least a desire for this. However, in reality the subtext of zef appears to be about the destruction, deconstruction, reconstruction and reinvention of these material objects, thereby aiding in the construction of an ‘other’ Afrikaner identity (ibid). Those that adhere to zef culture perceive the traditional Afrikaners as snobbish and upper-class, because these traditional Afrikaners prefer to keep themselves distanced from the working-classes (Grundlingh 2008:149). To be zef means living a relaxed lifestyle that excludes the formal ‘rules’ that the traditional Afrikaners subscribe to (Wat tune zef ons [sa]).

In an American context, zef adherents would be considered the ‘rednecks’, alluding to a lack of ‘good taste’ and refinement (Kreuger 2012:402). In Britain, zef could be aligned to the ‘chavs’, who are considered to be the working-class British equivalent of zef (Mhambi 2010:[sp]; Scene and heard: Zef [sa]). Although, in the past, it has been an insult to be labelled as zef, this is more recently beginning to change (Kreuger 2012:402). With the popularity of zef musicians, such as Die Antwoord and ,16 being zef is becoming a signifier which implies resilience and authenticity (ibid). The zef lifestyle includes a number of defining rituals such as unique dress styles, vernacular, leisure activities and commodities. In what follows, I describe the dress style of zef adherents.

16 Jack Parow is an Afrikaner rapper who aligns himself with Afrikaner zef culture (Jack Parow:[sa]). Jack Parow became popular amongst sectors of South African popular culture in 2009 with the release of his debut song title ‘Cooler as ekke’ which translates to ‘Cooler than me’ (Jack Parow:[sa]) (translated from Afrikaans by author). 20

2.3.1.1 Zef dress style To be identified as zef alludes to a lack of ‘good taste’ in terms of aesthetic styling (Bishop 2011:[sp]). However, there is little literature that accurately describes the clothing worn within zef culture. The literature is not detailed but there are some general descriptions available. The zef dress style does not seem to consist of particular items of clothing, it is rather a particular stylisation that renders a dress style zef. For example, it is considered zef when women wear high-heeled shoes with tracksuits or when women are seen out in public with their hair in curlers (Caalsen 2013:8).

It would appear that individuals who style themselves as zef select and combine items of clothing that may or may not be fashionable at the time which are then combined in a manner considered to be distasteful to some within the middle to upper-classes of South African Afrikaner society. It is possible that adherents of zef culture style themselves in this manner as an act of subversiveness towards the traditional Afrikaners. Although there do not appear to be specific items of clothing that are definitively zef, the ‘mullet’ hairstyle is widely associated with zef dress style (Nel 2010:[sp]). The mullet hairstyle is when hair is worn short on the top and sides of the head but long at the back (Mullet (haircut) [sp]). In terms of body modifications, amateur tattoos are also a marker of zef style (Kreuger 2012:402).

As has been discussed in this section, the poor white zef Afrikaners have existed as an underbelly of Afrikaner culture. The zef identity has therefore developed on its own terms without any influence from cultural organisations such as the FAK who had a direct influence over traditional Afrikaner culture. However, there have been a number of cultural influences that have specifically had an impact on zef identity, such as the Briel family singers discussed below.

2.3.2 The Briel family singers The Briel family singers became well-known in the 1950s, they sang about the harsh conditions facing poor white Afrikaners during the 1930s and the 1940s (Pienaar 2012:30). The Briel family were working-class Afrikaners and their music was a reflection of the realities of working-class Afrikaner life (Van der Merwe 2014:12).

The FAK considered the Briel family singers’ music embarrassing to Afrikaner culture (Van der Merwe 2014:11). This is perhaps because the FAK did not wish to see 21

Afrikaners portrayed in this seemingly negative manner. The verbal content of the Briel family’s music was hence controlled by censorship laws introduced by the FAK and the NP with a number of the Briel family’s songs subsequently being banned (Pienaar 2012:30-31). The Briel family’s music addressed the difficulties facing working-class Afrikaners but the FAK preferred to portray Afrikaner culture as a ‘picture perfect’ harmonious way of life (ibid).

Also occurring during the 1950s, but cutting across class divides, was the Ducktail subculture (Mooney 2006:6). The Ducktail subculture was influenced by the popularity of ‘n roll (Mooney 2006:119). In light of the aversion traditional Afrikaners had towards global popular culture, as discussed in section 2.2.1, it is possible that the rock ‘n roll dress styles adopted by the Afrikaner Ducktail adherents were an act of resistance towards traditional Afrikaner culture.

2.3.3 The Ducktails In the late 1950s the ‘Ducktails’ gained popularity in South Africa. The Ducktails were an American rock ‘n roll inspired subculture whose dress styles included the ‘ducktail’ hairstyles17 which distinctly identified participants of the subculture (Grundlingh 2004:488). The Ducktails consisted not only of Afrikaners but also included a variety of cultures, namely English, Italian, Greek and other immigrant communities (Mooney 2006:182). The mixing together of cultures would have been unusual at this time because the NP were making concerted efforts to ensure Afrikaner unification (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:315). The Ducktail subculture emerged from the street gangs that had formed around the deprived economic situation of the poor whites during the 1940s and 1950s (Mooney 2006:70-73). Bearing in mind that these areas consisted largely of white Afrikaners, the subculture nevertheless influenced some Afrikaner youth who enjoyed the music of the rock ‘n roll era. The Ducktail subcultural participants were “hedonistic, rebellious, apolitical and had little respect for the law, education or work” (Mooney 2005:42).

Katie Mooney (2006:115, 118), vis-à-vis interviews with individuals who identified themselves as Ducktails in the 1950s, states that image and style were central to the

17 The ducktail hairstyle is typically “where all the hair is swept back with brylcreem and moulded into a point (reminiscent of a duck’s tail) at the back” (Mooney 2006:6). The ducktail hairstyle usually included a ‘’ which was styled down onto the forehead as well as side-burns grown beside the ears (ibid). 22

Ducktail’s identities, and that they used their clothing and style as “a vehicle to rebel against authority”. The male Ducktail image was modelled on the characters featured in popular American movies such as “James Dean in Rebel without a Cause (1955), Marlon Brando in The Wild One (1954) and Elvis Presley in Jailhouse Rock (1957)” (Mooney 2006:119, emphasis added). The male Ducktails wore black leather jackets and tight-fitted trousers called “stovepipes” that had such narrow hems that they were difficult to put on (Mooney 2006:115 & 118). This dress style symbolised American rock ‘n roll culture which, as discussed in section 2.2.1, was contentious to the traditional Afrikaners (Mooney 2006:119). The traditional Afrikaners viewed rock ‘n roll music as “dangerous and alien” and were concerned that the music would lead to a moral collapse of Afrikaner culture (Grundlingh 2004:489). The Ducktails were therefore perceived as highly undesirable by traditional Afrikaners (Van der Merwe 2014:9).

2.3.4 The Sestigers18 The 1960s saw the development of a literary group of Afrikaner poets and novelists called the Sestigers (Giliomee 2003:554). The Sestigers “produced literature that questioned the legitimacy of the NP government and the whole Afrikaner nationalist mission” (Pienaar 2012:19). The Sestigers published work that covered contemporary themes such as secularisation and sexual freedom, which traditional Afrikaners found offensive and threatening to Afrikaner culture (Klopper 2009:96).

The influence that the Sestigers had on many Afrikaners was subtle, but it profoundly affected the political outlook of a number of Afrikaners (Giliomee 2003:554). The Sestigers were key to the development of an alternative Afrikaner and “offered a new conceptualisation of the Afrikaners and their history that differed starkly from the image [of] the political leaders and cultural leadership” (Giliomee 2003:554). The work of the Sestigers led to some Afrikaners questioning Afrikaner nationalist culture and identity (Pienaar 2012:19).

In the 1970s, the apartheid laws began to be questioned by some white Afrikaners (Vestergaard 2001:36). A number of Afrikaners began to think of apartheid laws as authoritarian, unnatural and arbitrary, leading to the rise of the alternative Afrikaner

18 The Sestigers translates to ‘Generation of the Sixties’ referring to “embraced secularization, modernity, racial tolerance and sexual freedom” which were beliefs being adopted by the subculture becoming globally prevalent in the 1960s (Giliomee 2003:254). 23 as a subcultural group in the 1980s that was supported by large sections of Afrikaner youth (ibid). Due to the alternative beliefs introduced by the Sestigers, the cultural rebellion called the Voëlvry movement began to emerge (Pienaar 2012:19).

2.3.5 The Voëlvry movement As introduced in section 1.3, the 1980s saw a surge of Afrikaans anti-apartheid social protest music which became known as the Voëlvry movement. The punk-rock nature of the Voëlvry music came to have a significant effect on post-apartheid popular culture (Truscott 2010:108). The Voëlvry musicians sang in Afrikaans, their song lyrics conveyed messages of political protest and were far more meaningful than earlier pre-Voëlvry Afrikaans music. The latter was a “bland form of easy- listening [music] with lyrics centred around flora, fauna, and geographical locations” (Byerly cited in Laubscher 2005:313).

The Voëlvry movement introduced new ways of being an Afrikaner that diverged from former modalities of Afrikanerhood. It became “cool to be young, ‘alternative’ and Afrikaans” (Monsoon 2008:121). The dress styles of the Voëlvry musicians contributed towards the subversive nature of the movement.

The style of clothing worn by Voëlvry musicians included elements derived from punk dress style, for example leather jackets and wayfarer sunglasses (Pienaar 2012:36). The Voëlvry musicians did not appear to consciously display punk dress styles but the musicians were indeed noticed for their “generally dishevelled appearance” (ibid).

As discussed in section 1.3, the end of apartheid saw the dissolution of the Voëlvry movement. However, the Voëlvry movement played a pivotal role in the identity construction of many young Afrikaners during the 1980s and 1990s (Pienaar 2012:6). This is because, as Pienaar (2012:73, emphasis in original) explains:

The strength of Voëlvry’s cultural rebellion lies in part in the fact that the movement emerged from the belly of the beast. By turning on their own nation, the Voëlvryers contributed, to some extent, to the compromise of the Afrikaner mission. They challenged the most fundamental tenet of apartheid: that this system was the best way to protect and nourish the Afrikaner volk [people]. How could this be true if a significant proportion of young Afrikaners detested and rejected apartheid and hegemonic Afrikaner culture completely?

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Even though there is no longer an urgent need for political process in the democratic post-apartheid South Africa, a number of alternative Afrikaners remain and thrive (Vestergaard 2001:36). The liberal democratic South African constitution freely allows opposing and alternative views. In the apartheid era, expressing opposing views would often lead to constant police harassment, being ostracised by the community, and even incarceration. Released from these pressures, young alternative Afrikaners are readily challenging what it means for them to be Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa (ibid).

Vestergaard (2001:34-35) describes the alternative Afrikaners as artists who challenge and provoke traditional Afrikaners using graphic art, music, literature and performance art, usually appropriating traditional Afrikaner iconography to aid in the provocation. The alternative Afrikaners are considered to be as politicised as the traditional Afrikaners, but are sceptical of and question the established values of traditional Afrikaner culture (Vestergaard 2001:34).

Bearing the above in mind, it seems to be the case that there are a number of Afrikaner sub-groupings who appear to adhere to a variety of beliefs which are at times contradictory to traditional Afrikaner beliefs. It is the premise of this study that the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture has developed their social identity drawing on both the traditional Afrikaners as well as on the alternative Afrikaner sub-groups discussed above. Ultimately this identity informs the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

The presence of alternative Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa has led to the development of a number of creative outcomes which appear to be suggestive of new ways of exploring Afrikanerness. Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord are bands which are representative of a post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. In the next section, I discuss the development, identities and dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord.

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2.4 Fokofpolisiekar The Afrikaans punk-rock band Fokofpolisiekar’s19 first live performance was in 2003 (Klopper 2011:90). Fokofpolisiekar play a punk-rock20 style of music that has been labelled ‘Afrikaans punk’ (Klopper 2011:75). The music is also heavily influenced by grunge21 and heavy metal22 music (Klopper 2009:106). Themes found in lyrics of Fokofpolisiekar songs “examine the socio-political identity of the Afrikaner, the role of religion in Afrikaner culture, and the role of Afrikaner culture in South Africa” (Fokofpolisiekar biography [sa]).

The band consists of five members: lead singer Francois ‘Van Coke’ (formerly Badenhorst), bass guitarist Wynand Myburgh, guitarist and song-writer Hunter Kennedy, drummer Jaco ‘Snakehead’ Venter and guitarist Johnny de Ridder (Klopper 2011:15-23). All five members are middle-class Afrikaners and were raised within traditional Afrikaner culture (Klopper 2009:125). In other words, the various band members were raised in an environment that embodied the traditional Afrikaner ideological values as discussed in 2.2. Van Coke’s father is a minister in the Dutch Reformed church (Klopper 2011:35). This led Van Coke to unofficially change his surname from Badenhorst to Van Coke in order to protect his parents from reprisal from within the church community that the family belongs to (Inggs 2014:43). The choice of the new surname Van Coke, is in reference to the drug cocaine, which also emphasises the band’s rebellious nature (Inggs 2014:43).

The authorised biography of the band (Klopper 2011) tells the story of the lives of the band members and details how, as teenagers, the band members began rebelling against the Dutch Reformed church and showed an interest in alternative subcultures such as goth, grunge and metal (Klopper 2011:31-37). The interest in these international subcultures became evident in the way the band members started dressing as they styled themselves in clothing representative of these various

19 Fokofpolisiekar disbanded in 2007 but still regularly tour together (Kahn 2011:21). The band members have formed a number of bands with other musicians: Van Coke Cartel, and aKing. These bands often tour together. 20 Punk-rock music is “fast, hard-edged music, typically with short songs, stripped-down instrumentation, and often [contains] political, anti-establishment lyrics” (Punk rock [sa]). 21 The Urban Dictionary (Grunge [sa]) describes grunge music as consisting of “dirty” low-tuned guitar sounds with “strong riffs” and “heavy drumming”, with the sound largely drawn from punk rock music. Grunge lyrics “are typically angst-filled, angry, [and] frustrated…” which can be likened to the lyrics found in Fokofpolisiekar’s songs (ibid). 22 Heavy metal is a genre of rock music that consists of fast, aggressive sounds, usually with the electric guitar being played in a way which distorts the sound (Walser [sa]). 26 subcultures (ibid). As teenagers, the band members adorned their bedroom walls with posters depicting their favourite international metal bands - the only Afrikaans bands that were considered to be ‘cool’ enough to earn this esteemed position were bands from the Voëlvry movement (Klopper 2011:75). This is telling in that the band members, although raised within a traditional Afrikaner background, were drawn towards the subversive elements found within various non-mainstream music bands.

Fokofpolisiekar have been widely commented upon in the public domain, with many debates and discussions featured in newspapers, magazines and academic literature (Kahn 2011:21). The choice of their band name is an obvious act of defiance and rebellion, as including the Afrikaans expletive ‘fok’ as well as the full name; fuck-off-police-car, implies the band’s insurgence towards authority and law. The media often refer to the band as just ‘Polisiekar’, omitting the word ‘Fok’ from the band name, thus neutralising it somewhat (Klopper 2011:182-183). The band’s name and “perceived blasphemy incited intense antagonism from the band’s detractors” amongst whom were many traditional Afrikaners (Inggs 2014:43). Although the band’s acclaim has been mainly ascribed to their music, they also acquired a reputation for the “frequent brawls and punch-ups in small towns across the country” during their tours, incited either by the band members or by traditional Afrikaners present in the communities where the band was performing (Kahn 2011:21). The band was clearly having a discomforting effect on some members of the traditional Afrikaner community.

Fokofpolisiekar has drawn attention for “their subversive, anti-establishment attitudes and their openly hostile attitudes towards stereotypical Afrikaans identities” (Marx & Milton 2011:733). The band makes use of symbolic Afrikaner imagery in their music videos and other visual material. With these symbols they “play” with Afrikaner stereotypes (Kahn 2012:21). For example, the band released a booklet, which they distributed at their shows, titled Die Nuwe Jeugsangbundel – The New Youth Songbook (translated from Afrikaans by the author). The booklet was a simulation of the youth Christian songbooks that were handed out by the Dutch Reformed Church during the 1980s (Klopper 2011:112). It was designed and printed in exactly the same format as the original songbooks, but the Fokofpolisiekar version featured lyrics of the band’s songs rather than the Christian songs of the original songbooks (ibid). Openly targeting an Afrikaner audience for purposes of remarketing their own

27 music and lyrics, Die Nuwe Jeugsangbundel is also clearly an open act of defiance intended to challenge conservative Afrikaner beliefs in religious sanctity. As observed by Alice Inggs (2013:48) Fokofpolisiekar’s impact on the identities of the post-apartheid generation of Afrikaners should not be underestimated:

Fokofpolisiekar’s influences and appeal was apparent: lyrics lifted from both bible and Afrikaner literary canon set against a standard punk-rock sound … taking on church, state and psyche, the band interrogating everything that constituted the old white South African identities, achieving something that had never been achieved before. Fokofpolisiekar sang specifically about here and now and how it felt, articulating a struggle against the self specific to South Africa, and in so doing began the process of unifying a counter-culture.

Following Annie Klopper’s (2011:80-81) detailed account, the band had meetings to discuss their marketing tactics, and very early on insightfully recognised that they would need to forge their own distinct identity in order to successfully promote themselves. They considered the idea of wearing Voortrekker suits, but for some reason decided against this. It soon became apparent to members of the band that there were no specifically South African style options available that could inform their stylistic identity in ways conducive to their new-founded style of Afrikaans punk music (Klopper 2011:81). This could be because the band members felt that there were no locally established dress style options that they approved of or felt were ‘cool’ enough to be worn on stage.

During the formative years of the band’s existence, band members would save money by exchanging or ‘swapping’ clothing with each other while on tour and wearing T-shirts featuring the band’s name (Klopper 2011:71,89). Band members were dishevelled and in a dress style reminiscent of grunge, often wearing jeans that were low-slung on their hips and ripped (Klopper 2011:98, 110). The earlier dress style of Fokofpolisiekar is reminiscent of the dress styles worn by American grunge band Nirvana.

More recently, the band usually wear almost all-black, skin-tight jeans, called ‘skinny’ jeans, which have become a trademark of the band (Crous 2009:[sp]). Members are also known for their tattoos and black leather jackets (Naidoo 2013:19). Figure 1 shows the typical manner in which Fokofpolisiekar dress. There is little literature available that specifically discusses the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar and thus this is

28 covered in more detail in Chapter Five, via the findings and analyses from visual images.

Figure 1: Fokofpolisiekar 2012. Photographer Thomas Ferreira. (Fokofpolisiekar’s photos 2012).

Fokofpolisiekar seemed to mark the beginning of a new era of counterculture and a way of experimenting with an alternative reference point for young Afrikaners in post- apartheid South Africa. The band amassed a sizeable and loyal following consisting of many young Afrikaners who identified with the angst felt by many Afrikaners with the end of apartheid (Swarts 2008:[sp]). Many white Afrikaners questioned their place and identity in the new South Africa once apartheid came to an end (Marx & Milton 2011:725). Through the findings and analyses, I demonstrate how the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar has been influential on the dress style, and subsequently the identity re-construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. Just as the music and band members of Fokofpolisiekar has effectively influenced post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture, it would also appear that the ‘zef-styled’ group Die Antwoord is influencing this identity re-construction from a different viewpoint.

2.5 Die Antwoord Die Antwoord, an Afrikaans ‘rap-rave’ group, released their first video ‘Enter the Ninja’ digitally on You Tube in 2010 (Die Antwoord – Enter the Ninja …:2010). The video went viral and catapulted them into the international arena (Cole Rachel

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2010:90). By mid-2014, the video had almost twelve million views on You Tube (Die Antwoord – Enter the Ninja … :2010).

Die Antwoord consists of two key members, namely Ninja and Yolandi Visser (Woodward 2011:14). There is also a third member, DJ Hi-Tek, who is responsible for creating the techno-style sounds, however his public profile retains fairly low visibility (ibid). Ninja and Visser portray their identities as zef Afrikaners stemming from ‘poor white’ Afrikaner backgrounds (Van der Watt 2012:411). It appears that the duo intentionally endeavour to style themselves as caricatures of authentic zef individuals. The band is well known for their carnivalesque portrayal of zef culture and their high energy “zef-rap-rave” music (Cole Rachel 2010:90).

Important to note, and almost certainly adding to the discourse surrounding Die Antwoord, is that Ninja and Visser’s personas are entirely constructed (Kreuger 2012:402). Ninja is officially named Watkin Tudor Jones and Visser’s birth name is Anri du Toit (Die Antwoord [sa]). Ninja is a “well-resourced white, English-speaking South African (Haupt 2012a:421). Visser, although a native Afrikaans-speaker, has also altered her identity considerably (Van der Watt 2012:410). Liese Van der Watt (2012:410) explains that “Ninja is conceptualized to be an extension of the person Watkin (Waddy) Tudor Jones, rather than simply a character dreamt up by him”. Tudor Jones has ‘fashioned himself’ as a poor white hip-hop-styled rapper, but also draws a number of his identity markers from the coloured23 gang culture prevalent within the Cape Flats24 thereby creating “a more hybrid, creolised Afrikaans identity where race and class interac[t]” (Marx & Milton 2011:738). Van der Watt (2012:410) states that it is impossible to find an interview with Tudor Jones in his original identity, because, since the existence of Die Antwoord, “it is as if Ninja has quite simply supplanted him”. Die Antwoord cross racial, linguistic and class boundaries in their work but it is worth noting that this portrayed hybridisation was not a feature in

23 The racial category ‘coloured’ is an apartheid era categorisation which was intended to identify a mixed race, consisting of presumably black and white races (Haupt 2012a:419). In South Africa, the term coloured has been seen as contentious but “a large number of subjects self-identify as “coloured” – as opposed to black” (ibid). 24 65 000 members of the coloured community were forcefully removed by the apartheid government from their homes in central Cape Town, from an area called District Six in the late 1960s (Giliomee & Mbenga 2007:319). The removed coloured community was rehoused in an area named the Cape Flats, it is a “bitter, barren” plateau on the outskirts of Cape Town (Poplak 2012:[sp]). Additionally, the Cape Flats are notorious for gangsterism and drug addiction (ibid). 30 racially segregated working-class zef communities in the 1960s and 1970s (Van der Watt 2012:413).

The hip-hop subculture is indeed the favoured subculture of many young coloured individuals in Cape Town (Watkins 2000:8). The dialect adopted by Die Antwoord is often the patois Afrikaans spoken by the coloured community in the Cape Flats (Haupt 2012a:421). In addition to the vernacular of Afrikaans that the Die Antwoord uses, the band also uses obscene Afrikaans profanity in most of their songs (Van der Watt 2012:413). Afrikaans has historically been used as a tool in which to promote Afrikaner nationalism, therefore the vulgar way in which the band uses the language stands in defiance of traditional Afrikanerdom (Woodward 2011:20).

By creating an Afrikaner identity that comprises the working-class elements of Afrikaner culture, combined with various ethnicities and the crude, vulgar use of the Afrikaans language, Die Antwoord are clearly displaying a form of resistance to traditional Afrikaner culture. Van der Watt (2012:416) offers that the identity constructed by Die Antwoord challenges South Africans to embrace “new entangled connections” rather than focus on past cultural separatism.

With regards to the dress style of Die Antwoord, the band displays a highly styled visual aspect which, I believe, is indicative of the hybrid identities that the duo has adopted (see Figure 2). Even though Die Antwoord display a variety of different dress styles, they self-identify as ‘zeffers’, and as such, I refer to the variety of their dress styles as a singular dress style.

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Figure 2: Ninja and Yolandi Visser of Die Antwoord. Photographer Mark Squires. (Straight outta Cape Town … 2010). Both Ninja and Visser are regularly seen wearing oversized hooded sweaters which allude to hip-hop dress styles (Marx & Milton 2011:738). Ninja has been photographed wearing bright orange loose-fitting pants which also reference the prison uniforms worn by convicted felons (Van der Watt 2012:410). An orange is the uniform worn by convicted felons in many American prisons (Prison uniform [sa]). In South Africa, an orange jumpsuit – or overall – is also the standard prison uniform (Tlhabi 2011:[sp]). Ninja’s tattoos, gold-capped teeth and orange are all symbols of “coloured gangsta [sic] culture” (Van der Watt 2012:410). See Figures 3 and 4 with regards to the prison attire described.

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Figure 3: Photographer unknown, Ninja dressed in a manner resembling a prison uniform. (Guests at the “Late show … 2012).

Figure 4: Photographer unknown, Inmates at Pollsmoor prison (Stabbing delays inmates' Idol debut 2009).

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In addition to the use of a prison-style outfit, Ninja makes allusion to prison-gang practices of Numbers gangs via the tattoos he wears (Haupt 2012a:420). The Numbers gangs are three organised gangs in South African prison culture, each gang being responsible for specific functions in prison (Steinberg 2004b:7-8). The 26s are responsible for managing finances and ensuring that any accumulated wealth is equally distributed amongst the three gangs (Steinberg 2004a:[sp]). Members of the 26s are usually tattooed with images of the cartoon character Richie Rich (Die Antwoord – is it blackface? 2010:[sp]). The 27s maintain the gangs’ ‘laws’ using violence if necessary (Steinberg 2004b:[sp]). The tattoos that represent the 27s usually consist of a hand holding a knife (Die Antwoord – is it blackface? 2010:[sp]). The 28s fight for better conditions for the gangs, but are notoriously known as the sodomites in prison (Steinberg 2004b:[sp]). The 28s are known to adorn themselves with tattoos of the cartoon character Casper the Ghost, however Casper is usually depicted wielding an oversized penis (Die Antwoord – is it blackface? 2010:[sp]).

Ninja bears all three of the tattoos known to be representative of the Numbers gangs (see Figure 5). Figure 6 is a photograph of bona fide members of the 27s - the gang member on the right is tattooed on his chest with the 27 marker of a hand holding a knife. The tattoos on Ninja’s body appear deliberately makeshift and hand-drawn, as when inmates are illegally tattooed in prison (Haupt 2012a:420). Since each of the Numbers gangs operates separately, it stands to reason that members would only be tattooed with the tattoos representing their own number, whereas Ninja is tattooed with markers from all three of the Numbers gangs. What effect Ninja is trying to evoke is unclear. He could be trying to garner as much support as possible from all working-class individuals, or simply appropriating a series of shock-tactics in order to portray his persona as a ‘hard-core gangster’, using as many symbols as he possibly can to emphasise this portrayal.

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Figure 5: Ninja from Die Antwoord, displays tattoos that resemble a Cape Coloured gang member. Photographer Sebastian Kim. (Breukel 2012:[sp]).

Figure 6: Cape Coloured Numbers gang members. Photographer Araminta de Clermont. (Prison ink 2008:[sp]). Ninja also adopts a dress style that demonstrates a number of zef symbols, including “… gold-capped teeth, “bling” jewelry [sic], vests and boxer shorts…” (Van der Watt 2012:411). It therefore stands to reason that Ninja is perhaps not only tattooed to simulate a devotion to being a ‘hard-core gangster’, but also to emphasise the integrated nature of his identity. Fellow band member Yolandi Visser also embraces

35 a dress style that has garnered much attention from media, supporters and onlookers.

Visser dresses in a style that is at once provocative and ambiguous; on one hand she emulates a youthful innocence and on the other a crude aggression, “flitting between being sexy and embodying the abject, Yo-landi [sic] is never what one expects her to be’ (Van der Watt 2012:414). Visser has been seen in a variety of outfits which demonstrate the contradictory dress styles explained above, see Figures 2, 7 and 8. These outfits include oversized graffitied which Van der Watt (2012:414) describes as exemplifying poverty and deprivation, see Figure 2.

Figure 7: Yolandi Visser displays a sexually suggestive dress style (Yolandi Visser 2012). On the website, ‘Yolandi Dre$$up’ (Fink u freeky enough… [sa]), a number of Visser’s ‘signature’ outfits are featured in a comic-style format. These outfits include a variety of small, tight-fitting T-shirts that are cut off just below the breasts, low-cut tight-fitting ‘hot-pant’ style shorts or gold leggings, and an assortment of hip-hop style gold, chunky jewellery. In addition, there are a number of cartoon-style costumes that reference a variety of children’s cartoons such as the Care Bears25, SpongeBob

25 The Care Bears was an American cartoon that consisted of a variety magical coloured bears each with their own distinct identities (Care Bears [sa]). The Care Bears were at their most popular in the 1980s (ibid). 36

SquarePants26, Pokémon27 and Hello Kitty28 (ibid). See Figure 8, showing Visser dressed in a Care Bear costume.

Figure 8: Photographer unknown, Yolandi Visser wears a Care Bear costume (Super Kawaii love 2013). These outfits reflect the contradictory way in which Visser dresses. This combination of sexually suggestive clothing which is also child-like was regularly observed in the rave subculture’s dress styles, and Visser could be suggesting that her position allows her sexual freedom as well as freedom from adult responsibility. The display of cartoon characters also suggests a light-heartedness, in opposition, for example, to the angst displayed by Fokofpolisiekar. As mentioned in section 2.2, traditional Afrikaners did not approve of anyone being sexually suggestive as they found it offensive, and felt that such conduct displayed a lack of Christian morals. It may also be the case that Visser is making an attempt to provoke controversy because of the taboo nature of the portrayal of herself as both child-like and sexual. Portraying themselves in a variety of uncomfortable ‘costumes’ and situations appears to be a routine tactic regularly used by Die Antwoord. Die Antwoord could be using these shock tactics in order to garner attention which in turn promotes the band’s popularity.

26 SpongeBob SquarePants is a popular American cartoon (SpongeBob SquarePants [sa]). The cartoon revolves around the underwater adventures of SpongeBob SquarePants who is a sea sponge (ibid). 27 Pokémon is a highly successful Japanese video game which has been criticised by some Christians who believe that the game includes occult references and contradicts the Bible, specifically with regards to the creation in Genesis (Pokémon [sa]). 28 Hello Kitty is a cartoon cat produced by Japanese company Sanrio (Hello Kitty [sa]). Hello Kitty is a multi-billion dollar marketing phenomenon who first appeared in 1974 but remains a current symbol of global popular culture (ibid). 37

Both Ninja and Visser complete their dress styles with their extreme mullet hairstyles, as shown in Figure 9. Visser wears her hair bleached and cut into a “severe she-mullet” style (du Preez 2011:104). Ninja also wears his hair in a mullet style, but shorter than Visser, and with a “rat-tail” at the back (Patrick 2014:[sp]). The mullet hairstyles play an important role in the overall consolidation of the zef identity that Die Antwoord portray. Visser’s “aggressive” mullet hairstyle is perceived as iconic to the image of the band (Chow 2010:[sp]).

Figure 9: Yolandi Visser and Ninja from Die Antwoord display exaggerated mullet haircuts. Photographer Sebastian Kim. (Navarro & Hyman:[sa]) With their music and dress style Die Antwoord have marketed a version of Afrikaner zef culture melded with coloured hip-hop culture, thereby constructing an identity that has not been seen before in South Africa (Buchmann 2014:14). Die Antwoord undoubtedly contribute towards the identity reformation of the post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaner by putting forth a variety of cultural symbols that are subversive to traditional Afrikaner culture. I discuss the effect this reconstructed zef identity has on the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture further in Chapter Five.

2.6 Conclusion In light of the above discussion, it would appear that the overall Afrikaner identity is today somewhat fractured and involves a number of contrary manifestations. Once apartheid came to an end, the “Afrikaners lost their privileged position not only amongst the general population of the country, but amongst the white population itself” (Kreuger 2012:402). This loss of power has undoubtedly placed white Afrikaners in a state of flux and instability as far as their identities are concerned.

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The identity of the traditional Afrikaner has been formulated by the historical entanglement of the Afrikaners in South Africa, with the result that this history underlies many of the perceptions by non-Afrikaners of white Afrikaners (Laubscher 2005:309). The extent to which these perceptions are indeed valid is debatable, but their prevalence explains the need of post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultures to actively, visually, distance themselves from associations with traditional Afrikanerdom. Identity is not only about ‘what we are’ but also about ‘what we are not’ (Laubscher 2005:310). I therefore argue further in Chapter Five that the post- apartheid subcultural Afrikaners are constructing their own identities in an attempt to undermine the negative perceptions of traditional conservative Afrikaners.

In 2007 Fokofpolisiekar became the first Afrikaans band to top South African charts on the popular national radio station 5fm (Lamprecht 2007:[sp]). The band ignited a cultural phenomenon and attracted increasingly large numbers of fans (Kahn 2011:19). Following Fokofpolisiekar’s national success, Die Antwoord amassed an international following, which is unusual in South African popular culture, especially for a band depicting themselves as Afrikaners. This could be because of the previously negative perceptions that have been connoted towards Afrikaners, as well as the tendency of traditional Afrikaners to keep Afrikaner culture inward-looking, as discussed in section 2.2.

In the following Chapter I discuss subcultural studies and explain how subcultural studies apply to the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. In Chapter Three I also describe a number of global subcultures and their respective dress styles that influence the dress styles of the bands in question, as well as the post- apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. In Chapters Five and Six I use the applied research methods to shed light on the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultures in question and point to how these dress styles contribute to newly-constructed characteristic features of these young Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa today.

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CHAPTER THREE: GLOBAL SUBCULTURAL STUDIES 3.1 Introduction In this chapter I review the literature that theoretically positions this study. Firstly, I unpack the key concepts from formative subcultural studies. Secondly I discuss a number of international subcultures and thirdly I describe the dress styles of these subcultures. I intend to facilitate an understanding of subcultures and specifically the meanings of subcultural dress styles within Chapter Three.

Subcultural theory is an area that has not been extensively developed in South Africa and therefore I make use of international literature within this chapter. The insights that I point to within Chapter Three are necessary to aid in the understanding of the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This is because there is currently no research that has been conducted on the dress styles of this particular Afrikaner subculture.

The unique dress styles displayed by subcultures have not always been seen as a means to gain insight into subcultural identity. The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham is the school that put forward the concept of subcultural styling as significant to the understanding of subcultures. In what follows I explain why the studies carried out by the CCCS are best suited to the underpinning of the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. The body of work that CCCS scholars contributed towards subcultural studies during the 1970s remains seminal in this field.

3.2 Background to subcultural studies Two prominent schools that have put forward concepts with regards to subcultures are the University of Chicago’s Department of Sociology and the CCCS (Kidd 2002:16-124; Gelder 2007:27-32; Haenfler 2010:5-9). Following a further discussion about the core concepts (delinquency, class and style) developed by these two schools, I explain why the work done by the CCCS is more applicable to this study than the work of the Chicago school.

3.2.1 The Chicago school The ‘Chicago school’ of sociology was one of the first schools to identify and study subcultures (Colosi 2010:1). The scholars at the Chicago school focused their

40 studies on elements of urban life which included delinquent groups (gangs) found within society from the 1920s to the 1940s (Haenfler 2010:5). The empirical material that has been published by the Chicago school has made valuable contributions to the studies of youth culture with these findings inadvertently leading to the first models of subcultures (Colosi 2010:2).

One of the focal areas of study by the Chicago school was on delinquent subcultures that were responsible for gang culture and crime within the urban settings of a city (Cohen 1955:29). The delinquency aspect of these subcultures was in reference to criminal acts committed by the subcultural participants that were studied by the Chicago school sociologists.

The CCCS, however, put forward the idea that subcultural participants were individuals that had little opportunity to break away from the stratification into which they were born and therefore sought subcultural grouping as a means of resistance to a predisposed cultural allocation (Haenfler 2010:8). This resistance is manifested and made known by adopting a particular subcultural style (Hebdige 1979:17). The CCCS emphasised that styles adopted by subcultures are crucial to subcultural identity (Clark 1976:180).

Since this dissertation is a fashion study focused on dress styles found within subcultures, and because the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is not known to be a delinquent subculture, the work conducted by the CCCS provides more appropriate models for the groups in question.

3.2.2 The CCCS The CCCS placed emphasis on the emergence of new subcultural styles as alternative frames of reference in dress, music, ritual, imagery and/or idiom using a class-based approach (see for instance, Cohen 1972; Hall and Jefferson eds. 1976; Hebdige 1979). The CCCS acknowledged that the stylings of subcultures are a reflection of the infrastructure of subcultures (Cohen 1992:83). These styles that subcultures adopt are symbolic of the resistance that subcultures are attempting to display (Haenfler 2010:9).

Dick Hebdige's Subculture the meaning of style (1979) draws on the research conducted at the CCCS and has become a pivotal work on the relevance and

41 meaning that is to be found within subcultural style (Williams 2011:85). Hebdige's study of working-class youth in 1970s England was an attempt to come to terms with and understand the rising number of visual cultures in Britain using a semiotic approach underpinned by Roland Barthes. These visual cultures included the formation and rise of mods, teds and punk subcultures to name a few (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1979).

The significance of style in the understanding of subcultural meaning was not an area of study prior to the work conducted by the CCCS, “the idea of style as a coded response to changes affecting the entire community … literally transformed the study of spectacular youth culture” (Hebdige 1979:80). The CCCS emphasised the resistance between the various visual subcultures and the more traditional cultures that were being rebelled against, namely the parent cultures. In this sense the theories developed and built on by the CCCS tie in with the subculture aligned with Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord in the present study, as the visual elements – that is, the dress styles - represent young Afrikaners’ refutation of traditional Afrikaner values. Hebdige (1979:2-3) asserts that the styles adopted by subcultures hold meanings that explain the resistance and tensions between the parent culture and the subculture. This concept of the parent culture is discussed in more depth in section 3.3.

This study acknowledges the concepts developed by the CCCS, specifically with regards to viewing subcultures as a stylised form of socio-cultural resistance manifested through alternative dress styles and music. In this study, the adoption of alternative Afrikaner values, represented by the look and music favoured by this subculture signals new procedures of identity (re)formation among young Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa. At the same time, the present study is also informed by more recent scholarly engagements with subcultures, which are critical of CCCS studies, and prefer to represent themselves as ‘post-subcultural’ approaches.

3.2.3 Post-subcultural studies Representatives of this scholarship (Polhemus 1994, 1996; Thornton 1995; Muggleton 2000; Muggleton and Weinzierl 2003) tend to address the dynamics of group membership and social identity among young people living in conditions of social flux and hybridisation. These young people are not necessarily

42 disenfranchised or marginalised, yet might wish to distance themselves from the normative ideals of their parents’ generation, and distinguish their stylistic manifestations from those of other youth subcultures. In other words, this approach is less oriented toward class difference(s) and the subversion of broader mainstream culture, focusing more on how groups of young people can be seen as creating distinctions between themselves and others on the basis of particular ‘insider’ knowledge and taste, also referred to as ‘subcultural capital’ (Thornton 1995:105).

Using the CCCS subcultural theory as a point of departure, post-modern subcultural scholar David Muggleton (2000:47) argues that the approach taken by the CCCS is not applicable to post 1980s subcultures, class, ethnicity and gender are no longer determining issues for young people when embarking on their search for social identity. Post-modern subcultural studies do not agree that resistance plays a vital part in the system of subcultures but rather that consumption is the hallmark of post- modern subcultures (Muggleton & Weinzierl 2003:6-9). In other words, post-modern subcultures are not concerned with counter-cultural resistance but rather with a culture of consumerism, which Ken Gelder (2007:106) explains as a “picture of heterogeneity [that] is left with … a benign and docile expression of capitalism’s primary ideological fantasy, the ‘individual’s freedom of choice’”.

Subcultures prevalent in decades prior to the 1980s have been very clearly defined and distinguishable from one another, for example the hippies, punks and goths. When hippies are compared to punks, for example, it is immediately apparent that these two subcultures express different worldviews. Punk style is seen as indicative of anarchy and aggression whereas the hippy style suggests love and peace (Polhemus 1994:15).

Muggleton (2000:48) explains that post-modern subcultural identities are more fluid and not necessarily loyal to any particular subculture. Post-modern subcultural participants easily re-configure their style, moving from one subculture to another (Muggleton 2000:48). The post-modern subcultures develop their style by hybridising a variety of cultural symbols from fashion, music and other contemporary influencers (Kidd 2002:130). This hybridisation of styles is referred to as the “supermarket of style” meaning that instead of the focus being on one particular style, post-modern

43 subcultures freely choose items from a wide range of possible subcultural styles “as if they were cans of soup on supermarket shelves” (Polhemus 1994:131).

Essentially, this means that, from a post-modern subcultural viewpoint, “subcultural symbols are thus open to being perceived and used in different ways by different groups represented in different societies in different locations” (Bosë 2003:171). A possible reason for this fluidity within post-modern social identity is that there is a desire among post-modern subculturalists no longer to be stereotyped or categorised (Polhemus 1996:17).

CCCS scholars, however, believe that class, gender and ethnicity are crucial factors that determine subcultural development and membership (Clarke et al 1976:14) and that subcultures typically display acts of resistance which seem to subvert or set them apart from wider ‘mainstream’ culture. This belief that subcultures are structured from within the larger cultural network from which they stem, implicitly binds the subculture with aspects of the parent culture (Clark et al 1976:60-65).

Both Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord can be placed within the CCCS definition of subcultural studies. As discussed in section 2.4, Fokofpolisiekar unquestionably display a high degree of resistance towards traditional Afrikaner culture. As noted above, rebellion and resistance are not regarded as characteristic of post-modern subcultures. Die Antwoord, as explained in section 2.5, have carefully constructed their image borrowing from working-class Afrikaner and coloured culture - referred to as zef culture (Van der Watt 2012:410-411). The notion of deliberately selecting an identity and categorising themselves as zef also goes against the post-modern standpoint. With this in mind, I discuss the subcultural studies carried out by the CCCS in more depth and I also flesh out the concept of the parent culture.

3.3 Parent culture and resistance Since I have established that the CCCS’s approach to subcultural studies informs this study, in this section I delve further into the work of the CCCS in order to better understand the construction and social identity of subcultures. This literature will be used to conceptualise the social identity and dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

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The concept of the parent culture in relation to the formation and resistance displayed by subcultures has been introduced in section 3.2.2. The parent or adult culture, which, needless to say, does not necessarily refer to the biological parents of the subcultural participants, moulds the resistance that is carried out by the subculture (Clark et al 1976:13). The subculture is inextricably bound to the parent culture, and indeed the two share, and draw from, a common culture. However, the subculture remains distinct from the parent culture and this is displayed through the subculture’s rituals of resistance (Brake 1985:6). In other words, subcultures cannot exist alone, the parent culture to which a subculture belongs must be identified and acknowledged in order to understand the context in which the subculture exists (Haenfler 2010:19).

Subcultures arise as an attempt to collectively resolve issues being experienced by subcultural participants with the hegemonic norms from within their parent culture (Brake 1985:[sp] Preface). Antonio Gramsci (cited by Haenfler 2010:20, emphasis in original) explains that the group of people that are in power, the parent culture, enforce their dominance “not only through politics and force of arms but through cultural domination … through schools, religion, nationalism and so on”. Subcultural participants come to feel betrayed by the parent culture and thus come about as a collective movement of people who disagree with the values, behaviour and actions of the parent culture (Brake 1985:[sp] Preface-8).

The underlying purpose of a subculture is to attempt to “express and resolve, albeit ‘magically’” ideological and/or cultural aspects that “remain hidden or unresolved in the parent culture” but which subcultural participants are opposed to (Cohen 1992:82). The reason there is an emphasis on resolving issues ‘magically’ is because subcultures do not directly confront their respective parent cultures but rather allude to their dissatisfaction of the parent cultures by, for instance, adopting particular, and usually offensive dress styles. Behind most subcultures lies the foil of a parent. For the hippies, who embraced an ideology of peace and freedom, the parent culture at that time symbolised war and conscription (Haenfler 2010:8). It is therefore possible that the traditional and conservative Afrikaners comprise the parent culture of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

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Admittedly, the resistance displayed by subcultural participants may not necessarily bring about radical change in the ideology of the parent culture but rather, as Ross Haenfler (2010:9) suggests, subcultural participation could offer empowerment to the individual participant in terms of resisting pressures brought about by peers, family and society within the parent culture. However, subcultures may indeed challenge and make an impact on the ideology of the parent culture, should the subculture attain a growing visibility in terms of the rituals that the subcultural participants partake in (Hebdige 1979:16).

These rituals include “certain activities, values, certain uses of material artefacts, [and] territorial spaces” so that subcultures position themselves as unique in terms of their everyday and leisure lifestyles which include music and image (Clarke et al 1976:14). These rituals in turn lead to the construction of the social identity of the subculture (ibid). There are a variety of rituals in which subcultures can display their resistance, for example, the appropriation of cultural symbols, participation in protests, truancy and delinquency, to name a few (Raby 2005:153).

These appropriated symbols and the uses to which they are put become known as subcultural style (Raby 2005:156). It is the resistance by appropriation, with the emphasis on subcultural style – as asserted by the CCCS - which underpins this study. However, subcultural style cannot be examined solely through the subculture itself, but needs to be considered within the context of the parent culture (Clarke 1976:176-177). This is because subcultural style by appropriation involves a careful and deliberate appropriation of objects that hold meaning to both the subculture and the parent culture (Clarke 1976:178). It is this subcultural style that manifests the rebellion that subcultures achieve in the relationship with the parent culture.

In this section I have pointed out the ways in which subcultures appropriate symbols that are meaningful to the parent culture, and this is then transformed into the style of the subculture. In this study I am specifically concerned with the symbols used in the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, because it is the use of symbols that confer meaning on procedures of identity construction within subcultures. As discussed earlier, the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture and the bands in question reference a number of internationally known subcultures. I discuss

46 this in more detail in Chapter Five. In the next section I provide a description of the dress styles of these international subcultures.

3.4 Pertinent global subcultures In Chapter Two I explained that Fokofpolisiekar and, to a lesser extent, Die Antwoord reference, and are influenced by, a number of international subcultures. These include punk, hip-hop, goth, metal, grunge and rave subcultures. In this section I describe the dress styles of these international subcultures as well as the general ethos known to underlie these subcultures. I then further categorised these dress styles into individual items of clothing, shoes, body modifications and colour, to which meanings are ascribed. The purpose of this section is to be able to apply this literature to the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture as there is to date so little literature available that focuses solely on the dress style of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture. I discuss these international subcultures chronologically.

3.4.1 Punk The emerged in the mid-1970s and was most prominent in the United States and ; the subculture was “largely characterised by anti-establishment views and the promotion of individual freedom” (Punk subculture [sa]). These views were manifested in the anarchic style of punk music and dress (ibid).

The trailblazing pioneers of the punk sound were members of the New York punk band The Ramones who “wore the uniform – black leather jackets, dark glasses, torn jeans – and affected the inarticulate, brattish manner of a street gang” (Thorne 1993:208). British punk band, The , dominated the British punk scene and the American punk image evolved to include the better known look of safety pins used for piercings and spike-top Mohican hairstyles (Thorne 1993:209).

Punk clothing consisted of ripped T-shirts printed with deliberately offensive slogans, shirts, leather jackets, tapered and tight-fitting jeans or leather pants ( [sa]). Much of the clothing was customised with various symbols and slogans and ripped to add to the look of rebellion (ibid). Everyday items such as safety pins and black rubbish bags were incorporated into the punk dress style (Hebdige

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1979:107). The punk image included noses or lips pierced with safety pins and -style chains draped and pinned over clothing (Jones 1987:135). The footwear worn by punks included combat-style boots or -style sneakers29 (Polhemus 1994:92; Punk fashion [sa]).

This abuse of the body and clothing as displayed by the piercings, hairstyles and ripped clothing expressed a “derisive and nihilistic attitude … towards establishment values” (Crane 2000:186). This strongly suggest that the punk dress style was symbolic of a resistance towards authority and hegemonic norms.

3.4.2 Hip-hop The rap and hip-hop music-led subculture originated in 1976 in the largely black impoverished community of the South Bronx in New York (Polhemus 1994:106). By now, hip-hop subculture has been integrated into popular youth culture. The hip-hop dress style comprises a sport-wear look of branded sneakers, such as Adidas, hooded sweaters and caps (Polhemus 1994:107-108; de la Haye & Dingwall 1996:[sp]). The menswear hip-hop silhouette included “immense shirts worn with pants so large that hemlines dragged the ground and crotches extended to the knees”, hiding the contours of the body (Morgado 2007:132). The women’s silhouette is typically antithetically slim, consisting largely of midriff or bra-type tops, short tight skirts or tight jeans, resulting in a silhouette contrary to that of the men’s (ibid). For both men and women the dress style is often accessorised with large, chunky gold necklaces and rings, usually shaped as, or bearing the symbol of, the American dollar sign (Polhemus 1994:107-108). The hip-hop term ‘ghetto fabulous’ is used to explain the occurrence of seemingly expensive objects within the context of the impoverished areas where hip-hop subcultures originate (Steele 2005:215- 217). The essence of hip-hop style is that of an energetic urban experience considered to be the epitome of ‘cool’ (ibid).

The oversized hip-hop dress style silhouette is perceived as confrontational with an “in your face” attitude (Morgado 2007:145). Displayed by the minority African- American subcultural group, an oversized silhouette may seek to counter the

29 The streetwear sneaker that is most regularly worn by subculturists is the All Star. The Converse All Star, also known as Chucks or Cons, was originally developed as a basketball shoe in the 1920s (Sims 2010:132). However, since the 1970s, Converse All Star sneakers have become the preferred sneakers of many music-led subcultures (Sims 2010:33). 48 possibility of going unnoticed or even being subjected to erasure (Miller 2011:115). The deeper meaning of the hip-hop subculture is about marginalised youth attempting to take ownership of their identities (Haenfler 2010:43).

3.4.3 Goth The is a post-punk subculture that originated in 1980s England, but did not embrace the anarchy and energy of the punk subculture (Goth subculture [sa]; Thorne 1993:98). This subculture was exemplified by bands such as Bauhaus, Joy Division and Siouxsie and the Banshees (Goth subculture [sa]). Goth music consists “of doom-laden or anthemic guitar-based rock music accompanied by black clothing … and the wearing of occult or mock-medieval paraphernalia” (Thorne 1993:98).

This subculture is associated with a proclivity for “death, the macabre and [the] otherworldly” with the goth dress style consisting largely of black clothing (Grunenberg 1997:209). Gothic literature aestheticises death and decay; the unhealthy and deviant is embraced with a focus on the dark side of romanticism (Steele & Park 2008:25-26). The predominant use of black in the goth subculture is overwhelming in terms of clothing, hair and make-up; goths typically dye their hair black, have black painted fingernails, black eye makeup, and often wear piercings (Goth subculture [sa]; Hodkinson 2002:42).

When considering the many existing subcultures, the goth subculture is more coherent as a group than others (Polhemus 1994:99; Thorne 1993:98). The dress style of the goth subculture has been the crucial element in this coherence, essential for entry and acceptance into goth subculture (Steele & Park 2008:118). The overarching beliefs that goths subscribe to include “respect for individuality and a tolerance for diversity” (Haenfler 2010:84). Goths do not necessarily claim any specific religion but are usually secular or prefer to pursue various spiritual paths (ibid).

3.4.4 Metal The metal subculture is also principally identified by musical tastes, specifically that of heavy metal music (Thorne 1993:108). “Heavy metal [music] is traditionally characterised by loud distorted guitars, emphatic rhythms, dense bass-and-drum sound, and vigorous vocals” (Heavy metal music [sa]). 49

Heavy metal dress typically comprises tight jeans, motorcycle boots or Converse All Star hi-top sneakers and black T-shirts (Heavy metal subculture [sa]). Often there is a sleeveless or black worn over a T-shirt (Thorne 1993:108). The sleeveless denim or leather jacket is usually customised with artwork from favoured band albums and logos (Heavy metal subculture [sa]). Hair is worn unkempt and long (Polhemus 1994:80).

Heavy metal subcultural enthusiasts seem drawn to this subculture because they feel estranged from their own culture (Haenfler 2010:59). Heavy metal adherents feel disconnected and dissatisfied with mainstream society and being a part of the heavy metal subculture brings a sense of belonging to these subcultural participants (ibid).

3.4.5 Grunge The grunge subculture was defined by a type of music that developed from the and heavy metal sound of the late 1980s (Thorne 1993:108). The grunge subculture was epitomised by two of the most well-known grunge bands at the time, namely Nirvana and Pearl Jam (Grunge [sa]). Lyrics from grunge music are typically angst-ridden with themes surrounding issues of social rejection of mainstream culture and a desire for freedom from daily responsibilities such as school or work (Grunge [sa]). Kurt Cobain, the lead singer of Nirvana, was the ‘face of grunge music which symbolised the angst that was being experienced by Generation X30 (Strong 2011:137). This angst was in response to the secular conservatism that seemed to underpin the ideology, politics and values of society at large during the 1980s (Strong 2011:19). Catherine Strong (2011:19) describes the egalitarian attitude of grunge:

30 generally refers to people born between the 1960s through to the late 1970s (Strong 2011:135). Generation X is usually discussed in the context of when this generation was aged between their late teens to early twenties, this being around the time of grunge – the late 1980s to the 1990s (ibid). The characteristics that were attributed to those within Generation X were considered to be indicators of how the youth were feeling during this time, including “people who feel disconnected from society but closely reliant on each other” (Strong 2011:135). Generation X is also closely associated to the grunge movement, and thus the characteristics that describe Generation X can be applied to the grunge movement as well (Strong 2011:134 & 137). 50

Tolerance and the celebration of diversity were encouraged, as can be seen at the Lollapalooza31 tour where, alongside bands of many different musical affiliations, there were stalls promoting women’s and gay rights and anti-racism. Tolerance of difference and support of women were dominant themes in the politics of grunge, and … with this tolerance of difference came a mistrust of authority, and a deep cynicism towards big corporations. By asking questions about equality and wealth within society, issues of power became central to grunge.

The grunge dress style portrayed a low-budget anti-materialist philosophy, brought on by the conspicuous consumption of expensive luxury fashion brands during the 1980s (Grunge [sa]; Steele 2005:154). The grunge dress style was unkempt and scruffy with clothing being obviously too large or too small for wearers - having been bought mostly at second-hand clothing stores (Grunge [sa]; Polhemus 1994:123). Shirts were usually flannel plaid shirts worn over T-shirts displaying logos of grunge bands and pants were loose-fitting faded jeans which were often ripped in places (Grunge [sa]; Polhemus 1994:122). The adherents’ hairstyles were dishevelled and dirty (Polhemus 1994:122). The favoured shoes worn were combat boots and Converse All Stars (Fiore 2010:66; Polhemus 1994:122). Grunge dress style has also been referred to as non-fashion because it was so deliberately contrary to the fashions of that time (Steele 2005:154).

3.4.6 Ravers The rave subculture developed from the acid house movement established in the late 1980s, their ethos being about “coming together in dance clubs of house music” and taking hallucinogenic drugs (Thorne 1993:2, 219). Adherents of this style displayed T-shirts printed with ‘smiley’ faces and neon psychedelic patterns, with the overall philosophy being a return to the values of ‘peace and love’ previously promoted in the late 1960s (Polhemus 1994:115; Thorne 1993:2). Ravers wore loose-fitting clothing in bright neon colours, the intention being to maximise comfort which allowed for all-night dancing with the neon colours aiding in the enjoyment of the hallucinatory ‘trips’ from the drugs that were taken (de la Haye & Dingwall 1997:[sa]).

31 Lollapalooza is a multi-genre annual music festival which started in 1991 (Lollapalooza [sa]). The festival has taken place at various venues in America until more recently, the festival has taken place in various South American countries (ibid). 51

As I have pointed to in the descriptions above, subcultures each have their own distinct dress style. These dress styles consist of deliberate acts of stylisation by means of combining a variety of items of clothing, products, accessories, hairstyles and body modifications. In the following section, I consider each of these items separately in order to expand on this discussion.

3.5 Global subcultural dress styles The various subcultures that I discuss in sections 3.4.1 to 3.4.6 are known for their subcultural style, and in particular, their subcultural dress style. There are a number of items/stylisations that have become associated with these subcultures. In this section I address the items/stylisations representative of the dress styles of the respective subcultures mentioned above. In Chapter Five I address some of the ways in which a number of these subcultural symbols appear to have been appropriated by the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

The various dress styles of the subcultures that I discuss in sections 3.5.1 to 3.5.6 are divided into categories of jackets, tops, bottoms, accessories – namely shoes, body modifications and hairstyles with an explanation provided for each. I then discuss the colours that regularly feature; namely black and neon.

3.5.1 Jackets The jacket of choice that stands out in the punk subculture is the black leather jacket, also known as a biker or motorcycle jacket. In the 1960s the black leather jacket became “the uniform of the bad boys” as worn by famous ‘bad-boy’ actors Marlon Brando and James Dean (Farren 1985:7). The black leather jacket symbolised a break from following the rules, an act of rebellion, it was the epitome of ‘cool’ and was frowned upon by the more traditional and conservative older generation of the time (Farren 1985:7-8). The black leather jacket was worn by subcultural participants who intended to “express a rebellious stance either aesthetically or politically” (Crane 2000:182). Throughout the decades the black leather jacket has managed to retain a sense of ‘cool’ (Leach 2014:178).

3.5.2 Buttoned shirts Both the punk and grunge subcultures were regularly seen wearing flannel/plaid shirts. Flannel shirts have been a staple of the Seattle lumberjack worker, and the

52 emerging youth subcultures in Seattle started wearing these shirts because they were inexpensive and readily available in charity stores at the time (Marin 1992:1). The association of the flannel shirt with the lumberjack gives the flannel shirt wearer a working-class identity, and in the grunge context adds to the anti-commercial message of the subculture (Mackinney-Valentin 2012:9-10). Wearing an inexpensive and freely available item of clothing was in stark opposition to the over-the-top ‘flashy’ and glamorous fashions that flourished during the 1980s and early 1990s (Heyman 2009:[sp]; Marin 1992:1).

3.5.3 T-shirts Hebdige (1979:17) observed that subcultures use seemingly “humble object[s]” in which to make known their dissatisfaction with hegemony. The T-shirt indeed seems to belong to this category of ‘humble objects’ appropriated by subcultures. T-shirts can convey a message of either conformity or rebellion, while having the ability to express “social identity in many different ways, ranging from identity politics to lifestyle” (Crane 2000:181). The influence that T-shirts have to convey codes and social identity should not be underestimated, as Diana Crane (2000:177) explains:

The T-shirt performs a function formerly associated with the hat, that of identifying an individual’s social location instantly. Unlike the hat in the nineteenth century, which signaled [sic] (or concealed) social class status, the T-shirt speaks to issues related to ideology, difference, and myth: politics, race, gender and leisure.

Street-style is synonymous with subcultural dress style, and the T-shirt is a staple design of cult streetwear designers (Sims 2010:8). Within subcultural dress style, the use of the term street-style is commonplace, and this is used to describe the actual clothing of subcultures, indicating clothing that did not emanate from fashion catwalks (de la Haye & Dingwall 1996:[sp]).

Josh Sims (2010:8) refers to the T-shirt as the “motherlode of all streetwear … the blank canvas on which to give vent to one’s values”. Sims (ibid) explains the ideals of the street-style T-shirt as including:

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…the more cerebral pursuits of art and graphic design; punk with its DIY ethos, but also avant-garde rock, hip-hop and gangsta rap … the gung-ho screw you hedonism of youth, but also a purposeful, politicized, anti-authoritarian activism … it [The T-shirt] has been underground and non-conformist in attitude … simple, comfortable, functional, practical and much imitated a style of dress as might be imagined, and yet one resplendent with codes and details that give the apparent clone a strong sense of identity.

The silhouette of the T-shirt can also add to the symbolism of the T-shirt. T-shirts can either be worn loose or close-fitting, and with a crew neck or a V-neck. The close- fitting V-neck T-shirt being worn by men is at times viewed as being more feminine than regular crew neck fits, with the V-neck wearer perceived as a ‘metrosexual’ man “who is interested in and knowledgeable about things such as style, art and culture” (Men and V … 2011:[sp]). The baggy oversized T-shirt on the other hand is symbolic of having a bigger build or being tough ( fashion [sa]).

3.5.4 Pants There are two distinct silhouettes described in the above subcultures and these are the baggy oversized silhouette or the skin-tight fitted one. This is manifested in the pants/bottoms worn by subcultural followers.

3.5.4.1 Oversized pants The pants worn by the adherents of rave and hip-hop subcultures take on an oversized silhouette for practical purposes of allowing for ease of movement and comfort when dancing, as both of these subcultures are largely influenced by music and dance (de la Haye & Dingwall 1997:[sa]). However, the oversized silhouette can also express a political statement as was seen with the zoot , the hugely oversized suits worn by African Americans during the 1940s (Polhemus 1994:17). The zoot suit became a symbol of empowerment for black and Mexican minority cultures in America (Polhemus 1994:18). The oversized silhouette communicated a message that was against oppression, invisibility and possible erasure (Miller 2011:115).

3.5.4.2 Skin-tight pants Skin-tight pants worn by many subcultural participants have traditionally been viewed by conservative society as rebellious, for example in the 1960s young subculturalists

54 would sneak out of their homes wearing baggy flannel pants over their skin-tight jeans with the purpose of hiding these from their parents for fear of reprisal (Farren 1985:8). Skin-tight pants worn by men can also be seen as a hallmark of femininity (Williams 2011:75). This is likely to be frowned upon by a male-dominated patriarchal parent culture. A skin-tight silhouette may also convey a desire to appear less perceptible and to avoid attracting attention, unlike the oversized silhouette.

3.5.5 Shoes The shoes that are mentioned as most regularly worn by the selected subcultures are Converse All Star sneakers and Dr Marten boots. These two shoe types are discussed separately.

3.5.5.1 Converse All Star sneakers The Converse All Star sneaker has been the preferred footwear of many subcultures over the years, with the sneaker seen as an “emblem of cool adopted by artists and musicians that extended into the punk-rock and grunge eras” (Fiore 2010:66). Since the 1970s Converse sneakers have been seen in many music-led subcultures (Sims 2010:133). Kurt Cobain, lead singer of the legendary 1990s grunge band Nirvana, was a Converse fan as were the American punk band the Ramones (Czerwinski 2009:16; Fiore 2010:66). The Converse All Star sneaker is no longer only seen as a grunge or punk accessory, but remains a staple accessory that is a symbol of ‘cool’ (Czerwinski 2009:16).

3.5.5.2 Dr Marten boots A number of the subcultures discussed above prefer to wear combat-style boots, the most prevalent of these being Dr Marten boots. The Dr Marten is a classic British street-style boot and has featured as the footwear brand of choice by British subcultures since the 1960s (Czerwinski 2009:28). For both the and punks Dr Marten boots signified defiance and aggression in a masculine working- class context (ibid).

3.5.6 Body modification For the purposes of this study, body modification includes tattooing and piercing. There are many reasons why individuals modify their bodies by tattooing and piercing, for example religious, medical, sexual and cultural reasons, to name a few

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(Schiffmacher 2001:6-10). This section focuses specifically on tattooing and piercing as an act of resistance within subcultural style. The body modifications that subcultural participants subscribe to are often associated with being non-normative and are subjected to judgement within society (Winge 2012:48-49). The act of body modification is embedded in the social system of any particular culture and therefore holds meaning for the culture in question (Kuwahara 2005:13). In other words, forms of body modification displayed on a subcultural participant, hold meaning for the participant as well as for the culture in which the subculture is housed. Body modification can therefore be seen as a further act of resistance in subcultures, especially if the act of body modification is unwelcome or deemed as immoral by the parent culture.

In terms of tattooing, the lifelong permanence of tattoos is indicative of the level of commitment to the subculture and indicates membership to a subculture (Polhemus 1994:13). Piercings also indicate group membership, and although piercings are not permanent, scarring as a result of piercing can indeed be permanent. In terms of subcultural dress styles, the act of body modification contributes to and aids in the construction of subcultural identity (Winge 2012:53)

3.5.7 Hairstyles Hairstyles, as with clothing and accessories, can become signifiers within subcultures. The punks, skinheads, metal, goth and grunge all have their own unique hairstyles that have become a part of their subcultural identity. Hairstyles denote membership in groups and signify identity, as well as revealing cultural and societal values (Sherrow 2006: introduction). As with body modification, the reaction a subcultural participant receives in response to their hairstyle is dependent on the symbolic meaning of the hairstyle to the parent culture of the subculture.

The most common hairstyle among the selected subcultures is long, unruly hair. The Dictionary of Symbolism (Biedermann 1989:161) explains that long hair in contemporary subcultures expresses a desire to protest and be free from hegemonic norms.

3.5.8 Colour Colour has the ability to convey meaning; it can hold many associations; it also has the ability to impart symbolic value to individuals and society in general (Darrodi 56

2012:16). The meanings associated with colours must be considered within the context in which the colour is used as well as in differing cultural contexts (ibid). For the purposes of this study, the meanings associated with colour in western culture will be considered.

3.5.8.1 Black Black, commonly seen in many of the selected subcultures, has been interpreted as being rebellious and transgressive, the appropriate colour of revolt (Pastoureau 2008:190; Williamson 2001:147). The colour black is a symbol of rebellion against social norms and is worn by rebels of all kinds (Crane 2000:182).

Throughout history “black has been associated with suggestions of night and darkness and by extension, with death, danger”, macabre and satanic acts, and generally ominous symbolism (Steele & Park 2008:23-24; Williamson 2001:147). However, it is also worth noting that wearing black has also been regarded as connoting elegance, power and eroticism (Steele & Park 2008: 28).

There was a time when wearing only black garments horrified the more traditional and conservative elders within a community, although nowadays the clout that black has to proclaim revolt has diminished; this may be due to the act of wearing black also being taken up by mainstream fashion (Pastoureau 2008:191). Nevertheless, black remains the more prevalent choice amongst many subcultures.

3.5.8.2 Neon/bright The use of the neon colours appears mostly in the rave subculture with the ethos of the rave subculture being that of ‘peace and love’ spurred on by hallucinogenic drugs (Polhemus 1994:115). It therefore stands to reason the neon colours are associated with feelings of euphoria and general positivity.

3.6 Conclusion The freedom to dress oneself as one wishes should not be underestimated, especially within the context of subcultures. There are many cultures that employ control and constraint over the freedom to choose for oneself, with dress being a way in which the hegemony can enforce this control (Keenan 2001:181). William Keenan (2001:189) explores dress freedom, explaining that “dress freedom is a social freedom; a freedom to ‘deviate’ from the normative sartorial expectations of

57 our social group”. Subcultures are the groups of people that have the ability to explore and push these dress freedoms to a tipping point.

Lauren Basson (2007:15) explains that by becoming a member of a subculture the participant is constructing an alternative identity to that of the parent culture. It can therefore be inferred that subcultural membership becomes a practice of identity construction. Hence the Afrikaner subcultural participant is in the process of constructing a new identity, one that includes aspects of being an Afrikaner but is also devoid of the negative connotations attached to the traditional conservative Afrikaners. The subculture is labelled as deviant by the parent culture because the subculture is rejecting aspects of the identity and culture of the dominant culture (Kidd 2002:114).

In Chapter Four I discuss the research methodology that was used to carry out the data collection of this study. In Chapter Five I then explore the findings and provide the analysis. This includes detailed discussions about the dress styles of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

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CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 4.1 Introduction In Chapter Four I describe the research methodology used for this study. In this chapter, I endeavour to make clear the most suitable methodological approaches in order to provide answers to the research question: What do the dress styles of post- apartheid alternative Afrikaans bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and selected audience members, contribute to, and suggest about, the new trends and characteristic features of these young Afrikaner’s in post-apartheid South Africa today?

In order to respond to this research question, I formulated a number of aims and objectives (see section 1.4.1). The research question, aims and objectives inform the research methodology that has been selected to fulfil the research requirements of this study.

In order to explain the research methodology, I have structured this chapter in the following order: firstly, the appropriate research approach is argued, secondly the applicable research design is identified and thirdly, the specific research methods that have been used are discussed. Furthermore, the validity, reliability and ethics of the research are also presented.

4.2 Research approach

The three widely accepted research approaches are qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods (Cresswell 2014:3). I briefly discuss these three approaches in the following paragraphs and explain why I have selected a qualitative research approach.

Qualitative research focuses on finding meaning and significance from the data (Rose 2012:101). A qualitative research approach is “interested in understanding the meaning people have constructed, that is, how people make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world” (Merriam 2009:13, emphasis in original). Qualitative research is about a desire to understand that which is unfamiliar to us and is a “field of enquiry” that can be used across “disciplines, fields, and subject matters” (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:2-3).

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Quantitative research deals with examining relationships among variables by typically measuring numbered data (Cresswell 2014:4). Since quantitative research makes use of numerical data it is systematic and objective (Maree & Pietersen 2007:145). In light of quantitative research being concerned with measurements the results of quantitative research are recorded in numeric form and make use of statistics (Fouché & Delport 2005:73). Quantitative research is the approach which is most widely used in the physical and certain social sciences (ibid).

A mixed methods research approach consists of elements from both qualitative and quantitative research approaches (Cresswell 2014:3). The two research approaches aim to provide a more complete understanding of the research question, than either approach would manage on their own (Cresswell 2014:4). This is useful for qualitative research that requires statistical data to support a theory or to measure the size or scope of that which is being researched (Nieuwenhuis 2007a:51). The research question that guides a study would be used to determine whether or not a mixed methods approach is applicable.

In light of the research question, aims and objectives, it is evident that a qualitative research approach is appropriate for this study. The research aims and objectives require that the dress styles of the participants are identified and examined. This will involve descriptions of the dress styles. Further objectives state that the perceptions of participants, regarding their dress styles and that of the bands, are established. Ultimately the findings of this study indicate the meaning(s) of the dress styles of the participants and the bands. The research designs that are found within a qualitative research approach best facilitate the analysis of the data in order to provide insight into the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

4.3 Research design

The research design most appropriate for a research project is fundamentally determined by the worldview, or epistemological perspective, contained within the research question (Merriam 2009:7-8). The four basic perspectives are “positivism, postpositivism, constructivism, and participatory action frameworks” (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:183). Following an explanation below, I demonstrate why this study is underpinned by a constructivist perspective.

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Positivism holds that reality can be “studied, captured and understood”, while postpositivism is also concerned with capturing and understanding reality, but argues that this reality can only be approximated, and hence this is a more subjective approach (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:11). The purpose of a positivist and postpositivist perspective is to predict, control and generalise the research (Merriam 2009:11). Positivism and postpositivism are usually associated with quantitative research, whereas participatory action frameworks and constructivist perspectives usually associate with qualitative research (ibid).

Participatory action frameworks consist of research that is underpinned by an aspect of social responsibility (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:34). These action frameworks commit to radical change and transformation within society (ibid). The purpose of this type of research is to bring about change, emancipate and empower participants, and provide solutions to problems in the world (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:34; Merriam 2009:11).

The constructivist perspective, also known as interpretivism, is based on the underlying assumption that human behaviour is dependent upon social conditions and can therefore be subjectively interpreted to achieve understanding and meaning (Jansen 2007:21; Merriam 2009:9). The research is subjectively interpreted because no two researchers will experience the research and the data collection in the same way. The subjective nature of a constructivist perspective can mean that the researcher’s own perceptions negatively skew the findings, and therefore the validity of the study could be at risk. However, there are steps that can be taken in order to lessen this risk of subjectivity and hence maintain the validity of the study, this is discussed in section 4.7. Although the subjective nature of constructivism can negatively influence the research, if the subjectivity is carefully managed then this worldview is able to add valuable “insight into the way in which a particular group of people make sense of their situation…” (Nieuwenhuis 2007a:60).

A constructivist worldview is applicable here because this study is concerned with being able to identify and understand how the dress style identities of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture shape the way in which this subculture relates to the socio-cultural standing of post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaners in the new South

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Africa today. The research design that lends itself to this study, and that is associated with a constructivist world view, is ethnography (Merriam 2009:11).

Ethnography is an empirical research design that aims to understand and give in- depth descriptions of groups of people (Mouton 2009:148). Empirical ethnographic research entails hands-on methods of gaining insight into a chosen field whereas non-empirical studies involve gaining knowledge from concepts, theories, philosophies or literature (Mouton 2009:143). Ethnography aims to find out about the way of life of groups of people living in a particular situation. The aim of ethnography is thus to describe the way of life of a group of people with their collective perspectives in mind and this includes analysing symbols that hold meaning to the people being studied (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:76). Since there is little research about the post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaners this study would naturally require that a hands-on approach is taken. Additionally, it stands to reason that since this study is about gaining an understanding of the subculture that an ethnographic research design, empirical by nature, is most suitable.

4.4 Data collection There are a number of ways in which ethnographic research is done, for example; participant observation, semi-structured interviews and humanistic-interpretive traditions such as semiotics, to name but a few (Mouton 2009:148). In order to provide depth to the understanding and meaning(s) of the dress styles of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture I use a number of data collection methods. These methods include observations, semi-structured interviews and visual analysis. The data collection methods are discussed below.

4.4.1 Observations A key feature of ethnography is naturalism, in other words, observing participants in their natural environment with the researcher retaining an unobtrusive observatory role (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:77). Therefore, observations form an integral data collection method on which ethnographic research is based (Angrosino 2008:161).

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Hence, I decided to carry out observations of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture at the Oppikoppi32 annual music festival (Fokofpolisiekar was one of the headline acts at the 2012 festival) as well as at stand-alone performances by the two bands in question. The purpose of these observations was firstly to observe the audiences of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and secondly, to identify selected audience members as the subcultural participants for the research.

I attended the Oppikoppi festival with the objective of observing festival attendees and then identifying possible participants. The participants were identified by the ways in which they were dressed. The differences in dress styles between the subcultural participants and non-subcultural participants were easily distinguishable. This is because the non-subcultural participants did not stand out in any way as dressing in an alternative manner whereas the subcultural participants were all dressed in a dress style that, in light of the literature discussed in Chapters Two and Three, may be considered as subversive in relation to traditional Afrikaners. These select audience members also displayed dress style characteristics of either Fokofpolisiekar or Die Antwoord, or both simultaneously. This identified dress style is discussed in detail in Chapter Five.

Since Die Antwoord has not yet performed at the Oppikoppi festival, I attended a performance of theirs that took place at Zeplins33 [sic], a nightclub in Pretoria.34 During their performance I observed the audience members as well as the interaction between Die Antwoord and the audience. I took detailed field notes shortly after the observations. I did not conduct any formal interviews at Zeplins, but did speak to a number of audience members, and these conversations are included in my field notes. The sampling strategy incorporated into the participant selection is discussed in section 4.5.

32 Oppikoppi, Afrikaans for ‘on the hill’, is an annual multiple genre music festival (Oppikoppi Festival 2012). The first festival focused on Afrikaans rock music and attracted over 1000 music followers. The festival has since grown and attracts in the region of 15000 people, and reflects diverse local and international musical genres (Oppikoppi Music Festival [sa]). 33 Zeplins is a long-established nightclub in Pretoria which attracts alternative followers, particularly fans of goth, punk, and metal music, to name a few (Zeplins Nightclub (Pretoria) [sa]). 34 Pretoria, approximately 55km north of Johannesburg, is the administrative capital of South Africa (Pretoria [sa]). Pretoria was founded in 1855 by the Voortrekker leader, Marthinus Pretorius (ibid). Pretoria is historically an Afrikaner stronghold and houses the Voortrekker monument, which is a seminal symbol of Afrikaner tradition (Helfrich 2012:[sp] & South Africa // Gauteng [sa]). 63

Once I had identified the participants, the observations progressed to participant observation. Participant observations included taking field notes describing the dress styles of participants, including top and bottom garments, hair styles, body modifications, shoes and accessories. As my observations were carried out in social environments, a number of participants were at ease enough to converse openly with me. Participants appeared intrigued and curious about my research and went on to discuss their opinions of what it is like to be young Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa. These discussions took place spontaneously and were therefore not recorded as interviews but detailed notes were taken afterwards. The positive aspect of these impromptu discussions is that participants were very frank with me, because as Bill Gillham (2005:41-42) notes, participants are sometimes more inclined to give detailed descriptions of their every-day lives in this naturalistic type of setting. These findings are discussed and interwoven throughout the analysis.

After initial participant observations were conducted at the Oppikoppi festival, I then approached a number of subcultural participants in order to request formal semi- structured interviews. Once permission was granted, I proceeded to photograph and interview the selected participants. All participants who were approached, agreed to be photographed and interviewed. The interviews were arranged as semi-structured interviews. These interviews and photographs all took place at the Oppikoppi festival. A number of additional interviews and photographs were taken at the Hatfield Fokofpolisiekar performance (see section 4.4.2.1). In sections 4.4.2 and 4.4.3 below, I discuss the interviews and photographs in more detail.

4.4.2 Semi-structured interviews The semi-structured interviewing process does not follow a fixed programme and therefore allows for flexibility in an interview (Seabi 2012:89). The deviation from formal questioning can lead to a dialogue between interviewer and interviewee, resulting in the interviewee providing a richer quality of information than might arise from a structured interview (May 2001:123). Semi-structured interviews usually consist of the same questions being directed to all participants, a focus on the research topic, asking questions that allow for open discussions and the prompting of supplementary questions (Gillham 2005:70).

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The Oppikoppi annual music festival was selected as the most appropriate environment for the initial semi-structured interviews. As discussed in section 4.4.1, I selected participants after observations took place and continued with the interviews after permission was granted. Generally, the participants appeared to be very eager and willing to share their narratives. A total of twenty-one participants were interviewed at Oppikoppi. To guide the interviews, I asked five questions relating to the perceptions that participants have of their own dress styles and the dress styles of the two bands (refer to Appendix 1). Each interview took approximately ten minutes. I digitally recorded the interviews and, at a later time, personally transcribed the interviews verbatim.

4.4.2.1 Additional interviews Although I did not set out to interview members of Fokofpolisiekar or Die Antwoord, I did manage to secure an opportunity to interview Francois van Coke, the lead singer of Fokofpolisiekar. The interview took place at Aandklas, a bar in Hatfield, Pretoria, since Fokofpolisiekar were performing in Hatfield Square at that time. The interview with Van Coke also took the format of a semi-structured interview, which I formulated separately from the participant interviews (refer to Appendix 2). As there were many possible participants in Hatfield attending the Fokofpolisiekar show, I took the opportunity of interviewing a further six participants on that night. Each interview was approximately five to ten minutes long. These interviews were also recorded digitally, but they were impromptu interviews and based on the same interview questions asked at the Oppikoppi festival. All participants openly consented to be interviewed. The Van Coke and Hatfield participant interviews were also transcribed verbatim by myself.

Despite making a concerted effort to interview members of Die Antwoord, and employing various strategies to contact them, I was not granted an interview. However, this did not in any way impede this study, as interviewing the bands was not part of my initial research plan. I had anticipated that the bands would be difficult to interview, especially Die Antwoord, who currently seem to be performing mostly in America. Indeed, since this study is concerned with the dress style of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture, it was not crucial to interview members of Die Antwoord.

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4.4.3 Visual analysis As discussed in section 3.3, the dress styles displayed by subcultures become signs of resistance within a subculture. Malcolm Barnard (2002:29) states that clothing is a form of nonverbal communication. Therefore, by analysing visuals of Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord and the selected members of their audiences, this research seeks to pursue possible meanings of the nonverbal communication of the dress styles examined. Visual images are central to the construction of social life and thus by analysing visual images the researcher is able to further interpret the ways in which the participants are representing themselves (Rose 2012:2).

The visual analysis for this study comprises visuals of participants as well as visuals of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord. The participant visuals consist of photographs that I captured of participants at the Oppikoppi festival and at the Fokofpolisiekar performance in Hatfield, Pretoria. In both cases participants gave consent for their photographs to be taken, as well as for their identity to be used in the study. I have sourced a further photograph from Oppikoppi via the internet (see Plate 8b). The photographer and the three subjects featured in this photograph were contacted and have all given their permission for the photograph to be used in the study. Sixteen participants were photographed at Oppikoppi and seventeen participants at Hatfield. Thus a total of thirty-six photographs of participants have been collected. The photographs were taken using a digital camera and remain stored for possible future reference.

The visuals for Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord comprise photographs of the two bands sourced from the internet and from magazines. Over fifty visuals per band were observed and examined. Included in the dissertation are three visuals of Fokofpolisiekar, four visuals of Die Antwoord with both Ninja and Visser pictured, a further two visuals of Visser depicted on her own, and one visual in which Ninja is depicted on his own. Because Die Antwoord display highly stylised dress styles, there is a body of literature that details their dress styles and hence I was able to discuss Die Antwoord’s dress style in some detail in the literature review. The sampling process used to select the visuals is discussed in section 4.5.

Additionally, I sourced a number of photographs from the internet that are not of either of the bands, but rather of images that enhance the argument of this study

66 with regards to the identity reconstruction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture (see section 4.7.2).

4.5 Sampling Sampling refers to the process used to identify and select which participants are to be studied (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:79). Qualitative research does not dictate the number of participants required, but rather continues until the researcher finds that no more new themes are emerging from the data; this point is called data saturation (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:79). There are a number of sampling strategies used in research. The type of strategy that is selected for a study should result in the “richest possible source of information” being obtained (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:79). The sampling strategy I used for this study incorporates purposive sampling.

Purposive sampling is the purposeful selection of participants based on a number of defining characteristics indicating that these participants represent information conducive to the research question (Nieuwenhuis 2007b:79). The defining characteristics must be intentional within the parameters critically conceptualised (Strydom & Delport 2005b:329). The criteria I decided on determined the purposive sampling characteristics of this study, and were guided by the research question as well as the literature covered in Chapters Two and Three. As discussed in section 4.4.1, participants were selected during the observations at the gatherings of band performances. My selection was based upon the dress styles of audience members. The participants were selected because they displayed dress styles that were characteristic of either Fokofpolisiekar or Die Antwoord, or a combination of these.

With regards to the racial identity of participants, I intended to include participants who speak Afrikaans as a first language, regardless of their ethnic background, taking into account cultural diversity among Afrikaners themselves. That being said, the bands and the participants in this study are limited to white Afrikaans-speakers, as there were no members of other ethnic groups that self-identified with this subculture.

Initially, I sensed that the lack of ethnic variety was due to the kind of audience typically attracted to the particular genre of music played by the bands in question, namely, punk-rock. It appears to be the case that punk-rock music generally attracts

67 a predominantly white South African audience. Despite the ways in which Die Antwoord are known to construct their visual identity using elements borrowed from a number of South African cultural groups, there were hardly any people of colour in attendance at Die Antwoord’s performance at Zeplins.

This prompted a brief consultation with a group of five young black students. My aim here was to establish why I was unable to find any black participants that self- identified as post-apartheid Afrikaner subculturalists. This consultation consisted of me introducing these participants to my research and showing them the photographs that I had taken of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. I then proceeded to ask the group why they felt that this subculture consisted only of white members. The group of students gave a number of explanations for their lack of attraction to this subculture. This included, foremost, that they are linguistically excluded, as they do not understand Afrikaans. Secondly, they do not attend Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord shows because they prefer to go to performances by black artists, as they identify with black artists and feel more comfortable when they are amongst other young black people. Three of the students had never heard of Fokofpolisiekar or Die Antwoord, and do not socialise in circles where these bands are well known. Generally, when I showed the group photographs of the participants, they stated that they thought some of the participants looked quite ‘cool’, adding that they believed that if there was a concert with a line-up of both black and white acts, they would happily attend. However, there was one student who stated that his friends would never mix with Afrikaners as they still bear in mind negative associations of Afrikaners as racists. A couple of the students said that they really liked Die Antwoord because they don't sing in 'white Afrikaans', but they sing rather in 'coloured Afrikaans'. As discussed in section 2.5, Die Antwoord lyricise in a patois version of Afrikaans that is generally spoken by the coloured community in the Cape Flats (Haupt 2012a:421). Therefore, it seems that these black students associate ‘proper Afrikaans’ with white nationalist Afrikaners whereas the patois Afrikaans does not bear these negative associations. My overall impression of this consultation is that these young people are deeply engaged in their own social circles, and are therefore quite indifferent to the subculture in question. I further discuss the outcome of this additional research in section 5.7, and in this section I refer to this group as GC1.

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With regards to the sampling of visuals of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, I applied a purposive sampling approach as well, as it is essential for the dress styles of the two bands to be clearly visible in the visuals. On the one hand, the members of Fokofpolisiekar appear to dress fairly similarly to one another, wearing the same type of clothing, and thus the selected visuals give a thorough overview of the band’s dress style. On the other hand, Die Antwoord display a wide variety of dress styles, resulting in a vast number of available visuals of the band. The two lead members, Ninja and Yolandi Visser also display dress styles that are very distinctive to their personas. Therefore, in order to provide a more complete analysis of the dress styles of Die Antwoord, I have included more visuals of this band than of Fokofpolisiekar. As mentioned in section 4.4.3, I have selected four visuals of Die Antwoord with both Ninja and Visser pictured, a further two visuals of Visser depicted on her own, and one visual with Ninja depicted on his own. After completing the data collection, I analysed the data using content analysis and semiotic analysis.

4.6 Data analysis It is the purpose of qualitative analysis techniques to transform the collected data into findings (de Vos 2005:333). The volume of raw data collected must be channelled so that important information and significant patterns may be identified (ibid). I analysed the data in the following manner.

Before commencing with the analysis, I labelled the interviews and participant visuals in order to facilitate clarity and referencing when working through the data. The labels are shown in Tables 1 and 2 below:

Interviews Description Label assigned Label InP Interview number 1 to 27 Page number p1 to 3

Example In7p2 Francois van Coke InFvC Group consultation with young black students GC1

Table 1: Labels assigned to participant interviews

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Visuals

Description Label assigned Label ViP Participant number 1 to 36 Example ViP6

Table 2: Labels assigned to participant visuals In order to conceptualise emerging themes from within the data, I made use of a content analysis method. The purpose of content analysis is to focus on the communication of characteristics that occur within the data (Hsieh & Shannon 2005:1278).

4.6.1 Content analysis Content analysis is carried out using four steps (Rose 2012:87). These steps entail transcribing the interviews and finding the images, devising categories, coding the interviews and images and finally analysing the results from the emergent themes (Rose 2012:87-101).

In order to analyse the collected data, the data must be divided into relevant categorical elements (Bell 2001:15). These categories are “defined within the context of a particular research question and within the theoretical categories of the medium … on which the research focuses” (Bell 2001:15). The elements that are analysed are referred to as coding categories (Rose 2012:90). In the context of this study, I derived the coding categories from the aims and objectives of the study as well as from the literature discussed in Chapters Two and Three. A colour was assigned to each coding category, as per Table 3.

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Coding Category Colour

Top garments Red Bottom garments Orange Footwear Yellow Hairstyles and body modification Green Accessories Blue Colour Indigo Silhouette Violet Participant perceptions of their own dress styles Light blue Participant perceptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress styles Violet Participant perceptions of Die Antwoord’s dress styles Grey Participant perceptions of socio-cultural identity Pink Dimensions of cultural uniqueness of participants Dark green

Table 3: Coding category with colours assigned to each unit Once the coding categories were decided, I read through the interview transcriptions a number of times in order to familiarise myself with the data. I then carefully observed the visuals. The purpose here was to begin to conceptualise emerging themes from within the data (Henning, van Rensburg & Smit 2005:104). This process of developing the codes according to what is revealed within the data is known as ‘open coding’ and is an inductive process “whereby the codes are selected according to what the data mean (to the researcher)…” (ibid). Following the assignment of coding categories and familiarisation of the data, I could begin to note emergent themes.

The coding of the interviews was done digitally on my personal computer. The text which related to each coding category was identified and then highlighted with the relevant colour. Thereafter, the highlighted texts were cut from the interviews and placed together in their respective categories. Themes then began to develop from within these categories.

As for the visuals, these were manually analysed using one colour print on an A4 page per participant. I cut up the visuals and grouped the items of clothing together according to coding categories assigned in Table 3. I then added descriptions and notes to each category. Themes depicting the dress styles of the bands and the participants emerged from this process; however in order to understand more fully 71 what the dress styles signify, the codes were further analysed using a semiotic approach. Content analysis on its own can provide limited findings and therefore the application of semiotics enabled the ascription of a more in-depth meaning to the dress styles of the subcultural participants (Mouton 2009:166).

4.6.2 Semiotic analysis Generally speaking, semiotics focuses on how meanings are generated, how signs acquire meaning, and how it is possible for specific signs to mean certain things to particular people at different times and in diverse situations. It is also worth noting here that signs are not defined by what they signify in their own right, but rather in terms of their relationships with other signs (Tomaselli and Narunsky-Laden: Forthcoming). As the field of semiotics is vast, I refer here only to aspects of semiotic analysis that are most important to the present study. Ferdinand de Saussure, a linguist, studied the mental concept that language invokes rather than the actual language itself (Allen 2003:41). Saussure referred to the mental concept that language conveys as a ‘sign’ (ibid). A sign consists of a material signifier (object), and a signified (concept) (Allen 2003:41). The relationship between the signifier and signified is essentially arbitrary, in other words, the language assigned to the signified does not necessarily invoke meaning to the signified (Howells 2003:96). The arbitrary nature of the sign is significant in semiotics because this infers that the meanings assigned to objects are in essence derived from a cultural perspective (ibid).

Roland Barthes, a well-known contributor to the field of semiotics, was influenced by theories of semiology developed by Saussure (Allen 2003:33 & 39). However, Barthes believed that meaning is not only conveyed through oral or written language, but that anything can serve as a meaningful sign (Barthes cited by Howells 2003:100). A key point that Barthes added to semiotics is the notion of ‘myth’, by which he meant a second level of meaning, whereas Saussure addressed only one level within a semiological system (ibid). Barthes explains that myth is the suggestion conveyed by the object (Barthes 1972:109). This mythology is “an expression of a historically specific ideological vision of the world” (Allen 2003:34).

Ideology is essentially the belief system of the people who are in power at any given time. The ideological beliefs of the ruling class are usually used to justify inequality between different groups (Rose 2012:106). For example, the exaggerated silhouette

72 of the hip-hop dress style could signify, on the first level, confidence and a confrontational ‘in your face’ attitude (Morgado 2007:139, 146). On the second ‘mythological’ level, this oversized dress style being displayed by a minority subcultural group, may signify an attempt to counter the possibility of going unnoticed or even being subjected to erasure, thus addressing issues of separatist ideologies of dominant classes (Miller 2011:115). These two levels of semiotic analysis have been applied to the visuals sourced for this study.

The semiotic analysis of this study has been carried out in two parts. Firstly, I made notes about what is being signified within each theme established by the content analysis of the visuals. Secondly, each visual was considered as a whole, and notes were made discussing the signification. Where relevant the discussions include a first-level and a second-level semiotic discussion. These semiotic findings are interwoven throughout the findings and analyses of Chapter Five. The signification attached to the visuals draws on the literature from Chapter Two and Three.

4.7 Validity and reliability of the study It is important that valid and reliable research is produced in an ethical manner, because this will facilitate the results of the research being trusted (Merriam 2009:209). Consideration must be given “to the way in which the data are collected, analysed, and interpreted, and the way in which the findings are presented” to ensure that validity and reliability are inherent to the study (Merriam 2009:210). Validity means that the findings of the research are accurate by making use of certain procedures, whereas reliability means that the research is consistent regardless of the researcher or the research project (Cresswell 2014:201). Traditionally, reliability of research has meant that should the study be replicated, the research would yield the same results thereby showing agreement with the researcher’s analysis (Merriam 2009:221).

However, because of the changing nature of human behaviour, it is not plausible to repeatedly expect the same results in qualitative research; and thus reliability in terms of qualitative research is about “whether the results are consistent with the data collected” (Merriam 2009:221, emphasis in original). In other words, should the research be replicated, there is no guarantee that the participants will react in exactly the same way, and as such the results cannot be exactly the same. A number of

73 strategies have been used here to ensure the validity of this study. These include triangulation, peer review, field work and stating of bias.

4.7.1 Triangulation Triangulation uses multiple sources from which to collect data, which are then compared and cross-checked with the findings (Merriam 2009:216). Each method should yield a slightly different perspective of the research topic, thus enabling a more complete understanding of the research (Kawamura 2011:111). When a combination of methods are used “such as document study [visuals], … observation and interviewing, the researcher can much more easily validate and cross- findings” (Strydom & Delport 2005a:314). Consequently, the multiple methods being used should also ensure that the data correlates (Maree & van der Westhuizen 2007:41). Multiple data collection methods that support triangulation comprise observations, semi-structured interviews and visual analysis.

4.7.2 Peer review This strategy involves locating a peer who can review the findings in order to assess whether the findings are plausible (Merriam 2009:220). This strategy adds to the validity of the study (Cresswell 2014:202). The peer review strategy also ensures that the analysis remains as objective as possible (see section 4.3).

I selected a peer reader for the findings and analysis chapter, who specialises in visual identity studies, to whom I submitted my transcribed interviews, visuals, findings and analyses. The peer reviewer concurred with most of the analyses, but made an important observation. This pertained to the fact since the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is fairly normative and not obviously subversive, the conservative nature of the parent culture should be highlighted in order to strengthen the overall argument of this study (see section 5.5.7).

In order to more firmly assert the conservative disposition of traditional Afrikaners, I include a brief discussion in Chapter Five comparing dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord to popular mainstream Afrikaner musicians. The mainstream Afrikaner artists I have selected are siblings Bobby35 and Karlien van Jaarsveld, and

35 In 2006, Fokofpolisiekar performed at a bar in Witbank, a small mining town approximately 150km east of Johannesburg (Klopper 2011:171 & Witbank [sa]). Bobby van Jaarsveld was at this performance and asked Fokofpolisiekar guitarist, Wynand Myburgh, for an autograph (Klopper 74

Kurt Darren. These three artists all sing almost exclusively in Afrikaans and have received numerous awards at a number of South African music award ceremonies.36 It is hoped that the subversive nature of the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord and their adherents will be more perceptibly marked when compared to the dress styles of the mainstream Afrikaner artists just mentioned.

4.7.3 Field work Field work may well augment the validity of a study as gathering data in the field where participants are in their own environments is a “powerful technique for gaining insights into the nature of human affairs in all their rich complexity” (Babbie 2001:298). As discussed in section 4.4.1, I personally observed, interviewed and photographed participants at the Oppikoppi festival as well as at performances by Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord.

4.7.4 Bias Any bias a researcher brings to a study should be clarified in order to establish an open and honest narrative (Cresswell 2014:202). Although I am a first-language speaker of English, I am also very familiar with Afrikaner culture. My father was born into a very traditional Afrikaner family, and I have thus made every attempt not to formulate generalisations about Afrikaner culture based on my personal experiences. Therefore, all perceptions of traditional Afrikaners stated in the literature review have been sourced and referenced. Bias was also clarified in terms of the validation by the peer reviewer (see section 4.7.2).

Additionally, in order to ensure the validity of the research, I re-read and checked the transcriptions numerous times. The purpose of this re-checking is not only to ensure that no errors were captured but also to become more deeply familiar with the data. (Cresswell 2014:203).

2011:171-185 & Christie 2013:[sp]). Myburgh proceeded to sign ‘Fok God’ – Fuck God - on Van Jaarsveld’s (ibid). This incident sparked a moral panic among traditional Afrikaners who attempted to ban Fokofpolisiekar from performing at some venues and boycott album sales of the band (ibid). 36 One of these ceremonies includes the Huisgenoot Tempo Toekennings which is an award ceremony that caters specifically to Afrikaans music and culture (Tempo 2013 – hier’s al die wenners [sa]). The awards for this ceremony are voted by readers of the popular weekly Afrikaans magazine, Huisgenoot (ibid). 75

4.8 Ethics Ethical considerations that should be taken into account for qualitative studies include obtaining informed consent, ensuring that participants understand the nature of the study and offering anonymity to participants (Strydom 2005:57-62). I approached the ethics involved in this study in the following way:

The study consisted of two parts with regards to participants, namely the bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and select audience members of the bands. The individuals that comprised select audience members of the bands were selected because they featured the following characteristics:

 They were dressed in styles emulating either of the bands, Fokofpolisiekar or Die Antwoord.

 They were first language Afrikaans speakers

 Both men and women were approached

 The participants were all over the age of 18, as no under-18s were permitted entry into the Oppikoppi festival or at the Fokofpolisiekar performance at Hatfield.

I informed all participants about the nature and scope of the study. Participants who gave their consent were photographed and/or interviewed. The study required a pre- drafted consent form (refer to Appendix 3) requesting participants’ permission to interview and photograph them. The consent form included a section promising anonymity to all participants, so that pseudonyms could be used and their faces could be masked-over using computer technology; however all participants gave consent for their full identities to be revealed in the study. As mentioned in section 4.4.2, a number of impromptu interviews took place at the Fokofpolisiekar performance at Hatfield. The consent forms were not available at this time and hence the interviewees gave their permission verbally. This verbal permission was digitally recorded onto my Dictaphone. At the Fokofpolisiekar performance, lead singer Francois van Coke did sign a consent form granting me permission to interview him and to use his name.

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The identities of the actual band members in the respective bands are stated throughout, as both bands are perceived as ‘celebrities’ within the South African cultural ‘scene’ and are in the public domain. This also applies to additional photographs that have been sourced from the public domain.

4.9 Conclusion

The aim of Chapter Four has been to apply a research methodology that enables me to analyse the dress styles and consequently identify characteristic features of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants central to this study. Using an empirical ethnographic research design within a qualitative research approach, this has been made possible by collecting data in three different methods, namely observations, interviews and visual analysis. I envisage that the triangulation approach ensures that an in-depth analysis follows. In Chapter Five I focus on the findings and analyses of the research, in order to assure that the research question, aims and objectives have been appropriately addressed and complied with.

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CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 5.1 Introduction This chapter consists of the findings and analyses of the data collected during the research process, as discussed in Chapter Four. I begin by discussing the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, followed by the description and analysis of the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Although descriptions of the dress styles of the two bands are discussed in Chapter Two, the corresponding analysis in the present chapter is informed by the visuals collected as part of the data, and my own observations and participant interviews conducted for the purposes of this study. Semiotic interpretations of the visuals are interwoven throughout this chapter. For the purposes of this study, it is important to describe and analyse the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, as these have contributed directly to the stylisation and collective social identity of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

As mentioned above, the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants are examined in light of the visuals, observations and interviews of the participants. The following discussion therefore consists of analysing the categories developed during the coding process, which include the following:

a) top and bottom garments b) footwear c) hairstyles and body modifications d) accessories e) colour f) silhouette

Discussions within this chapter address the present study’s initial research question, and formulate insights into the identity construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

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5.2 Dress style analysis of Fokofpolisiekar The dress style of Fokofpolisiekar was briefly discussed in section 2.4 of Chapter Two. As mentioned there is little literature available that specifically engages with the band’s dress style. Therefore, in the discussion below, I detail the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar using the visuals that were selected for the analysis. The purpose of this section is to describe the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and to then ascribe meaning(s) to these dress styles. As discussed in section 2.4, Fokofpolisiekar has played a key role in the identity construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, and it is assumed that the dress styles of members of the band would most probably have some kind of effect on the participants.

5.2.1 Early dress style of Fokofpolisiekar The dress style of Fokofpolisiekar began to evolve with the launch of the band in 2003. Photographs of the band taken in 2003 show band members dressed in loose- fitting, ripped jeans of a faded light indigo hue, attesting to their wear and tear (Plate 1a). On the upper body, band members were often photographed wearing crew neck T-shirts printed with Fokofpolisiekar band logos, favoured international band logos or various street-wear logos (Klopper 2011:71, 89). When discussing the dress style of the band during its early days, lead singer Francois van Coke explains that the band wore any clothing that was freely available to them: “… we wore each other’s clothes, torn shit, we were seriously poor for a couple of years, so we didn’t really have anything else to wear …” (InFvC1). Van Coke continued to elaborate:

Wynand will get a jean from his mom and he will pass it down to me and then eventually it will get to Hunter and when we were on tour all our clothes got washed together and we’ll just dress out of the pile, I really don’t think we ever thought about what it looks like. I think it’s Bergie37 Chic (InFvC4). As discussed in section 2.2, traditional Afrikaners are typically known to adhere to the prevailing patriarchal structures within their culture. Hence it could be considered somewhat subversive for the young male band members to be dressing in jeans that belonged to the mother of a band member. This may be an indication, however

37 Bergie, derived from the Afrikaans word berg which means mountain, is a colloquial term for Cape coloured homeless people, who were at times found making shelters in the forests around the slopes of Table Mountain in the Cape (Bergie [sa]). Many in Cape Town know the Bergies, who are largely Afrikaans speakers, “for their sense of humour, vulgar language and [excessive] alcohol consumption” (ibid). 79 implicit, that Fokofpolisiekar wishes to distance itself from conservative Afrikaner custom. A similar implied tendency toward androgyny within the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is also displayed in the visuals of the participants, and will be addressed in more detail in my examination of the participants’ dress styles in section 5.4.

5.2.1.1 Bergie Chic Although Francois van Coke notes that the band wore jeans handed down from band member Wynand Myburgh’s mother, he also draws a link between Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style and that of the homeless, often inebriated Bergies, coining the term ‘Bergie Chic’ to describe Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style. This allusion to, and affinity with, the Bergies may derive from the sense of ‘homelessness’ experienced during these earlier years by members of Fokofpolisiekar, and the sense of ‘being out of joint’ with their own Afrikaner culture.

However, although Van Coke links the band’s earlier dress style to overall lifestyle of the Cape Bergies, Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style also resembles the dress style of grunge enthusiasts during the late 1980s to mid-1990s. In terms of subcultural dress style, grunge dress styles have indeed been linked to homelessness, and have been described as blatantly rejecting overtly fashionable clothing, preferring clothing known to be characteristic of the homeless (Thrift store chic [sa]).

While Van Coke evokes the dress of Cape Bergies to describe Fokofpolisiekar’s early dress style, this reference is not visually obvious because the Bergies are themselves a marginalised community of typically homeless people, who, due to their circumstances of dire poverty, are not renowned for their displays of dress style. I was alerted to the link between Fokofpolisiekar and the Bergies only by Van Coke’s own allusion to Fokofpolisiekar’s early dress style as ‘Bergie Chic’. Otherwise I may well have overlooked this affiliation, especially because the link to grunge is so clearly displayed in Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style.

5.2.1.2 Grunge subcultural dress style As discussed in section 3.4.5 of Chapter Three, the grunge dress style is epitomised by Kurt Cobain, lead singer of the legendary American grunge band Nirvana. Kurt Cobain was often described as the voice of his generation (Strong 2011:86). Like Cobain, Van Coke is also considered by some to be the voice of his own generation 80

(Meaker 2014:[sp]). These likenesses also appear to extend to their dress styles: similarities between Cobain and Van Coke – at the time of the bands’ inception – are quite evident in Plates 1a and 1b.

When Fokofpolisiekar began performing in 2003, the music, lyrics and overall style of the band seemed to capture the angst felt by a select group of post-apartheid Afrikaners. Van Coke explains that their music offered a social commentary about what many young Afrikaners had been feeling: “… writing those first Fokofpolisiekar songs, the first EP we did in 2003, was like, a complete release and rebellion against that [Afrikaner] tradition, the values, our upbringing, and all of those things …” (InFvC2). Examining Fokofpolisiekar in the context of the grunge era, one might say that members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture seek to align themselves with ideals of tolerance, equality and a mistrust of authority, these being dominant ideals during the grunge era (see section 3.4.5.).

Currently, however, the band is recognised and known for a dress style quite different from that of the grunge-inspired dress style. Their current dress style, which is notably more refined, has become a signature style for the band and in section 5.3 I show that participants in the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture strongly identify with Fokofpolisiekar’s current dress style.

5.2.2 Fokofpolisiekar’s current dress style As mentioned in section 2.4, the members of Fokofpolisiekar usually wear tight-fitting wide V-neck T-shirts and skin-tight jeans, called ‘skinny’ jeans, which have become a trademark of the band (Crous 2009:[sp]). The T-shirts and jeans are typically black or varying shades of grey (ibid). Members are also known for their many tattoos and black leather jackets (Naidoo 2013:19). This is indeed evident in photographs of the band (Plate 2a and Plate 2b).

This dress style relates especially to lead singer Francois van Coke, who is rarely seen dressed any other way, adhering regularly to this current dress style (Plate 2b). Van Coke explains that Religion Clothing currently supply the band members with clothing: “I just wear what I get from our sponsor … we’re sponsored by Religion at the moment…” (InFvC2).

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Religion Clothing is a British-owned clothing label whose slogan, displayed on the official Religion Clothing website, is “we live in black,” (Religion [sa]). The Religion Clothing (ibid) profile featured on the website explains the philosophy that drives the brand as follows:

Religion [clothing] is devoted to the pursuit of individual style; lyrical quotes, musical muses and British heritage have always been heavy influences behind each collection. Inspiration from London's east end and international street culture has been integral in shaping the brand's much loved signature. Established in the early 90s, Religion [Clothing] firmly rooted itself to early club culture; when music was chemically inspired and beliefs were publicly expressed on statement tees. Initially developed as a niche t-shirt range, Religion's blend of anarchic graphics and commercial attributes has pushed the brand to the forefront of the fashion and media spotlight. Its 'no fear' policy of experimenting with design techniques, washes and trends has given the brand its diverse appeal: distressed garments with a rock star edge.

Although Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style has evolved from the earlier grunge subculture, they still knowingly display a dress style that is in no way linked to a distinctive South African identity, whatever this might be. As noted in section 2.2.1, historically a long-standing resentment prevails between descendants of the British and the Afrikaners in South Africa. Thus, the band’s choice of a clothing sponsorship from a British label heavily indebted to British heritage strongly suggests a deliberate willingness on behalf of the band to distance itself from traditional Afrikaner culture. The band’s decision to affiliate itself with a British label could suggest both an attempt to bridge the divide between English and Afrikaner (youth) culture, as well as a display of subversiveness towards traditional Afrikaner culture. It would seem that although Fokofpolisiekar are embracing their Afrikanerness in terms of the lyrics of their songs, they do not wish to display a dress style that labels them as Afrikaners.

Indeed, Fokofpolisiekar regularly appear to resort to imitating the dress styles of international subcultures, preferring these to available local references. This is in contrast with, for example, Die Antwoord and Jack Parow, who regularly make use of a variety of local references, such as zef and Cape Coloured culture. In the next section I unpack the international influences predominant in Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style.

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5.2.3 International influence In addition to grunge and the British label Religion influencing the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar, Van Coke also mentions being influenced by American punk bands: “I think we were obviously influenced by, like, American punk bands, and probably their style …” (InFvC2). The Ramones were one of the more well-known American punk bands (Plate 3a). The similarity in the dress style of The Ramones and Fokofpolisiekar is apparent when comparing Plate 2a and Plate 3a. The American punk bands did not display the same type of dress style as the British punk bands. The British punk bands displayed a dress style that might be considered an ‘extreme’ dress style, whereas the American punk bands displayed a dress style that seems fairly similar to the rock ‘n roll dress style of the 1950s to 1960s (Plate 3b).

When asked if there were any local options with regards to inspiration for the band’s dress style, Van Coke laughed and then replied: “For dressing? No! One word answer” (InFvC2). His blunt reaction to this question suggests either that there are categorically no local styling options available, or that this is a complex question that he, Van Coke, is unable to provide an answer for.

Musicians such as Die Antwoord and Jack Parow have been able to draw distinctly on local influences, albeit parodically, therefore local styling options do indeed exist. Fokofpolisiekar’s reluctance to use the local styling options that are available to them could indicate that they do not wish to draw on local dress styles, and have knowingly chosen to reject them. Perhaps this overt rejection of local dress style inspiration suggests Fokofpolisiekar’s overall troubled sense of identity. As discussed in section 1.2 of Chapter One, the assemblage of a dress style indicates a narrative. Perhaps the rejection of local cultural components in Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style conveys a deliberate breach in the narrative. This may be motivated in several ways:

Firstly, I strongly suspect that the band members do not want to be perceived and labelled as Afrikaners. Van Coke explains that as a child he did not want to be a part of Afrikaner culture: “I think for us, growing up, we, I never wanted to be associated with anything that was Afrikaans. I was in English bands, Afrikaans was kind of very uncool” (InFvC2). Therefore by selecting international dress styles, the band members are largely unrecognisable as Afrikaners, particularly traditional Afrikaners.

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However, it is also clear that band members do not wish to entirely renounce their Afrikanerness – as attested by the fact that the lyrics of their songs are in Afrikaans. This implies a desire to distance themselves only from certain aspects of Afrikaner culture.

Secondly, the inception of Fokofpolisiekar heralded a new era of young Afrikaners. As discussed in section 2.3.4, the1980s Voëlvry movement comprised a rebellious group of young Afrikaners, but as Van Coke explains, the same rebellious logic is not applicable to today’s generation of young Afrikaners:

I think alternative Afrikaners were the Voëlvry movement … for our generation we maybe need a new name … a new identity … I don’t think ours [message] is as political [as the Voëlvry movement], I think ours is more social commentary” (InFvC3).

It would seem, then, that drawing primarily on an international dress style is an attempt to construct a new Afrikaner identity. On another level, by incorporating global subcultural dress styles and accepting international clothing sponsorships, Fokofpolisiekar is clearly seeking to become part of the ‘global village’. This may be why Van Coke declares that his generation does not necessarily want to be perceived as alternative or marginal, particularly if this means being isolated from the masses. Perhaps, then, it is only the traditional Afrikaners from which Fokofpolisiekar wish to distance themselves. This is also manifested in the band’s choice of a name: the name ‘Fokofpolisiekar’ is unquestionably an attempt to rebel against traditional, conservative Afrikaner authority.

5.2.4 Fokofpolisiekar’s effect As mentioned in section 5.2.1.2, the media have dubbed Van Coke as the ‘voice of his generation’. Van Coke acknowledges that he has been assigned this label and explains that people just seemed to connect with Fokofpolisiekar’s music:

those first songs, was for us, it was our release. Not for anyone else … we started playing cassette tapes that we recorded in our practice room … to our friends, and immediately they dug it, so we knew we were onto something. But I don’t know if we thought people were going to say shit like ‘you’re the voice of a generation’ (InFvC3-4).

Given the way in which Van Coke has been identified by the media as the ‘voice of his generation’ strongly suggests that both he and the band have made a significant

84 contribution to the socio-cultural emergence of a new sense of post-apartheid Afrikaner identity.

The interview with participant 22 confirms the impact that Fokofpolisiekar has had on this select group of post-apartheid Afrikaners: “Fokofpolisiekar, they basically represent the Afrikaans alternative lost white South African … and that basically tells them that it’s not a shame to be white in South Africa” (InP22). Participants clearly hold Fokofpolisiekar in high esteem; as affirmed by the positive comments voiced by all participants in regard to discussions of the band. For example, participant 6 comments on the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar: “… they look cool, they can wear anything and it will be cool. They can pitch up in their underwear and it will be cool” (InP6, translated from Afrikaans by the author). This ‘coolness’ is an attribute participants confer both on the band and on themselves, so that Fokofpolisiekar, and more specifically, Van Coke, are perceived as representative of the collective identity of the participants in question, as a select group of post-apartheid Afrikaners.

The notion of ‘coolness’ came up regularly in the interview with Van Coke as well as with participants. Van Coke explains that, historically, there has been a perception that it is ‘uncool’ to be an Afrikaner: “… it was uncool to be Afrikaans … I think it’s probably because of the tradition, and because of the background, because of apartheid, because of fucking all of those things, it was uncool to be Afrikaans for me” (InFvC2). Van Coke clearly attributes the disdain for and undesirability of being Afrikaans to the role of the Afrikaners in constructing and perpetuating the oppressive machinery of apartheid; and to a lesser degree, this disapproval may also be ascribed to the narrow-minded Afrikaner traditions, as discussed in section 2.2.

I now move on to consider how Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style is perceived and taken up by those who regard themselves as members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Fokofpolisiekar are staging new ways of being Afrikaners, of communicating ‘Afrikaner-ness’ through dress style. In so doing they are authorising a newly-constructed formulation of Afrikaner identity, which adherents of the band identify with and wish to emulate.

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5.3 Participant perceptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style This section includes the descriptions and perceptions that participants gave of the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar. Participants were asked about the current dress style of Fokofpolisiekar, not the earlier grunge-related dress style of the band, because, although the earlier dress style does play a role in the emergence of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture, the final analysis is based on how the participants perceive the current dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar. Moreover, since the earlier dress style came about in 2003, when the band was first formed, it is likely that not all participants would clearly remember this dress style.

Almost all the participants interviewed were immediately able to give detailed descriptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style. Participant 3’s description of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style succinctly captures what most participants had to say: “Black. Leather jackets, skinny jeans, tight clothing, tattoos …” (InP3). Participant 1 added on a more personal note: “I think they’ve got a really cool style. It’s something that I see myself wearing, like every day … I connect to their style” (InP1, translation from Afrikaans by the author). This sense of affiliation with the band’s dress style is also confirmed by participant 23: “Love it [Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style] because I connect to it” (InP23). The participants’ enthusiasm indicates that Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style is not only acknowledged by participants, but is also regarded highly and seen as distinctive.

These favourable comments and the participants’ evident attachment to the band attest to a high level of identification with the band. Fokofpolisiekar has also successfully enabled participants to embrace the epithet ‘cool’ as part of their new Afrikaner identity, which, as discussed in section 5.2, has not been the case for many Afrikaners. Participant 2 describes the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar as cool: “Like skinny jeans, leather jackets and actually really cool. I like the way they dress” (InP2). This sentiment sums up the views of participants 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 16, 17, 18, 19 and 23.

Three participants explained that the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar is an Afrikaner dress style that is unique to the band: “… it [Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style] would be instinctively Afrikaans. In the musical market we have today you have to set yourself apart from everybody else … it’s kind of do your own thing, skinny jeans, black …”

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(InP9). Participant 14 adds: “Fokofpolisiekar? Pretty much obviously South African, unique …” (InP14). Participant 13 claims that Fokofpolisiekar are responsible for skinny jeans becoming a trend among young people: “I think actually they [Fokofpolisiekar] kind of introduced the whole skinny wearing into the youth of today. I think they kind of started a new trend and it’s kind of working because everyone likes wearing skinnies and we don’t mind wearing skinnies …” (InP13). Clearly, on an international level, ‘skinnies’ were in no way introduced by Fokofpolisiekar, nor are ‘skinnies’ in any way South African, let alone characteristic of Afrikaner attire. Moreover, the band’s music is not well-known outside South Africa, in any international arena whatsoever. However, the fact that participants believe that Fokofpolisiekar are responsible for the ‘skinnies’ trend suggests a high measure of provincialism and narrow-mindedness even among young post-apartheid Afrikaners, who appear to still be suffering from a high degree of insularity where global fashion and popular culture is concerned. The comments cited above do, however, attest to the central position of the image of Fokofpolisiekar in the everyday lives of the band’s adherents. The band appears to have become a cultural point of reference in regard to certain fashion trends and how these feed into establishing a new sense of Afrikaner identity.

Although some participants described the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar as an ‘Afrikaner dress style’, a larger number of participants compared the band’s dress style to the rock ‘n roll dress style of the 1950s and 1960s. Only a small number of participants incorrectly believe that Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style is typically South African.

5.3.1 Fokofpolisiekar and rock ‘n roll Many participants commented that the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar is akin to the dress style of the rock ‘n roll era. Participant 8 made the link to rock ‘n roll when asked to describe the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar: “I think it’s something from the 60’s … the rock ‘n roll stage” (InP8). The link to rock ‘n roll was also mentioned by participants 5, 7, 11, 16, 18 and 19.

The rock ‘n roll era was part and parcel of the post-war environment of the 1950s to 1960s (Mooney 2006:110). Plate 3b shows a typical rock ‘n roll dress style from the 1950s. From a contemporary perspective, it can be difficult to understand the

87 excitement generated by the 1950s rock ‘n roll dress style, however the rock ‘n roll era was all about youth rebellion, anti-establishment ‘devil-may-care’ attitudes, with high value placed on being ‘cool’ (Key moments in fashion 1998:104-105). The rock ‘n roll dress style was based on a casual, ‘dressed-down’ look consisting of jeans, T- shirts, leather or denim jackets and sneakers (Key moments in fashion 1998:102). The look was “scruffy, downbeat and unkempt” and is noted as being the first time a street-look was inspired by a working-class dress style rather than borrowed from the upper classes (ibid).

5.3.2 Symbolism of rock ‘n roll and Fokofpolisiekar There are a number of possible readings that emerge from the connection between Fokofpolisiekar and the rock ‘n roll era. In South Africa, during the 1950s and 1960s the Afrikaner Nationalist party was most forceful, as discussed in section 2.2. During this time, apartheid laws and censorship were autocratically enforced. This was the hey-day of conservative, traditional Afrikaners, who were becoming increasingly more powerful and insular, forbidding young Afrikaners from approaching the global rock ‘n roll youth rebellion, as discussed in section 2.2.1.

The 1950s, then, represent a time when traditional Afrikaners were privileged and predominating via the oppressive machinery the National Party were cementing throughout South Africa. By referencing the decade most traditional Afrikaners are likely to recall most fondly, via the mirror-image of those years - the era of rock ‘n roll - post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaners may be seen as attempting to re-live this era on their terms, thereby rebelling against traditional Afrikaner culture. This is also highlighted at Fokofpolisiekar performances, where Van Coke has routinely ordered audience members who display the old (apartheid era) South African flag to leave (Stanley 2010:[sp]).

5.3.3 Summary of participant perceptions of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style Although there are differences between the rock ‘n roll dress style and the grunge dress style, there are also similarities between them. Both rock ‘n roll and grunge dress styles have been considered to be unkempt, scruffy, indecorous, and above all, disrespectful, if not rebellious, toward authority. It is because of this sense of rebellion and disregard for authority that, both these dress styles have been viewed as inspirations for the earlier and current dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar. The allusion

88 to rock ‘n roll subculture also highlights that international subcultures were also resources for inspiration and emulation, as discussed in section 5.2.3.

In this section I have explained how, before Fokofpolisiekar was formed, some young Afrikaners perceived being an Afrikaner as ‘un-cool’. This is a perception which Fokofpolisiekar seem to be modifying. Since Fokofpolisiekar came about, a number of other alternative Afrikaner music bands and artists have emerged, such as Bittereinder,38Foto na Dans39 and Die Skynmaagde,40 to name a few. These bands are also successful within the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural circle. In all probability, Fokofpolisiekar facilitated and validated new ways of being Afrikaners and being ‘cool’ as a post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaner. Van Coke explains that “Fokofpolisiekar sparked that thing [post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture] … I think our mission was to try and think for yourself … and have a good time” (FvCIn3).

Die Antwoord appear to be adding a new dimension to this subcultural development, introducing elements of local South African cultural components such as zef culture. With this cultural development it appears to be the case that a more locally-inspired, unambiguously South African sense of being an Afrikaner is emerging.

38 The name Bittereinder means ‘to the bitter end’ and was the name given to the Boers, who towards the end of the Anglo-Boer war, just would not give up even though they were largely outnumbered by the English. This has become a reference to the tenacity of the Afrikaner people (Giliomee 2003:252). 39 The name Foto na Dans translates to ‘Photo after Dance’ (translated from Afrikaans by the author). Foto na Dans is a South African five piece rock band that sings exclusively in Afrikaans and, like Fokofpolisiekar, also hail from Belville in Cape Town (Foto na Dans: [sa]). 40 Die Skynmaagde can be roughly translated as ‘The illuminated virgins’ (Welsyn 2012:sp). They call themselves a “post-apocalyptic Afrikaans folk-grunge duo” (ibid). 89

PLATE 1 FOKOFPOLISIEKAR

Plate 1a: Francois van Coke performs with his band Fokofpolisiekar, 2004. Photographer George Hugo. (Klopper 2011:114).

Plate 1b: Kurt Cobain, lead singer of 1990s grunge band Nirvana. (Fontaine 2008).

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PLATE 2 FOKOFPOLISIEKAR

Plate 2a: Fokofpolisiekar 2012. Photographer Thomas Ferreira. (Fokofpolisiekar’s photos 2012).

Plate 2b: Francois van Coke during a 2012 Fokofpolisiekar performance. Photographer Fred van Leeuwen. (Fokofpolisiekar 2012).

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PLATE 3 INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES

Plate 3a: American punk band, The Ramones, 1977 (Czerwinski 2009:17)

Plate 3b: An image taken from the 1953 movie, The Wild Ones. Iconic rock ’n roll actor, Marlon Brando is in the centre (Adler 2010:[sp]).

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5.4 Dress style analysis of Die Antwoord The highly stylised dress style of Die Antwoord is discussed in section 2.5 of Chapter Two, but I would like to reiterate here that the dress style of Die Antwoord comprises brightly-coloured clothing that is often oversized, suggestive of hip-hop dress styles. Lead female singer Yolandi Visser seems to prefer either provocative or almost ‘child-like’ dress styles, whereas lead male singer Ninja combines a hip-hop dress style which he relates to both Cape Coloured gang culture and zef Afrikaner culture. This dress style is quite different from that of Fokofpolisiekar. Whereas Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style is primarily black and tight-fitting, Die Antwoord displays a dress style that comprises vivid, bright colours, graphic prints and loose silhouettes, as seen in Plate 4a.

5.4.1 Local influences The dress styles of hip-hop and rave subcultures are evident in Die Antwoord’s dress style, in terms of their oversized silhouettes, the conspicuous display of ‘bling’ in the form of shiny accessories, and the use of bright colours (Plates 4a and 4b). Although rave and hip-hop are international subcultures, Die Antwoord insist on identifying themselves as being zef (Kreuger 2012:402). Their insistence on integrating South African elements into their dress style renders Die Antwoord’s dress style a unique hybridisation of hip-hop, rave and zef. These South African elements include, but are not limited to, the Pollsmoor prison uniform, Number gang tattoos and printing the word ‘zef’ on their clothing (see section 2.5).

The deliberate display of an affinity or attachment to the features listed above is noteworthy, since they all allude to adverse, undesirable social circumstances, that would most likely be considered highly disconcerting by traditional Afrikaners. There seems to be a desire on behalf of Die Antwoord to endorse low- or working-class South African emblems and customs. Die Antwoord are indeed vocal about their use of zef and Cape gangster culture (Haupt 2012:121). The working-class zef culture has historically been viewed by many Afrikaners as an embarrassing aspect of Afrikaner culture (see section 2.3.1). However, the band seems to be flaunting zef culture, insisting it should be seen by all, rather than swept under the carpet as traditional Afrikaners preferred to do (see section 2.3.1). However, Die Antwoord have sourced this underbelly of South African culture and turned it into a marker, for

93 an international audience, of a new, authentic and ‘cool’ South African identity. This is of course extremely ironic, as Die Antwoord’s image is entirely constructed and is anything but authentic (see section 2.5).

5.4.2 International success Die Antwoord are indeed enjoying thriving international success. The band regularly posts photographs on their official Facebook page; these include photographs of themselves with a variety of international celebrities such as Jack Black,41 Marilyn Manson42 and Cara Delevingne.43 Die Antwoord’s international success and links with international celebrities confirms that zef culture has been globally accepted. The acceptance of zef culture overseas is unquestionable, and its favourable reception abroad has ramifications within South African culture too.

In light of Die Antwoord’s global success, the duo is much discussed and commented upon in social media. Moreover, it appears that the band’s zef style is being used as a source of inspiration for international fashion houses. For example, luxury fashion house Christian Dior has used a version of the popular Die Antwoord song, ‘Enter the Ninja’, in the commercial for Dior Addict eau de parfum (Lee 2014:[sp]). A Versace commercial for sunglasses presents a model who appears to mimic Yolandi Visser, and American fashion designer, Alexander Wang incorporates Die Antwoord into a commercial for his ready-to-wear line, T (Plates 5a and 5b).

The global popularity of Die Antwoord is visible on many social media platforms. However, not all the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants approved of Die Antwoord in terms of the band’s depicted image. Participant perceptions of Die Antwoord’s dress style follows below.

41 Jack Black is an American actor, singer and musician. Black has achieved cult status among his fans for the quirky comedic roles that he is especially known for (Jack Black biography [sa]). 42 Marilyn Manson is an American ‘goth-rock’ performer who is known for his outrageous outfits and shock antics when on stage (Marilyn Manson biography [sa]). 43 Cara Delevingne is a British fashion model, socialite, singer and actress. Delevingne is very successful as a fashion model and has appeared as the representative model for a number a fashion houses, such as Burberry, Topshop and Chanel to name a few (Cara Delevingne [sa]). Delevingne hails from a distinguished English family, whose relatives include the Lord Mayor of London (ibid). It could be considered somewhat ironic that working-class duo, Die Antwoord, are regularly seen with the ‘aristocratic’ Delevingne. 94

5.5 Participant perceptions of Die Antwoord’s dress style Participant perceptions of Die Antwoord’s dress style varied from adoration to disapproval, with the largest number of participants remaining neutral in their descriptions. Favourable perceptions included comments such as: “Yes, they [Die Antwoord] are hot. Sometimes common, but I love it, yes” (InP16, translated from Afrikaans by the author). Participant 5 expressed his overt disapproval of Die Antwoord: “Common and ugly and I really don’t think it should be called a style” (InP5, translated from Afrikaans by the author). The neutral descriptions include statements such as: “very different from anything I’ve ever seen before” (InP11). In comparison to responses regarding Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style, participants here were less enthusiastic about Die Antwoord’s dress style.

Participants were asked to describe the dress style of Die Antwoord. The majority of participants responded that the dress style of Die Antwoord is zef and common. Participant 14 describes Die Antwoord’s dress style as “obviously zef … that’s the look they’re going for … it’s pretty common” (InP14). Participant 18 confirms this view: “zef, its fucking zef” (InP18, translated from Afrikaans by author). When asked what zef is, participant 18 replied: “It’s common” (InP18).

In response to the question what zef and common mean, participant 13 explained that both terms refer to those who are working-class: “Overall I think it’s [Die Antwoord’s dress style] quite zef … we see them dressing as poor people” (InP13). Participant 3 explained that Die Antwoord have played a role in transforming the previously negative connotation of zef and common to being ‘cool’: “Zef is, it’s a subculture that’s practically around the world at the moment, but it started in South Africa. It’s like, you take the common people and you make them cool” (InP3).

Almost all participants associated the dress style of Die Antwoord to Afrikaner zef culture, which appeared to be a contentious issue for some participants. These participants explained that they see Die Antwoord as exploiting the poverty stricken situation of the poor white Afrikaners and that the band is only referencing zef Afrikaners to add shock-value for publicity purposes: “Fucking stupid. No I see no point in shock-value in a band, that doesn’t have anything to do with the music” (InP9). Participant 22 stated: “I don’t find it [Die Antwoord’s style] enjoyable or applicable to my lifestyle and I don’t think it’s a good style to perpetuate to the

95 masses. It’s fine to be who you are but don’t strive to be a certain way, zef or otherwise” (InP22). Participant 6 added: “It’s not a style, it is an attention-seeking strategy” (InP6, translated from Afrikaans by the author). It seemed as though some participants felt protective of zef culture or perhaps felt that this is a negative aspect of Afrikaner culture that should not be incorporated into internationally portrayed aspects of Afrikaner culture. Furthermore, some participants expressed a negative stance towards Die Antwoord because Ninja and Yolandi Visser are constructed characters, rather than being authentic zef Afrikaners. It seems as though participants are unsure whether Die Antwoord are performing as zef characters because they are being facetious towards zef culture or if Die Antwoord are alluding to zef culture out of genuine respect and appreciation.

At the same time, some participants felt that Die Antwoord’s dress style and affiliation with zef culture makes a positive contribution to Afrikaner culture. Participant 2 states: “Retro, like really weird actually, but it’s cool … it’s really cool, I like that actually” (InP2). Again, as with Fokofpolisiekar, a link between Die Antwoord, Afrikanerness and being ‘cool’ is clearly and repeatedly conveyed. Participants who had a favourable response to Die Antwoord described the band’s dress style as ‘weird’ but ‘cool’, creative and expressive: “Nice, I like it [Die Antwoord’s dress style]. It’s very creative in the sense that they create their own fashion, they create their own look … bit funny, but cool” (InP8). There were participants who explained that for them, Die Antwoord’s dress style represents the ‘ultimate’ style.

During my observations at the performance of Die Antwoord, an audience member explained to me that when she was in the United Kingdom, she drew a lot of positive attention from local British young men as they associated her Afrikaner accent with Yolandi Visser’s accent, and by extension, with Visser’s persona. Due to the sexually provocative way in which Visser portrays herself, she has become a sexual icon to many of her fans. This is important, because instead of associating Afrikaner identity with the conservative tendency of traditional Afrikaners, this association has shifted to indicate that it is ‘cool’ (and sexy) to be a young female Afrikaner.

As per the discussion in section 5.5, Fokofpolisiekar undoubtedly represent the face of the subculture and it is clear that the participants are completely enamoured with

96 the band, whereas Die Antwoord remain fairly controversial amongst the participants. Participants appear to be divided with regard to how they perceive Die Antwoord. Nonetheless, Die Antwoord is also playing an integral part in the re- construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural identity because Die Antwoord’s total style has become been endorsed internationally and recognised as unique in its own right. Perhaps Die Antwoord represent, however implicitly, a longing on behalf of young Afrikaners to be favourably viewed and validated by the global community. It is also important that, in contrast to Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord reference and incorporate a variety of local elements in their dress style. The use of local components could suggest that a more distinctive identity is in the process of being established for these select young Afrikaners.

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PLATE 4 DIE ANTWOORD

Plate 4a: Photographer unknown, Die Antwoord display their zef rap-rave dress style (Photos of Die Antwoord [sa]).

Plate 4b: Yolandi’s dress style reference both zef and hip-hop elements, Ninja and Terence Neale (directors), Baby’s on fire 2012 (screenshot by author) (Ninja & Neale 2012).

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PLATE 5 DIE ANTWOORD

Plate 5a: Photographer unknown, Yolandi Visser photographed alongside an advertisement for Versace sunglasses. The similarity between Visser’s mullet hairstyle and the hairstyle of the model in the Versace advertisement is clearly visible (Versace keepin [sic] it zef 2012).

Plate 5b: Yolandi Visser and Ninja feature in an advertisement for the T by Alexander Wang campaign (Edwards- Brown 2012:[sp]).

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5.6 Dress styles of mainstream Afrikaner musicians As discussed in section 4.7.2, this section will provide a glimpse of mainstream Afrikaner dress style in order to highlight the differences and similarities between mainstream Afrikaner dress style and the subversive dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord and the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Bearing this in mind, I begin with a brief discussion of the dress styles of three popular mainstream Afrikaner musicians: Kurt Darren, Bobby van Jaarsveld and Karlien van Jaarsveld (see section 4.7.2). Since these three mainstream Afrikaner music artists are extremely well-liked and feature centrally in Afrikaner popular culture, I have selected them as representative of mainstream Afrikaner dress styles for the purposes of this study (see section 4.7.2).

Kurt Darren is a singer, songwriter, television presenter and actor who appeals to the Afrikaner mainstream popular culture market (Kurt Darren [sa]). In Plate 6a Darren is pictured wearing a black button-down shirt, indigo jeans and black shoes. The first few buttons of his shirt are undone and the shirt cuffs are rolled up at the sleeves. A large belt buckle is visible at Darren’s waist. This overall dress style is suggestive of a ‘wholesome’, ‘clean-cut’ image. There is a slight sexual innuendo here due to the unbuttoned shirt. Darren’s hair is highlighted at the tips and styled with hair-gel. Plate 6b shows Darren wearing a crew neck T-shirt, black leather jacket and blue jeans. Again, Darren’s highlighted hairstyle is on display.

The legs of Darren’s jeans are cut straight, if not slightly boot-cut, and there is a ‘crispness’ about his overall dress style, as opposed to the skinny jeans and ‘grungy’ dress style of Fokofpolisiekar. In Plate 6b, although Darren is wearing a black leather jacket, the jacket is not shaped in the ‘cool’ biker cut of the 1950s and 1960s, in which Fokofpolisiekar’s members are regularly dressed. Darren’s leather jacket is a looser fitting -style leather jacket which does not carry the unruly connotations associated with the biker-style black leather jacket. Darren’s T-shirt is a crew neck T- shirt, which reaches the base of his neck. There is a slightly restrictive look to this neckline, especially when compared to the open-chested, low-cut V-neck T-shirts worn by Fokofpolisiekar. Although casual, the crew neck is still somehow restrictive and controlling, whereas the open V-neck T-shirts suggest a sense of freedom.

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Bobby van Jaarsveld is an Afrikaans-language singer-songwriter and actor who caters specifically to an Afrikaans-speaking audience, through the Afrikaner popular culture market (Bobby van Jaarsveld [sa]). Van Jaarsveld has received numerous nominations and awards from a variety of Afrikaner award ceremonies (ibid). In terms of dress style, Van Jaarsveld displays a relatively conservative, ‘clean-cut’ dress style that is similar to that of Kurt Darren (Plate 7a). Van Jaarsveld wears a white button-down shirt, indigo jeans and trainers. The shirt is fairly fitted and again, the top buttons are undone and the cuffs rolled up at the sleeves. Van Jaarsveld’s sneakers appear to resemble tennis or squash shoes, perhaps indicating an interest in sport, yet underlining a casual look which is both ‘safe’ and endearing to both young and old members of his audience. Van Jaarsveld’s dress style appears to be carefully put together, even the rip in his jeans seems to be deliberately displayed. Van Jaarsveld’s hair is also highlighted and styled, and is thus almost identical to Darren’s hairstyle.

Even though Bobby van Jaarsveld’s jeans are ripped at the knee, his look denotes a contrived attempt to appear ‘shabby’, and does not approximate the more ‘authentic’ look of worn-in, grunge-style jeans. Van Jaarsveld’s jeans are also straight cut, unlike the skinny jeans worn by Fokofpolisiekar. Van Jaarsveld’s sneakers appear to be genuine sport shoes rather than casual Converse All Star sneakers that are worn daily rather than for sport performance. As discussed in section 3.5.5.1, Converse All Star sneakers have been the sneakers of choice for a variety of subcultures and are perceived as signifying a certain ‘coolness’. It would seem Van Jaarsveld’s sneakers do not capture this essence of ‘cool’ in the way that Converse All Star sneakers do.

Karlien van Jaarsveld, Bobby’s older sister, is also a popular and well-liked Afrikaans-language singer (Karlien van Jaarsveld [sa], translated from Afrikaans by the author). Karlien is wearing a black, cropped jacket with military styling, a white top that shows lace detail at the neck, and indigo jeans (Plate 7b). Karlien’s long, straight hair is dyed blonde and her nails are neatly manicured. She appears to embody a fairly standard Western ideal of female beauty. There is nothing remarkable about her dress style, which is fairly normative, but the way in which she poses for the photograph suggests an air of ‘manufactured’ sexuality.

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The conservative dress style of the three Afrikaans-language artists described above provides a backdrop against which the dress styles of subversive alternative Afrikaner artists are highlighted. Overall, the three Afrikaner mainstream musicians and artists display a carefully constructed dress style that seeks to convey that they are healthy, ‘clean-cut’, likeable and portray an image that traditional Afrikaners would probably approve of and even endorse as role models. Although these artists do reveal some sexuality, this is subtly, not overtly conveyed. These mainstream Afrikaner artists are indeed concerned with being seen as ‘cool’, yet their dress styles lack the nonchalance of Fokofpolisiekar’s dress style and the attractive ‘grittiness’ and interest of Die Antwoord’s dress style.

The variety of dress styles displayed by Die Antwoord are juxtaposed with the dress styles of these three mainstream Afrikaner artists. Die Antwoord display highly visible, exaggerated dress styles that have become integral to their constructed personas. Since obtaining international popularity and inspiring established fashion houses such as Versace and Alexander Wang, Die Antwoord’s dress style has itself become an inspiration for, and a precursor of, international trends (see section 5.4.2).

However, both mainstream Afrikaner artists and alternative Afrikaner artists exhibit dress styles that clearly borrow a variety of other sources. Through incorporating previously marginal elements of South African culture in their dress style, Die Antwoord displays a differently constructed sense of South African identity, which is more open, eclectic, and shifting.

According to the data collected from interviews with participants, the dress style of post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is clearly influenced by the ways in which band members of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord display themselves through dress. Both of these bands avoid the dress style represented by the three individual performers who represent mainstream Afrikaner popular culture. In the next two sections, I detail the actual dress style and dress style perceptions of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants.

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PLATE 6 AFRIKANER MAINSTREAM MUSICIANS

Plate 6a: Photographer unknown, Kurt Darren wears a black shirt and dark indigo jeans (Kurt Darren 2014).

Plate 6b: Photographer unknown, Kurt Darren wears a crew neck T-shirt, black leather jacket and blue jeans (Laat Kaptein Kurt Darren jou seile span in 2010).

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PLATE 7 AFRIKANER MAINSTREAM MUSICIANS

Plate 7a: Photographer unknown, Bobby van Jaarsveld wears a white shirt, blue jeans and trainers (Bobby van Jaarsveld:[sa]b).

Plate 7b: Photographer unknown, Karlien van Jaarsveld wears a cropped jacket, white top with lace detail and blue jeans (Molotsi 2013).

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5.7 Dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture The next section describes the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture in question. In what follows I address and analyse the clothing, accessories, hairstyles, body modifications, colours and silhouettes that, when combined, are regarded as representing the dress style of this subculture. Throughout this section I offer possible readings of the six elements of this dress style. As noted in section 4.4.3, photographs of participants are analysed using content analysis and semiotic analysis.

In my analysis, I do not distinguish between the dress styles of the male and female members of post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This is because I identify the dress style of male and female participants as being similar, resulting in an overall androgynous look for all participants. It is important to note here that given the patriarchal nature of traditional Afrikaner culture (see section 2.2), the blending of masculine and feminine attributes contributes to the construction of an ambiguous and problematic sexual identity, thus heightening the defiance of traditional norms displayed by this subculture. There were however, a few exceptions where female participants displayed dress styles that were not androgynous, and these are discussed in the relevant sections.

5.7.1 Top garments Most participants wear street-style hooded sweaters with T-shirts underneath. A variety of hooded sweaters are worn. Some display visible branding, but the brands are lesser known street-style brands, for example Unburden Clothing and Iron Fist (Plate 8a and 8b).

A number of participants are shown wearing clothing branded with the ‘Unburden Clothing’ logo. After numerous attempts to establish why this label is so popular, the only information about Unburden Clothing I managed to uncover was a Facebook page with photographs of the brand. This does not disclose where clothing by this label is designed, or even where it may be purchased. The Facebook page is hosted by South African photographer Phillip Kritharis, and shows a number of photographs of models dressed in T-shirts and hooded sweaters wearing the Unburden Clothing label (Savior [sic] photography [sa]). I made several attempts to contact the photographer, but my requests to clarify the status of this label were unheeded. It is

105 possible that the brand is deliberately made difficult to access by mainstream consumers, thus conferring a sense of distinction and exclusivity on the brand. Unburden Clothing consists of T-shirts and hooded sweaters printed with a variety of graphic images. These images include animal skulls, zombies and a number of logos. They are mostly black line drawings and resemble tattoos. There is an alternative, or anti-mainstream, feel about the clothing and the models themselves appear to be styled to evoke the goth/rock-type subcultures. Both male and female models are youthful, tattooed, pierced, and wear their hair dyed black or bright red and cut in styles that by mainstream standards, are eye-catching and unusual, if not offbeat. It appears to be the case that the Unburden Clothing label is an alternative clothing brand targeted at non-mainstream youth, which is currently concerned with brand exclusivity more than mass distribution.

Iron Fist clothing is also an alternative street-style clothing brand, conceptualised in 2001 by two South Africans living in California (About Iron Fist [sa]). The brand headquarters operate from California, and the clothing is mostly sold through online retailers. Iron Fist is marketed as providing alternative clothing that is ‘authentic’ and ‘unique’ to, the alternative ‘scene’ (About Iron Fist [sa]). This alternative ‘scene’ consists of, among others, “, surfing, art, music and street culture” (ibid). The label comprises a variety of ladies’ and men’s casual separates, such as T-shirts, hooded sweaters, vests and shorts. The clothing brand is well-known mainly for the artwork displayed on its various lines of clothing. Much of the artwork is designed by internationally acclaimed street artists operating in what is known as the ‘underground’ scene (About Iron Fist [sa]). It is the artwork that lends the brand a particular kind of ‘authenticity’ that is also highly unique. The designs of the artwork featured on the clothing are usually graphic cartoon-style line drawings that regularly depict images of skulls and zombies, similarly to Unburden Clothing. These images are routinely associated with goth subcultural dress styles, as they carry associations of death and decay, key themes of the goth subculture (see section 3.4.3). However, although the print designs strongly allude to goth subculture, the style and cut of the clothing is not necessarily associated with the goth dress style.

Both Unburden Clothing and Iron Fist use models who seem to embrace a variety of subcultural dress styles. The overall look of the two brands appears to be quite

106 similar, which leads me to believe that they are both targeting the same type of customer: young people who wish to display a subcultural affiliation.

In terms of the ‘cut’ of the T-shirts, a number of participants wear close-fitting T-shirts that have V-neck or scooped necklines. At times the V-neck or scooped necklines are cut low, revealing tattoos that have been inscribed on the chests of the male participants (Plates 9a and 9b).

These T-shirts often feature printed logos, which, amongst other things, include names of favoured bands (usually heavy metal or punk bands), anarchy signs, zef catch-phrases and tattoo-style drawings of skulls and/or crosses. In terms of the male participants, many Afrikaner traditionalists consider the close fitting V-neck T- shirt to be more feminine than regular crew neck T-shirts often worn by traditional Afrikaner men who are affiliated with the Boers – farmers, who have no interest in style, art and culture (Boer attire … :[sp]) (see section 3.5.3.). For young Afrikaner men to embrace a more ‘feminine’ dress style may therefore be viewed as somewhat subversive vis-à-vis mainstream patriarchal Afrikaner culture.

In addition to T-shirts, some participants also wear plaid flannel shirts, at times worn over their T-shirts (Plate 14b). Plaid fabric, commonly worn by participants of grunge and punk subcultures, is historically associated with the working-class and is perceived as representing opposition to fervent consumerism (Mackinney-Valentin 2012:9-10). As discussed in section 3.4, the adoption of punk or grunge style by the Afrikaner subcultural participants is ostensibly a marker of resistance against mainstream Afrikaner tradition.

In terms of outerwear, participants are regularly seen wearing leather jackets or street-style hooded sweat-shirts. Leather jackets have often been iconically linked to rock ‘n roll-style rebellion, expressing “a rebellious stance either aesthetically or politically” (Crane 2000:182). These hooded sweat-shirts are often oversized, which emphasises the tight fit of the garments worn by participants below the waist, on the bottom half of their bodies. Hooded sweat-shirts were widely adopted as everyday items when hip-hop became popular during the 1980s, especially in the UK (Braddock 2011:[sp]). Participants frequently wear their sweat-shirts pulled up over their heads, regardless of weather conditions (ViP10 in Plate 8b). This practice of obscuring the face has been commented on by Angela McRobbie, (cited by McLean

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2005:[sp]), who observes that, as a sports wear item adopted for everyday wear, wearing the is a way for young people to defy school uniforms and mainstream corporate culture.

As in hip-hop , hooded sweat-shirts are also linked to experiences of social exclusion, and have become garments of defiance intended to secure anonymity and suggest mystery, while alerting onlookers to the possibility of menacing behaviour on behalf of their wearers. In brief, then, worn by the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants interviewed in this study similarly suggest a sense of social exclusion, defiance, rebellion and anti-social behaviour, as discussed in section 3.4.2.

5.7.1.1 Dresses Although, as discussed above, most participants display an androgynous dress style, in a few exceptional instances female participants have worn dresses. Participant ViP5 wears a floral babydoll44 dress with an oversized cardigan (Plate 10a). This is a typical look from the grunge era (Vesilind 2013:[sp]).

5.7.2 Bottom garments Bottom garments worn by the participants are usually tight-fitting jeans, currently referred to as ‘skinny jeans’. It is apparent from the interviews that skinny jeans are admired and highly valued. Ten participants made this clear when asked to comment on skinny jeans, commenting on them most favourably, using terms such as ‘cool’ or ‘awesome’: “… skinny jeans and leather jackets … it’s really cool” (InP2).

Skinny jeans hold a unique position in fashion. On the one hand, skinny jeans are a ubiquitous staple fashion item communicating a universal sense of fashion, but on the other hand, skinny jeans also indicate a rebelliousness towards a more traditional outlook, especially in terms of masculinity. It is possible therefore to conclude that it is this duality present in skinny jeans that has attracted the post- apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participant to this item of clothing because they wish to belong to wider global society while simultaneously rebelling against Afrikaner tradition.

44 A babydoll dress is a daywear dress that is short and loose fitting (Babydoll [sa]). 108

Internationally, skinny jeans have become , over the past few years, a fashion staple worn by people from a myriad of diverse categories, including, royalty, politicians, pop and rock stars and office workers (Cocozza 2013:[sp]). Although skinny jeans have become a ubiquitous fashion item, they are historically associated with the punk subculture (Cocozza 2013:[sp]). Rod Stanley (cited by Cocozza 2013:[sp]) explains that skinny jeans “are a … shorthand for youth and rebellion”. Jeans have, in the past, been viewed as work wear for labourers (Gordon 2009:331). Work-wear jeans were straight-legged jeans and retained a sense of masculinity (Boeck, Jr 2009:327). In the 1920s, a group of artists, both male and female, began wearing jeans as an anti-fashion statement, associating their identity with the “ruggedness, the directness, and the earthiness of the labourer …” (Gordon 2009:331). In the 1960s, jeans became synonymous with rock ‘n roll rebellion, epitomised by American ‘bad boys’ Marlon Brando and James Dean (Gordon 2009:333). In terms of the skinny cut, the first men to be documented wearing skinny trousers were the youth that participated in the ‘macaroni phenomenon’ of mid-eighteenth century England (Cocozza 2013:[sp]). The macaroni phenomenon comprised men who were considered to be overly feminine as well as excessively concerned about fashion and the garments they wore (McNeil 2009:70-71). However, despite their current ubiquity, skinny jeans are still likely to be perceived by traditional Afrikaners as unorthodox and nonconformist, and the skinny trouser-cut is associated with feminine sensibilities in males.

In a South African context, skinny jeans, referred to as ‘stovepipes’ (see section 2.3.2), were also favoured by the rock ‘n roll Ducktail subcultural participants during the 1960s. As discussed in section 5.2.1, many of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants link the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar to the rock ‘n roll era dress styles of the 1960s. Hence, by adopting skinny jeans as a defining aspect of their style, the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture may be seeking to vicariously display their resistance to the stringent rules that the traditional Afrikaners enforced during the apartheid years.

In addition to skinny jeans, some participants wear jeans that resonate with the earlier dress style of Fokofpolisiekar and the grunge dress style (Plate 10b). Participant ViP28 still displays a dress style that is more reminiscent of Fokofpolisiekar’s early dress style, suggesting that the post-apartheid Afrikaner

109 subculture can be further categorised. The grunge-inspired participants appear to have a more dated dress style whereas the ‘skinny jeans inspired’ participants appear to be more up to date with current trends. This could also be a result of residing in smaller less urban, communities or large urban environments. These differences in dress styles also suggest that the ‘skinny jeans inspired’ participants may be more aware of today’s globalised culture, while the grunge-inspired participants are perhaps still parochial and somewhat more insular.

5.7.3 Footwear Converse All Star sneakers or South African Tomy Takkies45 appear to be the footwear most widely worn by the participants interviewed in this study. Participants ViP14 and ViP16 in Plate 8a both wear Tomy Takkies. Participant ViP11 in Plate 8b also wears Tomy Takkies. Participants ViP3, ViP28, ViP2 and ViP8 (Plates 9a, 10b, 11 & 14b respectively) as well as a further six participants all wear Converse All Star sneakers. A further fourteen participants wear sneakers that resemble Converse All Star sneakers and Tomy Takkies, but their brand names are unclear.

As discussed in section 3.5.5.1, American brand Converse All Stars have long been the preferred footwear of many music-led subcultures, with the sneaker, or sports- inspired footwear being regarded as an “emblem of cool adopted by artists and musicians that extended into the punk-rock and grunge eras” (Fiore 2010:66). The official American website for Converse (About [sa]) details the brand:

Converse is Sneakers. And Converse is Change … Converse sneakers showed up in rock clubs, on the streets, on rappers, on icons, on rebels and originals. It became the sneaker of choice for individuals ... Be who you want to be in Converse sneakers or clothes. An artist, rebel, rapper, thinker, gamer, skater, smoke jumper, freelance dentist, whatever. If you’re wearing Converse, you know who you are. Shoes are Boring. Wear Sneakers.

In the local South African context, the Converse All Star sneaker is the trademark sneaker worn by members of the subcultural group known as the IsiPantsulas. The IsiPantsulas constitute a predominantly black male subcultural group, and are often - although by no means always justifiably - viewed as gangsters or thieves (Makukule 2008:24). The IsiPantsulas have traditionally been perceived as a working-class

45 The word takkies is an informal South African term for sneakers (South African English is lekker [sa]). 110 subculture, so that in the black townships Converse All Star sneakers have subsequently become a symbol of belonging to the working-class (Makukule 2008:3&105). Idah Makhosazana Makukule (2008:105) has noted that IsiPantsula adherents wear Converse sneakers as they are aesthetically pleasing as well as comfortable. More importantly, wearing Converse sneakers gives the IsiPantsula adherents a “sense of belonging to the in-crowd” (Makukule 2008:105).

Interestingly, when Converse sneakers are worn by the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, they are typically soiled and ‘worn in’, see Plate 11. It seems that participants consciously prefer to wear sneakers that are timeworn and even run- down. This appears to contribute a certain ‘coolness’ to the participants’ identities, since, as they claim, wearing well-worn sneakers implies that the wearer has attended many music festivals and concerts featuring their preferred bands, this in turn leads to participants ostensibly being viewed as ‘authentic’ members of the subculture.

Tomy Takkies, or ‘Tomy’s’ as they are informally called, are low-priced sneakers which resemble Converse All Stars. Tomy’s are associated with the music and art scene of South African youth culture in the 1960s (Brands – Tomy Takkies [sa]). Initially produced in 1964, they have seen a recent revival amongst many young South Africans. Tomy’s are available at a low price from a variety of retailers in South Africa and are therefore widely disseminated, and seem to be preferred by the youth. Group discussions with young black students (see Chapter Four) revealed that young black people regard Tomy’s as ‘girl’s shoes’ and that black males would never wear them. Within the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, however, Tomy’s seem to be regarded as unisex footwear and are worn by both male and female participants. This reinforces the tendency toward androgynous apparel among members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

5.7.4 Hairstyles and body modification: piercings and tattooing The dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants is further complemented by their hairstyles, hair colour, piercings and tattooing. Hairstyles vary but there appears to be an attempt by the subcultural participants to have their hair cut, styled, and coloured in ways that would be considered non-conformist and subversive by conservative Afrikaners (Plates 12 & 13). During observations I noted

111 that the styling of hair includes shaving parts of the head, leaving the remaining hair long and unkempt. Hairstyles include the ‘mullet’, where hair is clipped short on the top and sides of the head, but kept long at the back. As mentioned in section 2.3.1.1, the mullet hairstyle is commonly linked to zef culture and has negative connotations in the sense that its wearers are regarded as belonging to working-class, poor white Afrikaner culture (Zef voort! [sa]). The participants do not appear to wear their hair styled as outrageously as members of Die Antwoord, but this is to be expected since Ninja and Yolandi Visser wear overstated, exaggerated hairstyles as part of their performance get-up. (Plate 12c).

In terms of and tattoos, a number of participants display both these body modification practices, although, neither are taken to an extreme as was often the case, for example, with the British punks.

As discussed in section 2.2.1, a number of conservative Afrikaners do not approve of body modification practices, and typically consider piercing and tattooing to be off- limits, if not taboo, within traditional Afrikaner culture (van der Berg 2011:[sp]). As pointed out in section 2.2, traditional Afrikaner culture is embedded in Calvinist Christian values. Thus body modifications of any kind are viewed as ‘un-Christian’ and in violation of traditional Afrikaner values. Some participants explain that they are rebelling against the strict religious upbringing that they had experienced. Perhaps the body modifications worn by participants are intended to communicate insurgence towards the strict moralising practised within traditional Afrikaner culture.

5.7.5 Accessories Many of the participants include a variety of accessories in their dress styles. These accessories are often styled in unexpected ways, the most striking incorporating the use of cartoon imagery. Participant ViP25 (Plate 14a) wears a pink furry animal hat, which would be more appropriately worn by a young child. The hat is shaped quite like a mullet hairstyle, and might be a means of wearing a mullet-type hairstyle without necessarily committing to the actual haircut.

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Participant ViP8 (Plate 14b) is holding a Shrek46 figurine, which is also most likely to appeal to a child. Plate 15a shows Die Antwoord dressed in cartoon character costumes, Ninja as Pokémon and Yolandi Visser as a Care Bear (see section 2.5). Plate 15b shows Ninja wearing a crocheted Pokémon hat. The use of cartoon imagery is also found in tattoos on Ninja’s body. As discussed in section 2.5, these tattoos allude directly to the Number gangs incarcerated in South African prisons. Accordingly, the use of cartoon characters is not necessarily straightforwardly childish, but evokes far more sinister connotations. Perhaps participants wish to parody their own childhood experiences on their own terms, free from the domination of their traditional parent culture. Clearly, for whatever reasons, for these adult participants childhood memories are in no way entirely blissful.

5.7.6 Colour Participants are most frequently dressed in black. Indeed, at large gatherings, especially at performances of the bands, vast groups of black-clothed audience members are distinctly noticeable. As discussed in section 3.5.8.1, wearing black has come to exemplify defiance and rebelliousness against social norms. Although, black has also been interpreted in a number of other ways, in the context of the post- apartheid subcultural Afrikaner, dressing in black from head-to-toe is unmistakably perceived as a sign of resistance to, or rebellion towards, the more conservative parent culture. This may also be due to the fact that black is often associated with darkness, and as mentioned in section 3.5.8.1, this extends to ominous symbolism which includes macabre and satanic acts. As discussed in section 2.2, traditional Afrikaner culture is entrenched in Christian values and as such, when the post- apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants dress in black they are most probably displaying a subversive stance towards this aspect of traditional Afrikaner culture.

However, many participants do not wear black exclusively, and some participants state that they would happily dress in a variety of colours, see for instance, Plate 8a, in which participants ViP14, ViP15 and ViP16 are wearing purple, green and red. There are a variety of participants who do introduce colour into their dress style, especially with regards to accessories, such as hats and scarves. Even though these

46 Shrek is an ogre who is the lead character of the American computer-animated movie ‘Shrek’ (Shrek [sa]). Shrek became known for being an ‘anti-fairytale’ because the movie is contradictory to traditional fairytales which focus on the ‘outward beauty’ of princes and princesses (Ryan 2011:27- 28). 113 participants are not dressed entirely in black, they still maintain the subcultural ‘feel’ of their dress style.

5.7.7 Silhouette In this section, I will consider the external and internal silhouettes of the post- apartheid subcultural Afrikaner dress style. Because the top half of the body displays a slightly looser fit and the bottom half a very tight fit, the silhouette of the body forms an inverted triangle, albeit a rather linear, elongated one. This silhouette stands in stark contrast, for example, to that of the more oversized confrontational hip-hop dress style silhouette, which strongly suggests an “in your face” attitude (Morgado 2007:145). Displayed by a minority subcultural group, an oversized silhouette may seek to counter the possibility of going unnoticed or even being subjected to erasure (Miller 2011:115). Accordingly, the somewhat slender silhouette of the participants may be regarded as evoking a desire not to stand out, and to appear unthreatening towards society at large. This also corresponds with the ‘non-outrageous’ clothing typically worn by the participants.

The inner silhouette of the participants is that of a framed face. Given that participants are usually dressed in black, and typically wear deep open V-neck T- shirts, the face and neck of the participants are emphasised. This conspicuous display of the face might be viewed as a sign of a self-acknowledged identity. A self- acknowledged identity is conducive to the accomplishment of meaningful interaction taking place “amongst a society of thinking, creative, conscious and active individuals” (Kidd 2002:56). The fairly open display of one’s chest could also suggest a sense of vulnerability, coupled with defiance or self-assertion. In other words, participants are disposed toward attaining a status which suggests confidence in their appearance, but this status is asserted in a non-threatening manner.

5.7.8 Conclusion In summary, the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture can be described as casual and laid-back, generally comprising hooded sweaters, T-shirts, jeans and sneakers. The ways in which the participants’ dress styles have been interpreted consider particular nuances of the clothing, such as the fit and neckline of the T-shirts, the cut of their jean legs and the age of their sneakers. These nuances point to diverse strains within the subculture. On the one hand, some participants

114 seem to display a dress style that is more in line with grunge dress styles (see section 5.4.2 and Plate 10b); the grunge dress style being comparable to the early dress style of Fokofpolisiekar. On the other hand, many other participants display a dress style that consists of tight fitting V-neck T-shirts and skinny jeans, (Plates 8 and 9). This dress style is comparable to Fokofpolisiekar’s current dress style.

It has also been noted that the dress styles are not by definition subversive, rebellious or unique to the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. These dress styles are most likely to be read as subversive by the traditional Afrikaners, which I suspect is the overall intention of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This notion, that the participants’ main thrust of subversion and rebelliousness is directed primarily at critiquing the dress style of traditional Afrikaners, is further discussed in section 5.8.

Group GC1, as mentioned in section 4.5, are young black participants who do not identify with the Afrikaner subculture under discussion. In my discussions with GC1, I showed them photographs of post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural adherents. I noticed that the GC1 participants picked up on other details of the dress styles exhibited by the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants which I had initially overlooked. For example, these participants instantly singled out participant ViP13 (Plate 9b) as having an extremely ‘cool’ dress style. Despite their lack of identification with the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, the GC1 participants explained that they would personally adopt the dress style of ViP13. The reasons the GC1 participants gave for approving ViP13’s dress style is because they feel that this participant’s dress style is in line with current global trends. The GC1 participants approve of the fit of ViP13’s T-shirt, the colour and fit of his jeans and the way he folds his jeans up at the ankles. The GC1 participants also commented favourably on ViP13’s boots.

The GC1 participants identified a number of other details with regards to the dress styles of the participants, explaining that they too prefer skinny jeans, but apparently the ‘degree of skinny’ also has a number of connotations. The GC1 participants described the skinny jeans worn by ViP3 as too skinny (Plate 9a). They commented that if jeans are too skinny the result is that the male wearer is perceived as being homosexual. The GC1 participants commented that the jeans worn by participants ViP2 and ViP8 (Plates 11 and 14b respectively) are not skinny enough and result in

115 the wearer not looking ‘cool’. The GC1 participants added that the length of skinny jeans is also a deciding factor with regards the wearer’s degree of ‘coolness’. This is illustrated in Plate 8b: ViP10’s skinny jeans are slightly ruffled at the ankles, but ViP11’s jeans are slightly short on the ankles. The GC1 participants commented that skinny jeans must be slightly ruffled at the ankles to be considered ‘cool’, not short.

It is apparent from the comments made by this group of participants that young people are paying attention to minute details in their dress style choices. It seems that the smallest of details can indeed communicate a great deal amongst young people.

Therefore, although the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants display a fairly normative dress style, the subversiveness may lie in the subtle details of their dress styles. This subsequently suggests that these young Afrikaners prefer a non- confrontational method of communicating their disapproval of Afrikaner tradition.

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PLATE 8 PARTICIPANTS

Plate 8a: From left to right: ViP14, ViP15 and ViP16. ViP16 wears an Ironfist Clothing hooded sweater, Hatfield Pretoria, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 8b: Photographer unknown, from left to right: ViP10, ViP11 and ViP12. ViP10 on the left wearing Unburden Clothing hooded sweater, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (used with permission).

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PLATE 9 PARTICIPANTS

Plate 9a: Participant ViP3 wears a wide V-neck T-shirt and skinny jeans, the participant’s tattoo on his chest is just visible, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 9b: Participant ViP13 wears a deep scoop neck T-shirt with tattoos clearly visible, Oppikoppi festival, August 2013. Photographer: Justine Odendaal (used with permission).

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PLATE 10 PARTICIPANTS

Plate 10a: From left to right: ViP4 and ViP5. Participant ViP5 displays a dress style that references grunge dress style, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 10b: Participant ViP28 wears more loosely fitting jeans that are faded and ripped, Hatfield Pretoria, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

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PLATE 11 PARTICIPANTS

Plate 11: Participant ViP2 at Oppikoppi festival, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

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PLATE 12 HAIRSTYLES

Plate 12a: Participant ViP4 wears his head shaved on one side with the remaining hair kept longer, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 12b: Participant ViP7 wears most of her hair dyed black with just her fringe dyed copper red, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 12c: Yolandi Visser and Ninja from Die Antwoord display exaggerated mullet haircuts. Photographer Sebastian Kim. (Navarro & Hyman:[sa])

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PLATE 13 PARTICIPANT HAIRSTYLES

Plate 13: Participant ViP29 with hair dyed blue wears a Pokémon T-shirt, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

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PLATE 14 ACCESSORIES

Plate 14a: Participant ViP25 wearing a toy animal hat more likely to be worn by children, Hatfield, September 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

Plate 14b: Participant ViP8 accessorising with a toy figurine of Shrek and with a scarf knitted in the colours of Rastafarianism, Oppikoppi festival, August 2012 (photograph by author, used with permission).

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PLATE 15 DIE ANTWOORD’S CARTOON REFERENCES

Plate 15a: Photographer unknown, Ninja wears a Pokémon costume and Yolandi a Care Bear costume 2011 (Die Antwoord 2 July 2011).

Plate 15b: Photographer unknown, Ninja wears a crocheted Pokémon hat 2014 (Die Antwoord 11 August 2014).

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5.8 Participant perceptions of their own dress styles The dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants is described in detail in section 5.7 above. In the following section, I focus on the perceptions articulated by participants regarding their own dress styles. In this section I address the messages that participants say they are hoping to communicate through their dress styles. When the participants were asked to explain their dress style choices, a number of responses stood out. These responses are discussed below.

5.8.1 Freedom Most notably, the most conspicuous and compelling comment made in the interviews related to the fact that participants feel that they are free to dress as they please. This indicates that they are experiencing a sense of freedom in their lives, and that this experience is new to them: “I’m here, I’m free, I’m living it, I’m partying” (InP11). Participants 1, 4, 5, 13, 14, 22 and 23 echo this sentiment. When the participants were asked why they had chosen their current dress style, participant 16 replied: “Because I can and I am young and I can live my life just that way that I want to” (InP16, translated from Afrikaans by the author).

These comments indicate that the participants are taking ownership of their visual identities by choosing dress styles that are not necessarily in line with the more conservative dress styles endorsed by the traditional Afrikaner social environment. This suggests, however implicitly, that participants are knowingly concerned with constructing a new social (and visual) identity, one that is of their own making. Throughout the interviews and observations, it became apparent to me that, during the apartheid years, traditional Afrikaners were not only in political control of South Africa, but they also sought to maintain strict control over the autonomy and personal freedom of all Afrikaners. As indicated in section 2.2.1, this meant that many young Afrikaners were inhibited, if not barred, from being actively participant in global youth culture. All of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants interviewed in this study were born pre-1994 and are likely to have been raised within the parameters of traditional Afrikaner culture.

Had a band like Fokofpolisiekar formed during the apartheid era, they would most certainly have been banned and possibly even have been arrested and incarcerated. The South African punk bands that were performing during the apartheid era do

125 indeed talk about how there was always a police presence at their performances, stating that they were often afraid of being arrested because of the rebellious nature of punk (Basson 2007:45).

It seems that in post-apartheid South Africa many young Afrikaners are revelling in South Africa’s new-found sense of freedom. The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture appears to be taking part in this newly found freedom by adopting a number of rituals. These rituals involve attending festivals and performances where many of the headline acts would most certainly have been banned during the apartheid years. Included in these rituals is the embracing of dress styles very different from that of the parent culture. These rituals communicate that the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants do not share many of the insular views promoted and highly valued by their parent culture.

5.8.2 Unique and non-judgemental Twelve of the participants stated that they choose their dress styles in order to look unique and non-conformist: “ [I’m] non-conformist … just be yourself and if you like something you can do it, no matter what the people around your culture says” (InP20). These participants consider their dress style to be distinctive and state that they intend it to be perceived in this way: “I don’t want to be a typical stereotype person, I like the way I dress and I like to be different from other people” (InP2). Participant 25 added “we don’t think racial, we don’t think hatred, we only go to people that’s happy” (InP25). As mentioned is section 5.4.8, this could indicate that the unique dress style that participants believe that they are displaying is only perceived as offensive by members of the Afrikaner parent culture. This is in line with the earlier discussion with Van Coke, where he spoke about how being an Afrikaner meant being associated with apartheid, which as mentioned in section 5.2.4, resulted in Afrikaner culture being perceived as ‘uncool’. The participants added that they wanted their dress style to communicate that they are free-spirited, approachable and friendly. Participant 13 added that he did not want to be judged by how he looks: “I’m free. I don’t judge so don’t judge me by the way I look … talk to me if you’re sceptic about something that I’m wearing, then I’ll tell you why I’m wearing it … free spirit man, don’t judge!” (InP13).

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The participants’ desires to be seen as ‘free’ and not to be judged by their appearances could be related to their knowledge about the oppressive ways in which black people were treated by propagators of apartheid, who were members of their parent culture. The participants seem to be protesting against the way their parent culture was at all times judgemental, at the same time hoping that society at large might refrain from making assumptions based on the adverse history of traditional Afrikaners.

5.8.3 Indifference Eleven participants noted that they do not put much effort into their dress styles and that they do not really care how they look: “As there wasn’t any thought put into it [my dress style], it would say that I don’t give anything about anything” (InP9). Participant 25 added “I’ve got my skinnies on, I’ve got my vellies,47 brown shoes, and a black skinny. I’ve got my V-sharp top, T-shirt and hoodie on. And a smile on my face. Yes, yes, I’m just wearing everything that says ‘don’t give a fuck’” (InP25). Although this participant is giving a fairly detailed description of his dress style, he adds that this look implies nonchalance, detachment and an ostensible lack of concern about his appearance. These participants wish to project a unique and non- conformist image in a carefree, seemingly uncommitted manner. It is most likely, of course, that participants do, in fact, care very much about how they look, but they prefer not to confess to this, and not to allude overtly to being concerned with their appearance. There is usually a ‘coolness’ associated with being detached and nonchalant, that is especially prevalent in rock and grunge subcultures.

This nonchalance is also in line with comments made in the interview with Francois van Coke. The authorised biography (Klopper 2011) of Fokofpolisiekar states that the band spent much time discussing the image that the band should portray. These discussions included concerns about the band’s dress style (Klopper 2011:80-81). During the interview with van Coke, he denied that the band had intentionally discussed their dress style: “I think we intended to have a look with what we put out, like visually, as flyers, as cover design, and, like that kind of visual stuff. I don’t think we ever really thought about what we wearing, we kind of just dressed the same, just

47 Vellies is short for velskoene an Afrikaans word that literally translates to shoes made from skin. Velskoene are traditional South African leather shoes that were the preferred footwear of the Voortrekkers and are therefore an element of traditional Afrikaner dress style (Nel 2013:[sp]). 127 because we’re friends, I guess” (InFvC). In effect, this is probably because it is important for the band to maintain an air of insouciance and detachment, and therefore they cannot readily admit to constructing their dress style, as this would not be ‘cool’. This sense of indifference seems to resonate with both Fokofpolisiekar and many of the participants.

Alongside their nonchalant attitude, participants verbally articulated a favourable perception of their dress styles. Three participants added that their dress style is ‘awesome’ or ‘cool’: “It’s [my dress style] awesome, it’s comfortable” (InP12). A further nine participants respond positively about their dress styles: “If it’s not tight it’s not right and I don’t do colour. It’s comfortable and it’s just nice” (InP7). These participants are evidently favourably disposed to their dress styles and this is confidently expressed. Participants seem to feel that their dress styles are ‘cool’, which is important to these subcultural participants. This is because, as noted in section 5.2.1, in the past it was considered highly ‘uncool’ to be an Afrikaner. The verbally articulated sense of confidence, ostensibly also conveyed in their dress styles, suggests that participants are consciously seeking to change the previously negative stereotypical view of Afrikaners, and believe that they are indeed contributing to this change.

5.8.4 Comfort When asked why they had selected their particular dress styles, nine of the participants prioritised comfort as the deciding factor. This may be directly related to the proclaimed indifference regarding their dress styles as noted in section 5.5.3. These participants wish to underline that they do not invest much time in thinking about their dress style; they are ostensibly concerned solely with being comfortable: “I would describe it [my dress style] as not having any style, just wearing whatever is comfortable…” (InP9).

Daniel Miller and Sophie Woodward (2012:65-83), state that many people who regularly wear jeans cite comfort as a prominent reason for deciding to wear jeans more than any other casual pants or trousers, such as chinos, for example. Miller and Woodward (2012:65) further explain that comfort may appear to be a fairly straightforward characteristic that is desired, but, in fact, this is more complex than it seems. This is because comfort speaks to more than the fit or feel of a particular

128 fibre on the skin; comfort also refers to feeling comfortable with one’s identity and surroundings (Miller & Woodward 2012:66). In addition, referencing comfort as an important reason for choosing a dress style is also indicative of “being released from … issues of appearance, fashion, or cultural appropriateness …” (Miller & Woodward 2012:71).

In the context of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants this implies that participants are becoming more comfortable with their post-apartheid identities, while developing a dress style that resonates with these newly constructed identities. This involves non-participation with the fast pace of changing fashion trends. Even though the dress style of the participants is in line with global trends, participants may prefer to retain their dress styles for much longer than a season or two, which would be the case if they were considered to be ‘followers of fashion’. This too is a marker of a subcultural dress style, because as discussed in section 1.2.1, subcultural dress styles are not dictated by, nor do they follow, seasonal changes within the fashion system.

5.8.5 Inexpensive Even with a cursory examination of the dress styles of the participants, it is evident that expensive clothing or luxury brands do not form a part of their styled appearance. This is highlighted by participant 8, who, when asked to describe his dress style, openly declared: “Oh man, whatever I can get for free” (InP8). The participants interviewed were youthful, and therefore students, dependants, or just entering the professional or corporate world. Clearly, they do not have the financial means to spend money on expensive clothing. However, it might also be the case that participants are intentionally shunning luxury consumption in order to portray themselves as working-class South Africans. This is certainly the case with Die Antwoord, as the band specifically references zef Afrikaners, and may even be relevant to Fokofpolisiekar, who refer to their earlier dress style as ‘Bergie Chic’ (see section 5.2). By situating themselves within the working-class, post-apartheid subcultural participants are displaying a willingness to be members of the vast numbers of people in South Africa who are also a part of the working-class. Gary Baines (2009:9) explains that many of the Afrikaners that benefitted financially during apartheid “still command a vast material and cultural capital accrued during Nationalist Party rule … indeed, prominent Afrikaner constituencies, including 129 business and cultural elites are flourishing in contemporary South Africa”. It is possible that the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is intentionally seeking to distance itself from the former financially privileged position of Afrikaners, suggesting that they no longer wish to be beneficiaries of the apartheid era, as many of the traditional Afrikaners have been.

5.8.6 Conclusion In summary, the post-apartheid subcultural participants perceive their dress styles as unique, non-conformist, aesthetically pleasing and ‘cool’. The participants wish to communicate a free-spirited, non-judgemental and detached attitude through their dress style, while retaining a sense of authenticity as members of South Africa’s working-classes today.

During many of the impromptu conversations I had with participants (see section 4.3.1), it became apparent that many of them are still aware of, and distressed by, past practices that were endorsed by traditional Afrikaner culture. One participant recounted that a friend of hers was in her final year of studying fashion design, and was hoping to exhibit a collection of lingerie at her year-end , but was forbidden to do so by her parents as they felt that this was too risqué, and stood in stark opposition to their traditional Christian values. This underlines the extremely conservative view from which young Afrikaners today are seeking to distance themselves. In light of this, it should be understood, that, although the dress style of the post-apartheid subcultural participants may appear to be fairly innocuous to some, through the eyes of the traditional Afrikaner parent culture it could be perceived as being rebellious and subversive. One participant did allude to this, observing that his dress style is perceived differently in the small mining community he hails from: “It’s [my dress style] awesome, it’s comfortable, like from a small mine town point of view, its awesome” (InP12).

Thus it appears that, on a global scale, the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural dress style is not particularly out of line with international trends, but when viewed within the context of traditional Afrikaner culture, these dress styles appear to communicate that these participants no longer wish to be identified with traditional Afrikaner ideologies.

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5.9 Analysis of the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture Thus far I have described and discussed the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord. I have also discussed the band’s various dress styles from the perspective of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. The aim of these discussions has been to establish participants’ sources of inspiration.

Following this, I provided detailed descriptions of the participants dress styles as well as the perceptions articulated by participants regarding their own dress styles. From these discussions a number of themes emerged, which shed light onto the identities of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. These themes are discussed below.

5.9.1 Anti-nostalgia The process of identity construction of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture seems to be informed through ways in which participants are re-living past decades which traditional Afrikaners remember fondly, with a measure of nostalgia and wistfulness. According to participant members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, the two most prominent decades are the rock ‘n roll and grunge eras. The rock ‘n roll era took place in the 1950s and 1960s and the grunge era took place in the late 1980s to early 1990s. The 1950s/1960s may be remembered fondly by the parent culture because this era signifies a time of undisputed Afrikaner rule over South Africa. The 1980s/1990s signify a time when the Afrikaner rule was beginning to weaken, and was thus probably an upsetting and unsettling time for traditional Afrikaners. There are traditional Afrikaners who refer to apartheid South Africa as “the good old days” (Campher 2008:[sp]). The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture seems keen to re- appropriate and re-signify these decades in an act of resistance towards the parent culture.

5.9.1.1 Remembering apartheid South Africa With regards to the rock ‘n roll era, and as discussed in section 5.2.1, the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture may by trying to recuperate this era on different terms, as this is when the traditional Afrikaners enjoyed the most control over South Africa. Of course, the participants interviewed were not yet born in the 1950s and

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1960s, but this era represents an important reference point for members of the parent culture, and as such is likely to have been internalised by the participants.

In seeking to recuperate these decades for very different reasons, to entirely different ends, members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture are challenging traditional Afrikaner history, deliberately contesting traditional Afrikaner perceptions. As discussed in section 3.3, subcultures appropriate cultural symbols held dear by the parent culture and this would certainly apply here. This is possibly why the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture appropriates the rock ‘n roll dress style, because this both defies and challenges the parent culture.

5.9.1.2 Remembering childhood Many of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants interviewed in the framework of this study were young, and would have been growing up during the 1980s to the 1990s, when grunge was immensely popular internationally. As many of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants were most likely raised within the confines of the strict traditional Afrikaner parent culture, by reviving the grunge era, they seek to reclaim their childhood in more autonomous, unrestricted ways. This is also reflected in the choice of accessories displayed by some participants, namely the child-like fluffy-toy hat and Shrek toy pictured in Plates 14a and 14b, respectively.

5.9.2 Authentic and cool The desire to be ‘cool’ and to be perceived as such was frequently mentioned by the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants. Indeed, being ‘cool’ is highly valued by most young people the world over, but as discussed earlier in this chapter, Afrikaners have not generally enjoyed a reputation for being ‘cool’. The emergence of rebellious or dissident Afrikaner bands has facilitated a change in this respect, appropriating ‘coolness’ and legitimising the right for Afrikaners to be ‘cool’. It seems that the problematic notion of ‘authenticity’ is valued among some, but not all, of the participants. This became evident when discussing Die Antwoord, when certain participants clearly viewed Die Antwoord negatively, as they resented the way the band parodied working-class, poor white Afrikaners, rather than portraying them straightforwardly or ‘authentically’.

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Members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture clearly feel it is important to be able to add ‘cool’ and ‘authentic’ to their newly constructed identity repertoires. These epithets today grant subcultures a sense that they are worthy of validation within society at large. However, this is ironic since the dress styles of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture are clearly influenced from the outside, by international subcultures, and their authenticity as ‘South African’ is therefore questionable. Whether participants naively believe that their dress style is ‘authentic’ and ‘cool’, or are simply aware that they ought to state this in order to legitimise their dress style and subcultural identity, is a moot point.

5.9.3 International acceptance It is evident that the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is in line with the dress styles of many young people internationally. When South Africa was under apartheid rule, the international community placed many sanctions upon South Africa (see section 2.2.1), and as such, South Africa, and more specifically the traditional Afrikaners, were globally shunned. Drawing on international dress options indicates a desire on behalf of young Afrikaners today to be embraced by the global community, no longer to be seen as ‘outsiders’. Interestingly, in order to retain some form of inherent identity, adherents of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture have come to ascribe great value to the Afrikaans language. Bryan Little48 (cited by Stanley [sa]) explains that prior to the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural movement, many young Afrikaners would try to hide their Afrikanerness by speaking only in English. This, however, is no longer the case, with many of young Afrikaners now embracing their language and by extension, many aspects of Afrikaner culture. It is noteworthy that these post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants feel they are today in a position to select which cultural aspects they choose to retain and which they prefer to leave to the traditionalists.

5.9.4 Connection to the working-class Both Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and the interviewed participants, regularly appear to align themselves with South Africa’s working-class. There are two possible reasons for intentionally linking themselves to the working-class.

48 Bryan Little is the director of the Fokofpolisiekar documentary titled “Forgive them for they know not what they do” (Fokofpolisiekar: forgive them… 2009). 133

Firstly, as discussed in section 5.5.6, vast numbers of Afrikaners benefitted socially, politically, and economically from the apartheid machinery. It may be the case that given their current knowledge of the past, Afrikaner youth at large, and the post- apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants in particular, are filled with remorse regarding the non-white South Africans who were victims of apartheid.

Moreover, white South Africans, including many Afrikaners, are still enjoying the benefits accumulated during apartheid South Africa, remaining, “at least in economic terms, much better off on average than black people”, since they “accumulated assets on the back of race that yield advantage to successive generations into the future” (Jansen 2009:29). Afrikaner post-apartheid subcultural youth are eager to distance themselves from wealthy Afrikaners whose wealth was accrued at the expense of black South Africans, and are hence displaying resistance toward their Afrikaner parent culture.

5.10 Conclusion The emergence of the visibly nonconformist, rebellious Afrikaner bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, ignited a movement among a select group of young Afrikaners, identified in this study as the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This subculture has developed a dress style that comprises elements of the rock ‘n roll and grunge eras. Fokofpolisiekar seem to hold more of an influence over the subculture, but Die Antwoord has succeeded in changing many of the negative perceptions of Afrikaners inscribed into global perceptions of South Africa.

Using the collected data, the inception of Fokofpolisiekar in 2003 appears to signal the beginning of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Fokofpolisiekar’s popularity seems to highlight the fact that a number of young Afrikaners have felt displaced and without identity in the new South Africa. Many of the young Afrikaners I spoke to indicated that they do not wish to be associated with the negative aspects of traditional Afrikaner identity, and declared that they are searching for a new identity. The aspects of traditional Afrikaner culture that were specifically mentioned by the participants are those of being racist, controlling, overbearing and overly religious.

As discussed in section 5.2.1, there is a general perception that during the apartheid years it was ‘uncool’ to be an Afrikaner. Afrikaners were excluded from many

134 aspects of globalisation, due to sanctions imposed on South Africa. The effects of this isolation were perpetuated through insular ideologies. During the apartheid years, many international brands refused to export products to South Africa in support of the anti-apartheid struggle. It would seem that international boycotts against South Africa fuelled and further strengthened the nationalist Afrikaners’ resolve to remain a separate people. As discussed in section 2.2.1, traditional Afrikaners also shunned contemporary global fashions on both ideological and material grounds, as they had to make do with local, domestically produced products.

The tumultuous history of the Afrikaners has resulted in many contemporary young Afrikaners being wary of, and highly sensitive to, the possibility of being perceived as traditional Afrikaners. Post-apartheid subcultural Afrikaners wish to be accepted internationally while maintaining select elements from their Afrikaner past, and certain aspects of Afrikanerness. In other words, they wish to legitimise their identities by remaining Afrikaners, but simultaneously aspire to be part of a wider international community. This was further emphasised during my consultation with the group GC1 (see section 4.5). A number of the participants in GC1 had not heard of Fokofpolisiekar and did not seem to know about nor show any interest in the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture. This highlights that the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture’s subversiveness is directed primarily at the Afrikaner community and not at a wider South African, or international, community.

The post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants claim that their sense of identity has been destabilised, or even totally undermined in post-apartheid South Africa. However, it is clear from the findings of this study that these young Afrikaners are in the process of reconstructing new ways of being young Afrikaners today. This process of identity reconstruction is still in its early stages, as attested by the way that these young Afrikaners are still apprehensive about freely interacting with the diversity of South Africa’s ethnic groups. Currently it seems that these young Afrikaners still feel most comfortable amongst members of the Afrikaner community, but there are signs that this may be changing. The Oppikoppi festival was previously promoted primarily, if not exclusively, as being targeted at Afrikaners, but over the years the festival has become more inclusive of all South Africans (Gedye 2012:[sp]). This instance itself may be heralding however slightly, additional ways in

135 which Afrikaner cultural practices are opening up to include non-Afrikaner South African youth. Although participants did not specifically discuss the political situation within South Africa they certainly alluded to being accepting and non-judgemental of all South Africans.

These young Afrikaners are enjoying their freedom in the new South Africa and are expressing this in the way that they dress and through a variety of creative outlets, such as their music. Die Antwoord is successfully managing to create a hybridised South African identity which is largely representative of a number of ethnically diverse working-class South Africans. The young Afrikaners that comprise the participants of this study do appear to be in the early stages of knowingly combining cultural elements from various South African cultures. This process of blending and hybridisation is likely to continue and fluctuate, and eventually to yield news ways of belonging to a culturally integrated Afrikaner identity. It is important to remember that, as noted in section 4.5, at present this music-led post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture appears to consist exclusively of white members. This is probably because black, coloured, Asian, Indian and white English-speaking South Africans may not relate to this particular subculture to the same degree, or on the same level, as these young white Afrikaners do.

The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture appears to adhere to the styles promoted by Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord because these bands represent a ‘new’ and ‘cool’ image of Afrikaner culture which simultaneously appeals for, and demands, a cultural place within global and South African contexts. However, the white participants’ beliefs that their fairly conventional dress styles are nonconformist and rebellious, coupled with their tendency to seek the company of those with a similar cultural background to their own, suggests that there does remain a level of insular thinking amongst some of these young Afrikaners, which may be rooted in the traditional Afrikaner practices of their daily lives.

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CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION 6.1 Introduction The purpose of this study has been to determine the dress styles of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture and the alternative Afrikaans bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord. I described and set out to interpret these dress styles, thus shedding light on new trends and characteristic features among selected young Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa today. The goal of my research has been to identify and understand how dress style identities of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture enable participants to shape the ways in which select young Afrikaners relate to their place and standing in South Africa today.

As discussed in section 1.4, the research question guiding this study is as follows: What do the dress styles of post-apartheid alternative Afrikaans bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and selected audience members, contribute to, and suggest about, the new trends and characteristic features of these young Afrikaner’s in post-apartheid South Africa today?

In addition, the research was guided by the following aims and objectives:

 To examine the visual dimensions of the dress styles of the band members and selected members of their audience.

 To establish how selected audience members perceive their own dress styles as well as the dress styles of the bands in question.

 To clarify new forms of socio-cultural identification through fashion and style amongst these select Afrikaner audience members in contemporary South Africa.

 To explore whether, and in what ways, the dress styles in question represent and signify new dimensions of cultural uniqueness for young Afrikaners today.

Looking back at performances I attended of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and the many interviews and discussions held with participants, I can honestly say that that I have learnt a great deal about this subculture. I have come to realise that

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Afrikaner tradition and apartheid continue to influence the lives of these young Afrikaners, and that this is ultimately manifested in their dress styles. In the final chapter of this dissertation I outline the results of my encounters with participants and draw conclusions about the dress style identities of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

6.2 Summary of chapters In this section I provide a summary of the chapters that comprise the study.

6.2.1 Chapter One: Introduction Chapter One begins by situating this study in the domain of fashion and stating my research area: dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. It is relevant to this study to include the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord because these bands have had a direct influence on the development and collective social identity of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture.

In Chapter One I explain my decision to use the term dress style for this study, supporting this discussion by providing a background to subcultural style. I introduce the bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, who feature prominently in the lives of members of the Afrikaans subculture. I allude to the impact these bands have had on the social identity of these young Afrikaners. The research question, the aims and objectives of the research, as well as the envisaged contributions of the study are then stated.

6.2.2 Chapter Two: The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture background The purpose of Chapter Two is to provide the historical background of the post- apartheid Afrikaner subculture in the context of Afrikaner history and culture. Firstly, I clarified the key terms selected for the study and then moved on to address traditional Afrikaners as well as alternative Afrikaners. These discussions spanned Afrikaner history from the Anglo-Boer war, which took place from 1899 to1902, until current post-apartheid times. It was noted that although most Afrikaners have generally been perceived as oppressors responsible for apartheid, there have also been a number of Afrikaner sub-groupings who did not necessarily subscribe to the nationalist ideals of traditional Afrikaners. These Afrikaner sub-groups have aided in establishing Afrikaner identities that could be considered alternative to the

138 conservative, conformist Afrikaner tradition. Since the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture seemed to develop alongside the emergence of the bands Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, the background history of these bands was also provided. Throughout Chapter Two I provide descriptions of, and background material for the dress styles of the various Afrikaner groupings and the bands in question, and where possible, address the significance of these dress styles.

6.2.3 Chapter Three: Global subcultural studies Chapter Three consists of a second literature review chapter in which I provide an understanding of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture drawing on a number of widely acclaimed global subcultural studies. Most of these subcultural studies have been applied to various international subcultures. Since there is a limited body of work which specifically addresses subcultures within a South African context, these global subcultural conversations have been examined in order to try and shed light on the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. Pertinent international subcultures are discussed in Chapter Three with specific reference to their dress styles. Discussions about the international subcultures include sociological literature which attempts to explain the beliefs and objectives that have underpinned these various subcultures. I illustrate the importance of dress styles to subcultures and discuss the meaning that is embedded in the respective dress styles in question.

6.2.4 Chapter Four: Research methodology In Chapter Four I account for the research methodologies best suited to the research question of this study. A qualitative research approach was taken, entailing an empirical ethnographic research design, underpinned by a constructivist worldview.

The ethnographic nature of this study steered the data collection methods, which included observations, semi-structured interviews and visual analysis. Within these data collection methods I explain the sampling process used to select participants for the study. Chapter Four also details the data analysis methods, namely content analysis and semiotic analysis. The purpose of these methods was to establish themes arising from the data, which were then discussed in detail in Chapter Five.

Chapter Four also addresses issues relating to the validity and reliability of the study, and the ethics involved. By using triangulation, the validity and reliability of the study are reinforced, yet to further ensure them, a peer reader was asked to comment on 139 the findings and analyses and personal bias was stated. To ensure that the study remains within ethical boundaries, I requested consent from all participants for interviews and photographs.

6.2.5 Chapter Five: Findings and analysis In Chapter Five I discuss the findings and analyses of the data collected during the research process. This chapter opens with discussions of the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord (see sections 5.2 to 5.5). Although descriptions of the dress styles of the two bands are discussed in Chapter Three, Chapter Five also engages with visual images gathered in the data collection and input from the perspective of the participants. The themes that arose from the data collection are fleshed out in Chapter Five.

In conclusion, the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture comprises young Afrikaners that are in the process of reconstructing their identities. These young Afrikaners do not feel that there are specifically Afrikaner dress styles that they can make use of for their visual identities and thus appear to borrow from a number of international subcultures and draw on influences such as Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord.

The post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture, although influenced by international subcultures, retain a sense of their Afrikanerness in terms of their music and lyrics, but this is mostly imperceptible in their dress styles. This is possibly because these young Afrikaners do not wish to be visually labelled as Afrikaners, but prefer to cultivate a sense of belonging to the broader social spectrum, both in South Africa and internationally. It would seem that these young Afrikaners are not rebelling against South African society at large, but only against the controlling aspects of the Afrikaner traditions. Indeed, many of the subtleties present in the dress styles of the post-apartheid Afrikaners would possibly only be noticed as subversive by traditional Afrikaners.

In the next section, I assess aspects of this study that could be further fleshed out in order to provide additional insight into the area of research on which this dissertation focuses.

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6.3 Recommendations A number of issues have come up during the research and writing up of the analysis for this dissertation. Firstly, a more detailed understanding of the levels of subversiveness within the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture would contribute to refining our grasp of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. It was difficult to ascertain the levels of conservatism that those belonging to post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture are exposed to in their daily lives, and to analyse their dress styles accordingly. Perhaps, after the initial semi-structured interviews, in-depth interviews and focus group sessions would have provided more depth. A further consideration would be to develop questionnaires for traditional Afrikaners, which would attempt to determine the level of conservatism among the parent culture. Interviews with the parent culture could also establish the perceptions the parent culture holds regarding the dress styles of Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord and the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture. However, due to the fairly sensitive nature of such interviews, it may be difficult to assess whether or not parent culture interviewees would be entirely honest if questioned regarding their levels of conservatism.

Secondly, it became apparent that little research has been done on the general dress styles of South Africans, from historical and contemporary perspectives. South African society today is extremely heterogeneous, and it would be both interesting and of great of value to provide a historical overview and analysis of the dress styles of South Africa’s diverse cultures and ethnicities. It may be worthwhile to undertake a comparative study of the dress styles deriving from the cultural backgrounds of South Africa’s various settlers, including, for example, the Dutch, the British and the French Huguenots. A more contemporary study might involve documenting the dress styles of the various music-led subcultures that exist throughout South Africa across racial and ethnic divides.

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APPENDIX 1: PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

 How do you describe the dress style of Fokofpolisiekar?  How do you describe the dress style of Die Antwoord?  How do you describe your personal dress style?  Why are you dressed in this manner?  If your ‘look’ could speak, what would you like it to say about you?

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APPENDIX 2: FRANCOIS VAN COKE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

 Do you consider yourself as having grown up within Afrikaner culture?  Would you say that your upbringing was a traditional, conservative upbringing, or more liberal?  What do you think do conservative Afrikaners think of your style, the way you dress?  What is it like being a more alternative Afrikaner in South Africa today?  What do you think of this alternative Afrikaans scene that is becoming so big now?  What do you think your message is?  Do you think that it is important for a band to have a particular look, a style of dress?  What do you think of the way that Die Antwoord dresses?  What do you think of the zef scene?

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APPENDIX 3: CONSENT FORM FACULTY OF ART, DESIGN AND ARCHITECTURE

DEPARTMENT OF FASHION DESIGN

M.TECH: FASHION

DATE: ______

RESEARCH TOPIC:

DRESS STYLE IDENTITIES OF POST-APARTHEID AFRIKANER SUBCULTURE

Name of Student: Jacky Lucking Student Number: 809703722

E-mail: [email protected]

ABOUT THE STUDY: This study aims to identify, describe and analyse the dress styles of the band members of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord and selected members of the bands’ Afrikaans-speaking audience. The dress styles will be analysed to contribute to new trends of young Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa.

I would like your consent and participation in my study as follows:

 To photograph you depicting your dress style. o These photographs may be published in a dissertation and will be used to analyse and describe the style of Afrikaner subcultures. o You may keep your identity concealed, should you wish. In the event that you wish for your identity to be concealed, your face will be removed from the photographs, and a pseudonym used in the event of publication.  To interview you regarding your dress style and that of Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord. o The intent of the interview is to establish your perspectives on your personal dress style as well as that of the respective bands.  You are under no obligation to participate in this study.  You are free to ask any questions.  Your participation is voluntary, and no monetary compensation is offered.

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APPENDIX 3 CONSENT FROM PARTICIPANTS A. Photograph Consent I, ______, ID number______agree to participate in this research project. I give permission to be photographed and for these photographs to be published. I DO / DO NOT (please circle that which applies to your wishes) give permission for my identity to be revealed.

B. Interview Consent I, ______, ID number______agree to participate in this research project. I give permission to be interviewed and digitally recorded. I understand that a pseudonym will be used for my name.

I am aware of the details of this study and what my participation involves. I understand that my participation in this study is completely voluntary. I am fully aware that the photographs and information gathered may be published in a dissertation.

I agree to the above

Name of Participant Signature Place Date

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