John Wesley – “A Man of One Book”
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The Textual Reliability of the New Testament: a Dialogue
1 x The Textual Reliability of the New Testament: A Dialogue Bart D. Ehrman and Daniel B. Wallace OPENING REMARKS Bart D. Ehrman Thank you very much; it’s a privilege to be with you. I teach at the University of North Carolina. I’m teaching a large undergraduate class this semester on the New Testament, and of course, most of my students are from the South; most of them have been raised in good Christian families. I’ve found over the years that they have a far greater commitment to the Bible than knowledge about it. So this last semester, I did something I don’t normally do. I started off my class of 300 students by saying the first day, “How many of you in here would agree with the proposition that the Bible is the inspired word of God?” Voom! The entire room raises its hand. “Okay, that’s great. Now how many of you have read The Da Vinci Code?” Voom! The entire room raises its hand. “How many of you have read the entire Bible?” Scattered hands. “Now, I’m not telling you that I think God wrote the Bible. You’re telling me that you think God wrote the Bible. I can see 13 14 THE RELIABILITY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT why you’d want to read a book by Dan Brown. But if God wrote a book, wouldn’t you want to see what he had to say?” So this is one of the mysteries of the universe. The Bible is the most widely purchased, most thoroughly read, most broadly misunderstood book in the history of human civilization. -
New Testament Textual Criticism in America: Requiem for a Discipline*
CHAPTER SEVEN NEW TESTAMENT TEXTUAL CRITICISM IN AMERICA: REQUIEM FOR A DISCIPLINE* In view of the rapid approach of the 100th anniversary of the Society 94 of Biblical Literature (1980), it is appropriate to consider the posi- tion held by New Testament textual criticism in American biblical scholarship during that century and especially the place that it holds today. To speak of textual criticism in America may give pause to some. I, for one, have never considered even for a moment the long-term history of American New Testament textual criticism as an isolated phenomenon, or that of any other country for that matter, because textual criticism hardly can be thought of in terms of any distinct geographical area, nor can its development be separated along national lines. Rather, from its earliest period, New Testament textual criti- cism has been a genuinely international effort, with various discov- eries, theories, breakthroughs, or even setbacks espoused now by a scholar of one nation and then by a scholar of another, and so on, so that scholars of all nations together have woven the fabric of our discipline, though with various yet intertwining threads. Witness, for example, the pivotal editions of the Greek New Testament, which generally were built one upon another, starting with Erasmus in Holland, to Stephanus in France (and Switzerland), to Th. Beza in Switzerland, then to John Fell, John Mill and Richard Bentley in England, then J. A. Bengel in Germany, J. J. Wettstein in Switzerland and Holland, then to J. J. Griesbach, Karl Lachmann, and Constantin von Tischendorf in Germany, and again to S. -
The Rule of Christian Faith, Practice, and Hope: John
Meth od ist Re view, Vol. 3 (2011): 1–35 The Rule of Chris tian Faith, Prac tice, and Hope: John Wesley on the Bi ble Randy L. Mad dox Ab stract JOHN WESLEY in sisted that a good theo lo gian must be a good textuary (student of bibli cal texts). This es say sur veys his model as a textuary, highlight - ing in sights from re cent sec ond ary stud ies and pro vid ing some new ev i dence from just-re leased sources. The first sec tion fo cuses on what Bi ble Wes ley read, probing his assump tions about canon and his empha sis on study ing Scrip ture in the orig i nal lan guages. The sec ond sec tion de tails sev eral di men sions of how Wes ley read the Bi ble, with par tic u lar at ten tion to his “theo log i cal” read ing of Scrip ture and the iden ti fi ca tion of his dis tinc tive “work ing canon.” The fi nal sec tion turns to why Wes ley read the Bi ble, stress ing that he val ued Scrip ture for more than just a guide to Chris tian faith. His stron gest em pha sis was on Scrip ture as a “means of grace” for nur tur ing Chris tian life, and his life-long prac tice of im mer sion in Scrip ture served to sus tain and broaden his sense of the Christian hope. A IT HAS BECOME TRADI TIONAL —in deed, al most oblig a tory—to be gin presentations on John Wes ley’s ap pre ci a tion for and ap proach to in ter pret ing the Bi ble with the fol low ing ex cerpt from his pref ace to the first vol ume of his Ser mons on Sev eral Oc ca sions: Published in Methodist Review: A Journal of Wesleyan and Methodist Studies ISSN: 1946-5254 (online) s URL: www.methodistreview.org 2 Methodist Review, Vol. -
Richard Bentley and the Text of the Greek Testament
RICHARD BENTLEY AND THE TEXT OF THE GREEK TESTAMENT by B. F. HARRIS RICHARD BENTLEY, Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, and greatest of that University's classical scholars, was born on January 27, 1662. In view of his work on the text of the Greek New Testament, it is fitting that his memory should be honoured in our pages. Mr. Bruce Harris, who has given us this tercentenary article, 'is Senior Lecturer in Classics in the University of Auckland, New Zealand. WHEN tributes are being paid this year, the tercentenary of Bentley's birth, to the immense importance of this scholar for the study of the classics in Europe, it is salutary to remember also his association with the history of the text of the Greek Testament. He formulated a plan for an edition which, had it seen the light of day, would have put this field of study a century ahead of the advance which was actually made. Even in its failure, the project was impressive and fruitful. Jebb has said of Bentley's work on the New Testament: "His ideas were in advance of his age, and also of the means at his disposal for executing them. He gave an initial impulse, of which the effect could not be destroyed by the limitation or defeat of his personal labours."l After Bentley, the initiative was lost to Continental scholars, and British leadership was only recovered with the labours of S. P. Tregelles, followed by the great and abiding work of Westcott and Hort. The story has a peculiar interest for classicists, because Bentley was intending, by the use of the same tools of criticism which produced such spectacular results in the restoration of classical texts in Greek and Latin, to pioneer a new path in the New Testament field. -
The Freedom to Change the Text of the New Testament? Wettstein’S Treatment of Mark
Chapter 7 The Freedom to Change the Text of the New Testament? Wettstein’s Treatment of Mark Jan Krans and Silvia Castelli * 1 Introduction In order to understand the nature of Wettstein’s edition,1 it is important to locate it within the larger history of New Testament Textual Criticism.2 Periods for the history of the printed text of the Greek New Testament can roughly be discerned as follows. (1) The beginnings, with Erasmus’s 1516 edition and the 1520 Complutensian Polyglot, up to the firm establishment of the Textus Receptus (TR), including its name, with the Elzevier editions of 1624 and 1633. (2) The collection of variant readings, and various efforts of revision of the TR, up to Lachmann. (3) The overthrow of the TR and the establishment of a mod- ern critical text, from Lachmann’s 1830 edition to Nestle’s first edition in 1898. (4) The confirmation, extension and refinement of the modern critical text, and the historical turn in Textual Criticism. Perhaps we are now on the brink of a completely new era, marked by the digital revolution. These periods also correspond to development of text-critical rules and theory. In the first period text-critical reasoning was there, sometimes even in sophisticated ways, but not systematically and without a good grasp of the relative value of manuscripts. In the second period canons of text-critical rules * A first draft of this article was first presented at the SBL international meeting in Amsterdam, July 2012, and in a modified form at the Wettstein conference organised by NOSTER in Amsterdam, November 2012. -
J. A. Bengel," Lives of the Leaders of Our Church Universal, Ed
J. ¡. BENGEL — "Full of Light" ANDREW HELMBOLD, Ph.D. Among the luminaries of the Lutheran Church, none should shine brighter than Johann Albrecht Bengel, who has met the underserved fate of being known only in academic circles. Yet he certainly was the greatest Biblical scholar of his century, and made more lasting contributions to Biblical studies than many more famous men. The purpose of this article is to point out those contributions. To do so one must look at Bengel's life and character, for his studies were the direct re- sult of his own spiritual experience. Bengel as a Christian Bengel was born to a Lutheran parsonage family at Winnenden, Germany, on June 24, 1678. He lost his father at the age of six. As a child he read Arndt's True Christianity and Francke's Introduction to the Reading of the Scriptures.1 Thus early was he influenced by the pietistic movement, although the never became a pietist. In later life he used Arndt's work and Francke's Sermons and Muller's Hours of Refreshing in family devotions. He completed his theological education at Tubingen in 1706. Then followed a curacy at City Church, Tubingen, a period as theological répètent at his alma mater, another curacy at Stuttgart, and a pro- fessorship at Denkendorf (1713-1741) which he left only to serve as prelate of the church. His home was blessed with twelve children, but six died in infancy. His comfort in his hours of sorrow was that "if a vacancy has been made in his family circle, another vacancy had been filled up in heaven."2 At his death, on Nov. -
A New Descriptive Inventory of Bentley's Unfinished New Testament Project
TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism 25 (2020): 111–128 A New Descriptive Inventory of Bentley’s Unfinished New Testament Project* An-Ting Yi, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Jan Krans, Protestantse Theologische Universiteit, Amsterdam Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam One of Eldon J. Epp’s areas of expertise is the scholarly history of New Testament textual criticism. He offers an excellent overview of its different stages, including Bentley’s un- finished New Testament project. Yet, many aspects can be refined by studying the -ma terials left by Bentley, preserved at Wren Library of Trinity College (TCL), Cambridge. This contribution offers an up-to-date descriptive inventory of all the remaining archive entries, containing bibliographical information, precise descriptions, relevant second- ary literature, and parts of the reception history. 1. Introduction1 One of Eldon J. Epp’s lifelong interests is the history of New Testament textual scholarship. No- tably his two articles in The New Cambridge History of the Bible not only distinguish periods for the history of the printed Greek New Testament text, but they also become a standard reference for those who want to delve into this issue.2 In these contributions he draws an encompassing picture of the historical developments of text-critical methods of the New Testament, begin- ning from Erasmus until the present day. A key figure contributing to these developments is the renowned eighteenth-century Cambridge classical scholar Richard Bentley (1662–1742). In fact, Epp already mentioned Bentley’s name and his famous Proposals for Printing of 1720 in a 1976 article when tracing the history of the “critical canons” of the New Testament text.3 Since * Our thanks first go to the staff of Wren Library of Trinity College, who generously helped us during our stay in Cambridge, November 2018. -
The Theological Relevance of Textual Variation in Current Criticism of the Greek New Testament Author(S): Kenneth W
The Theological Relevance of Textual Variation in Current Criticism of the Greek New Testament Author(s): Kenneth W. Clark Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 85, No. 1 (Mar., 1966), pp. 1-16 Published by: The Society of Biblical Literature Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3264353 . Accessed: 06/04/2012 12:21 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society of Biblical Literature is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Biblical Literature. http://www.jstor.org THE THEOLOGICAL RELEVANCE OF TEXTUAL VARIATION IN CURRENT CRITICISM OF THE GREEK NEW TESTAMENT* KENNETH W. CLARK DUKE UNIVERSITY I IN these days of "Vatican II" an English version of the NT has been produced which is officially acceptable to both Protestant and Roman Catholic Christians. Originally translated by American Protestant scholars as the Revised Standard Version, it was subsequently revised by Catholic scholars as the Catholic edition and designated as the RSV CE. For three and a half centuries the King James and the Douai- Challoner versions have stood side by side, representative of the major divisions of Western Christendom and conveying the implication that the two English texts express distinctive and important theological char- acteristics for Protestant and Catholic interpretation. -
English Book Owners in the Seventeenth Century a Work in Progress Listing
English book owners in the seventeenth century A work in progress listing How much do we really know about patterns and impacts of book ownership in Britain in the seventeenth century? How well equipped are we to answer questions such as the following?: • What was a typical private library, in terms of size and content, in the seventeenth century? • How does the answer to that question vary according to occupation, social status, etc? • How does the answer vary over time? – how different are ownership patterns in the middle of the century from those of the beginning, and how different are they again at the end? Having sound answers to these questions will contribute significantly to our understanding of print culture and the history of the book more widely during this period. Our current state of knowledge is both imperfect, and fragmented. There is no directory or comprehensive reference source on seventeenth-century British book owners, although there are numerous studies of individual collectors. There are well-known names who are regularly cited in this context – Cotton, Dering, Pepys – and accepted wisdom as to collections which were particularly interesting or outstanding, but there is much in this area that deserves to be challenged. Private Libraries in Renaissance England and Books in Cambridge Inventories have developed a more comprehensive approach to a particular (academic) kind of owner, but they are largely focused on the sixteenth century. Sears Jayne, Library Catalogues of the English Renaissance , extends coverage to 1640, based on book lists found in a variety of manuscript sources. The Cambridge History of Libraries in Britain and Ireland (2006) contains much relevant information in this field, summarising existing scholarship, and references to this have been included in individual entries below where appropriate. -
Johann Albrecht Bengel: a Prominent Post-Reformation Voice Engaging a Rising Tide of Biblical Criticism1
Johann Albrecht Bengel: A Prominent Post-Reformation Voice Engaging a Rising Tide of Biblical Criticism1 Albin Huss, Jr.* * Dr. Albin Huss is Professor and Chair of New Tes- tament at Calvary Baptist Theological Seminary, Lansdale, Pennsylvania. This paper was originally given at the Evangelical Theological Society Regional Meeting of the Northeast, on March 26, 2010. Introduction In considering “voices from the edge of the Reformation,” it seems fitting that the prominent voice of post-reformation era German Pietist Johann Al- brecht Bengel (1687-1752) should be heard. As a leading exegete of his time who is generally acknowledged as “the father of modern textual criticism,” Bengel’s numerous commentaries and his Gnomon have made significant contributions to biblical scholarship. As we begin our consideration of this “prominent post-reformation voice” and his “engagement of a rising tide of biblical criticism,” we turn our attention to the movement with which he is generally associated. With the tide of biblical criticism rising in Europe in the late 17th century and early 18th century, another movement was birthed in Germany which would have no less significant impact upon Christianity. That movement was known as Pietism. Although Michel Godfroid’s claim, “To write the history of Pietism is to write the history of modern Protestantism,”2 would appear to be an overstatement, it highlights the importance of this movement. It was a movement genuinely characterized by a strong emphasis upon the personal appropriation of the Christian faith and on active “living out” of its implica- tions.3 1 This paper represents an update of a 1997 research paper submitted to Dr. -
The Reading of Codex Alexandrinus in 1 Timothy 3:16
The Reading of Codex Alexandrinus in 1 Timothy 3:16 Verification of Dean Burgon's Evidence Graham Thomason, 13th March, 2019 www.FarAboveAll.com Introduction Codex Alexandrinus, also known as GA 02 (i.e. in Gregory-Aland numbering), or simply Alexandrinus, or just A, is an uncial Greek manuscript, held in the British Library, containing most of the Septuagint and most of the New Testament, and it is dated as the fifth century by both [Scrivener-PI, vol.1, p.101] and [INTF-Liste], although Scrivener also allows for it to be late fourth century. Of manuscripts Aleph, GA 01) and Vaticanus ,א) containing a substantial part of the New Testament, only Sinaiticus (B, GA 03) are claimed to be older1, and for Paul's epistles, only Ephraemi Rescriptus (GA 04) rivals its age. As such, Codex Alexandrinus is, a priori, an important witness to the text. The issue, for which we will require the testimony of Alexandrinus, is the reading of 1 Timothy 3:16. The opposing readings, in manuscript uncials2, are: • The traditional reading: Θ̅Ϲ̅ ΕΦΑΝΕΡꞶΘΗ ΕΝ ϹΑΡΚΙ (where Θ̅Ϲ̅ 3is the abbreviated form of ΘΕΟϹ, God) God was manifested in the flesh • The reading given in most modern Bibles: OϹ ΕΦΑΝΕΡꞶΘΗ ΕΝ ϹΑΡΚΙ He who was manifested in the flesh The differences are in the word Θ̅Ϲ̅ God or OϹ He who, where we read a theta, Θ, or an omicron, O. The overlining of Θ̅Ϲ̅ testifies to ΘΕΟϹ, but we do not date it, or press that argument, so as not to cloud the stronger argument of the historicity of the line inside the theta. -
The Greek Texts of Eli Smith and Cornelius Van Dyck
CJT 2 (2015): 29–41 http://journal.etsc.org The Greek Texts of Eli Smith and Cornelius Van Dyck Joshua Yoder ([email protected]) Evangelical Theological Seminary in Cairo Eli Smith, the progenitor of what would eventually become known as the Van Dyck translation, began the task of translating the Bible into Arabic in 1848. By the time of his death in 1857 he had completed his translation of the New Testament and overseen the printing of the first sixteen chapters of the Gospel of Matthew.1 The subsequent fate of Smith’s translation is recorded by Henry Jessup: At the next annual meeting of the mission after Dr. Smith’s death (April 3, 1857), a committee was appointed to examine and report on the state of the translation of the Scriptures as left by Dr. Smith. […] It was found that in the translation of the New Testament, the Greek text followed had been that of [Augustus] Hahn, but in the first thirteen chapters of Matthew, there are some variations from that text according to the text of [Samuel Prideaux] Tregelles and others. The mission then appointed Dr. [Cornelius] Van Dyck to the work. As the American Bible Society required a strict adherence to the Textus Receptus of Hahn's Greek Testament, Dr. Van Dyck revised every verse in the New Testament, taking up the work as if new. The basis left by Dr. Smith was found invaluable, and but for it the work would have been protracted very much beyond what it really was.2 1 In his last progress report, from April 1, 1856, Smith reported the printing of the first part of Matthew.