EUROPEAN UNIFICATION the Origins and Growth of the European Community
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
30Years 1953-1983
30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) 30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) Foreword . 3 Constitution declaration of the Christian-Democratic Group (1953 and 1958) . 4 The beginnings ............ ·~:.................................................. 9 From the Common Assembly to the European Parliament ........................... 12 The Community takes shape; consolidation within, recognition without . 15 A new impetus: consolidation, expansion, political cooperation ........................................................... 19 On the road to European Union .................................................. 23 On the threshold of direct elections and of a second enlargement .................................................... 26 The elected Parliament - Symbol of the sovereignty of the European people .......... 31 List of members of the Christian-Democratic Group ................................ 49 2 Foreword On 23 June 1953 the Christian-Democratic Political Group officially came into being within the then Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The Christian Democrats in the original six Community countries thus expressed their conscious and firm resolve to rise above a blinkered vision of egoistically determined national interests and forge a common, supranational consciousness in the service of all our peoples. From that moment our Group, whose tMrtieth anniversary we are now celebrating together with thirty years of political -
The Spaak Committee
The Spaak Committee Source: CVCE. European NAvigator. Étienne Deschamps. Copyright: (c) CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/the_spaak_committee-en-2c330a16-0797-4e30-9a6b- d3c6de5ada0e.html Last updated: 08/07/2016 1/2 The Spaak Committee From 9 July 1955 to 21 April 1956, a working party, composed of delegates from the six governments and chaired by the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Paul-Henri Spaak, undertook the task of drawing up a report which would sketch the broad outline of a future European Economic Community (EEC) and a European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC). In October 1955, although it had participated in the first preparatory sessions, the United Kingdom decided to play no further part in the work of the Spaak Committee, whose chances of success it saw as slight and, at all events, not altogether desirable. The British opposed a customs union because they wanted to maintain their autonomy with regard to the setting of tariffs, protect their industries and maintain the privileged links that they enjoyed with their Commonwealth partners. Besides, Britain, which had had the atomic bomb since 1952 and was already financing nuclear research programmes with the United States and Canada, did not want to compromise that fruitful collaboration by associating itself with Euratom. The working party, whose meetings were also attended initially by representatives of the High Authority of the ECSC, drew up a Report of the Heads of Delegation to the Foreign Ministers, which served as the basis for negotiations during the conference of the six Ministers for Foreign Affairs, which was held in Venice on 29 and 30 May 1956. -
The Historical Development of European Integration
FACT SHEETS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION The historical development of European integration PE 618.969 1. The First Treaties.....................................................................................................3 2. Developments up to the Single European Act.........................................................6 3. The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties...............................................................10 4. The Treaty of Nice and the Convention on the Future of Europe..........................14 5. The Treaty of Lisbon..............................................................................................18 EN - 18/06/2018 ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This leaflet contains a compilation of Fact Sheets provided by Parliament’s Policy Departments and Economic Governance Support Unit on the relevant policy area. The Fact Sheets are updated regularly and published on the website of the European Parliament: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets ABOUT THE PUBLISHER Author of the publication: European Parliament Department responsible: Unit for Coordination of Editorial and Communication Activities E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June, 2018 © European Union, 2018 DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice -
Public Record Office (PRO), FO 371/49069/9595 (13 August); Alexander Cadogan Diaries, Churchill College, Cambridge, 1/ 15 (13 August)
NOTES I THE BIRTH OF EUROPEAN UNITY, 1929-49 1. Public Record Office (PRO), FO 371/49069/9595 (13 August); Alexander Cadogan diaries, Churchill College, Cambridge, 1/ 15 (13 August). 2. Standard critical accounts of British policy include: N. BeloiT, The General Says No (1963); M. Charlton, The Price if Victory (1983); A. Nutting, Europe Will Not Wait (1960); R. Mayne, The Recovery of Europe (1970). 3. R. W. D. Boyce, 'Britain's First "No" to Europe: Britain and the Briand Plan, 1929-30', European Studies Review, Vol. 10 (1980), 17-45; P. J. V. Rollo, Britain and the Briand Plan: the Common Market that never was (Keele, 1972); R. White, 'Cordial Caution: the British response to the French proposal for European Federal Union' in A. Bosco, ed., The Federal Idea: the History of Federalismfrom Enlightenment to 1945 (1991), 237-62. 4. A. Bullock, The Life and Times if Ernest Bevin, Vol. I. Trade Union Leader (1960), 356-63, 369-71, 386-8, 440-7, 622-3, 630-4, 648-9. 5. R. A. Wilford, 'The Federal Union Campaign', European Studies Review, Vol. 10 (1980), 102-4; A. Bosco, 'Federal Union, Chatham House ... and the Anglo-French Union', in Bosco, ed., Federal Idea, 291-325. 6. A. Shlaim, 'Prelude to Downfall: the British offer of Union to France, June 1940', Journal if Contemporary History, Vol. IX (1972), 27-63. 7. H. B. Ryan, The Vision of Anglo-America: the US-UK alliance and the emerging Cold War, 1943--6 (Cambridge, 1987); see also, for example, R. B. Woods, A Changing if the Guard: Anglo-America 1941-6 (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1990) or, more generally: 184 Notes H. -
Luxembourg Compromise- Council of the European Community Ignores British At- Tempt to Exercise Implied Veto Power of Luxembourg Compromise
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS EUROPEAN COMMUNITY-LUXEMBOURG COMPROMISE- COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IGNORES BRITISH AT- TEMPT TO EXERCISE IMPLIED VETO POWER OF LUXEMBOURG COMPROMISE On May 18, 1982, the Council of the European Community adopted a proposal for a 10.4% farm price increase, disregarding an attempted British veto of the measure.' The British voted against the proposal primarily as a means of protesting the sepa- rate, unresolved issue of the United Kingdom's budget contribu- tion' to the European Community (EC). S The British claimed au- thority to exercise de facto veto power under the Luxembourg Compromise,4 a seventeen year-old joint statement on EC Council See 15 BULL. EUR. COMM. (No. 5) 7-9 (1982). See The Day Britain'sBluff Was Called, ECONOMIST, May 22, 1982, at 77 [hereinafter cited as ECONOMIST]. Disagreement over the United Kingdom's budget contribution to the EC has been a perennial problem from the time the United Kingdom joined the Commu- nity. The British feel they have not received a fair return on their contribution to Commu- nity operating expenses. A temporary settlement of the issue was made a week after the May 18 majority vote, with further agreement that the question of a more permanent settle- ment would be taken up later. (Euromarket News] COMMON MKT. REP. (CCH) No. 699, at 1 (June 9, 1982). ' European economic cooperation was formalized in the Treaty Establishing the Euro- pean Economic Community (Treaty of Rome), done March 25, 1957, 298 U.N.T.S. 11 (unof- ficial English version) [hereinafter cited as EEC Treaty]. -
Council of Europe
AT A GLANCE Council of Europe The Council of Europe (CoE) is the oldest of the intergovernmental organisations set up in post-World War II Europe, and the one that has the most member states. Since its creation in 1949, the CoE has shared strong links with other European organisations, such as the European Coal and Steel Community and the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation; it now has close links with the European Union. Over time, the CoE has specialised in human-rights promotion and in monitoring the effective implementation of the European Convention of Human Rights. However, the CoE has recently come under pressure due to allegations of internal corruption and a rise of illiberal tendencies in Europe; in response, it has embarked on a reform process. A historical introduction to the CoE After the Congress of Europe in The Hague in 1948, a number of European countries decided to create the Council of Europe. This organisation, of which Winston Churchill was one of the founding fathers, was committed to intergovernmental cooperation among European countries to promote peace and cooperation on the continent. Central and eastern European countries were also invited to join, but in the end refused to become members due to Cold War tensions. Over the decades, the CoE has cooperated with the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), as well as their successors (the European Communities/Union and OECD), and has gradually specialised in human rights and European cultural and scientific cooperation. As well as their interest in promoting European cooperation, the EU and the CoE share several symbols: Strasbourg is the seat of both the CoE and the European Parliament (which for many years also shared the CoE's debating chamber); both organisations have the same anthem and flag. -
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: a Progressive Erosion?
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: A Progressive Erosion? Paolo PONZANO, Costanza HERMANIN and Daniela CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Studies & 89 Research Study & The Power of Initiative 89 of the European Commission: Research A Progressive Erosion? PAOLO PONZANO, COSTANZA HERMANIN AND DANIELA CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Paolo PONZANO is a senior fellow at the European University Institute and a special adviser of the European Commission. Former collaborator of Altiero Spinelli at the Institute for International Affairs in Rome, he has worked for the European Commission from 1971 to 2009. He was formerly Director for Relations with the Council of ministers, subsequently for Institutional Matters and Better Regulation. He was also Alternate Member of the European Convention in 2002/2003. He published several articles and chapters on the EU institutions. He teaches European Governance and Decision-Making at the University of Florence and at the European College of Parma as well as European Law at the University of Rome. Costanza HERMANIN is a researcher in the department of social and political science of the European University Institute, where she is about to complete her PhD. Her research interests comprise EU social and immigration policy, EU institutional affairs, and human rights and immigration policy in Italy. She has been visiting fellow at several places (WZB, CERI, Columbia, Berkeley). She is the co-editor of a forthcoming book on “Fighting Race Discrimination in Europe” (Routledge, 2012). She has been publishing on Italian and English speaking journals. Daniela CORONA is currently research collaborator at the Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute in Florence where she completed her PhD. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Sub-National Regionalism and the European Union
Sub-National Regionalism and the European Union Roman Szul ABSTRACT The article discusses the relationship between sub-national regionalism and the European Union. Specific attention is paid to the influence of EU accession on regionalism and regionalisation in Poland, especially the situation of the Mazovian Region. It is argued that the relationship between sub-national regionalism and the European Union (as a form of European integration) is determined by four factors: firstly, the decrease of the traditional role of nation state after the second world war and redefinition of international (interstate) relations which made more space both for European integration and regionalism; secondly, practical activities of the EU, especially its funds for regional develop- ment, which prompted or encouraged some countries, especially the new members states from central-eastern Europe, to create regions and stimulated regionalism; thirdly, the recent austerity policy prescribed by the EU in some countries, especially in Spain, which stimulates radicalism of regionalist movements (the case of Catalonia); fourthly, the very ex- istence of the EU and the need to negotiate EU membership which discourages those regionalist-nationalist movements which aim to separate their regions from the existing EU member states while remaining in the EU. Introductory comments The purpose of this paper is to analyse relationships between “sub-national” regionalism and the European Union. The adjective “sub-national” is used to distinguish two completely different meanings of the word “regionalism”: one relating to regions understood as parts of the existing nation states1 and the other (supra-national regionalism) relating to regions as parts of the world and consisting of integration of countries belonging to the same world region2. -
A Comparative Analysis of Media Freedom and Pluralism in the EU Member States
DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS CIVIL LIBERTIES, JUSTICE AND HOME AFFAIRS A comparative analysis of media freedom and pluralism in the EU Member States STUDY Abstract This study was commissioned by the European Parliament's Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee. The authors argue that democratic processes in several EU countries are suffering from systemic failure, with the result that the basic conditions of media pluralism are not present, and, at the same time, that the distortion in media pluralism is hampering the proper functioning of democracy. The study offers a new approach to strengthening media freedom and pluralism, bearing in mind the different political and social systems of the Member States. The authors propose concrete, enforceable and systematic actions to correct the deficiencies found. PE 571.376 EN ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This research paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and commissioned, overseen and published by the Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs. Policy Departments provide independent expertise, both in-house and external, to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny over EU external and internal policies. To contact the Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs or to subscribe -
The Legal Constitution of the European Union2
European Scientific Journal August 2018 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 2 The Legal Constitution of the European Union Academic Director Dr. iur. Dr. phil. Franz-Rudolf Herber Frederic-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg, Germany Doi: 10.19044/esj.2018.c4p9 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.c4p9 Abstract World War II (1939 – 1945) was a catastrophe for the whole world and for Europe in particular. It is one of the great miracles of the 20th century that the West European war parties did draw a line and founded an economic alliance for coal and steel production. This economical alliance is based on common values and on the rule of law. A main problem of the European Union is to give a democratic legitimation to the European institutions. It is good that e.g. the European Parliament is elected directly, it is bad that e.g. the President of the European Commission is not elected directly. In some Member States of the European Union common values and common interests are only partim shared. The people of Great Britain did decide in 2016 to leave the European Union; according to the legal constitution of the European Union a leave is allowed. The main achievement of the European Union is the abolition of inter-European taxes and thus the promotion of economical relationships between the Member States of the European Union. The Euro that is the currency of (only) some Member States has become a global player. Keywords: European Union, Member States of the European Union, Treaties of the European Union, common values, common market, separation of powers, European Commission, European Parliament, President of the European Council, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, European Central Bank Introduction One should be aware of the fact what kind of brutal military violence the greatest war criminal of human history – Adolf Hitler (1883 – 1945) and his crazy followers – had brought to the former Czechoslovakia (CSSR)3.