U.S. FORCES in AFRICA by Randle Steinbeck

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

U.S. FORCES in AFRICA by Randle Steinbeck U.S. FORCES IN AFRICA By Randle Steinbeck INTRODUCTION Unified Combatant “US Africa Command, with partners, counters transnational Command – a joint threats and malign actors, strengthens security forces and command of the US responds to crises in order to advance US national interests and Department of promote regional security and stability.” Defense intended to Thus reads the mission of US Africa Command (AFRICOM), one provide command of the eleven unified combatant commands, responsible for US and control for US military operations and relations in 53 African nations (excluding forces, regardless of Egypt). Home to the some of the fastest growing economies and branch of service populations in the world, Africa sits at the intersection of international commerce and adjacent to critical sea lines of communication. The US plays a unique role in ensuring access to these strategic routes remains open to all. Simultaneously, the US seeks to support safe, prosperous lives across the continent and looks to strengthen its close relationships with many African nations. Ultimately, the US has multiple strategic interests across, and Unified Combatant adjacent to, the continent and seeks to develop military, economic, Command areas of and sociopolitical ties in Africa. As General Stephen Townsend, responsibilities Commander, United States Africa Command, said before this very Wikimedia.com committee, “Simply put, a secure and stable Africa is essential for America’s security,” (Townsend 2020). Sea Lines of Beyond the inherent importance of the African continent, Africa Communication has become an arena of geostrategic competition as the world again (SLOC) – the turns towards Great Power Competition. The People’s Republic primary maritime of China (PRC) has significantly increased its presence on the routes between ports, continent, both economically and militarily. As one example, the used for trade, Chinese People's Liberation Army Support Base in Djibouti is the logistics and naval first Chinese military base overseas, which substantially expands the forces HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS PRC’s ability to project power in the Horn of Africa and Indian Ocean. Great Power Competition - competition between EXPLANATION OF THE ISSUE entities powerful enough to integrate Historical Development multiple elements of Recent History of US Military in Africa national power in a coordinated effort to Prior to the creation of AFRICOM in 2007, responsibility for US challenge the military operations was spread across three separate UCCs: capabilities of the European Command for West and South Africa, Central Command United States for East Africa, and Indo-Pacific Command for the Indian Ocean and Islands off the East African coast. Following the September 11 Attacks, the US established Camp Lemonnier (the only permanent US military base in Africa) in Djibouti to house the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa and in the early 2000’s, the US military Operation began establishing Cooperative Security Locations and Forward Juniper Shield - the Operating Sites across the continent. In 2007, in conjunction with military operation the creation of AFRICOM, the US began Operation Juniper conducted by the Shield in the Sahel region of Africa, consisting of counterterrorism United States and operations and the interdiction of arms and drug trafficking across partner nations in the central Africa. Sahara/Sahel region As articulated by former AFRICOM Commander GEN Thomas of Africa, consisting Waldhauser, the historical mission of AFRICOM has existed along of counterterrorism five lines of effort: efforts and policing of arms and drug 1. Neutralize al-Shabaab and transition the security trafficking across responsibilities of the African Union Mission in Somalia to the central Africa. It is Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). part of the Global 2. Degrade violent extremist organizations (VEO) in the Sahel War on Terrorism Maghreb and contain instability in Libya. (GWOT). 3. Contain and degrade Boko Haram. 4. Interdict illicit activity in the Gulf of Guinea and Central Africa with willing and capable African partners. 5. Build peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance and disaster response capacity of African partners. (Waldhauser 2017) al-Shabaab - a terrorist, jihadist These efforts continue to form the backbone of US military efforts fundamentalist group in Africa. However, they have also evolved to reflect strategic based in East Africa priorities and on-the-ground realities. Today, the continent’s (particularly strategic environment is defined by three principle efforts: Somalia) which 1. Facilitating the security of international lines of commerce pledged allegiance to and communication. Al-Qaeda in 2012. 2. Global Power Competition. 3. Countering the Persistent Reality of VEOs. © HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS 2021 – REDISTRIBUTION OR REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED 2 HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS Historically, AFRICOM has been plagued by inadequate resources since its creation in 2007. In 2015 then-AFRICOM Boko Haram - Commander General David Rodriguez testified before Congress that also known as Islamic his command operated at 13% of its requested intelligence, State in West Africa surveillance, and reconnaissance capacity and confronted difficult or the Islamic State's operational trade-offs between supporting French operations in Mali West Africa Province, and the search for the kidnapped Chibok girls in Nigeria. Currently, is a jihadist terrorist approximately $2 billion (just 0.3%, of the $700 billion Defense organization based in budget) is spend on African operations to support the roughly 6,000 northeastern Nigeria, US troops on the continent (Wilkins 2020). also active in Chad, Niger and northern Scope of the Problem Cameroon The United States needs a comprehensive continental strategy due to the very real interests the US has in Africa—and increasingly limited means through which to advance them. These interests reach far beyond the visible counterterrorism mission and zero-sum conceptions of geopolitical competition with the PRC. By 2050, one out of every four people on the planet will be African, and by 2030, continental consumer and business spending will top $6.7 trillion (Brooking 2018). Observers have dubbed the current era “Africa’s 85% of Africans democratic moment,” as political reforms across the continent have live on less than swept away autocrats and brought an end to decades-long conflict $5.50 a day. (Nobel 2019). Despite these gains, the African continent stands at a crossroads: conflicts across the region—such as those in Libya, the World Bank 2019 Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Central African Republic—threaten the rule of law; environmental degradation and climate change endanger vital resources; regional terror continues to plague areas of the continent; and a host of other issues could potentially disrupt the positive trajectory of Africa. America’s broad interests in Africa—from counterterrorism, global health, democratic governance and the liberal international order, US economic strength, and supporting US allies—demand a coherent strategy which weaves these disparate threads into self-reinforcing whole. Without such a strategy, policy will remain beholden to distractions and political mood, while also being brittle and vulnerable to The landmass of setbacks. Africa is larger Africa and National Security than the United The African continent is located adjacent to multiple strategic States, China, choke points and sea lines of communication, including the India, Japan, and Mediterranean Sea and the Strait of Gibraltar on NATO’s southern all of Europe flank, the Red Sea, the Bab al Mandeb strait, and the Mozambique Channel. These routes facilitate more than one third of global combined. shipping and are vital to international commerce and US national security. Over half of the world’s agricultural land is in Africa and population and economic growth on the continent leave Africa poised to be a major driver of progress and a powerful player on the © HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS 2021 – REDISTRIBUTION OR REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED 3 HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS world stage. Furthermore, 26 African nations hold reserves of minerals determined to be critical to the US economic and national security (EO 13817). Global Power Competition (China) China and Russia have both long recognized the geostrategic and economic importance of the African continent and continue to seize opportunities to expand their influence across the region. Per the National Defense Strategy, great power competition with China and Russia should be prioritized due to the unique “magnitude of the threats they pose to US security and prosperity today and the potential for those threats to increase in the future,” (2018). The US has traditionally sought constructive partnerships with African nations to help develop the economic, infrastructure, humanitarian, and security sectors of our partners. China currently outpaces all of its competitors on the continent, and with the construction of a People’s Liberation military port and helicopter facilities on its first overseas military Army (PLA) – the base in Djibouti, is developing the capacity to project power into the military of the People’s African continent as well as the Indian Ocean. Estimates suggest that Republic of China and they seek additional military bases and unprofitable Chinese seaport the Chinese Communist investments in East and Southern Africa track with the involvement Party (CCP) of the PLA. The Chinese continue to leverage
Recommended publications
  • Juniper Shield (Ojs)
    OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Fiscal Year (FY) 2019 President’s Budget Justification for Component Contingency Operations the Overseas Contingency Operation Transfer Fund (OCOTF) June 2018 The estimated cost of this report or study for the Department of Defense is approximately $35,000 for the 2018 Fiscal Year. This includes $2,550 in expenses and $33,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2018Jun25 RefID: 6-0315D50 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE (DOD) SUMMARY .......................................................... 1 DESCRIPTION OF OPERATIONS FINANCED ......................................................... 1 CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS SUMMARY ............................................................. 3 II. OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS TRANSFER FUND (OCOTF) ......................................... 12 III. CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS PROGRAM ............................................................ 13 CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS SUMMARY BY DOD COMPONENT ............................................. 13 BOSNIA OPERATIONS .............................................................. 14 KOSOVO OPERATIONS .............................................................. 15 JOINT TASK FORCE - BRAVO (HONDURAS) ............................................ 16 OPERATION JUNIPER SHIELD (OJS) ................................................. 17 OPERATION NOBLE EAGLE .......................................................... 18 IV. CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS DOD COMPONENT DETAILS .......................................... 19 ARMY CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS
    [Show full text]
  • A New Framework for US Policy in the Sahel
    Marcellus POLICY ANALYSIS Spring 2021 - Marcellus Policy Analysis No. 1 A New Framework for U.S. Policy in the Sahel by John Ramming Chappell EXECUTIVE SUMMARY merican foreign policy in the Sahel has not worked. Counterterrorism has pre- dominated in the U.S. approach to the region since 2001, resulting in a policy focused on security assistance and military cooperation. However, the influ- ence of Salafi-jihadist groups in the region has markedly increased, civilian Afatalities have skyrocketed, and a militarized approach has undermined security sector governance. U.S. strategy has not adequately addressed the root causes of conflict—po- litical marginalization, poverty, and environmental pressures—that have contributed to a vicious cycle of conflict and fragility. The challenges facing the Sahel call for a new ap- proach. To effect lasting change in the Sahel, the United States needs to replace the overmilita- rized status quo with an affirmative strategy of diplomatic engagement.The United States should reduce military engagement in the Sahel, which is disproportionate to relatively limited interests. However, withdrawal alone would be insufficient to shift regional -dy namics because other stakeholders would continue counterterrorism campaigns based on the American model. Therefore, the Biden administration should implement the Global Fragility Strategy in the Sahel and phase out the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership to right the bal- ance between diplomatic and military tools. The United States should work with regional stakeholders to coordinate a broader shift in its Sahel policy. 1 The Status Quo Approach to the Initiatives Such as the TSCTP and Sahel Has Failed AFRICOM Have Failed to Curb Militancy The Sahel is a semi-arid strip of grassland stretching The U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership Building Partner Capacity to Counter Terrorism and Violent Extremism
    The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership Building Partner Capacity to Counter Terrorism and Violent Extremism Lesley Anne Warner Cleared for public release CRM-2014-U-007203-Final March 2014 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the global community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “problem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the following areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • “Global Terrorism Index: 2015.” Institute for Economics and Peace
    MEASURING AND UNDERSTANDING THE IMPACT OF TERRORISM Quantifying Peace and its Benefits The Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit think tank dedicated to shifting the world’s focus to peace as a positive, achievable, and tangible measure of human well-being and progress. IEP achieves its goals by developing new conceptual frameworks to define peacefulness; providing metrics for measuring peace; and uncovering the relationships between business, peace and prosperity as well as promoting a better understanding of the cultural, economic and political factors that create peace. IEP has offices in Sydney, New York and Mexico City. It works with a wide range of partners internationally and collaborates with intergovernmental organizations on measuring and communicating the economic value of peace. For more information visit www.economicsandpeace.org SPECIAL THANKS to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) headquartered at the University of Maryland for their cooperation on this study and for providing the Institute for Economics and Peace with their Global Terrorism Database (GTD) datasets on terrorism. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 ABOUT THE GLOBAL TERRORISM INDEX 6 1 RESULTS 9 Global Terrorism Index map 10 Terrorist incidents map 12 Ten countries most impacted by terrorism 20 Terrorism compared to other forms of violence 30 2 TRENDS 33 Changes in the patterns and characteristics of terrorist activity 34 Terrorist group trends 38 Foreign fighters in Iraq
    [Show full text]
  • Overseas Contingency Operations Funding: Background and Status
    Overseas Contingency Operations Funding: Background and Status Updated September 6, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44519 SUMMARY R44519 Overseas Contingency Operations Funding: September 6, 2019 Background and Status Brendan W. McGarry Congressional interest in Overseas Contingency Operation (OCO) funding has continued as Analyst in US Defense Members debate ways of funding priorities without breaching discretionary spending limits set in Budget law. Emily M. Morgenstern Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress has appropriated $2 trillion in Analyst in Foreign discretionary budget authority designated as emergency requirements or for Overseas Assistance and Foreign Contingency Operations/Global War on Terrorism (OCO/GWOT) in support of the broad U.S. Policy government response to the 9/11 attacks and for other related international affairs activities. This figure amounts to 9.5% of total discretionary spending during this period. Congress has used supplemental appropriation acts or designated funding for emergency requirements or OCO/GWOT—or both. These funds are not subject to limits on discretionary spending set forth in congressional budget resolutions or to the statutory discretionary spending limits established by the Budget Control Act of 2011 (BCA; P.L. 112-125). The Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (BBEDCA; P.L. 99-177) allows emergency funding to be excluded from budget control limits. The BCA added the OCO/GWOT designation to the BBEDCA exemption, thereby providing Congress and the President with an alternate way to exclude funding from the BCA spending limits. While there is no overall statutory limit on the amount of emergency or OCO/GWOT spending, both Congress and the President have fundamental roles in determining how much of the spending to provide each fiscal year.
    [Show full text]
  • Penempatan Pasukan Amerika Serikat Di Niger Sebagai Bagian Dari Kebijakan Global War on Terror Tahun 2013 - 2017
    PENEMPATAN PASUKAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DI NIGER SEBAGAI BAGIAN DARI KEBIJAKAN GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR TAHUN 2013 - 2017 Dewa Made Nanda Wijaya1), D.A. Wiwik Dharmiasih2), A.A. Bagus Surya Widya Nugraha3) 123)Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Udayana Email: [email protected]), [email protected]),[email protected]) ABSTRACT United States as the victim of 9/11 tragedy launch the Global War on Terror to combat global terrorism and to secure its national security. Sahel as a region passed by the Sahara Dessert is becoming a place to hide, recruit, financing and training camp for global terrorist network. The rise of terrorist network in the Sahel cannot be separated from Sahel States condition which been categorized as least developed countries. To counter the rise of terrorist threat in the Sahel Region. United States deploy its military forces in Niger. This research analyzes and describe the objective of United States military deployment in Niger, especially from 2013 until 2017. This research used security and counterterrorism framework to explain the objective of United States military deployment in Niger. Methodology that used in this research is qualitative-descriptive. Data in this research were gathers from multiple sources such as book, journal, and government reports that related with this research. Keywords: United States of America, Niger, Security Cooperation, Counterterrorism. 1. PENDAHULUAN sebagai ancaman fundamental bagi stabilitas Amerika Serikat merupakan negara keamanan nasional dan internasional (Bush yang mengalami serangan terorisme dalam White House, 2003). Untuk menghancurkan Tragedi 9/11. Serangan tersebut ditujukan dan meminimalisir potensi ancaman, GWOT terhadap simbol ekonomi dan militer Amerika menekankan pada tindakan militer terhadap Serikat, yaitu gedung kembar World Trade jaringan kelompok teroris transnasional, Center (WTC) dan Pentagon.
    [Show full text]
  • Boko Haram's Religious and Political Worldview
    The Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World AnaLYSIS PAPER | No. 22, January 2016 ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview BY ALEX THURSTON Table of contents 1 Acknowledgments 3 The author 5 Introduction 7 Inadequate explanations of Boko Haram’s rise 9 Local and global roots 12 An exclusivist worldview 15 Opposing the political system 17 Grievance and reprisal 20 Implementing exclusivism through brutality 22 Boko Haram, Niger, Cameroon, and Chad 24 Boko Haram and the Islamic State 25 Recommendations to the government of Nigeria 27 U.S. policy toward Boko Haram 28 Conclusion 29 About the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World 30 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview Acknowledgments I would like to thank William McCants and Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Institution for commis- sioning this paper. I gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments made by two anonymous re- viewers, which helped me to rethink crucial aspects of the paper. I am also grateful to Adam Higazi and Andrea Brigaglia for their suggestions. 3 | ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political worldview The author lex Thurston is a scholar of Islam and poli- tics. He joined the African Studies Program at Georgetown University in fall 2014, Aoffering courses on religion, politics, and security in Africa. He holds a Ph.D. in Religious Stud- ies from Northwestern University (2013), and an M.A. in Arab Studies from Georgetown University (2009). From 2013–2014, he was an International Affairs Fellow with the Council on Foreign Rela- tions.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Africa
    No. 132 1 August 2014 July 2014 – Trends Deteriorated situations Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel/Palestine, Libya, Pakistan, Somalia, South Sudan Improved situations August 2014 – Watchlist Conflict risk alerts Libya, Syria d Conflict resolution opportunities CrisisWatch summarises developments during the previous month in some 70 situations of current or potential con- flict, listed alphabetically by region, providing references and links to more detailed sources. It assesses whether the overall situation in each case has, during the previous month, significantly deteriorated, significantly improved, or on balance remained more or less unchanged. It identifies situations where, in the coming month, there is a risk of new or significantly escalated conflict, or a conflict resolution opportunity (noting that in some instances there may be both). It also summarises Crisis Group’s reports and briefing papers published the previous month. Arrows and alerts: Up, down and side arrows signify, respectively, improved, deteriorated or unchanged situations. Conflict Risk Alerts (identified with bombs) or Conflict Resolution Opportunities (with doves) are used in addition to arrows: a bomb signifies a risk of escalated violence; a dove an opportunity to advance peace. Both bombs and doves tend to be used where events are moving fast. Table of Contents AFRICA .................................................................................................................................. 3 Central Africa ................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso
    Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2021 Education Amid Stabilization: The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso Arjun S. Mehta Bowdoin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the African Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Mehta, Arjun S., "Education Amid Stabilization: The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso" (2021). Honors Projects. 268. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/268 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Education Amid Stabilization The Varied Effects of Military Intervention on Public Schooling in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso An honors paper for the Department of Government and Legal Studies By Arjun S. Mehta Bowdoin College, 2021 © 2021 Arjun S. Mehta Table of Contents Acknowledgements iii Abstract iv List of Tables, Figures, and Maps v List of Abbreviations vi Chapter I: Introduction & Literature Review 1 Hypothesis and Methodology 4 Research Questions 6 Structure of
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing U.S. and French Approaches to Counterterrorism in Africa
    University of San Diego Digital USD Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses and Dissertations Spring 5-21-2018 Comparing U.S. and French Approaches to Counterterrorism in Africa Alexa Audino University of San Diego Follow this and additional works at: https://digital.sandiego.edu/honors_theses Part of the African Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Other French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons Digital USD Citation Audino, Alexa, "Comparing U.S. and French Approaches to Counterterrorism in Africa" (2018). Undergraduate Honors Theses. 55. https://digital.sandiego.edu/honors_theses/55 This Undergraduate Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Audino 1 Comparing U.S. and French Approaches to Counterterrorism in Africa ______________________ A Thesis Presented to The Faculty and the Honors Program Of the University of San Diego ______________________ By Alexa Audino International Relations & French 2018 Audino 2 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 4 Background Information ........................................................................................................... 5 Terrorism in Africa ..........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Extremism and Terrorism
    Nigeria: Extremism and Terrorism On June 27, 2021, a group of fighters from Boko Haram pledged allegiance to their jihadist rivals, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). In a video produced by ISIS’s official media arm, several hundred men were seen defecting to the rival camp following the death of Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau. One militant claimed, “we will unite together to fight the (unbelievers).” However, it is not clear if all Boko Haram fighters will transfer their loyalties, or if Boko Haram will be absorbed into ISWAP. Given that the video did not feature senior Boko Haram leaders, some regional experts believe the content was propaganda and that the two groups remain divided. Although the groups share common roots, they diverge on the issue of targeting Muslim civilians. Under Shekau, Boko Haram targeted Muslims in suicide bomb attacks at crowded marketplaces in northeast Nigeria. In the past couple of years, locals have begun to organize vigilante groups as a way to defend their villages against ambushes, which has led to a series of “reprisal” attacks carried out by terrorist entities. On the other hand, ISWAP has attempted to avoid targeting Muslims and instead, carries out the majority of its attacks on military targets. (Sources: Reuters, Institute for Security Studies, Al Jazeera, New York Times, Global News, ABC News) On June 7, 2021, ISWAP released an audio recording confirming that Boko Haram leader Shekau was killed in an explosion following a May standoff between the rival groups in Borno. A Nigerian intelligence report shared by a government official and Boko Haram researchers also corroborate ISWAP’s claims.
    [Show full text]
  • Deployed Service Members Exemptions Bill Number(S): Proposed Language
    REVENUE ESTIMATING CONFERENCE Tax: Ad Valorem Issue: Deployed Service Members Exemptions Bill Number(s): Proposed Language Entire Bill Partial Bill: Sponsor(s): Month/Year Impact Begins: Upon becoming law Date of Analysis: 3/3/15 Section 1: Narrative a. Current Law: A service member who receives a homestead exemption may receive an additional ad valorem tax exemption on that homestead property if he or she was deployed during the preceding calendar year on active duty outside the continental United States, Alaska, or Hawaii in support of: Operation Noble Eagle, which began on September 15, 2001; Operation Enduring Freedom, which began on October 7, 2001; Operation Iraqi Freedom, which began on March 19, 2003, and ended on August 31, 2010; Operation New Dawn, which began on September 1, 2010, and ended on December 15, 2011; or Operation Odyssey Dawn, which began on March 19, 2011, and ended on October 31, 2011. b. Proposed Change: The language proposes that service members who were also in support of the following operations qualify for the exemption: Operation Joint Guardian, which began on June 12, 1999; ‐ A NATO contingency response aiming at ensuring full compliance with the Military Technical Agreement signed by NATO and FRY military authorities on 9 June 1999 and with UN Security Council Resolution 1244 Operation Octave Shield, which began in 2000; ‐ Operational activities in support of the campaign plan against the Al Qaeda network and other terrorist organizations in East Africa Operation Trans‐Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, which began in June 2005; ‐ The U.S. government’s multi‐year, interagency program to counter violent extremism and terrorism across ten countries in the Sahel and Maghreb: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, Mali, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and Tunisia.
    [Show full text]