The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa Author(s): Thabo Msibi Source: Africa Today, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Fall 2011), pp. 55-77 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/africatoday.58.1.55 Accessed: 23-01-2018 16:51 UTC

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This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Increased expressions of homophobia in Africa are not only a reaction to the “personified” and visible homosexual identity, but also a tool for sexism, an attempt to solidify men’s position in society.

This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa Thabo Msibi

In this paper, I explore the waves of homophobia that seem to be sweeping the African continent. I present evidence that homophobia is not only publicly approved by African leaders, but relies on unsubstantiated claims of an imposed homo- , contradictory ideas on morality, and the use of outdated laws. I argue that these claims represent a façade that serves to entrench patriarchy and heteronormativity as legitimate and fixed in African societies. I show that the key difference between the West and Africa is not the presence or absence of same-sex desire, but its different social construc- tion. Finally, I argue for an intersectional approach, which rec- ognizes the intersections between sexism and homophobia, and assert that the situation calls for more focused organizing by Africans themselves in addressing the recent increase in expressions of homophobia.

Introduction

This paper addresses the increased crusading against those who engage in same-sex relations in Africa. It pays particular attention to the ways in which has become more virulently opposed, contested, and denounced, particularly by political leaders, as un-African, with the potential of destroying African traditions and heterosexual “family values.” Recogniz- ing that such contestation is not new (Reddy 2001), the paper argues that the renewed efforts to label same-sex desire as un-African represent a façade that conceals neoconservatism and a resurgence of patriarchy, coated in the constructs of religion, nationalism, and law. The paper holds that it is both “anxious masculinities” (Stein 2005) that drive this agenda—with masculin- ity being reconstituted because of an array of social changes questioning the patriarchal authority—and support the rise of notions of the “homosexual” as “personified” (Foucault 1980). African societies have never historically had a “gay” identity or a pathologized “homosexual” category; however, same-sex and expression were known to occur, but in usu- ally hidden but sometimes even culturally accepted ways (Epprecht 2004). I argue, therefore, that the wave of human rights that has swept through Africa

This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms gay All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms to explore the waves of homophobia that are sweeping the of homophobia that are sweeping the to explore the waves 1 The “gay” category similarly comes from a specific history, with its The “gay” category from a specific history, similarly comes The paper has three related parts. has three related The paper part The first newspaper and uses This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC African continent, often leading to the imprisonment—or, at worst, death— at worst, imprisonment—or, the leading to often continent, African in same-sex relations. In this part,of those who engage I trace the rise of being used to and the arguments specific African countries homophobia in the now long- The second section problematizes justify this homophobia. con- Foucault’s of a “sodomite-free” Africa and uses standing assumption desire is a Western challenge the notion that same-sex cept of genealogy to partimposition. The final ways in which we can of the paper explores the respond to and how Africa in waves homophobic these to understand begin to them better. Before engaging with the arguments of this paper, it is important to clarify this paper, Before engaging with the arguments of two important terms which often get used perhaps unreflectively in label- and The words homosexual ing those who engage in same-sex relations. contextual and meaning their to as clarity of sense no with used get often they and termsThese relevance. history, cultural specific a of out evolve everyoneto thing same the mean to assumed be way. cannot same the in not come out of Africa. The invention Homosexuality is a concept that does the nineteenth centuryof the “homosexual role” developed around in the to denote a kind of sickness for those attracted to the same sex: “the West punished role of the homosexual creation of a specialized, despised, and the same way that the similar treat- keeps the bulk of society pure in rather of society law-abiding” keep the rest of criminals helps some kinds ment of was therefore a term(McIntosh 1968:184). Homosexuality initially intro- to control social relations, while labeling those engaged duced in the West in same-sex relations as deviant. which comes from own politics and struggles. is a political identity, “Gay” struggles it a movement for civil rights in the 1960s. Gamson calls Western movement has noting that this collective identity” (1995:391), for a “public and neighborhoods, festivals, institutions, political and cultural own its is “among movement that this note Stein and Plummer even its own flag. the most vibrant and well-organized social movements in the United States identifiable, visible, focuses on an The gay identity and Europe” (1994:179). the “gay” individual who engages in same-sex relations. Even in the West, identity has not always existed: instead, it is a “product of history and [has] The rise 1983:102). (D’Emilio era” historical specific a to existence in come Terminology and Concepts Terminology has permitted many to claim a “gay” identity, thus aggravating the already already the aggravating thus permittedhas identity, “gay” a claim to many in dra- ultimately resulted man. This has fear of the “anxious” heightened against laws, directed colonial antisodomy often using conian responses, as assumed to be gay, or at least those claim a ”gay” identity, those who countries today. in many African being witnessed Internet reports

africa today 58(1) 56 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 57 Thabo Msibi All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC In thirty-eight African states, it is illegal to engage of the fifty-three This paper strays from using “gay” or “homosexual” in defining those in defining those “gay” or “homosexual” strays from using This paper in consensual “gay” sex. Countries like Nigeria, Malawi, Senegal, and more like Nigeria, Malawi, Senegal, “gay” sex. Countries in consensual of treatments against individu- recently Uganda have imposed the harshest relations (Blandy 2010). The punish- als convicted of engaging in same-sex who engage in same-sex relations ments used to discriminate against those laws left over from the colonial era, in Africa largely arise from antisodomy These laws when colonial authorities were keen on regulating sexuality. Exactly how harshly remain largely unchanged in postcolonial Africa today. has homosexuality been treated in African countries? A brief analysis of four African countries (Malawi, Uganda, Nigeria, and South Africa) answers this question. All four of the countries to be discussed are former British colonies, and, apart from South Africa, all of them have retained the penal codes imposed through colonialism. This is because sexuality is a “highly value laden terrain”This is because sexuality is a “highly (Nel 2009:36). In is evident in the way in which same- many African countries, such control in countries many While silenced. and be closeted to continues desire sex laws world have begun to address the draconian and outdated the Western in same-sex relations, most African leveled against individuals who engage even executing—those countries continue to lag behind, oppressing—some maintaining a tight grip on certainwho engage in same-sex relations: “by those individuals and groups that activities, and silencing the voices of makes it extremely difficult for these engage in them, the patriarchal state 2007:18). their human rights” (Tamale individuals to organise and fight for reasons for the oppression of indi- One can therefore argue that one of the in Africa is that of silencing same- viduals who engage in same-sex relations sex sexualities. Sexuality and sexual activity, regardless of the society, are intricately linked are intricately regardless of the society, activity, Sexuality and sexual 1980). For many societies around the with the exercise of power (Foucault policed. heavily and controlled highly be to continues sexuality world, Victimization, , Imprisonment, and Murder: and Murder: Imprisonment, Rape, Victimization, in Africa “Gay” Being many people in many different historical contexts, do not always necessarily different historical contexts, do not many people in many of a [“gay”] identity” (1997:5). lead to the emergence tions in Africa. In keeping with Deborah Amory’s approach, the use of homo- approach, with Deborah Amory’s tions in Africa. In keeping by that “same-sex erotics, practiced sexuality in this paper acknowledges who engage in same-sex desire: instead, it uses the term instead, it uses in same-sex desire: who engage same-sex-desiring rela- a more reflective analysis of same-sex individuals. It does so to present of capitalism, with its free labor system, was intricately linked with the the with linked intricately was system, labor its free with capitalism, of of Both the concepts a “gay” identity. and women in claiming rise of men from Africa, as they come have no meaning in and “gay” “homosexuality” Western experiences. historical and political specifically All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The sentencing of the two men sent shock waves around the world, waves around sent shock two men of the The sentencing The swift international response forced the Malawian president to president Malawian the international forced swift The response This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC Uganda as it concernsThe second case I explore is that of Uganda the proposed Anti- would become punish- Homosexuality Bill. Under the bill, homosexuality able even by death, and neighbors and friends would have the responsibility to report individuals suspected of engaging in same-sex relations (Bunting 2010; Ewins 2011). In addition, the bill would see Ugandans outside the country being extradited back to Uganda for engaging in same-sex relations. Although the bill may not be passed (a commission appointed by President Museveni to investigate the viability of accepting the bill has recommended that it not be passed, and there are suggestions that the opposition parties finally is the argument of the law. Later, I show how these three arguments are Later, finally is the argument of the law. of themhow each and Africa, in homophobia of incidents most with common contradictory inherently but assumptions, its in false only not logic. is its in grant amnesty to the couple on “humanitarian” grounds. When informingWhen grounds. “humanitarian” on couple the to amnesty grant of Malawi noted, “These boys release, the president the public of the men’s our religion and our laws” (Gevissercommitted a crime against our culture, with the sentencing of the men.2010), thereby also declaring his agreement It is importantfactors he emphasizes: first the argument of to note the three culture is used to justify the arrest (with the central tenet of this argument religionof argument the is second un-African); is desire same-sex that being through presumably Christianity);(representing morality as communicated In 2010 in Malawi, Tiwonge Chimbalanga and his partner, Steven Monjeza, Steven his partner, Chimbalanga and Malawi, Tiwonge In 2010 in arrestedwere engagement—a their celebrating publicly for sentenced and Usiwa magistrate, Nyakwawa 2010). The action (The Times locally illegal would that his actions the sentence, believed handing down Usiwa, when a homosexual from claiming or publicly demonstrating deter other people public that the so sentence a scaring you give “I will declared He identity. tempted to emu- people like you, so that we are not [will] be protected from 2010b). After saying late this horrendous example” (Mail and Guardian the couple a fourteen-yearthis, he imposed on term of imprisonment at allowed. It is clear from the magistrate’s the maximum sentence hard labor, act, worthy a gross immoral was desire same-sex that, for him, sentence of available. the worst punishment pub- in the West United Nations and many countries with leaders from the arrestlicly deploring the as the only country and sentence. South Africa, in protected, constitutionally is orientation to sexual right where the Africa immediately joined the chorus disapproval through its civil-rights lead- of partyopposition the of member a from prompts after only however, ers; sentence, breaking African leaders’ did President Jacob Zuma condemn the silence on the matter. Malawi

africa today 58(1) 58 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 59 Thabo Msibi a Pepper, Red All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC The immediate results of the bill have been a witch-hunt, approved The immediate results of the bill have The backlash against those who engage in same-sex relations in Uganda engage in same-sex against those who The backlash relations has been prevalent is Nigeria. At the Lambeth Conference in Conference Lambeth the At Nigeria. is prevalent been has relations the Right Reverend led by countries Asian and clerics from African 1998, Emmanuel Chukwuma, Bishop of the Enugo Diocese, tried to exorcise the Reverend Richard Kirsher of Britain in public for his progay and prowoman individuals who depth of hate against (2004) shows the stance. Rubenstein Nigeria Another country where violence against individuals engaging in same-sex publicly and supportedand publicly 2009, In the media. and state the by ing. The effect of this is evident in the way in which American evangelical ing. The effect of this is evident in the leaders by pushing for the silencing of ministers have influenced Ugandan individuals engaging in same-sex relations. asking “international organizations to carry religious out development work the impact of Pentecostalism is glar- alongside evangelism” (Jones 2005:501), fifty names of individuals sus- tabloid newspaper from Uganda, published with four photos (Lauer together pected of engaging in homosexual activity, the concerned2009). Not only did this revelation place individuals at great in same-sex relations to go into risk, it forced other individuals who engage Kato, David activist, gay-rights a recently, More lives. their of fear in hiding, published a Ugandan newspaper, was killed in Uganda after Rolling Stone, Kato, it claimed were gay (BBC 2011). names and photos of those, including The bill, for instance, notes that “same-sex attraction is not an innate and notes that “same-sex attraction is The bill, for instance, culture of and wishes to “protect the cherished immutable characteristic,” family values of the legal, religious, and traditional the people of Uganda, to seeking activists rights sexual of attempts the against Uganda of people of Uganda.” Such of sexual on the people impose their values organiza- obvious in the role played by evangelical fundamentalisms are which are thriving the bill. Evangelical organizations, tions in pushing for have been instrumental,throughout Uganda, in initiating homo- not only Ewins 2011; Xie but also in spreading them (Evans 2009; phobic sentiments, all new to Uganda; influence of the church is not at 2010). Of course, the missionary in Uganda predates the arrival presence of colonial authori- organized religion has [always] ties: “in colonial and post-colonial Uganda, . . .played a critical role in national politics. now is [The only difference significantly in the present than in that] religious institutions appear more significance is evident in the way the past” (Jones 2005:499–500). The noted everyinfluence organizations and churches Pentecostal life public sphere of in Uganda. From villagers and government members being “born again” to has largely been driven by political, cultural, and religious fundamentalisms. cultural, and been driven by political, has largely may prevent a vote on the bill), the bill has nevertheless presented significant significant nevertheless presented has bill the bill), the on vote a prevent may they relations in Uganda: in same-sex to individuals engaging challenges personal harm, for fear of victimization, forced into hiding have been and 2009). (Wilkerson even murder - All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms roles), (2) penis-centred (i.e. glorify and idolize traditional (i.e. glorify and idolize traditional roles), (2) penis-centred prowess and encour- imageries of masculinity and male sexual their body), and (3) age the objectification of women and of [a] double stan- male-privileging (encourage the ideology physically edified by dard[, in] which males feel morally and are held as morally multiple sexual encounters while women and physically tarnished same). by the - fed by oppressive patriarchal subjectivi socially produced and tryties and ideologies that normal to instill a sense of what is us all. . . .sexually-speaking, for male- These are oppressive, which] have three familiar biased discursive subjectivities[, homophobic (i.e. supporttraits: They are, (1) and the hatred out of or challenge traditional male fear of men who step Rubenstein is not the only scholar who has noted the connection the only scholar who has noted the Rubenstein is not As with Uganda and Malawi, homophobia in Nigeria is directly sup- As with Uganda and Malawi, homophobia This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC able by death, while in the rest of the countryable by death, while in the rest of the the punishment is fourteen In 2006, a piece of legislation years of imprisonment (Aken’Ova 2010). “Same-Sex the as known with proposed was Act” (Prohibition) full support and Christian—leaders. The legislation of religious—Islamic have who couples on same-sex sentences five-year “impose meant to was wedding ceremonies, as well as on those who perform such services and 2007). The introduction of this bill Times on all who attend” (New York as Nigeria in individuals desiring same-sex for problems similar caused did the Uganda bill. Individuals who engage in same-sex relations were attacked, and their lives were threatened. The bill did not come to a vote, but a similar bill was passed in the lower house in 2009 and then referred to parliamentary committees for study and public consultation (Human strongly in support 2009). The public reacted of the bill, Rights Watch ported religion. In the twelve states of the Islamic by the laws, culture, and punish is activity same-sex in engagement North law, Sharia practice that The issues highlighted by Izugbara are most evident in the way in which The issues highlighted by Izugbara are experience their lives in these individuals who engage in same-sex relations relations are often viewed as sick, contexts. People who engage in same-sex adds, engaging in same-sex relations subhuman, and dangerous. As Izugbara diabolic of possession and magic “witchcraft, with associated is Nigeria in powers” (2004:6). engage in same-sex relations among Nigerians. She cites another Nigerian Nigerian cites another She Nigerians. among relations in same-sex engage called who has publicly Peter Jasper Akinola, Most Reverend bishop, the priests, [referred] of women for a “defrocking clergy as to gay and lesbian have people should lesbian and gay that all and suggested ‘abomination,’ an to support necks” (2004:343–344), tied around their millstones her claims Nigeria. homophobia in between sexism and the connection and highlight (2004:2) notes that and sexism in Nigeria. Izugbara between homophobia conduct in Nigeria are sexuality and sexual

africa today 58(1) 60 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 61 Thabo Msibi - All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC The above figures are exceptionally high and demonstrate the extent and demonstrate exceptionally high figures are The above In South Africa, homophobia has taken different formsIn South Africa, homophobia has taken compared to As in Malawi and Uganda, Nigerian homophobia is state sponsored. is state sponsored. homophobia and Uganda, Nigerian As in Malawi who engage in same-sex relations in South Africa have found themselves on who engage in same-sex relations in South Africa have found themselves on these violent acts not uncommonly excuse their behavior by stating that the women were trying to be “like men,” and they therefore deserved to be pun- ished through rape and violence (Mufweba 2003; Nel and Judge 2008; Reid men and Dirsuweit 2002; Reuters 2004; Special Assignment 2004). Similarly, ing and there is a particularlya is there and ing (Cock attacks” lesbian some to edge vicious with men asserting their 2003:41). This violence is largely driven by gender, performwho those example, For men. other over and women, over authority of gendered homophobic violence in South Africa, where “gays and lesbi- and “gays where Africa, South in violence homophobic gendered of and are subject to shaming, ans continue to be denied cultural recognition - against women is increas Violence harassment, discrimination and violence. (Nel and Judge 2008). At least thirty-one lesbian women have been murdered in South Africa since 1998 (Meises 2009). ment of Women found that of forty-six lesbian women who participated from who forty-sixwomen of that lesbian found Women of ment survivedhad percent 9 raped, been had percent 41 townships, Johannesburg 17 percent had been verbally abusedrape, 37 percent had been assaulted, and other parts been owing to the constitutional pro- of Africa. This has largely Afri other Unlike relations. same-sex in engage who those to offered tection socially, are institutionally, can countries, where expressions of homophobia homophobia in and individually permitted and endorsed through the law, As elsewhere, homophobia in law. South Africa operates in violation of the undertones, gendered has Africa South “correctively”being women with and “proper” women (Msibi 2009; raped so as to make them become “real” Forumby the unpublished study Judge 2008). An Nel and the Empower- for to the rights of gay and lesbian individuals. this would be South Africa, Africa’s most progressive country most progressive when it comes this would be South Africa, Africa’s South Africa the whole African above cannot be representative of The examples given are similar with argue that most African countries continent, but I would Perhaps the best case to demonstrate regard to the waves of homophobia. that there were no individuals who engaged in same-sex relations in Nigeria. who engaged in same-sex relations that there were no individuals former news that “homo- President Obasanjo stated on national Similarly, These (Aken’Ova 2010). and un-African” ungodly, sexuality is unnatural, and reveal intolerance of same-sex desiring individuals acts display extreme dignity the of violation a challenge to leaders African of unwillingness the in same-sex relations. of those who engage with many religious leaders even questioning the reasons behind giving behind giving reasons the questioning even leaders many religious with comment. opportunity to an relations same-sex in engage who individuals may not May 2009, and it attention since not received much The bill has be passed. The former informed Ojo Maduekwe, minister, foreign the United Nations All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms It is worthis It same-sex that claims the of validity the here exploring - not been state-sanc South Africa have expressions in Homophobic Having explored the high levels of homophobia, I now move on to chal- Having explored the high levels of homophobia, This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC “Sodomite-Free” Africa “Sodomite-Free” about same-sex desire in Africa is One element of the prevalent discourse import. African desire—is a Western the idea that homosexuality—same-sex disease. dreadful Western intent on freeing Africa from this leaders seem by leaders from Namibia, Zambia, These sentiments have been legitimized Uganda. For example, above, Malawi and Kenya, Zimbabwe, and, as shown President Robert individuals who engage in same- Mugabe has described dogs” and has continued to describe sex relations as “worse than pigs and the white man on a pure continent” homosexuality as “a scourge planted by that clear it Moi made arap Daniel President In Kenya, 2006). (Mwaura “Kenya ha[d] no room or time for homosexuals and lesbians,” noting that is against African norms“homosexuality and even in religion and traditions Jacob President Africa, South In 2006). (Mwaura sin” great a considered is it 2006). It Zuma has communicated similar sentiments (Mail and Guardian exactly and Africa, on imposed was homosexuality how explained never is when such an imposition took place. desire is un-African, against African religions and against African laws. I lenge the arguments used to justify this homophobia. The arguments con- lenge the arguments used to justify this cern religion, and (except in South Africa) law. African tradition and culture, but also inherently contradictory. These arguments are not only often flawed, 2010). Similarly, Jon Qwelane, a self-proclaimed homophobe, equated homo- a self-proclaimed homophobe, equated Jon Qwelane, 2010). Similarly, Sun- newspaper; his argu the Daily in his column to bestiality in sexuality appointed by the issues of morality and culture. He was ments again went to African ambassador in Uganda—the Zuma administration to be the South very countryin the midst of controversy with its homosexual- that has been be a appointment appears to 2010a). Qwelane’s ity bill (Mail and Guardian concession to Ugandan homophobia. tacit condoning of his attitudes and a “knock him out” (Ismail and SAPA 2006). Zuma has apologized to the “gay” 2006). Zuma has apologized and SAPA “knock him out” (Ismail to be held by many statements, but his views continue community for these the former Lulu Xingwana, minister of people, even in governmenttoday. artsartan of out walked Africa, South in culture and portray exhibition - was exhibition the that was reasoning her women; lesbian affectionate ing (van Wyk against nation building and social cohesion immoral and went the receiving end of horrific end the receiving forms violence from sexual ranging of violence, harmto physical (Nel and Judge 2008). to argue against same-sex have been used similar arguments tioned, but deputy Zuma, while still countries. Jacob those in other African desire as of the rulingpresident that same-sex Congress, declared African National marriage and that when he was a “disgrace to the nation and to God,” was him, as he would would never have stood in front of growing up, a gay man

africa today 58(1) 62 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 63 Thabo Msibi - All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC Using Foucault’s notion of genealogy, supported by Epprecht’s and supported by Epprecht’s notion of genealogy, Using Foucault’s Critical historical and anthropological studies (Achmat 1993; Epprecht Epprecht 1993; (Achmat studies anthropological and historical Critical tions and exclusions of truth about African same-sex relations by historians. Such distortions and exclusions have largely been driven by what I char- acterize here as three forces: first, the hegemony of state-related historical studies; second, the idea that the prevalence of same-sex relations among Africans was marginal and therefore not deserving attention; and third, the 1998a, 1998b, 1999, 2001, 2004, 2008; Moodie 1998) all point to major distor major to point all 1998) Moodie 2008; 2004, 2001, 1999, 1998b, 1998a, ously considered immobile; it fragments what was thought unified; it shows ously considered immobile; it fragments consistent with itself” (Foucault the heterogeneity of what was imagined 1977:83). His focus is largely on deconstructing notions of truth, particularly on His assumed to be without history. apparently accepted facts which are genealogy consists of a “painstaking rediscovery of struggles together with the rude memory it is about disturbing “what was previ- of their conflicts”: preparing public opinion for abolition of [the] slave trade . . . and [buttressing] of [the] slave trade . . . preparing public opinion for abolition in Europe” (Epprecht 1998b:645). negative attitudes towards homosexuality furtheris Africa homosexuality-free of a claim The by colonial eth- rebuffed nographer Evans-Pritchard, whose informants left the Europeans “shocked, 1998:2) after seeing the level of incredulous and confused” (Murray and Will people. same-sex engagements among African on same-sex desire in Africa, the influential works Murray and Roscoe’s ensuing section traces some hidden forms of power and discourse through a brief African history so as to trouble notions of same-sex of sexuality furtherdesire being un-African and to provide explanations of the growing work has been most useful in homophobic sentiment in Africa. Foucault’s deconstructingunderstanding and in structuralist concep- concept of genealogy traces the Foucault’s tions of knowledge and power. history the development of people and subjects. of the subject, looking at 1998; Epprecht 1998a, 1998b; Moodie 1988): “African homosexuality is homosexuality “African 1988): Moodie 1998b; 1998a, Epprecht 1998; feature of African incidental—it is a consistent logical neither random nor it was Euro- 1998:iv). In fact, systems” (Murraysocieties and belief and Will was un-African, who first declared that homosexuality pean ethnographers was “useful to was a sodomy-free zone; this argument arguing that Africa The Genealogy of Same-SexThe in Africa Relations another; the same and have always had, sex with one African men do have, Afri- among desire same-sex that assumption The about women. be said can and various African lead- disease,” as stated by Mugabe cans is a “Western of studies stating the contraryers, flies in the face (Achmat 1993; Donham begin this discussion by exploring the validity of the myth of a “sodomite- myth of of the the validity exploring by this discussion begin already countries the around discussion this contextualize I Africa. free” Eastern, in Western, discussed and Southern as well as in Senegal Africa, the Zande people. and among

2 All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms There is overwhelming that African men in the Southern evidence The political economy of heterosexuality in effect silenced indige- in effect silenced The political economy of heterosexuality This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC served to protect the nation’s economic needs (Epprecht 1998a). This practice served to protect the nation’s may be perceived as a response to an unusual situation imposed through white rule, but there are many examples in Africa of same-sex desire being accommodated within precolonial society. miners were aware of this (Achmat 1993; Epprecht 1998a, 1998b, 1999, 2001, 1999, 1998b, 1998a, Epprecht 1993; (Achmat this of aware were miners persuaded to have sexual relationships men were 2004; Moodie 1998). Young lucrative gifts; some old men would with older men in the mines through to have relationships with them give all their wages to the young men would be “married” miners off to older (Epprecht 2001; Moodie 1988). Young marriagesworkers through and would be expected to as inkotsane known perform “wifely” duties. These and the state was were common, aware of their existence, but chose not to intervene, as these “marriages” nous , and traditional African societies tended to place greatnous homosexualities, and traditional appearance (Epprecht 1998a). Inemphasis on maintaining a “proper” outward was treated with a don’t-ask-don’t-tell line with this notion, same-sex desire attitude (Epprecht 1999). Marriage served to conceal and deny: “men who felt to fear that this feeling would com- sexually attracted to males did not need promise the socially-necessary performance of heterosexual virility” (Eppre- further is This idea by explored marry. simply would 1998a:634), as they cht Jabu, a participant ethnography (1998), which uses in his South Donham’s existed in the past: Jabu notes to show that same-sex sexuality African study, that an arrangement families to hide a gay son by faking was made between a marriage. was therefore never a “Western Same-sex desire (homosexuality) through heteronormativity. disease,” but something that was silenced has presented a discourse of African same-sex sexuality as nonexistent or sexuality as nonexistent African same-sex a discourse of has presented abhorrent, we witness today. homophobic attitudes feeding the Same-Sex Africa in Desire suggest that Bantu accounts of African societies Studies based on anecdotal epoch-specific political constructions of homosexuality. Each of these forces Each constructions political epoch-specific of homosexuality. African mine compounds were having sex with each other, and that other sex with each other, African mine compounds were having groups were largely patriarchal and gerontocratic, organized on principles patriarchal and gerontocratic, organized groups were largely Moodie 1988). before colonialism (Epprecht 2001; of seniority that existed constructed was identity sexual how- reproduction; to relation in man’s A In fact, same-sex engagements never took place. this is not to say that ever, relations in Southernevidence of same-sex Africa can be traced in early what appear to be depicting African men engaged in Bushmen paintings, relations can of same-sex (Epprecht 2004). Traces same-sex sexual activities these paintings, but also in customarybe found not only in practices, cures, this is not to While 1998a, 1998b). Epprecht 1995; (Baum punishments and approved, such evidence does suggest that same-sex relations were publicly serve of a “sodomite-free” Africa. to shatter the prevailing discourse

africa today 58(1) 64 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 65 Thabo Msibi and would sleep with men considered “real sleep with men and would 3 All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC In terms construction identity of same-sex Donham South Africa, in —were central in runningozo, and titled women, known as ekwe and sexual relations with their “wives,” the fact such relationships were actuallywere relationships such fact the “wives,” their with relations sexual allowed to stand by the African society at the time shatters the “heterosexual female husbands was not only the practice of having Africa” myth. Further, prevalent among the Igbo, but was present among the Nuar in Sudan, the coordinating the society’s economic and political affairs. Women were were Women affairs. political and economic society’s the coordinating chosen involuntarily as the ekwe by the goddess Idemili, and were chosen women took on such autonomy, secure To for their economic autonomy. between “gender” and “sex” many wives. There was therefore a separation could be male, and males could (Amadiume 1987). This means that women to women in three ways: first, all be women. This gave immense authority in relation to Igbo wives; second, a Igbo daughters were considered “male” a male through a process known as brotherless daughter could also become - compound; and third, eco nyayakwa (replacement) to inherit the father’s the house wives to maintain nomically driven women could have multiple (Rubenstein 2004). The economically independent women were therefore “female husbands,” allowing for same-sex marriages among women. While did have actually the female husbands as to whether perhaps debatable it is in social roles and neuter linguistic elements or systems” (Rubenstein (Rubenstein systems” or elements linguistic neuter and roles social in were titled men, known 2004:351). Among the Igbo people, women—who as As much as the Nigerian government would have us believe that same- ethnographic and historical evidence sex relations do not exist in Nigeria, in Nigeria, the people of Igbo and Before colonialism proves the contrary. gender norms. restrictions of Western lived without the Women Yorùbáland and verywere said to be highly organized, autonomous, powerful in these power that women enjoyed is evident societies: the degree of autonomy and sex systems, gender flexibility dual in “goddess worship, matrilineality, Nigeria continued to consider themselves “real men.” Sexuality was there- themselves “real men.” Sexuality skesanas continued to consider penetration sexual role. Men doing the to one’s fore also defined according were role receptive the had who those while men,” “real considered were “lesbian” identity, This suggests that a “gay” or considered to be “women.” as understood in modern terms, Western It seems to never existed in Africa. ways, which always seen sexuality in highly complex me that Africans have catego- sexual Western the predominant into translated readily be cannot be compared in one region in Africa cannot necessarily ries. Also, sexuality in the case of to another region. This is most evident in a meaningful way I now move to discuss. Nigeria, an example seen as a third sex, a mixture between a man and a woman. These effeminate between a man and sex, a mixture seen as a third known as skesanas men were men.” Donham furthermen.” Donham with the who sexually engaged notes that the men (1998) notes that among black men sexuality was understood in gendered was understood in men sexuality that among black (1998) notes terms. Donham, supported were effeminate men Reid (2006), notes that by men who men daudu yan All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms In all these societies, same-sex desire existed and was considered was and existed desire same-sex societies, these all In This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC Malawi Malawian leaders would have us believe that same-sex sexual engagements do not exist in Malawi, but Malawi is no different in this respect from any other African state. Adamson Muula, head of the Department of Commu- nity Health at the University of Malawi, captures this sentiment well when “Uganda martyrs” (Tamale 2007). The king’s same-sex activities were falsely The king’s 2007). “Uganda martyrs” (Tamale disgusted colonialists to show that the Baganda were presented by Western imposition of homophobia in West’s at them; this was in keeping with the did not introduce homosexual- Africa (Epprecht 2008). “The colonialists surveillanceof systems of it—and intolerance rather but to Africa ity and 1998:xvi). regulation for suppressing it” (Murray and Will Uganda precolonial historyUganda has a long relations among men of same-sex agriculturalist community northand women. The Nilotico Lango, an of alternativeLake Kwanai, had men who assumed gender status, that of the and could marrymukodo dako; these men were treated as women other men (Murray Similarly among the Iteso, who lived in and Roscoe 1998). communities in northwest and Uganda, same-sex relations existed Kenya became women for all intents and among men who felt like women and speech; there are reportsof walking, and including voices, manner purposes, Itoso men (Karp, Karp, and Molnos of group among young the Banyo (Needham 1973), and the 1973). The Bahima (Mushanga 1973), 1998) are other communities in Uganda where Baganda (Murray and Will been reported.instances of same-sex engagements have It is no secret that (kabaka), engaged in sexual relations King Mwanga II, the Baganda monarch upon his male servantswith other men: he made sexual demands and was enraged when they started to accede to his advances on the grounds refusing to order the killing of those who were of their Christianity; his response was convertingand these slain servants to the new religion, are now called the normalexisted. The difference is that tolerated by societies in which it and of “gay” and “lesbian,” and discourse in the Western it was not understood relationships. We beyond sex to affectionate, caring it may even have gone see this also with Uganda. Nandi in Kenya, and the Fon in Dahomey (Murray and Will 1998; Morgan Morgan 1998; (MurrayDahomey Fon in and the in Kenya, Nandi Will and boys are allowed among the Fon, Presently in Benin, 2005). and Wierenga sex drive. other to ease the among each sexual friendships to enjoy close the as such Nigeria, in examples other many are There sex who “have these men are cross-dressers, Hausa-speakers: live among with specifically associated in activities and frequently engage with men women, yet are nevertheless often married women and have children” to 2001). (Teunis

africa today 58(1) 66 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 67 Thabo Msibi

4 All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC Malawi has a long precolonial historya long precolonial Malawi has sexual engagement. of same-sex In an ethnographic study conducted among Senegalese men living in Although it was common knowledge that he engaged in sexual sexual in he engaged that knowledge common was it Although muthi. “Mohammedans [refused] them religious burial” (Murray and Will 1998:107). “Mohammedans [refused] them religious burial” (Murray and Will of men who were not only (2001) found a thriving community Teunis Dakar, but also had fixed language in defining known to exist by the whole city, their same-sex sexualities. These men referred to themselves as gordjiguene feminine demeanor, who dressed like women and made a living from who dressed like women and made a living from feminine demeanor, though the . These men did not suffer in any way socially, Senegal Senegal is another case of overwhelming ethnographic and historical evi- dence pointing to the historical and current existence of same-sex sexuali- existed in Senegal, but were silenced ties. Same-sex engagements not only through race politics and heteronormativity as expressed through religion are Senegalese men with 1998). Among many examples (Murray and Will relations with other men, he drew many young African men to boxing. Theserelations with other men, he drew many in existed homosexuality clear that make presents that Epprecht examples great benefits in the semen from other traditional Malawi and that men saw 2004 book for more (see Epprech’s men. While this discussion is scanty it does servedetailed analyses and other relevant examples), to shatter ideas of a “sodomite-free” Malawi. and engagement in same-sex maleexample of the connection between muthi boxer Zimbabwean a of Dhuri, that is Malawian men the among relations openly engaging in sexual relations from Nyasaland (Malawi). Dhuri was and was never arrestedwith boys to win his boxing matches, by colonial evidence of the effectiveness of this was authorities for his acts. For many, his and/or protective charms. The Malawian migrants did not dispute this this dispute not did charms. migrants protective Malawian The and/or with one participantclaim from other miners, so far as to say “my going especially thing was and is extremely private, note one thing. This dear, in our Malawi tradition . . . for it [muthi] to be effective and to last a long man” (Epprecht 2004:122). Another time, you must have sex with another wian migrants worked (Epprecht 2004). In the Zimbabwean mines, the mines, Zimbabwean the In 2004). (Epprecht worked migrants wian powerful men were seen to possess Malawians and Mozambiquean muthi ments were present in Malawi, as evidenced by mutual masturbation among in Malawi, as evidenced by mutual masturbation ments were present mine compounds where Mala- relationships in the boys and by nkotshane It was, as observedIt was, as parts in other Africa, through heteronormativity—as of supporteddesire same-sex Malawian colonialists—that the by enforced and among the Malawians. of African sexuality from the discourse was erased This is supported that same-sex engage- by historical evidence that shows he declares “homosexuality happens [in Malawi]—deal with it” (Epprecht it” (Epprecht with [in Malawi]—deal happens “homosexuality he declares 2008:21). because these men engaged in sexual relations with other men. These men engaged in sexual relations with other because these men would have intercrural semen released would sex with other men, and the magic as possessing seen therefore The semen was in muthi. then be used All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms (the fallen woman or bad woman). The oubis were woman or bad woman). the yauss (the fallen (open) and This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC has served to deny and place in question the morality and existence of same- sex relations. God becomes a perfect tool to silence indigenous same-sex practices, and, after all, who wants to go against God? The second issue pertains to the understanding of same-sex desire in Africa. Homosexuality Homosexuality as Un-African Homosexuality If there is overwhelming that same-sex relations existed in Africa, evidence to claim that homosexuality how is it then that African leaders continue is twofold. First, the colonial is un-African? The answer to this question influence is such that it has served to erode truth imposing in Africa by norms.Western The fact that religion is so frequently used in condemning homosexuality is proof of this point. Religion, both Christianity and Islam, sweet potatoes carved into penis shapes and other things. Evans-Prichard’s sweet potatoes carved shapes and other things. Evans-Prichard’s into penis collection, pro- Murrayethnographic accounts, together with and Roscoe’s vide powerful practices in Africa, and therefore shatter insight into same-sex the myth of a “sodomite-free” Africa. sexual practices; women were said to be engaging in same-sex relations usingsexual practices; women were said to be Zande people Zande of southwestern people living in the forest The Zande are Islamic-influenced African Republic, and the northeasternSudan, the Central Congo. As in the overwhelmingis there African regions discussed, other - eth and historical women, actually that the Zande people, both men and nographic evidence chiefs engaging relations. The evidence ranges from engaged in same-sex “disease-free” with youths, who were considered in sexual relationships acceptance 1998), to the general (Murrayby the Zande people and Will wrote after conducting his of same-sex engagements. As Evans-Pritchard Zande do not regard it as at all fieldwork “Homosexuality is indigenous. as veryindeed women boys when with sleep to a man for sensible improper, are not available or are taboo. . . . Some princes may even have preferred sexual rela- male-to-male in (1971:183). The engagement to women” boys went as far as paying compensation tions among the Zande people even 1998). (Murraywomen toward would one as just boys, young to Will and of same-sex relations among Evans-Pritchard (1971) also found evidence women: sisters who married were reputed to engage in same-sex brothers oubis while the pronouns, to each other in feminine and often spoke effeminate, were The yauss . who penetrated during yauss were men mostly married manner- presented masculine girlfriends, and largely or had (2009) work, which findings are supportedLarmarange’s by isms. Teunis’s community in Senegal. found a thriving same-sex the of gordjiguene: two types There were as ‘manwoman’). translates (which

africa today 58(1) 68 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 69 Thabo Msibi of Africa. This apparent con- 5 All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC It is true therefore to conclude that the rejection of homosexuality in It appears that “being gay” (personifying, and/or visibly claiming a gay” (personifying, and/or visibly It appears that “being The laws used to condemn same-sex acts in Africa were introduced The laws used to condemn same-sex tradictory Christianity clearly presents a dilemma in acceptance and use of Africa. If Africa rejects understanding the debate about a “sodomite-free” sition. It is a rejection of the visible, political, and personified “gay” identity, sition. It is a rejection of the visible, political, and personified “gay” identity, allowing people to live “out” lives: an identity that troubles the pretense of This is a point I will now explore. heteronormativity. Africa represents something deeper than a simple rejection of Western impo- Africa represents something deeper than a simple rejection of Western ment represent a contradiction in argument: if the intention is to rid Africa ofment represent a contradiction in argument: laws cannot rationally then Christianity and Western impositions, Western be used to justify the rejection of homosexual acts. as an inherent contradiction that African leaders who challenged the colo- as an inherent contradiction that African in reformulatednial laws continue to use these laws, often ways, to oppress surely then impositions, Western repudiating on intent is Africa If others. legal argu- laws need revisiting. In sum, both the religious and the Western cannot be used to reject something that is being rejected for its foreign roots. cannot be used to reject something that penal codes (Cowell 2010). It standsduring colonialism through the so-called ideologies brought from the West, then surely religion brought from the West then surely religion brought from the West ideologies brought from the West, In addition to the argument that Africa is “sodomite-free,” African oppo- In addition to the argument that Africa nents of homosexuality often cite religion—particularly Christianity—and While for rejecting homosexuality. law as the reasons for their justifications certain condemn to seem Bible the in passages specific acts, homosexual much the Bible itself is a foreign document in Homosexuality against Religion and Law and the against Religion and Law Homosexuality Contradiction Inherent cally exist in Africa and still does not very in Africa and still does cally exist the majority ofaccurately describe in Africa” sex with women or women who have have sex with men men who and have therefore complex in Africa are of same-sex desire (2008:8). Issues West. The in the “personified” in the way they have not historically been leaders have to do that we now witness from African vitriolic responses of the “gay” identity. largely with the “personification” or harassed. I at a greater risk of being attacked gay identity) puts oneself it is in partargue therefore that that has this visibility or “personification” The the reactionarycontributed to in Africa today. we witness responses explains open claim of a gay identity—best public display of affection—the and his partner Chimbalanga Monjeza were arrested Steven why Tiwonge by the Malawian government. is indeed un-African. Epprecht concurs with my earlier assertions: my earlier with word concurs “the Epprecht un-African. indeed is history arising from a specific suggests a clarity of notably, homosexuality, struggle and political social relations, did not histori- that enquiry, scientific All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ality therefore becomes a critical site for maintaining patriarchy maintaining for site a critical becomes therefore ality (2007:19) oppression. and reproducing African women’s Any variation in sexual activity and sexual partnersAny variation in sexual activity and from heteronormativity “pathological,” “deviant,” is considered possible terms.“unnatural,” and condemned in the strongest The gendered politics implicit in these views are crucial, since sexual activities that go against the grain of mainstream ones subvert conventional gendered relations and hierarchies. Sexu- The twenty-first centurydemands for human has been characterized by This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC It is therefore important to understand that increased expressions of homophobia in Africa are not only reactions to the “personified” and visible rights, democracy, and accountability in world affairs, particularly and accountability in Africa. rights, democracy, 2003) and has has prioritized gender parity (Mama The human-rights agenda (Bhana, de Lange, the role and definition of manhood therefore challenged been threat- position of superiority has In effect, men’s and Mitchell 2009). In the field of HIV and AIDS, particularlyened and destabilized. in South rise of the rights- work suggests a link between the Africa, considerable violence (Bhana, de Lange, and based discourse and the rise in gender-based emanci- The 2004). Levack and Peacock al. 2003; et Dunkle 2009; Mitchell a visible Similarly, in society. position pation of women has troubled men’s creating the need for in society, positions “gay” identity destabilizes men’s men to reassert is most evident in the “corrective themselves. This ” in South Africa, and now the that are perpetrated against lesbian women determined homosexuality in Africa by introducing more moves to reduce stringent laws. As Bernedette Muthien, cofounder and director of Engender, nongovernment organization, notes, curative rape “has a Cape Town–based of patriarchy and been used as a tool always been in society since the onset women in particular ways and also some men. sexuality, to control people’s themselves are survivors many of my women friends and comrades Many, Nel and Judge note that Similarly, of curative rape” (cited in Bucher 2009). are perceived to subvert“Lesbian, gay and transgender people who or under- roles and behaviors, are seemingly mine patriarchal gender stereotypes, formdiscrimination—as a punished—through control” (2008:26). of social shares similar views: Tamale Given the weaknesses in the argument about a “sodomite-free” Africa, I a “sodomite-free” argument about weaknesses in the Given the of work in the promotion greater forces at that there are wish to suggest has provided currencyleaders. Homophobia among African homophobia for winning popular support: politicians in many of these quite easy to it seems such oppression in contexts where even questioning oppress minority groups in of homophobia spread the However, to prison. one send effectively may by a neoconservatismAfrica is largely driven in effect works to create that and foster patriarchy. The Causes of Homophobia Causes The

africa today 58(1) 70 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 71 Thabo Msibi All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC I wish to caution here that I do not believe in bracketing all African I wish to caution here that I do not believe Hegemonic masculinities are held up through compulsoryHegemonic masculinities hetero- - is best under notes that “sexuality citing Foucault, Mac an Ghail, Countering the Homophobia Countering The new wave of homophobic laws and homophobic and gendered violence in Africa directly reflects the rise of conservatism, driven by patriarchy men together under the same umbrella as sexist and homophobic, nor do I men together under the same umbrella wish to suggest that gender-empowerment drives are not genuine. Many men parity and addressing homopho- in Africa are genuinely interested in gender much of what we see in termsbia. However, of gender-based violence and increased homophobia is symbolic of an attempt to reassert the authority of men in society. men become targets. ments seeking to legitimize patriarchy in African societies. If homosexualityments seeking to legitimize patriarchy thus patriarchy—remains intact. is discredited, then heterosexuality—and heteronormativity status and and “gay”are threatened, women men’s When and legitimate. The legitimacy of patriarchy has therefore been questioned, and legitimate. The legitimacy of patriarchy women, but now through the vis- not only through the emancipation of attempts to rid Africa that recent I hold therefore same-sex desire. ibility of conservativein rise the symbolizes individuals same-sex-desiring of senti- Through heteronormativity, gender roles are entrenched and held up as fixed gender Through heteronormativity, sexuality: men “are under the constant scrutinysexuality: men “are under the constant of other men. Other men the realm of manhood. Manhood is watch us; grant our acceptance into 2000:214). The rise, vis- approval” (Kimmel demonstrated for other men’s troubles conceptions of and personification of “the homosexual” ibility, itself. For the legitimacy thereby troubling heterosexuality masculinity, of patriarchy to be in place, compulsory heteronormativity is promoted. men’s roles have been challenged by gender parity and homosexuality. Con- by gender parity and homosexuality. roles have been challenged men’s constructhow men has been seminal in understanding (1994) work nell’s and masculinities to this work is the idea that gender their identities. Key are socially constructed. by the idea This type of analysis is underpinned time, context, fluid and changing depending on space, that identities are MorrellAs factors. other and [forma is “masculinity it, puts gender of] Connell Similarly, not a natural attribute” (1998:607). [identification] and masculinities. conceptual understanding of hegemonic (1995) argues for a subvert,regulate, silence, to as so framed are that masculinities are These and police other forms hegemonic masculinities in of masculinity; to hold place, deviance is punished. stood as a potential that develops in relation to varying in relation potential that develops stood as a of combinations categorization” (1996:200). organization and regulation, social definitions, Constructions how essential to understanding are therefore of masculinities homosexual identity, but also a tool for sexism, an attempt to solidify men’s men’s to solidify attempt sexism, an a tool for but also identity, homosexual society. position in All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC Conclusion to show that issues of homophobiaIn the above discussion, I have attempted I in the currentin Africa cannot be isolated from gender. political climate reflects the rise of neoconservahave argued that the rise of homophobia - the lie that same-sex desire I have challenged tism, fueled by patriarchy. desire can be traced before the is un-African. I have shown that same-sex has always existed people in Africa; homosexual behavior arrival of Western it was understood differently from in Africa and continues to exist, though arguments of I have shown that the the current construction the West. of and should not be used to religion and law are internally contradictory, I have advocated for an approach that is challenge same-sex desire. Finally, creative and Africa-centered, and takes interconnections into account when addressing homophobia. Such creative approaches need to take careful cognizance of the context and Such creative approaches need to take It is only when we persuade those work systematically from the grassroots. individuals will same-sex-desiring with whom we live that conditions for of fear need to be replaced by change for the better in Africa. The politics better understanding. becoming louder. Activists across the continent need to work together to dis- becoming louder. homophobia and sexism in Africa.cover new and creative ways of addressing of many individuals who engage in same-sex relations in Africa, particularly who engage in same-sex relations in of many individuals fighting begin to needs Africa lives, their or imprisonment risked they when its own battles. International support be a substitute for local orga- cannot feed directly West The continuous rescues from the nizing and resistance. imposition who see same-sex relations as a Western into the hands of those of power and aid to continues to deploy the politics on Africa. If the West intrusionthat individuals, same-sex-desiring protect servecan support to allies should I am not suggesting here that Western African homophobes. that African voices now need to startnot be vocal on these issues, but rather argument are twofold. First, issues concerning are twofold. First, argument in Africa cannot homophobia outside other formsbe explored - the intersec Understanding of oppression. for more race) will allow orientation (and gender and sexual tions between of the will address the root responses, which comprehensive targeted and the symptoms. Second, effortsproblem instead of that seek to destabilize Africa-centered. more and creative be to need will told been have we lies the protecting the rights has been useful in from the West While the assistance which uses the appeal of tradition, law, and lies to keep men in positions men in positions to keep and lies law, of tradition, appeal uses the which of this The implications in place. and to keep heterosexuality of authority

africa today 58(1) 72 The Lies We Have Been Told: On (Homo) Sexuality in Africa africa today 58(1) 73 Thabo Msibi outh aharan aharan ondon: nternet reportsnternet Perspectives, igeria. Perspectives, erman linguist, used it to to it used erman linguist, frica, thereby arguing for a for arguing frica, thereby G dressed dressed onham 1998). Skesanas Bleek, a aharan A aharan frican ethnic groups in sub-fricanS ethnic groups ebates. Journal of Opinion 25(1):5–10 ebates. ilhelm W r. Dr. mmoral Practices’’ and “Unnatural Vice’’ in S Vice’’ “Unnatural and Practices’’ mmoral thiopia from early in its history. thiopia from www.bbc.co.uk/news/world- killed. 27 January. ato frica has negative connotations, as it was used by the used by as it was connotations, fricanegative has frica: Issues and D frica to refer to traditional medicine. traditional to refer frica to outh A I ‘‘ Vice”: ivilised outhern A All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ompounds. Socialompounds. Dynamics 19(2): 92–110. xperiences from N tate- from Homophobia: Experiences Sponsored s postles of C A nternet reports are useful in capturing, and then use this information concurrently concurrently and then use this information reports useful in capturing, nternet are emson for his support rispin Hemson for and guidance. ooks. Male Daughters, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African Society Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African . L Female fi. 1987. Male Daughters, orothy. 2010. S orothy. This content downloaded from 137.158.158.60 on Tue, 23 Jan 2018 16:51:03 UTC argue that newspaper and I newspaper that I argue in the paper, be seen as a limitation hile this may frica. The term literally means ‘people’, but ‘people’, means literally term The frica. frican Prisons and C frican Prisons orge, Penn.: Trinity Press. Trinity Penn.: orge, eborah. 1997. Homosexualityeborah. in A ible were in places like E places in of the Bible were Versions apartheid government in its arguments for white supremacist rule. supremacist white for apartheid in its arguments government 4:16–18. Analysis and Commentary Africa from Political boy who likes to be penetrated during sexual intercourse (D during intercourse sexual be penetrated who likes to A boy intercourse. in sexual roles only receptive and adopted like women used in S Muthi is a term B Zed F articles and I in theorizing lies the work and historical sociological, scholarlywith existing anthropological, as this the description details in of communities, do not go into I therefore told. been have we of the paper. is not the intention A hundred four than more to usually refer groups Bantu W just as important can offer as empirical particularly data data, matters and urgent complex on an give in this paper is not to My intention in this paper. such as the one under discussion being discussed, the communities of reading cultural and historical, empirical sociological, which both newspaper acts in these contexts, of homophobia the most recent present but to in S term This ancestry. common A A africa-12295718. denote the similarities languages spoken in sub- in the denote S va, D va, O 5. 3. 1. 4. 2. tes ent m cknowledge ken’ madiume, I madiume, mory, D mory, chmat, Zachie. 1993. “ 1993. Zachie. chmat, ences Cited References A No A A express my sincere gratitude to the brilliant reviewers of this paper; of this extremely their input was reviewers the brilliant to gratitude sincere my I express do further me to also in encouraging and work.I would the argument, useful in strengthening C thank Mr. like to A A Valley . and Africa Religions of the Americas Baum, Robert. M. 1995. Homosexuality in the Traditional rights activist K BBC. 2011. Uganda gay David

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