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Download the Report In the Eye of the Storm Left-wing activists discuss the political crisis in Brazil Edited by Hilary Wainwright and Sue Branford In the eye of the storm Left-wing activists discuss the political crisis in Brazil Contents Preface 3 Geraldo Campos Introduction 6 Hilary Wainwright Biographical Notes 12 1. Summary of the crisis 14 Sue Branford 2. Plural visions 17 Interviews by Hilary Wainwright 3. The Lula government and agrarian reform 55 Sue Branford Acknowledgements 63 Glossary 64 2 Preface Geraldo Adriano Godoy de Campos hen Hilary Wainwright first expressed at the moral lapses (which would not in itself interest in carrying out this project, help in the attempt to rebuild), the interviewees W she had something different in mind. are concerned above all to protect the utopia of She was thinking of an investigation into a transformation. Rather than recrimination, the theme that had interested her for some time: focus is on the future and how to avoid the what was happening to the discourse and mistakes of the past. practice of participatory democracy that formed part of the ‘PT way of governing’, now that the The dossier contains diverse views, at times party was heading a national government? contradictory views. This is inevitable, as this is an investigation about politics and politics We first thought of Hilary going to Brazil to always involves debate. But, with the deep investigate this issue during the 2005 World divisions in the political left, this is a particularly Social Forum in Porto Alegre. It was while we difficult moment to write anything about politics were still at the planning and discussion stage of in Brazil. First, because the desire for an this research proposal that the first signs of explanation is very strong, and rushed Brazil’s political crisis appeared. And very soon responses can do more harm than good. it became clear that the political crisis would Second, because the 2005 crisis has had a inevitably affect the form of the investigation.… devastating impact on people who have devoted most of their lives to political militancy. Some of As, indeed, happened. Hilary arrived in Brazil in these people have given up, turned their back August 2005 just as the political bomb was on politics. And others, who have never exploding. The discussion about participatory considered electoral politics as a worthwhile democracy became caught up in a broader form of action, feel more strongly than ever that discussion about the causes of the crisis and the it is all hogwash. And third – and this is a more future of the PT. Caught up in it, but not lost, complicated factor – because, as was well noted because Hilary continued to emphasise this by Gilmar Mauro in his interview, politics does issue in her discussions with the interviewees not merely involve institutions, structures and (who included some of the main protagonists in material things. It also has an important the crisis), seeing it as a key element in the subjective dimension, for people involve their broader discussion. feelings in their politics. Some of the worst Even though the interviews were carried out damage caused by the crisis is the way it has during this turbulent time, there is perhaps a wounded or destroyed profound friendships that surprising level of consensus on some key a whole generation had forged by sharing issues. On other questions, particularly those dreams and tears. concerning the future, there is profound For those of us involved in the PT’s experiments disagreement. Indeed, part of the dossier’s with political participation, the present moment value lies in the fact that it contains differing is particularly bitter. It is painful to see that the assessments as to what the crisis means for the party that gained international recognition for its left. Participatory Budget and for its insistence on It is clear from the interviews that members of transparency and ethical and social control, is the PT were aware for a long while that the now mired in corrupt practices that show just party was losing its commitment to radical social how rotten party structures have become. transformation. However, the scope of the crisis The challenge that faces academics, politicians that exploded in mid-2005 took everyone by and the general public in the near future is how surprise, even those who had become most to recover the dimension that links the party sceptical. Those interviewed in this dossier with its history of social struggle and with its reveal an impressive capacity to tackle the praxis of contestation and the empowering issues raised by the crisis. A capacity not to experience of collective construction. It is provide definitive answers, but to reflect, to evident that this ‘heritage’ will be fought over, analyse, to relate to past events – all invaluable claimed by all the social actors that helped to contributions to the next phase in Brazilian construct it. politics. One of the difficulties of political action today is The questions raised in the interviews deal that we have to distinguish between the formal mainly, but not exclusively, with the causes of and empty kind of liberty that exists under the maelstrom. Rather than expressing outrage neoliberalism and real democracy that allows 3 people to experience true freedom. Hilary in her term ‘financial crisis’ is used as a Sword of latest book, `Reclaim the State; Experiments in Damocles poised over all governments not Popular Democracy’ shows us how participatory considering to enforce the severe cuts in social democracy can help us move in the right welfare, public health, agrarian reform and direction. According to her, to be authentic, other sectors that are demanded by the participatory democracy has to have the neoliberals. In this way the term “financial following characteristics: it has to be open to crisis” has a specific legitimising function. The all; its rules and regulations have to be decided experience of the Lula government shows just in an open and democratic way; it has to be how necessary it is to deconstruct the premises independent from the state; knowledge has to behind such terms. The hoped-for change in the be shared; the discussion over resource correlation of forces will not occur in a game allocation has to involve sizeable sums of where the rules are set by one side, where there money; and it has to be supported by an elected is no attempt at neutrality. Without changing political party that believes in it. the rules of the game, social transformation becomes impossible. It was because it failed to What is also clear is that the system of change the rules that the Lula government participatory democracy must also be geared to found itself deepening the neoliberal project and the transformation of the system. This is one of endorsing Margaret Thatcher’s old saying, the first self-criticisms that the Brazilian left, ‘There is no alternative’, a saying that is heard which wants to reclaim the principles of more and more on the periphery of the capitalist participation and popular power, must make. It system. must understand participation as a way of creating true popular power and not simply as a No one yet knows how the different left-wing means of increasing formal democracy and of sectors – those who have remained in the PT, ‘opening the channels of demand’ so that the those who have left the PT and those who never dominant power relations are legitimised. That joined the PT – will relate to each other. We is the challenge. know, however, that we must have the sensitivity and the capacity to build collectively This theme is likely to emerge forcefully when a left-wing political project that is not restricted the Brazilian left begins to regroup. A full to political parties. That is perhaps one of the process of debate will be necessary and it main lessons to be learnt from the events of should occur not just in Brazil. If after a full 2005. discussion we realise that participatory democracy is only improving methods of It is already clear that the regrouping of left- selection – or, as many prefer to say, is acting wing forces in Brazil must deal with the 2006 as a ‘complement’ to liberal democracy – elections and with Lula’s probable candidacy perhaps we should then reconsider the priority (now that he has subordinated his government we are giving to this issue. It is not clear yet if to the imperatives of the global market). And, at this is the case but we shall soon discover the same time, it is evident, if we look at the whether it is. We have already noticed from future from another perspective, that the time to time that through the dynamics of the beginning of the regrouping of the progressive processes of popular participation even the ways camp will have an important bearing on the in which we are able to think of real alternatives electoral scene. to the system are made to fit into the framework of what is defined as permitted. The challenge that faces those who stay and those who leave the PT, those who want to Another theme that will inevitably arise will be rebuild from the ruins and those who want to the left’s relationship with the social build from scratch, is the same: to create movements. And in Brazil it is impossible to talk something new. For that reason, it is dangerous about social movements without mentioning the for people at this time to speak of ‘taking the PT MST, Brazil’s Landless Movement. Here the back to its roots’.
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