Pitted Rock Petroglyphs in Southern California

Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 257-268 (1981). Pitted Rock Petroglyphs in Southern California D. L. TRUE M. A. BAUMHOFF ECAUSE of a long-term research inter ethnographically based interpretations for pit Best in pitted rock petroglyphs, we were ted rocks in northern California (baby rocks interested and somewhat concerned several and rain rocks), similar features in southern years ago when Minor (1975) published his California could be associated with Luiseiio paper "The Pit and Groove Petroglyph Style migration legends and puberty ceremonies. in Southern California". Our interest was in This conclusion is based on a reading of the the description of the southern California ethnographic literature, on certain archaeo examples, the distribution data, and the fact logical data, and on a single reference by a that someone was working with this material local historian. In spite of this limited docu in a systematic way. Our concern was focused mentation, the idea has been picked up by primarily on the proposal that a meaningful writers interested in rock art and southern interpretation for the pitted rock features California ritual activities, and consequently is could be found in the extant Luiseno ethno in the process of becoming embedded in the graphic hterature. literature. For example, a reference to Minor's Although at the time we considered cer paper is included in a discussion of the Orange tain parts of Minor's interpretation to be County Maze and Bell Rock (Knight 1979; questionable, we did not feel that a response McKinney and Knight 1979) and is cited by or reaction to his proposal was necessary. In Fink (1979:61). Oxendine (1980:47) includes the interim, however, several writers have a mention of the Orange County Bell Rock in cited the Minor paper, and although these an end note and associates the concepts of authors are often careful not to endorse "ringing stones" and "pitted rocks" in a Minor's interpretation directly, the citations direct reference to Minor. tend to legitimize what would seem to be an Each of these citations, while properly incautious reading of the literature. cautious in its own right, tends to reinforce the interpretation proposed by Minor, an DISCUSSION interpretation that appears to be gaining an In essence. Minor (1975:15) proposed unwarranted credibility. With this prospect in that in addition to the previously suggested mind, we here address several of Minor's basic data sources. D. L. True and M. A. Baumhoff, Dept. of Anthropology, An important part of his proposal is that Univ. of California, Davis, CA 95616. pitted rock features in the Luiseno territory [257] 258 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY were related to landmarks and territorial stones were placed on top of larger rocks or markers, and DuBois (1908a: I 58) is cited in outcroppings somewhat like simple cairns. support of this contention: While it is impossible to say that a pitted rock has never functioned as a location marker, When the people scattered from Ekvo Tem- eko, Temecula, they were very powerful. there arc reasons why Minor's proposal should When they got to a place they would sing a be treated with caution. It is clear from song to make water come there, and would DuBois, for example, that each group had call that place theirs; or they would scoop their own unique or distinctive marker rocks, out a hollow in a rock with their hands to and from the literature in general, that bound have that for their mark as a claim upon the land. The different parties of people had ary rocks are not necessarily the same as their own marks. For instance, Albafias' ancestor rocks or other important sacred ancestors had theirs, and Lucarios' people markers. DuBois (1908a: 153) stated, for had theirs, and their own songs of munival example: "The different parties of people had to tell how they had traveled from Teme different marks." This idea is reinforced by cula, of the spots where they stopped and about the different places they claimed. the example of the turtle rock on Albaiias' property. The turtle rock was left there by To reinforce the idea that rocks were used to Lucario's (Cuevish) ancestors as a "track of claim or mark territory. Minor again cites possession. It was left there to claim the DuBois: land" (DuBois 1908a: 115). This is a special rock form and DuBois goes to some length The song means that he is singing to his ancestors. He is singing about the rock. It is describing the appearance (cracks, etc.). his. They left it here to claim the land which A second important point relates to the was theirs [DuBois 1908a: 115]. concept of a scooped-out rock. The rock as described or mentioned by DuBois does not The specific reference in the above is the easily conjure up an image of a boulder Turtle Rock described by Albafias. marked by a number of small pecked depres A similar idea is stated by Strong sions. In fact, it is unlikely, in our opinion, (1929:285) who is cited by Minor as follows: that DuBois' consultant (Albaiias), who lived "In the old days each family (clan) had a very near to the scooped-out rock feature, territory inarked by rocks and they killed all would not have been able to differentiate trespassers." between the two rather different concepts There seems little doubt that rocks of (multiple pecked depressions versus a various kinds were used as boundary markers. scooped-out spot in a rock). To carry this idea Strong (1929:285), for example, presents a one step further, it seems logical that once a statement attributed to Francisco Ardea, a rock had been "scooped" to form a marker, Luiseno hving in Pala, that mentions territor there would be little point in repeatedly ies marked by rock^. The plural here is "scooping" in the same location, such as significant. First, it is likely that any territory would be required to make a typical pitted would require more than one rock to define boulder feature. Initially, it seemed clear its boundaries, even if the markers consisted enough to DuBois that the rocks were of single elements, and secondly the idea of "scooped" by the ancestors when they moved the use of stones in marking territories agrees into the area for the first time. In fact, the with data collected by one of us (DLT) from passage as stated by DuBois seems to suggest Luiseno consultants in the mid-1950's. In this that it was usual for the ancestors to "sing a later instance, the data indicate that marker song to make water there ... or they would PITTED ROCK PETROGLYPHS 259 scoop out a hollow in a rock with their ringing stones concept in greater detail. There hands. ." with the implication in general that are several mentions of the ringing stones in this happened more than once (i.e., at more the standard literature, and some reason to than one place). However, a careful reading of believe that they can all be traced back to the entire passage suggests that the actual DuBois. Also, it is probably significant that all scooping may have happened only one time, references to this phenomenon are plural: and that it is the named ancestor rocks in DuBois (1908a:107): "Kaslapish, the ringing general that are found in more than one stones used in the girls cereinony"; DuBois location. With respect to the specific (1908a: 115): "song sung by one man to "scooped" rock, for example, DuBois states accompaniment of ringing stones"; Strong in a following paragraph, "Piyevla the man (1929:317): describes Ant Ordeal for boys: who scooped a rock on the hill near Albafias ". after this the anut songs were sung to the house at La Jolla was one of Lucario's accompaniment of ringing stones"; Strong ancestors..." (1908a:l58). This places a (1929:321): refers to the girls ceremony and second rock at La Jolla, but in the next to "a song sung to accompaniment of ringing sentence DuBois tells us that the aforemen stones"; Strong (1929:321): refers again to tioned scooped-out rock is //; the same local the Ant Ordeal and mentions the songs of ity as the turtle rock. This actually places the Anut: ". four or five of which are remem scooped-out rock at Potrero (Cuca) not at La bered, sung to accompaniment of ringing Jolla. A footnote to this passage, in fact, stones". verifies this location and gives the name The pattern is consistent, and the refer Peyevla (sic) to a hollow rock near Potrero. ence in every case is to stones. Our reading of The location in general is known as Popikvo these descriptions suggests a situation where and the "sliding place on the large rock in more than one stone is subjected to some Trujillos' field adjoining popikvo was made by treatment for the purpose of making a ringing Lucario's ancestors sliding on it" (emphasis sound. Nowhere, however, is it suggested that added). This clearly places Popikvo at Cuca the sounds were created by pounding, and to and as near as we can tell, the reference is to be consistent with the picture proposed by one scooped-out rock. No other mention of a Minor (and Oxendine), we would have to similar feature has so far been discovered in visualize a situation where persons were the standard Luiseiio ethnographies. pounding on boulders (more than one? ). and Minor then proposed that the process of to believe that such a pounding or pecking making a hollow in a rock (scooping) can be process would make a ringing sound.

Load more