Iron Working Traditions in Idomaland and Northern Igboland Border Communities

Iron Working Traditions in Idomaland and Northern Igboland Border Communities Ibeanu, A.M. and Inalegwu, S.A. Introduction Technology is defined as a methodical utilization of natural resources and forces based on of the knowledge of nature in order to take care of man‟s need. (Brugger 1974 in Nwoko 1992) However, others see technology as any application of the discoveries of science or the scientific method to the problems of man and his environment in peace and war (Berry 1983 in Nwoko 1992). The identification and exploitation of mineral resources in a given environment is seen as man‟s attempt to adapt and survive. As a result, it is a constructive engagement which man must of necessity make with his environment (Ibeanu and Okonkwo forthcoming). For example, it was the need for more efficient tools for hunting, and agriculture that led to improved techniques and sourcing of quality stone raw materials and the smelting of iron ores. However, the increased exploitation of quality iron ores for iron smelting further expanded human group interaction with one another, urban societies and trade. This study is geared towards the documentation of iron working traditions of parts of Idomaland in Benue state and adjourning northern Igbo communities, such as, Abakaliki and Nsukka. This will enable us to trace possible relationships or similarities in their iron working traditions in time perspectives. Many archaeological studies had been carried out in Nsukka area in terms of excavation and dating of iron working sites (Anozie 1979; Okafor 1993; 1995). Most iron smelting sites in Nsukka and Nwofe in Abakaliki seem quite old and thepresent inhabitants of such sites as Opi and Lejja are ignorant of the archaeological data/smelting traditions unlike the Umundu and Nrobo where knowledgeable elders and blacksmiths who either observed/participated as children in iron smelting. They still remember the processes of iron working comparable to their Idoma neighbours in such places as Otukpo, Otukpa, Igede and Utonkon where extensive iron smelting took place. In these places there is demonstrable link between the present inhabitants and archaeological data. For example, one can still observe dilapidating smelting furnaces in farmlands and some elders were able to identify smelting and smithing slags. It is a common in most farmlands in Otukpa to see pieces of slag, broken furnace walls and potsherds littered around as part of the landscape. It is important to note, that human activities due mainly to population pressure is adversely affecting these finite archaeological resource that would enhance our outstanding and interpretation of ancient iron smelting traditions. It is pertinent to point out that much work has been done in Nsukka, as against parts of Benue where no archaeological excavation or dates have been obtained from Idoma iron smelting Sites. However, on the basis of furnace types, only the shaft furnace has so far been identified. This is seen to be the most recent furnance type which gave a more efficient smelt compared with older furnace types observed in Nsukka and Abakaliki areas. It has been observed by Nwoko (1992 that no society can make any headway in technological advancement without a systematic and critical appraisal of the reality around her and assuming the society wants to borrow by way of technological transfer, members of such society must develop their required attitude as well as critical mind about life for the borrowed technology to contribute to their welfare. Research Methods Our research method included archaeological reconnaissance of iron smelting sites in both Idomaland of Benue state and northern Igbo communities of Enugu and Ebonyi states. Our method involved the collection of ethnographic data on iron working traditions and relevant oral tradition from knowledgeable elders and blacksmiths. Apart from photographs of furnaces, sketches of smelting processes were made based on oral information from knowledgeable elders. We madeattempt to document the local names of features and products of iron smelting in both Idoma and northern Igboland communities with a view to observing possible common origin of iron smelting or contact between the two groups as different point in time. Research Scope Parts of Benue state covered by this research are, Otukpo, Ogbadigbo, Utonkon, Igede communities where evidence of iron smelting/blacksmithing were identified. These include, slag debris, collapsed or standing furnaces. These were compared with features found in the smelting sites in border communities, such as, Nwofe and Agbaja community in Ebonyi state and Nsukka in Enugu state. (See Figure 1) Figure 1: Iron smelting sites mentioned in the text Ethnographic Data Oral traditions collected from the people seem to suggest that, there are varied traditions of origin for the iron smelting communities of Benue state and in most cases myths and legends hold sway. These traditions however, may only suggest that the area of study was settled by waves of immigrant groups from different locations at different points in time (Erim, 1981). For example, oral tradition from Nwofe community in Abakaliki claimed they displaced a group of people on their arrival (Igbo-obia) who migrated to Utonkon. These displaced settlers according to our informants were the iron smelters of Nwofe who however, continued their iron smelting in their new abode in Utonkon. The present inhabitants of Nwofe are ignorant of iron smelting/blacksmithing. In Ukwonyo Utonkon, however, a village is named Onwuigwe meaning “Iron killer”, in Igbo language. There are copious evidence of iron slag but no smelting furnace has been located. We however, observed blacksmithing being carried on in the village. Be that as it may, the inhabitants are extremely cautious in admitting the knowledge of ironworking to outsiders/researchers. In some cases, they may even deny knowing anything about ironworking, notwithstanding their name (Onwuigwe) and observed archaeological data which suggest knowledge of ironworking. Their attitude might not be unconnected with the harsh treatment meted out to iron workers in Benue state by the colonial government for engaging in „illegal‟ trade (Anebi 1986). One of our informants, Sunday Ogbu claimed he learnt blacksmithing from Amaenyi Awka before the Nigeria civil war. In Ibilla-Alukpo Igede, elders who either observed or ran errands for their fathers during smelting; still hold the smelting furnace in high esteem. For example, women are not allowed to touch the furnace even when it is out of use. The furnaces were found in living homes as a result of population growth, rather than in farmland as was in the past. In respect of tradition, our informants prefer to take the measurement of the circumference of the furnace in his compound by himself rather than allow female researcher to do so (See plate I). This he said is to ensure that the taboo is not broken (Inalegwu, 2007). Plate I: An elder taken measurement for the researcher. In Otukpa, an Idoma border community with Nsukka we noted evidence of iron smelting and blacksmithing. Most smelting sites are under intensive farming activities consequently, furnace walls are in bits and pieces and flow slag appear in aggregates. For example, in Olaochagbaha village of Otukpa, there are five identified smelting sites. We were informed that before the Nigeria civil war, there were many Igbo speaking blacksmiths in the area. We were able to meet with one Igbo blacksmith Mr. Benedict Maduekwe from Obeleagu Umana Enugu state who has practiced blacksmithing in the community for seventeen years. We also observed that the bellows in his smithing forge were covered with rubber tubes. This contrasts with that of an Idoma blacksmith Ejembi Ochigbo of Ogbadibo ward where bellows are covered with goat skins. This area is said to be the abode of renowned blacksmiths in Olaochagbaha clan of Idoma. The blacksmith of Ogbadibo were able to identify and name both slag and furnace. It is very likely their ancestors smelted iron in the recent past or witnessed the process of iron smelting. In Idoma land, exchange of goods and services in the past was by trade by barter. However, the iron workers were able to design twotypes of flat trifurcated iron currency namely, Okobougala and Ubeje for exchange of goods and services before the introduction of European metal currency. They also produced Emu (fire lighter) a piece of iron which when struck with quartz stone sets fire to combustible materials (Anebi 1986). In Otukpo, knowledgeable elders were able to recount the process of iron smelting. For example, Pa Agbe recalled that the industry survived till the 1930‟s when iron smelting was outlawed by the colonial government. Our informant did not smelt himself but ran errands and observed his father while smelting. The reconstruction of the processes of iron smelting in Otukpo has been adversely affected by combined effect of memory loss on the part of elders who participated in iron smelting and death. However, majority of our informants believed that smelting is indigenous and a gift from God. Iron smelting in Otukpa was such that in every village, one would observe smelting furnace in different stages of decay due both to natural and human activities. The furnaces on farm lands have been adversely affected by farming activities while those presently found in human settlements are in a very poor state of preservation (See plate III). Plate II: Poorly preserved shaft furnace at Igede. In most sites, we observed copious presence of iron ores – haematite, the raw materials for iron smelting. For instance, in the sites of Ihayi are located close to Okete stream the source of ores, a few meters away. According to our sources, women participate in iron smelting by helping in the preparation of fuel by burning logs of hard woods to produce quality charcoals. These were transported by the women in baskets loads to the smelting sites.

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