i

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

TITLE:

THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN ISUOCHI, ABIA STATE, NIGERIA, 1956-2012

A PROJECT TOPIC

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS (M.A) DEGREE IN HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES.

BY

KAORUKWE UCHENNA

PG/MA/15/77199

SUPERVISOR

DR. NNAMDI C. AJAEBILI

AUGUST, 2018 i

TITLE PAGE

THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN ISUOCHI, ABIA STATE, NIGERIA, 1956- 2012

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CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that this research work has been examined and approved for the award of

Degree of Master of Arts in History and International Studies

------DR. NNAMDI C. AJAEBILI DATE ( SUPERVISOR)

------PROF. A.N. AKWANYA DATE HEAD OF DEPARTMENT

------PROF. WINIFRED AKODA DATE EXTERNAL EXAMINER

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DEDICATION

To my mother, Margreth Kaorukwe. She did her best in bringing me up morally.

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ACKNOWLEGEMENTS

I deem it fit to express my heartfelt gratitude to all those who had made it possible for this research work to come to limelight. My utmost thanks go to Almighty God who gave me the strength to actualize this work. I remain grateful to my mentor, Dr. P.U Iwunna, for his invaluable contributions. I will not forget my mother and my elder brother, Mrs. Margreth

Nkemawunvu Kaorukwe and Chief Monday Kaorukwe (Okachimee 1 of Amuda Isuochi), for their support and encouragement.

In a very special way, I remain grateful to my supervisor Dr.Nnamdi C. Ajaebili, whose fatherly and scholarly guidance, corrections, and suggestions contributed to the actualization of this work. I remain eternally grateful to Professor A.N. Akwanya, Head of

Department, History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka for the academic role he accorded me.

I am also indebted to all the lecturers of the department of History and International

Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Among them are Prof. R.C. Ejeaga, Prof. Victor

Ukogo, Prof. U.C Anyanwu, Prof. Paul Obiani, Dr. Apex Apeh, Dr. C. C. Opata, Prof. Chima

Korieh, Prof. Egodi Uchendu, Dr. Uche Okonkwo, Dr. Chidi Amaechi, and Mr. C.N. Ihediwa for their encouragement.

I equally appreciate the encouragement from the following: all Post Graduate

Studentsof the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (2015/2016) session. They include Mr. Andrew

Angbah, Mr. Benjamin Ocheje, Mr. Kalu Ogechukwu, Miss. Uwaya Dorcas, and Mr. Pius

Anagwureyi. My special thanks also go to the departmental librarians as well as Nnamdi

Azikiwe librarians, for their support. I also thank all who contributed to the successful completion of this work. All thanks to God.

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ABSTRACT

The Osu Caste System is an ancient traditional practice found among the Igbo people of the Southeast Nigeria. It is a cultural practice which forces the victims of this traditional belief system into lives of servitude and dedication to the service of some deity founded in the victims’ community. This is trans-generational in practice, and consequently transcends from one particular generation of the victims to the generation of their children and grandchildren. It is quite comparable to the Hindu caste system of India where some community members subdue their fellow kith and kin, reduce their ego to the barest minimum, deflect their individuality and personal pride, as well as deny them certain rights and privileges which other members of same community enjoy without undue hindrance. The situation seemed quite similar to Igboland, inclusive of Isuochi community of Abia State where this level of human degradation is prevalent. The origin which was believed to be unknown but was generally believed to have started with the primordial practice of the Igbo to offer people to gods, who automatically became properties of the gods. The work, therefore, critically analysed the evils of the practices of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi and elsewhere in Igboland. It adopted the scapegoat theory to explain how people became victims of the circumstances of what they were quite oblivious of. The findings show that human degradation in the way of Osu still exists in some parts of Igboland. To this effect, the work recommended functional education of the young minds in Isuochi. This would help to bring about the desired change needed as one of the steps towards abolishing the practice. The argument is that an educated mind cannot easily fall to cultural doctrines that do not promote societal good. The work concluded by stating that avenues should be created in Isuochi whereby the history on the origin of the people should be told to both the older and younger generation as a way of educating them on the common historical origin that binds them together.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

NAE: National Archive Enugu

OKDIST: Okigwe District

VOL: Volume

IFC: Isuochi For Christ

POW: Prisoners Of War

IMT: Isuochi Mass Transit

KKK: Ku Klux Klan

UDHR: Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UNO: United Nations Organisations

ICCPR: International covenant on Civil and Political Rights

ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights

ICERD: International Covenant on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination

CAT: The Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman, and Degrading Treatment or Punishment

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GLOSSARY OF IGBO WORDS AND PHRASES

1 Ọkpara: Eldest male member in the family lineage

2 Ọfọ: A symbol of authority in Igboland

3 Orimgbeahịalọrọ:It is a derogatory remark targeted on men who could not producefood for themselves as well as their family membersthrough agriculture.

4 Ogbodo: Uninitiated member of the spirit being or incarnate being

5 Nmanwụ:Incarnate being

6 Ochi: Founder of Isuochi

7 Ịwu: A local delicacy made from cassava

8 Atanị: Local zinc made from raffia palm

9 Nkata: A local basket used for washing Iwu

10 Mmịmị: A local instrument made from palm tree used for drying Iwu

11 Diochi: Elderly men who are well skilled in palm wine tapping

12 Nta: Hunting

13 Ajala:Community deity

14 Mbịama: A traditional festival

15 EgbeAjala: A traditional festival

16 EgwuEgbechukwu: A traditional festival in celebration of womanhood in Isuochi

17Ndichiee: Ancestors

18Apupa: Hepatities

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title page ------i Certification page ------ii Dedication Page ------iii Acknowledgement ------iv Abstract ------v List of Abbreviations ------vi Glossary of Ibo words and phrases ------vii Table of content ------viii List of maps ------x-xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Background to the study ------1-3 Statement of the problem ------3-5 Purpose of the study ------5 Scope of the study ------5-6 Significance of the study ------6-7 Research methodology ------7 Sources of data ------8 Structure of the work ------8-9 Theoretical framework ------9-10 Scapegoat Cultural Theory ------10-11 Literature review ------12-20 Summary of Literature Review ------20 End Notes ------21-25

CHAPTER TWO: LAND AND PEOPLE OF ISUOCHI Geographical Location of Isuochi ------26-27 Origins of Isuochi Community ------27-30 Economic Organisation of Isuochi ------30-33 Political Organisation of Isuochi ------34-35 Socio-Cultural Organisation ------36-37 The Belief System and World View of the Isuochi Community - - - 37-40 ix

End Notes ------41-43 CHAPTER THREE: THE CONCEPT OF THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM Introduction ------44-47 The mythology of Osu Caste System ------47-49 The Osu Caste System in Isuochi, Igboland ------49-55 The Osu as a Human Creation ------55-58 The Osu Caste Law of 1956 ------58-63 End Notes ------64-67

CHAPTER FOUR: THE IMPACTS OF THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN ISUOCHI. Reduction of human dignity and relevance ------68-71 Denial of rights in the community ------71-75 Promotion of pagan practices and idolatry ------75-76 Declassification of the human society ------76-77 Segregation in Isuochi Community ------78-82 End Notes ------83-85

CHATER FIVE: THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM: HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVES The question of human rights ------86-87 Human rights as a universal issue ------87-93 The issue of human rights in Nigeria ------93-95 Human Rights as a controversial subject in Isuochi, Abia State - - - 95-97 End Notes ------98-100

CHAPTER SIX: Summary, Recommendations and Conclusion - - - - - 101-106 Interviews and Bibliography ------107-117

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MAP OF ABIA STATE SHOWING ISUOCHI

Source: Ministry of Lands and Surveys, Abia State and Modification by Nidichie C.C. Gis Unit Geography Department UNN 2016.

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MAP OF ISUOCHI

Source: Google Map 2016 and Modified by Ndichie C.C GIS Unit, Geography Dept, UNN, 2016

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY Isuochi is one of the communities in Umunneochi Local Government Area of Abia

State. It comprises nine villages which include Umuaku, Amuda, Ngodo, Lomara, Umuelem,

Mbala, Achara, Ihie, and Ndiawa1. It occupies a strategic position in Abia State. It is located

22 kilometers from Northern border of Okigwe, in Imo State2. It shares boundaries with

Owerri-Ezukala in Anambara State, Nkue in Enugu State, and Ihube, in Imo State3.

Previously, it was in Imo State. As a result of States creation in 1991 by the Ibrahim

Babangida’s administration, it was moved to Abia State, Nigeria4.1996 population census put the figure of the community at approximately 51,000 people5.

The richest farmland in Isuochi is located in Umuaku6. Isuochi has a tropical climate with two season’s namely rainy and dry season. The dry season runs from November to

March while the rainy season runs from April to October7. Farmers in Isuochi valued this period because it opens the bushes, dry up the clearings, kill some of the destructive insects and makes the burning of bushes easy. The name Isuochi was derived from the putative founder of the community, Ochi8.The people constitute a homogeneous cultural entity. It has a rich cultural heritage which is reflected in their dressing, festivals, dance, arts, crafts, and their traditional hospitality.

The word Osu when mentioned connotes the idea of hatred and discrimination amongst the people. Before the advent of colonial rule in Isuochi, the people had their own system of managing their affairs9. The coming of Colonialism which brought about Christian religion destroyed the cultural heritage, the belief system and the religious practice of the people. Among the religious practice, Osu Caste System still remains.

Isuochi is one of the communities that made up Igboland found in the South East

Nigeria. Igbo people are a culture conscious nation. They are people who tolerate and 2 celebrate a lot of ancient cultures and traditions which identify the Igbo world as a unique linguistic community in the Nigerian nation. As an essential attribute of this populous nation, it is their culture that defines who they are, what they celebrate or reject, as well as how they relate with one another. Among the Igbo tradition and culture therefore, the Osu Caste

System strongly stands out among the endless list of ancient traditional and cultural values which hold communities together. It is one of those knotty cultural values which have refused to be eradicated, eliminated or even adjusted a bit within the people’s traditional milieu. This ancient traditional practice has strongly resisted all attempts to adjust it, remove it entirely from the cultural encyclopedia of the Igbo community, or even Christianize it for the sake of

God and man. It is an age old traditional practice which is often never mentioned or even discussed in public; talk less of addressing it by its own name. Whatever be the case, it is our desire to discuss the impacts of this derogatory traditional practice which has over the years resisted every attempt to accord it a more human face, or give it a place of identity in Isuochi in particular and in Igboland generally.

The question now is: What does the Osu Caste System connote? As it were, we sought the opinions of far key authors to assist us develop a clear understanding of what this crucial subject means. Uchendu in his book The Igbo of South East Nigeria defines the Osu

Caste System as a cult slave, a slave who has been dedicated to the service of the deity10. This author adds that the descendants of such cult slaves are also regarded as Osu. He then concludes that the dedicator otherwise known as the Diala (free born) may be an individual, an extended family member or lineage of the Osu Caste victim. This author however regrets that “to refer to them as Osu is the gravest of all insults”, but maintains that the Osu Caste

System of slavery constitutes the greatest contradiction to the Igbo egalitarian ideology.

Victor Dike, in his book, The Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for

Nigerian Democracy, defines Osu Caste System as an ancient social belief which ascribes an 3 inferior status to a group of people-the Osu or Ume, causing them limited social interaction with the rest of the community-the Diala11. He maintained that the Diala are the freeborn while the Osu are the “slave”-the sacrificial lamb to the gods. This author maintains that the stereotypes associated with the Osu are the result of ignorance by the society generally.

Given the above descriptions, it is quite understood that the Osu Caste System is a non-positive aspect of the compendium of the Igbo cultures. It is a cultural practice which demeans the humanity and ego of the victims of this ancient traditional practice. This is a trans-generational traditional practice which deflates the individuality and personal pride of the victim of this ancient value which has rejected all attempts to amend it for the better, which on the other hand positions his Diala (freeborn) brothers and sisters as lords over them.

By implication therefore, the continued sustenance of the Osu Caste System among the

Isuochi community consolidates the culture of superiority complex among the perpetrators. It consequently places some community members higher and above their kiths and kin who are fellow citizens of same or different villages. Whatever be the case, there are enormous impact which the continued sustenance of this culture seems to impose among its Igbo community victims. There are deep scars and dangerous wounds which the victims of these ancient traditions have continued to live with all their lives. Time is enough therefore to start healing such wounds, as well as remove those man- made cultures which decrease human identity, individuality and personality in the most negative manner.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The Osu Caste System is social class structure that places some members of a given community unequal with others. By this, the affected members could not enjoy the same equal right with the other members12. This age- long system has been in practice in Isuochi community and elsewhere in Igboland. Every attempt made to eradicate the system proved abortive. Regrettably, the Osu Caste System has left a sour taste in the unity and oneness of 4 the Isuochi community. As a belief practice, this system over the years has sown seeds of acrimony and hatred amongst the people. The implication is that marginalization in the social life of the “free born” against the “non- free born” has become a common occurrence despite the promulgation of the Osu Caste Law of 195613. It is a widely held belief by many traditionalists in Isuochi community that the Osu are people historically owned by deities, and are therefore considered to be a living sacrifice, an outcast, untouchable and sub- human14. It is against this backdrop that the target of this research work is aimed at probing into this practice in Isuochi, highlighting its impact on the lives and peaceful co-existence of the people as well as stressing the reasons why this practice should be abolished.

On the other hand, the Osu Caste System as it were had caught the interest of scholars within and outside the academic sphere. Over the years, there have been scholarly writings in volumes on its origin, practices, and impacts as they affected the Igbo nation generally.

Despite the existence of several literatures on the Osu Caste System, not much has been done to highlight the experiences and the effects of the practice on the Isuochi people, thereby rendering the Osu history of Isuochi incomplete. Recognizing the gap in the existing knowledge on the Osu Caste System regarding Isuochi, this work is therefore to expand our knowledge on the impact of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi community.

In addition, the continued practice and prevalence of the age-old Osu Caste System in Isuochi community as well as other parts of the larger Igbo nation can only be better appreciated in the most negative tones and languages. The negative effect of this ancient tradition rather leaves a sour taste in the mouth each moment it is mentioned anywhere within the community and beyond. In view of its backward-looking tendencies and detrimental effects on inter-human relationship, community development, social cohesion, and peaceful co-existence within the perimeters of the Isuochiland, one is left in no doubt that the Osu

Caste System has lived beyond its years of existence. This ancient traditional practice is 5 rather setting the clocks of the community’s development backwards, inflicting enormous injuries on the community’s peace and unity, and thwarting all efforts to amass the financial weights of the wealthy sons and daughters in key areas of community development. Most importantly, the continued stigmatization of persons with this highly derogatory appellation dampens the affected person’s resilience to contribute meaningfully to development projects.

Since time heals old wounds; efforts need to be maximized towards stamping this ancient cultural practice out of the list of the valued traditional ideals which is a hallmark of the ancient kingdom of Isuochiland.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of the study is to examine the impact of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi.

This is a necessity because without the understanding of the impact of the Osu Caste System, the history of Isuochi will be grossly incomplete. It is our understanding that the practice of the Osu Caste System has instilled the seed of hatred in the social, economic, cultural and political lives of the people. It is also the intention of this work to examine the origin and concept of Osu Caste System in Isuochi, to examine the extent of relationship between the

Osu and the Diala, and to correct the undue derogatory assertion given to persons in the way of the Osu. The implication is to consolidate the principle of the equality of all humans anywhere in Isuochiland. In other words, this study intends to investigate the evils of the practices of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi.

SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The scope of this work covers the Osu Caste System in Isuochi community from

1956-2012.1956 was chosen as the starting date because it was sequel to public outcries about this obnoxious practice, that the then government of Eastern Nigeria for the first time intervened in the issue of the Osu in Igboland following the promulgation of a law forbidden its practices. It could be recalled that it was due to stigmatization suffered by many people 6 from the hands of their brothers and sisters over the Osu Caste System, that the Defunct

Eastern House of Assembly, on May, 10, 1956, abrogated the practice. 2012 was also chosen as the terminal date of this project. The choice of 2012 as the terminal date of this project was also chosen because it was at this period in Isuochi community that a Christian organization known as Isuochi for Christ made their own contribution towards denouncing Osu Caste

System all over the land of Isuochi Community. The starting and terminal date of this research work is chosen to examine to what extent the law made by the then Eastern House of Assembly and the denouncement made by the Isuochi for Christ have gone towards effecting a new phase of relationship between the Osu and the Diala in Isuochi.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The significance of this study can be seen in the theoretical and practical perspectives.

Theoretically, as the study captures the socio-political and religious impact of the Osu Caste

System in Isuochi. It helps in deepening our understanding and appreciation as well as the wider impact of the Osu Caste System. It will help scholars and students of Igbo historical and cultural studies within and elsewhere in Igboland in terms of generating ideas and also as a reference document, hence, adding to the already existing literature on the Osu Caste

System. The study seeks to correct the wrong impressions about this set of people branded

Osu as well as the rationale behind that. Since every individual is created by God, nothing created by Him should be seen as unclean. By this, healthy societal co-existence will be entrenched. Similarly, the work will be beneficial to those who hate injustice and discrimination within Isuochi and elsewhere in Igboland. Policy makers in Nigeria will also find this work useful as it will help them formulate good policies on the possible ways of ending the Osu Caste System.

Practically, the study made a case for the total eradication of the Osu Caste System since its practice is discriminatory, intimidating and dehumanizing in form and nature. 7

Understanding the negative impact of this system on the lives of the people would go a long way towards re- addressing the negative impact once and for all.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In the analysis of this project therefore, it is our plan to adopt a historical research method. The primary objective behind this approach is to arm our readers with all the relevant historical facts and information needed for a concise and proper understanding of this project. This becomes most relevant in view of the fact that this work is designed to follow a historical academic approach considering the huge benefits connected with a properly grounded research exercise. Also, the idea behind this approach is to place the research on a stronger footing to be able to develop clearer researchers’ lenses that would be able to guide one successfully to the proper conclusion of the project at hand. Through a historical academic approach, one is saved the embarrassment of digressing into the wrong fields, as well as keeping one on the right footing throughout the course of the work.

This project work adopts qualitative research method. According to Leedy and

Ormond, qualitative research method is a detailed and systematic examination of the contents of a particular body of materials for the purpose of identifying patterns, themes or biases15.

Strauss and Corbin had it that the qualitative research method is a kind of research that produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other means of quantification16. Nnabugwu opines that qualitative method is used to obtain in-depth information and concept clarification so as to facilitate instrument design17. By this research approach, we plan to analyze the project using the appropriate research oral interview.

According to Ikegwu, every research project must necessarily start with a carefully drawn research oral interview18. It is expected that this will enable the researcher develop a clearer hindsight or objectives of the project.

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SOURCES OF DATA

Sources of data refer to the various areas where our information is obtained. To that effect, it is ideal to mention here that our data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Our primary sources include direct oral information, oral tradition and intelligence reports from the National Archive, Enugu. Oral information was obtained through interviews across the area of study and beyond. Information was sourced from elders, traditional rulers, chiefs, women leaders, and market women, who witnessed the Osu Caste

System in Isuochi from the earliest time to the present. The age category of the interviewees ranged from 45 years and above. Secondary sources such as books, academic journals, research publications, internet materials, and unpublished projects works on the Osu Caste

System were used. The work was inter-disciplinary in nature as it drew strength from works on geography, sociology, psychology, and political science for comprehensive analysis.

STRUCTURE OF THE WORK:

The analysis of this project was made in six separate chapters. Our basic plan in doing this was to be able to capture and underline those key elements which constitute the core ingredients of this work. By that, we were able to offer our readers and researchers the opportunity of appreciating the knowledge and intellectual strength embedded in this work.

Thus, our first chapter was made up of a general overview of the key elements of this project.

It presented an introduction of the entire project while putting into perspectives the need to present a proper research method. We also made an overview of the literature review putting into context the different opinions of authors and researchers who had already worked on this project in Igboland or elsewhere. In the second chapter, we focused attention in tracing the

Origin of the Isuochi Community. This was done to help us to know who they are, their cultural practices, as well as the traditional values they celebrate. The third chapter presented what the Osu Caste System connotes as well as its genesis in Isuochi, Igboland. Our primary 9 objectives at that stage focused on creating a concise concept of what this ancient traditional practice connotes, and the extent of its acceptance or rejection among the people in the modern times. Effort was also made to look at Osu Caste system as a human creation used to organize as well as rule the Igbo society during pre-literate times. Also, the Osu Caste Law of

1956 was examined in order to ascertain to what extent the law had gone towards bringing about a new phase of relationship between the Osu and the Diala. Chapter four presented in clear terms some of the social, political and religious impacts which result from the perpetration of the Osu Caste System. This is manifested in the high level of denial of rights in the community, reduction of human dignity and relevance, declassification of the human society, segregation in Isuochi community, and promotion of pagan practices and idolatry.

Chapter five examined Osu Caste System in Isuochi from the angle of human rights perspectives. This helped us understand some of the changes and continuity needed in this

21st century. On the sixth and final chapters of this work, we concluded this project with a focus and suggestion on the way forward in this modern time. This created an opportunity to air our personal opinions and other individual opinions as a way of increasing knowledge and awareness often denied the Osu in Igboland in general and in Isuochi in particular.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

A theory is a set of principles that explain the reason for the occurrence of an event. It is a set of ideas and principles which explain how a system works. According to Stanley

Hoffman, “it is a set of interrelated questions capable of guiding research both of the empirical and of the normative variety”19.According to Onuoha, theories are lenses through which we see the world20. In essence, they are systematic body of knowledge that aid scholars speculate as well as interpret phenomena. Obasi defines theoretical framework as a device or scheme for adopting or applying the assumption, postulations and principles of a theory in the description and analysis of a research problem. There are various theories that 10 will aid in the explanation of the Osu Caste System in Igboland generally and in Isuochi in particular. For instance, there is “Frustration and Aggression” theory. This theory was proposed by John Dollard and Neal Miller in 193921. Frustration and Aggression theory explains why and how conflicts occur in societies. The theory posits that aggression is the result of blocking or frustrating a person’s efforts to attain a goal. According to the theory, inequality, abuse of human and civil rights, absence of the rule of law, and discrimination may cause conflict or war. According to psychologists, frustration can breed aggression. Dike adds that hatred and discrimination breed frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression22. To him, the insensibility of the plights of the Osu victims can cause social violence23. For the purpose of this work, the explanation of the topic was carried out using

“Scapegoat Cultural theory”.

SCAPEGOAT CULTURAL THEORY

Scapegoat cultural theory originated from the ancient Hebrew sacrifice at Yom

Kippur which symbolizes ritual of evil riddance24. The theory argues that ritual sacrifice whether human or animal serve to remove sin and guilt from the community while inviting the transpersonal power to purify and renew it. One of the proponents of this theory is James

George Frazier. In his classic work, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion25, he argues that the need to transfer evil or sin unto others has been practiced socially since antiquities from all walks of life.

Gorden Allport, another proponent of this theory in his work “The Nature of

Prejudice” considered scapegoating as an important theory of prejudice26. According to

Davidio, “prejudice is defined as a holistic or negative attitude towards a distinguished group of people based on their group membership”27

Brinton Perera, is of the opinion that “Scapegoat was a healing and curative agent”28

According to him, such rituals are dedicated to and identified with the gods. To him, the act 11 of Scapegoating is a social mechanism by which one projects fault and blame unto others.

Scapegoating is the act of blaming and often purchasing a person or a group for a negative outcome that is due, at least in large part to other causes29.

Uchendu asserts that the tradition of Osu Origin points to religious basis30. It is the opinion of this author that the Osu Caste System is a classic case of Scapegoat theory31. He captures it in his own words,

A village or lineage, family dogged by illness, bad luck or calamities and misfortunes would consult a diviner to find out what was wrong. In such a case, a diviner will recommend the dedication of a slave or individual who will then become the deity’s servitor and carry the sins of the dedicator. Such as servitor became an Osu32 Using the Scapegoat as the theoretical framework for analyzing this study is most relevant because the practice of Osu Caste System in Igboland was due to the high premium

Igbo people placed on gods and deities. The belief of the Igbo is that gods should be venerated by appeasing them with sacrifices. The essence of doing that is to avert the anger of the gods on them. The theory which posits that human sacrifice or dedication of human beings to gods as properties serve to remove sin, guilt, calamities, and abominations committed in the community. This was the basis for the practice of the Osu Caste System.

This belief however, prompted Igbo people to initiate the idea of using human beings to substitute for the evils of the community. However, most people who were dedicated to the gods became Scapegoat of the community who were used to sanctify or redeem the land and by extension carry the sins and abominations committed by others.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

At this stage, it is important to appreciate and underpin the opinions and conceptions of authors, researchers and intellectual minds that have already worked on this particular subject which forms the nucleus of this research project. No doubt, the opinions and contributions of our several authors which have been garnered for the purposes of this project was put into careful use towards developing a clearer understanding of the core elements of this study. As it were, they guided our analysis of this project. Following this therefore, we like to commence as follows:

Victor Uchendu,in his book, The Igbo People of South East Nigeria33, made a distinction between Osu, Ohu, and Pawn in the Igbo society. He discussed the Osu Caste

System elaborately, and made the observation that the status placement of the Diala and non-

Diala in the Igbo nation contradicts the spirit of egalitarianism of the Igbo nation. To him, the social isolation of the Osu is intended to safeguard the community from further ritual contamination and complications. At that, it is the opinion of our author that the emergence of the Osu Caste System in Igboland meant a bad omen and a cold wind of failure to the entire Igbo nation. This work is useful as it gave us the clue on the Making of the Osu Caste

System in Igboland.

Ihechukwu Madubuike’s Igbo Challenge in Nigeria: Beyond Rancour and

Recrimination, observes that before the coming of the white man, Isuochi had its own system of managing its affairs. But with the coming of colonialism and the Christian religion, began the process of dismantling the cultural heritage, the belief system, including the religious practices of the people. He observes that deities existed at the pleasure of the people, and adds that deities such as Ajala, Omeladike, Anyim, and others could be abandoned if they failed to meet the aspirations of the people. He noted how certain practices such as the Osu 13

Caste System hinder them from associating with certain group of people in Isuochi. He captures it in his own words:

My Amuda also did some bad things I can still remember. We were not allowed to associate openly with certain families because they were regarded as “things set apart” for the gods. We were asked not to eat their food or drink from the same cup as they did34 This work is useful as it brought to knowledge how the practice of the Osu Caste System has put a hedge on what held the people of Isuochi together. Cardinal Francis Arinze, a renowned archbishop in his book, Sacrifice in Ibo

Religion35, gives details of the Osu Caste System, discussing how the ceremony of dedication of the Osu in Igboland is carried out. He pointed out that the origin of the Osu Caste System was not known but rather maintains that propitiation of an angry spirit and the scapegoat idea seems to have been characteristic of it. His work gave us insight into the issues that led to the practice of the Osu Caste System but not necessarily its practice.

Mazi Chidozie Ogbalu, in his Omenala Igbo: The book of Igbo custom36, gives a detailed analysis of how one could become an Osu. He pointed out that the origin of the Osu

Caste System started during the inter-tribal war days in Igboland. This work is very useful as it provides an overview of the Osu Caste System in Igboland and gave much insight into the subject matter of this research project.

Tony Ubesie, a renowned authority in Igbo literature in his work Odinala Ndi Igbo37 makes an analysis of how the practice of the Osu Caste System affects marriage customs in

Igboland. Like Ogbalu, this author gives detailed analysis of how one could become an Osu in Igboland. He made a sharp distinction between the concepts of Osu and Ohu,and observes that in the olden days, once one bears the tag of Osu,all relationships between him and the

Diala became impossible. However, he did not give detailed information on the practice of the Osu Caste System nor its impact among Igbo communities’. 14

Tagbo Nzeako’s Omenala Ndi Igbo38 explains the experiences of the Osu Caste victims in the past. He pointed out that the Osu are treated like lepers in the past. He emphasizes that the Osu is not allowed to take a title in Igboland. He pointed out that even chieftaincy title, the most respected of the titles is denied the Osu. The author adds that the

Osu has some privileges in the past. The work discusses Osu Caste System in Igboland generally without any special attention paid to Isuochi thereby making the current work a worthwhile one.

Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, explains the experiences of the Osu in Igboland.

According to this author, the situation was so terrible that it became difficult to accept them in the church. He explained what Osu was, in the following words:

He was a person dedicated to the god; a thing set apart- a taboo forever and his children after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the great shrine39

He further maintains that: Wherever the Osu went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste-long, tangled and dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend the assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died, he was buried by his kind in the evil forest40.

Achebe shows that once one is dedicated to a god, he automatically becomes an Osu and an untouchable. This work discusses the nature and the making of the Osu in Igboland but failed to give a detailed analysis of the practice in parts of Igboland.

Basden, a renowned Nigeria historian in his Niger Ibos maintains that the Osu enjoyed some privileges and respect in the past. He observes that despite this respect, the issue of social isolation still persists. According to him, 15

Osu when walking behind people carrying baskets may abstract what they clutch with their fingers and remain immune from retribution .The owner may perhaps be angry, but he can do no more than vent his wrath in abuse. If he should in the heat of the moment flog an Osu to the extent of drawing blood, the result is great commotion and the sinner will be required to bring appropriate sacrifice where with to make atonement for injuring the slave who in such circumstances represents the gods41 Victor Dike, in his book The Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian

Democracy42 gives detailed information of the Osu Caste System in Igboland. He discusses the pitiable social conditions which are meted out to those branded Osu. He gives detailed analysis of how affected persons are been subjected to forms of discrimination and dehumanization in the communities’. He cites the ills of the Osu Caste system in Igboland and addresses the need for a change in attitudes necessary for achieving tolerance in a pluralistic society such as Nigeria. To him, the Osu Caste System in Igboland is an ancient social belief which ascribes an inferior status to a group of people-the Osu or Ume, causing them limited social interaction with the rest of the community-The Diala. He maintains that the Diala are the freeborn while the Osu are the “slave”-the sacrificial lamb to the gods. The author maintains that the degrading stereotypes associated with the Osu are the result of ignorance by the society generally. The author then concludes that it is high time the Igbo chart a course for positive social changes in Igboland in particular, and Nigeria in general where nobody should be discriminated against. This work is useful as it gave us the nitty- gritty of the practice of the Osu Caste System in Igboland generally.

Christian Opata’s Ownership of Slaves in Nsukka in the Nineteenth Century43 identifies .two classes of slaves in the Nsukka area during the nineteenth century. He gave an insight into the ownership of slaves in the area. The two classes of slaves according to him are those owned by their masters who are called the domestic slaves, and the ones owned by 16 the deities which occupied important positions in the social and religious life of the people.

He highlights that the duty of the domestic slave is to exchange labour in return for their maintenance and also to serve and give implicit obedience to their owners (masters).

According to the source, this class of slaves were usually war captives, pawns used as collateral for debts, and individuals who had violated social norms. He maintained that this type of slave did not enjoy total uhuru (freedom) because he was not paid for his services and he has no right of land ownership.

Similarly, the author adds that the slaves owned by the deities were referred to as Ohu mma or Osu This set of slaves according to him, were acquired through communal human levies, payment of reparations, and restitution. They were kept under the custody of the chief priest of specific deities and lived in separate settlements from the rest of the villagers. The author categorizes such deities to include Adada Nwabueze of Lejja, Ehuru of Idoha, Api of

Opi, Ochegu of Orba, Lolouhere of Iheaka, Ojiji of Aku among others. By this, it can be deduced that the origin of the Osu Caste System in the Nsukka area was as a result of the institution of slavery amongst the people. The slaves were persons dedicated to deities, and as such branded the name Osu .This work though useful merely provides an overview of the institution of slavery in the Nsukka area, but hardly gives further insight into our subject matter.

Also, Ezikeojiaku confirms in his book Osu Social Outcasts and the Atlantic Slave

Trade44 that the Aro divination led to the emergence of the Osu Caste System in Igboland. He defines Osu as a person dedicated to an Arusi (deity).He maintains that the Osu was originally meant to be a deity’s servitor carrying the sin of his dedicator. The author highlights various ways in which a person could acquire the Osu status. According to him, a family or person might dedicate another family member or captive to serve in a shrine because of certain physical or economic hardship or a personal promise to the deity or 17 atonement for a violation of the deity’s structures. A war captive might be dedicated to a deity as an offering for success in war. Persons who had committed heinous crimes might opt to dedicate themselves to a local deity to escape execution or sale into slavery. Also, the unwitting or accidental infringement of oracular rights or rules might impose the Osu status on a person, including sleeping in a shrine overnight, being born in or beside a shrine, and fetching water from a stream near a shrine.

The author further maintains that once acquired through whatever means, the Osu status was permanent and affected all future generations of descendants and was strictly observed and maintained. The author further indicates that if by social order and reason, it had been agreed that the Osu bloodline stopped after one or two generations, the task of eradication might have been completed. Like the present study, Ezikeojiaku’s work adds to our knowledge on the Osu Caste System.

For Paul Obi-Ani’s “The Stigmatization of Descendants of Slaves in Igboland45, the beginning of the stigmatization of slave descendants in South Eastern Nigeria came as a result of the assertion of freedom by the slaves. According to him, the abolition of domestic slavery by the British dragged two classes of people, namely the Ohu and the Amadi in

Umuode and Oruku in Nkanu into war, out of ignorance. From this, it can be inferred that the imbroglio between Umuode and Oruku in Nkanu Local Government Area of Enugu State was not the issue of Osu and Diala but on the Ohu and the Amadi. Like the present study, the work adds to our knowledge that the Osu Caste System does not really exist in some parts of

Igboland.

As well, In Nneka Osakwe’s Semantic Implications of the “Ohu and “Amadi” in the

Aftermath of Slavery in Nkanu and Ezeagu46, the author gives an insight into some Igbo communities’ practices of the Ohu system of slavery rather than the way and manner the

Osu Caste System thrived. It is the author’s view that in consonance with that of Obi-Ani 18 who maintains that the communal clash between the Oruku and Umuode in Nkanu was as a result of the Ohu and the Amadi dichotomy and not necessarily the Osu Caste System. The work is useful as it raised the question of why some parts of Igboland do not practice the Osu

Caste System at all?

Apeh and Opata in their work, Social Exclusion: An Aftermath of the Abolition of

Slave Trade in Northern Igboland47, make a difference between the Osu and the Ume in

Igboland. According to them, though the Ume and the Osu are persons dedicated to the gods, there is a major difference between both practices. According to them, whereas the Osu are those appropriated by the gods without their volition, the Ume willingly submitted themselves to a deity for protection in a bid to escape justice. For this research, this work is useful as it identifies various categories of social outcasts in Igboland such as the Osu,Ohu, and Ume.

Furthermore, Elechi Amadi, a foremost novelist in his Ethics in Nigerian Culture48, outlines that some abominations committed in the Igbo Society in the past amounted sometimes to being sold into slavery or being dedicated to a divinity as an Osu. The author maintains that the Osu Caste System is just a divinity created by humans. His postulation agrees with that of Ilogu who captures it this way,

Any person known to have committed any abomination is severely punished, sometimes by being sold into slavery or being dedicated to a divinity as an Osu by which one becomes the slave of such a divinity, thereby subjecting himself and his offspring to the most humiliating status in Igbo traditional society. In minor offence against the earth goddess, the individual and his extended family pay for the many things with which sacrifice is offered to propitiate the Ala (the earth)49 Both authors give an insight about Osu Caste System but not necessarily its practice. 19

Similarly, Onwubiko, in his Christian Mission and Culture in Africa50, holds the view that the Osu Caste System was more of a religious than cultural affair. He maintains that the

Osu is a bona- fide property of a religious class of the particular deity who owns him.

In addition too, Chukwurah, in his work, the Osu Caste System in Igboland: A

Challenge to Christianity51, is of the opinion that the Osu Caste System is one of the wicked practices of the primal Igbo people which have its humble beginnings in the degraded religious culture of using human beings for sacrifice.

Elizabeth Isichei, a famous Nigeria historian, in his work A History of the Igbo People maintains that some people became Osu as they were given as live sacrifice for some notable crimes in order to pacify the gods. The Osu, according to her, became the properties that cannot be touched as they were owned by the deities. She highlights what Osu was like before the advent of Christianity in Igboland. According to her,

One dare not fight an Osu for fear of splitting his blood. Freeborn do not sit on the same chair with the Osu. Neither do they use the same eating materials, sleep on one bed or mat, nor use the same cup for drinking water52. The author maintains that the isolation of the Osu by the Diala was much more than what obtains today.

To cap it all, Rev. Edmund Ilogu in his Christianity and Igbo Culture53, is of the view that the Osu is just a slave dedicated to gods or goddesses as his or her attendant or priest and all persons and criminals dedicated are made secure and inviolate. Similarly, Adibe attributed the origin of the Osu Caste System to the high premium the Igbo people placed on deities54.

According to him, deities started when man worshipped forces he could not understand and termed them gods. To him, deities are creation of communities that own them for specific reasons. He also maintains that the inability of man to account for all events that affected lives led to the belief in supernatural power controlling their life and destiny 20

Of all the literature reviewed for the purposes of this research project, Dike’s point of view seems all embracing. According to him, the Osu are people sacrificed to the gods in

Igbo community; they assist the high priests of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in the shrine. It is the opinion of this author that most traditionalists in Igboland believe that deities are very powerful and could wreck havoc in the society if they were not appeased appropriately.

SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW

In the course of the review, we discovered that virtually every book on the Igbo traditional religion has at least a chapter on the belief in a deity, as well as the Osu Caste

System and spiritual beings and forces which constitutes them. From the available literature, much has been done about unraveling the mystery behind the Igbo practice of the Osu Caste

System, as well as deities of Pan-Igbo influence. It was the concerted views of the various literatures reviewed that the Osu Caste System is a non-positive aspect of the Igbo cultures.

On the whole, available written sources have only been able to provide limited information on Isuochi, its people, and their attitude towards the Osu Caste System. It is this gap that this study hopes to fill in the course of our further research on this subject.

21

END NOTES

1 National Archives Enugu (NAE), Okigwe District 9/1/1960.Intelligence Report, Isuochi

Clan Council.

2 NAE, Intelligence Report on the Isuochi, Nneato and Umuchieze Clans in the Okigwe and

Awgu Divisions of the Owerri and Owerri and Onitsha provinces respectively.

3 Interview with O.I Ezekwesiri, 79 years old, the traditional ruler of Isuochi, 5 October

2016. He is the Ochi-1-of Isuochi.

4 Interview with Peter Iwunna, 59 years old, Nsukka, 20 March 2017. He is a lecturer at the

department of Foundation Education, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

5 O.F Ekemezie, The Peoples Treasure: A History of Amuda Logu; Uhumbara Community

Emphasized (Okigwe: Whytem Publishers Nigeria, 2000), P .1.

6 Interview with Nwaloro Uzoh, 79 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 20 November 2016.He is one

of the Elder Statesman in Amuda Isuochi.

7 Interview with informants from the Osu community in Amuda Isuochi.

8 O. I Ezekwesiri, Traditional Ruler of Isuochi.

9 I. C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria: Beyond Rancour and Recrimination

(USA: Goldline and Jacobs Publishing, 2012), P.P 40-54.

10 Victor Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria (London: Holt Rinehart and Winston,

Inc, 1965), P.89.

11 Victor E. Dike, The Osu Caste System In Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy

(USA: Morris Publishing, 2002), P.P 2&3. 22

12 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 12 November 2016. He was once

the Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi.

13 V.E Dike, “Osu Caste; A Discrimination Based on Descent. A Working Paper for

Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination” NO CERD-61. Eastern

Nigeria Assembly Debate: Abolition of Osu Law 1956. Vol.1, National Archive,

Enugu.

14 Interview with Paul Onyegiri, 56 years old, Mbala Isuochi, 5 November 2016.

15 P. Leedy & J.Ormond, Practical Research: Planning and Design (7th Edition) (Newbury

Park: Sage Publications Inc, 1990), p.8.

16 A. Strauss & J.Corbin, Basics of Qualitative Research, Grounded Theories, Procedures

and Techniques (Newbury Park: Sage Publications Inc, 1990), P.16.

17 B. Nnabugwu, Methodology of Political Enquiry: Issues and Techniques of Research

Methods in Political Science (Enugu: Quintagon Publishers, 2006), P.9.

18 E. K Ikegwu, Groundwork of Research Methods and Procedures (Enugu: Institute of

Development Studies, 1998), P.13.

19 Stanley, Hoffman, Contemporary Theories in International Relations (Eaglewood Cliffs,

NJ, Prentice Hall, 1969), P.65.

20 J. Onuoha, Beyond Diplomacy; Contemporary Issues in International Relations (Nsukka:

Great AP Express Publishers, Ltd, 2008), P.15.

21 Dollard Miller et al, The hypothesis suggests that the failure to obtain a desired or

expected goal leads to aggressive behavior .Frustration and Aggression, (New Haven:

Yale University Press, 1939). 23

22 V. E Dike, The Osu Caste System in Igboland…, P.7.

23 ______, The Osu Caste System…., P.7.

24 The Scape goat Society, East Sussex, UK. Retrieved from www.scapegoat.demon.co.UK,accessed November 1st, 2016.

25 J. F Frazier, “The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion” (1890-1922). Retrieved

from www.bartleby.com/196, accessed 1st November, 2016.

26 G. W. Allport, “The Nature of Prejudice” (25th edition) (Addison Wesley Publishers,

1979), P.P3-9.

27 J. Davidio, “On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years after Allport” Blackwell Publishing.

Retrieved from http:// psychclssics. Yorku.ca.accessed 1st November, 2016.

28 T. Douglas, “Scapegoats: Transferring Blame” (New York, India & UK: Routledge

Encyclopedia Britannica CD,2006.

29 T. Birchmore, “Shame and Group Psychotherapy” Retrieved from www.birchmore.org?

Accessed 1st November, 2016.

30 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria…, P.91.

31 ______, The Igbo of South East Nigeria,…, P.89.

32 ______, P.90.

33 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria (London: Holt Rinehart and Winston Inc,

1965), P.P 88 & 89.

34 I. C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria: Beyond Rancour and Recrimination

(USA: Goldline and Jacobs Publishing, 2012), P.P 40-54. 24

35 F. A Arinze, Sacrifice in Igbo Religion (Ibadan: University Press, 1970), 91 & 92.

36 F. C Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo: The Book of Igbo Custom (Onitsha: University Publishing

Company, 1994), p.80.

37 T. U Ubesie, Odinala Ndi Igbo (Ibadan: University Press Plc, 2010), P.P 113-114.

38 J.U Nzeako, Omenala Ndi Igbo: (God’s Eagle Publishers, 1999), P.

39 Chinua Achebe, Things Fall Apart (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1958), p.p

125.

40 ______, Things Fall Apart…, P.126.

41 G. T Basden, Niger Ibos (London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd, 1966), P.30.

42 Victor E. Dike, The Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy

(USA: Morris Publishing, 2002), P.P 9-84.

43 Christian C. Opata & Damian U. Opata, “Ownership of Slaves in Nsukka in the Nineteenth

Century” in Caroly A. Brown and Paul E. Lovejoy (eds), Repercussions of the

Atlantic Slave Trade: The Interior of the Bight of Biafra and the African Diaspora

(Asmara, Eritrea: Africa World Press, Inc,2011), P.P 221-228.

44 P.A Ezikeojiaku, “Osu Social Outcasts and the Atlantic Slave Trade” in Carolyn A.

Brown and Paul E. Lovejoy (eds), Repercussions of the Atlantic Slave Trade: The

Interior of the Bight of Biafra and the African Diaspora (Asmara, Eritrea: Africa

World Press, Inc, 2011), P.P 79-84.

45 Paul Obi-Ani, “The Stigmatization of Descendants of Slaves in Igboland” in Carolyn A.

Brown and Paul E. Lovejoy (eds), Repercussions of the Atlantic Slave Trade: The 25

Interior of the Bight of Biafra and the African Diaspora (Asmara, Eritrea: Africa

World Press, Inc, 2011), P.P 321-327.

46 Nneka Nora Osakwe, “Semantic Implications of Ohu and Amadi in the Aftermath of

Slavery in Nkanu and Ezeagu” in Carolyn A. Brown and Paul E. Lovejoy (eds),

Repercussions of the Atlantic Slave Trade: The Interior of the Bight of Biafra and the

African Diaspora (Asmara, Eritrea: Africa World Press, Inc, 2011), P.P 247-256.

47 Apex A. Apeh & C.C. Opata, “Social Exclusion: An Aftermath of the Abolition of Slave

Trade in Northern Igboland, Nigeria” in William and Mary Quarterly: A Magazine

of Early American History and Culture Vol LXVI (No:4) Third Series

(Williamsburg,Virginia: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and

Culture,2009), P.P 941-958.

48 E. Amadi, Ethics in Nigerian Culture (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, 1982),

P.P 29-47.

49 E. Ilogu, Christianity and Igbo Culture (Onitsha: University Publishing Company, 1974),

P.P 30-32.

50 O. Onwubuiko, Christian Mission and Culture in Africa: Osu Issue (Enugu: SWAAP Ltd,

1993), P.5.

51 O. Onwubuiko, “Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge to Christianity” M.A. thesis, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

52 E. Isichei, A History of the Igbo People (Hong Kong: Wing king Company, 1974), P.25

53 E. Ilogu, Christianity and Igbo Culture …, P.30-31.

54 G.E. Adibe, Igbo Issues, Values, and Manipulation of Deities (Onitsha: Mid-Field Publishers, 2009), P.39. 26

CHAPTER TWO: LAND AND PEOPLE OF ISUOCHI

GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF ISUOCHI:

Isuochi Community is strategically located some twenty two kilometers on the

Northern border of Okigwe in Imo State. In the North West, it is bounded with Owerri

Ezukala, Orumba South in Anambra State while Nkue in Enugu State is bounded with

Isuochi on the North East. In the South West, Isuochi is bounded with Eziama. In the South

East, it shares boundaries with Lekwesi. Directly, South wards, it has Ihube as its neighboring community in the present day Imo State1.Previously, Isuochi community was in Imo State.

As a result of the new States creation in 1991 by the Ibrahim Babangida’s administration, it was moved to Abia State Nigeria. Isuochi is a collection of several rural areas. According to the 1996 population census, the population of the community is approximately over 51,000 people2.

According to Mbaekwe, the former principal of the Isuochi Secondary, in his work,

Isuochi from the Cradle, Isuochi is surrounded by hills on all its four sides3. He also enumerated other physical features of the community to include the sandy nature of the soil while most of the land areas are covered with tall grasses. He also stated that there was no river that transverses the area except the small Ibighi River in the southern border of Ihube and the Mmam River that run through Enugu state.

Our informant,Mr.Silas Ejike, a former secretary of Obinetiti Progressive Union

Amuda during an oral interview, confirms that “apart from rivers, the Isuochi community has several small springs where they fetch their water’’4. There is Anamgbo and Okiri situated around Nkwoagu, the headquarters of Umunneochi L.G.A of Abia state, Obani and Nwangele in Umuelem and numerous others. Thus, Isuochi as a matter of fact is in the present day

Umunneochi L.G.A. of Abia State Nigeria. The word “Umunneochi” is an acronym coined 27 from the prefixes of the three constituent clans of Isuochi, Nneato and Umuchieze with

“Umu” from Umuchieze, “Nne” from Nneato and “Ochi” from Isuochi5.

ORIGINS OF THE ISUOCHI COMMUNITY

According to our source, Monday Igbudu, during an interview, the people of Isuochi are descendants of Ochi, a warrior and a wrestler who in search of wrestling area and other forms of sports settled at Nkwoagu in the heart of the area called Isuochi6. According to oral history, Ochi came from the East, passing through Ishiagu in Afikpo and Umuchieze and finally settled at Isuochi. Ochi waged war against a village that had settled in the area now enclosed by Nkwoagu, Umuelem and Ndiawa, named Ihite meaning the old site of Ihite village. Ochi had one son named Isu who later had two sons called Ezi and Ihite. Ezi Isu had five sons namely Abuga, Egbebi, Logu, Ekegbu and Digbo who later gave birth to the present villages of Umuelem, Achara, Amuda, Lomara and Umuaku respectively. Ihite Isu on the other hand, had four sons namely Awa, Aguogba, Araka and Atuga who also gave birth to the present villages of Ndiawa, Mbala, Ngodo and Ihie respectively. This brings the villages that make up the Isuochi community to nine in number. Madubike in his book, The Igbo

Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and Recrimination7, has this to say about the history of

Isuochi community. According to him, Ochi was a powerful warrior and wrestler who migrated from somewhere around Ishiagu, some 500 years ago and settled in a sandy village of Anamgbo and Okiri streams8. It is believed that he choose that site because of the presence of water, which is very important for livelihood and also because of the sandy soil which was perfect for wrestling. The site of Anamgbo and okiri streams is very significant in Isuochi because it was the first site of Isuochi court building where Isuochi people first had an encounter with colonialism9. 28

Isuochi, according to source now lives on a beautiful expanse of land on a plateau that stretches from the Udi hills through Awgu sloping down to Umunze in Anambra state.

Ikechukwu Madubuike has it that this geographical concourse in Isuochi gave birth to the great Imo river that has its root in Umuaku. According to Nwaloro Uzo, a tailor and one of the members of Isuochi council of elders,

Isuochi came from Ishiagu. Ochi a powerful warrior left Ishiagu as a result of imbroglio that took place in the town of Ishiagu. This imbroglio was as a result of civil unrest in form of war which took place between Ishiagu community and her neighbours.To avert unforeseen danger, Ochi took to his heels and moved due East to Isuochi. In Isuochi at that period, land was vast, he acquired some of the lands and started procreation10.

Another source on the origin and migration of Isuochi was documented by Godwin

Onyema in his work The history of Isuochi11. He had it that Ochi was the putative ancestor of the Isuochi people. He was a warrior and a gladiator. According to the source, Ochi and his brothers left their father Anamgbe at Ishiagu. One of his brothers went towards the North-

West direction, while he went to the North-East which is the present day Isuochi. According to legend, Ochi left behind some of his brothers who established habitations of their own where fortune smiled on them, while he journeyed from there in search of greener pasture.

Wherever he went, he overthrew the inhabitants and occupied their land.

Another source also has it that Isu was the son of Ochi and had two wives, while each wife had a son .The first wife bore Ezi, while the second wife bore Ihite. Ezi and Ihite were

Isu’s son and Ochi’s grandsons, hence Ezi and Ihite Isu. It was gathered that Ochi had no daughter, hence no marriage relations with other communities12. It was also discovered that

Ezi, the first son of Isu, had eight sons while Ihite the second son had ten children making the number of children from both Ezi and Ihite eighteen. Of these, nine of them were driven away together with their descendants because of their evil ways. The nine villages which were 29 driven away were Ihite, Ohum, Amabo, Ugwueme, Lenwenta, Ulubi, Lubo, Obeagu and

Ufuma.The remaining nine villages are Umuelem, Achara, Amuda, Lomara, Umuaku,

Ndiawa, Ihie, Mbala and Ngodo. As it were, these can be categorized based on the father of each community. The descendants of Ezi are Umuelem, Achara, Amuda, Lomara and

Umuaku, while the descendants of Ihite are Ndiawa, Ihie, Mbala and Ngodo.

Ekemezie in his book The peoples Treasure has this to say about the history of Isuochi,

Ochi was a wealthy and influential man who lived at his residence Nkwoagu. Ochi married and begot only a son called Isu. Isu the only son of Ochi married two wives and begot Ezi and Ihite respectively. Ezi Isu begat five sons called Ezi Isu sons. They are Abuga, Egbedi, Omara, Logu, and Digbo. The Ihite begat four sons and they were Awalike, Atuga, Aguogba, and Araka. The five sons of Ezi and the four sons of Ihite Isu are the nine towns of Isuochi Today13.

The nine sons of Isuochi appear according to the approved order of seniority as indicated below:

Abuga------Umuelem

Awalike------Ndiawa

Egbedi------Achara

Atuga------Ihie

Omara------Lomara

Aguogba------Mbala

Logu------Amuda

Araka------Ngodo

Digbo------Umuaku 30

Isuochi is the home land of Nwokoro Onwubunta, alias giant Alakuku from Mbala. In an interview conducted at Mbala with Elder Mazi Ude, one of the kinsmen “his head almost touch the sky”14. According to Madubuike, “he was possibly over nine feet tall”. He maintained that Nwokoroukwu had a reputation of unbridled violence. According to him, it was because of his aggressiveness that prompted the white men, a colonial officer, to remove some of the arteries and veins in his body in order to weaken him15

In the past, Isuochi people were recognized for their bravery16. For Instance, it had in the past entered into war treaties with marauding soldiers from other lands like the Ohafia.

Isuochi is considered as a haven of visitors and strangers. It is fast developing into a semi- urban settlement because of its strategic location. It was as a result of their high spirit of determination that made them to struggle to get their own local government council area, which the headquarters is located at Nkwoagu Isuochi. According to our informant, Isuochi people are friendly to their neighbors’17.For example; Ishiagu and Isuochi are like brothers.

For example, it is an attitudinal behavior that Ishiagu and Isuochi people do not see their blood. No matter the level of problem and conflict that ensued between an Isuochi man and his Ishiagu cousins, it is a taboo for each party to spill the blood of the other. Thus, it was reported that in the past, this pact was made so as not to severe the relationship between the two communities since it has been proven that they were connected by origin18. This accounts for the reason that up till date, an average Isuochi man or woman sees the Ishiagu man or woman as his blood, brother or sister.

ECONOMIC ORGANISATION OF ISUOCHI

According to Walter Rodney, a society develops economically as its members increase jointly their capacity for dealing with the environment. This capacity for dealing with the environment is dependent on the extent to which they understand the laws of nature 31

(Science), on the extent to which they put tools (technology) and on the manner in which work was originated19. It is no exaggeration to say that there has been constant economic development with human society of which Isuochi community has not been left behind. In every society, material production involves a plethora of productive activities, which are directed towards material reproduction of the society. This implies that the economic foundation of every society is made up of many elements. In Isuochi community, a multiplicity of economic activities was carried out. All the economic activities of the people of Isuochi constitute the economic foundation or the material basis of Isuochi. These economic developmental activities include farming, hunting, palm wine tapping, blacksmithing, crafts and timber lumbering. However, the major occupation of the Isuochi community is agriculture, blacksmithing, and hunting. There are traders too who engaged in short and long distance trade. The main agricultural food crops are yam, maize, cassava, black beans, cocoyam, and plantain. Major cash crops are palm kernels, palm oil, and cashew nuts. These also constitute the foundation of industrial activities in the area. There are also local mining activities centered on stones, clay, and pottery activities.

The Isuochi community, like some other communities in Igboland engaged in agricultural practices which became their major occupation. As Victor Uchendu succinctly puts it, “Agriculture is the Igbo staff of life20”. Commenting further, Adiele Afigbo noted that in pre-colonial Igbo society, agriculture was the most important economic activity of the people21.This led Uchendu to assert that:

To remind an Igbo man that he is Ori mgbe ahia loro, one who eats only when the market holds is to humiliate him. This does not imply that traders are not respected; all it means is that the Igbos’ sees farming as their chief occupation and trading as subsidiary not as substitute for it22.

32

The Isuochi people were engaged in serious farming activities, with the domestication of animals such as goat, fowl, and sheep. The food crops produced by Isuochi farmers include yam, cassava, palm oil, plantain, cocoyam, and cowpea. In the daily markets in Isuochi like

Eke Isuochi, Orie Ngodo, Nkwo Mbala and Afor Umuaku, food crops were found in great abundance. Throughout their history, Isuochi people had won their living from the land.

Agriculture was the chief activity in Isuochi. Food stuff accounted for the largest share of the value of goods and services produced each year by the Isuochi community. Another occupation frequently undertaken by the people on a part time or seasonal basis are crafts manufacturing and trading. Surplus from agriculture often makes it possible to finance additional types of productive enterprise. The cash crops grown in Isuochi by farmers include maize, yam, cocoyam, cassava, plantain, banana and palm products.

Another occupation that is well associated with the Isuochi community is hunting.

There are two types of hunting activities prevalent in Isuochi. They are individual hunting

(Ichu nta nke otu onye) and communal hunting (Ichu nta nke mmadu niile). In the area of communal hunting; male adults are usually supplied with gun powder while a town-crier announces the date for the hunting to the hearing of the villagers. The purpose of such announcement is to warn non-hunters not to go to the bush for the safety of their lives.

Isuochi people often organize themselves for group hunting .Those hunters normally fixed hunting date by themselves. As it were, they operated with their trained dogs as well as their guns and cutlasses. However, as a result of the growing level of development in towns and cities, Isuochi people now specialize in trading as a subsidiary occupation to farming. With the establishment of the Isuochi Mass Transit (IMT), people now specialize in trading other than farming. They now travel to Onitsha to buy goods. The People from Isuochi now travel to Onitsha on daily basis because of the convenience offered by the IMT, and the closeness of

Isuochi to Onitsha makes it easy especially with the construction of roads that connect 33

Isuochi and other communities and towns such as Umunze, Umuchu, Igboukwu, Nnobi and

Onitsha.

Next to hunting is palm wine tapping. Palm wine tapping in Isuochi used to be the occupation of elderly men. They are referred to as Diochi (elderly men who are well skilled in palm wine tapping). There are two systems of tapping. The up wine tapping which is referred to as Ngwo Elu and the down-wine tapping also called Ngwo Ala. Palm wine is regarded as a common share for the purposes of uniting the people, and also used during important ceremonies such as burial, naming, and marriage ceremonies, as well as during periodic traditional sacrifices. The people of Isuochi also specialize in crafts making.

Prominent among these was smithing which supplies local farming implements such as hoes, cutlasses, diggers, shovels and so on. It also supplies household utensils like knives, cooking pots, and kettle. Weapons like spears, arrows are also supplied by the local crafts industries.

The Isuochi people are also known for their great skills in wood carving. To that end, they produce wooden stools, mortars, carved doors, masks for the masquerades and pestles. Some of them are carpenters that produce benches, windows, wooden beds and tables.

The people of Isuochi also practice textile manufacturing. It used to be a pastime occupation in the hands of women. They produced caps, table cover, curtain and so on. In addition, some are involved in producing local baskets known as Nkata and Mmimi. Nkata and Mmimi are used to wash and dry their local delicacy known as Iwu, made from cassava.

Mmimi is also used for the drying of certain food items under the sun. There is also Atani used for the construction of traditional houses. In the crafts industries, through periods of apprenticeship, skills are passed from one person to another. By that young men learn under a crafts men or crafts women. It was through periods of apprenticeship that the skills are passed to the younger generations. 34

POLITICAL ORGANISATION OF ISUOCHI

According to Ikechukwu Madubuike, before the advent of the colonial rule, Isuochi had its own indigenous system of governance23. The system was communalistic in nature in which all men who had proven their mettle took part in deliberating over important matters concerning the community24. At that, crucial decisions were reached by consensus.

Everybody spoke his mind and at the end, consensus decisions would be taken. Everybody spoke his mind and at the end, the majority opinion would be implemented. Our informant,

Onuzuruike Uchealo confirms that the Isuochi communities live in an organized and disciplined society with laws and rules guiding them. They settle in small hamlets and villages and their political development were derived from the democratic gerontocracy25.

Isuochi centers on political socialization of the individual. It is within the family that individuals, in course of their developments, are taught the relationship between his own kindred and other neighboring kindred as well as those between his village and other villages in Isuochi. As well, Family life is directed by the unchallenged leadership of the father as the head of the family. He holds the family ofo, and performs all the traditional rituals and sacrifices necessary for the general safety of the entire family. After the family, the kindred are the next political unit. Each kindred is under the leadership of the Okpara (oldest male member in the family lineage).It is the Okpara who holds the Ofo of the family and performs all the various traditional functions attached to both his leadership position and the ofo as the binding ritual force of the kindred.

The next level is the village. It is the federation of the kindred. At this level, the

Okpara Ukwu, the oldest son of the most senior of the Kindred presides over the meeting attended by all members of the village council including all adults and titled men. The village council concerns itself with matters affecting the solidarity of the group, such as serious crimes of abomination, discipline and order, common civic assignments like the maintenance 35 of the road, markets stalls, and so on. Once decision has been taken in the village assembly, it becomes binding on all the villagers. However, Isuochi town level is the highest political unit. It is made up of a collection of all the villages and kindred’s which make up the unit.

The strongest common interests which keep the Isuochi together is serious attachment to their putative ancestor- Ochi. However, the emergence of colonialism in Igboland changed significantly the political structure of the Isuochi. This led to the imposition of paramount chief on the people of Isuochi. Accordingly, Benson Chukwu from Umuokpara District of

Umuelem was chosen. After his tenure, there was a call for the recognition of autonomous communities by the then Imo State Government in 1979.Hence, there was the need to have a traditional ruler. His Royal Highness Eze Godson .Ezekwesiri from Umuelem (the oldest village) in Isuochi was presented to the Military Administrator, Sunday Ajibade Adenihun on

18th July, 1979 for recognition as the traditional ruler of Isuochi26. The members of the Eze’s

Cabinet were drawn from the nine communities in Isuochi. They were addressed and known as Ichie, which form the Council of Elders. The appointment of the Ichie was the primary responsibility of the different autonomous communities. They choose those that would be their Ichie and represent them at the Eze’s palace, while the ratification was done by the Ochi

1 (the traditional ruler of Isuochi) who was the political head of Isuochi.

Another recognized and respected body in Isuochi is the Ochi-in Council. This body is made up of Eze of Isuochi, the Ichie and all the crown chiefs. This body meets once in every three months to deliberate on issues affecting the welfare and development of the community. Any dispute in Isuochi relating to land issue is usually settled by the kindred

(Umunna), and the Council of Elders. Such cases like land dispute, family dispute, quarrels among members, etc which affects one community of Isuochi or the other, was the sole responsibility of the O chi-in-Council.

36

SOCIO-CULTURAL ORGANIZATION

Isuochi people have numerous socio-cultural organizations. The cultural festivals celebrated in Isuochi include Egbe Ajala, Egwu Egbochukwu,Odu Nwaho,Oji Ajala, and

Mmawu festivals. Some of these festivals are celebrated in honor of the deity and goddesses of the land. According to Madubuike, Egbechukwu festival was a purely secular celebration in honor of womanhood and the marital tradition27. Commenting also, he added that Egbe

Ajala on its own was a religious non-Christian event. According to him, these feasts provide opportunities not only for relaxation and enjoyment, but provide occasions for social interactions, exchange of ideas of individuals, and group levels as well as moments for stock taking and evaluations. He adds further that Egbechukwu feast was an occasion for showcasing the beauty of young newly married women in Isuochi. Through the parade in the markets or village squares, people will be able to appreciate their sense of beauty and evaluate their aesthetic values. By doing this, people will be able to decipher or make sense of judgment on what is actually beautiful or ugly in sight and appearance.

Masquerades festivals (Mmanwu) are other type of festivals celebrated in Isuochi.

Madubuike opined that Masquerades do not only have entertainment or religious cultural values, they add value to life. Among the people, masquerades are believed to be the spirits of the ancestors which occasionally visit people here on earth from the spirit world. It is considered as a society whose secret is restricted to the initiated male members only. In

Isuochi, once one is initiated into Mmanwu society, he would be able to identify akwukwo

Nmanwu, (the leaves of the Masquerades) which enables him to understand the secrets associated with the spirit world. To that end, the uninitiated male members of the community are called Ogbodo,(one who does not know the secret of the Masquerade) and it is an aberration for such persons to discuss anything about the Masquerade and its secret.

Of all the cultural festivals celebrated in Isuochi, the New Yam Festival ranks first among the list of cultural activities in Isuochi. Our informant, Peter Iwunna, a lecturer with 37

University of Nigeria, Nsukka describes New yam festival as “the most Igbo of Igbo events” handed down to them by their ancestors28. As an Igbo annual event, the celebration of this festival in Isuochi ranks highly among the list of traditional and cultural practices which clearly identify the Igbo and hold them together as a people who share the same ancestry. In appreciation of its valued significance in the traditional milieu of the Isuochi community, the people host this cultural event with elaborate pomp and pageantry. During the festivity, ancestral masquerade dances, men and women exhibits cultural display, while traditional wrestling competitions as well as fashion parade and eating competitions are showcased in great abundance. As a culture based event, it is hosted with lavished feast of assorted dishes of yam-foods and accompanying drinks. According to Monday Igbudu, one of our informants, “among the Isuochi people, the moment of this event is celebrated as a thanks giving to God and the gods of the land, in appreciation of their protection and good health all through the farming season, while also praying for renewed and healthy life in the next planting season”29. It is a time during which Isuochi community count their sons, honor their worthy and able achievers, as well as bestow traditional titles such as Eze and Ichie on community men and women who have made the town proud through numerous donations for community development projects. In sports category, wrestling was the basic sports practiced by the Isuochi people which according to Madubuike have survived up till today30. It serves as an entertainment as well as a means of settling long aged disputes between age mates claiming superiority over the other.

THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND WORLD VIEW OF ISUOCHI COMMUNITY

World view according to Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary connotes a person’s way of thinking about and understanding life, which depends on their beliefs and attitudes31. The World view of a people or community provides answers to their yearning questions about the peoples’ understanding of the place and relationship of man with the universe in 38 general32. It gives one a clear perception of a people’s political, religious, social and psychological convictions. Understanding a people’s world view provides an understanding of how they evaluate life and living. According to Udema Uzoegbulam during an interview with him, “The Isuochi community, like all Igbo all over the world, sees the universe as a combination of forces33”. The universe according to their belief came into being not by luck and chance but through the dint of hand work of a Creator. The Creator populated the universe with various spirit forces which are in constant communion with man. Through this means, visible and invisible world are identified and are in constant interaction. Both worlds are believed to be present in this universe. The distinction between the two is that one of the worlds is visible while the other is invisible. Accordingly, this interaction between the visible and invisible makes human life and nature to be regarded as sacrosanct34. They are under the governance of the Creator and the numerous divinities. The visible world is subordinate to the invisible world. Man who serves as the chief of the visible world is less powerful and seeks the help of the invisible (spirit world).In order to receive favor from the spirits, man strives to do their will, obeying their laws and carrying out their instructions through the priests and oracles. Also, man can appease or influence the spirit world and the deities through sacrifices and prayers. The deities on the other hand, are expected to intervene and bring good fortunes to their devotees or misfortune if their laws are flouted. It is through the performance of certain rituals, that the visible world becomes sacred as it interacts with invisible.

Furthermore, the Isuochi community recognizes four categories of spiritual beings. In the words of Okam, our resource person, Chukwu is the Supreme Being and the most powerful of all the spirits35. The others are deities (Mmuo), spirit forces (Arusi), and the ancestors (Ndichee).Chukwu is called Chineke (the spirit that creates).He is the source of human life, animals, rain, and crops. The source maintained that Chukwu gives every human being part of Himself called Chi which is the destiny spirit36. Chukwu interacts with men through their Chi who are His messenger gods here on earth. The greater the potency of this

Chi in a man, the greater will be his achievement and fame. Because Chukwu is the source of 39 human creation, every one belongs to him as a free born Diala. Deities, who are referred to as

Mmuo, are the next. They are sons and servants of Chukwu .They are believed to have been assigned different functions by Chukwu. All the deities are answerable to God the Creator.

The spirit forces are called the Arusi. They are non-human spirits which have not attained the status of deities. They are thought to act irrationally sometimes and may be manipulated by those people who know their secrets for good and for evil. Every man tries to win the favor of the Arusi through ritual sacrifices. All mishaps on an individual and community are blamed on the Arusi. They possess super human powers to help or to hinder. Some of the Arusi are known to be inherently wicked. They may attack individual families and communities37.

Okam added that when individual Arusi is no longer needed, or becomes too violent, it is discarded38.

Our forefathers believe in worshipping God through smaller gods or images, also known as messenger gods’. For them, it is proper to go through the smaller gods to the big and supreme God. Madubuike captures it this way: “Our forefathers believe in animism-the belief that there are spirits that inhabit the world”. These spirits according to him are found in plants, trees, and streams39.

The Isuochi people also believe in re-incarnation. By this, they believe that human beings can die and come back again in human form. They also believe so much in the worship of ancestors and the pleasing of their gods. Our resource person, Okam, maintained that people are believed to reincarnate into families that they were part of while alive. To him, “once a child is born, he or she is believed to give signs of who they have reincarnated from40”.He added that this can be through behaviour, physical traits, and statement by the child41. Isuochi community believes that it is Ofo na Ogu that fight their course. That is why it is a common saying in Isuochi that when somebody is asking for your trouble, you simply respond by saying ejim gi Ofo na Ogu, In other words, let God or the gods fight my battle. 40

They do not believe so much in the Dibia as most of their cases are brought to the shrine, and settled through the swearing of an oath. It is as a result of the belief in deity that makes most of the market in Isuochi to be linked to a deity. For example, in Amuda, we have Eke

Anyim,Afor Ojide and Orie Ajala.

Ikechukwu Madubuike affirmed that the Isuochi people believe in traditional medicine. According to him, assessment and cure of more serious ailments often involved divination (igba aha) and sacrifice (ichu aja) by a traditional medicine man42. He also emphasized that the traditional medicine practice involved some form of specialization. A source report that in Amuda Isuochi, the Ewuzie is blessed with the gift of treating people who have hepatitis through traditional herbs. It is called iwa apupa. This business had attracted people from all walks of life to Isuochi. The Igbudu family also specializes in treating people that have broken legs and hands (bone therapy and surgery) through herbs. In the same Amuda, the Igbudu family has this ingenuity of using traditional herbs to treat goats that could not give breast to their offsprings.These traditional practices are still in practice as this ingenuity get transferred to their children and grandchildren43. The coming of colonialism along side with Christianity in Isuochi brought about the process of dismantling the indigenous cultural heritage, the belief system, and the world view of the people. To that end, everything indigenous in Isuochi was considered purely barbaric and uncivilized.

The Isuochi people also believe in dint of handwork. It has been a common saying in

Isuochi that aka aja aja na- ebute onu mmanu mmanu which literary means that working hard puts food in one’s mouth. This accounts for the reason why apart from government work, an average Isuochi man is a carpenter, bricklayer, block molder, farmer, tailor and so on. They believe that learning handiwork complements every other work one is doing. No average man in Isuochi is a loafer and he engages in one type of occupation or another to sustain livelihood and to keep his family together. 41

END NOTES 1 N.A.E, Okidist 9/1/1960.Intelligence Reports, Isuochi Clan Council.

2 O.F Ekemezie,The People’s Treasure; A history of Amuda Logu,Uhumbara Community

Emphasized (Okigwe:Whytem Publishers Nigeria,2000),P.1.

3 J.O Mbakwe, Isuochi from the Cradle (2nd edition) (Nkwoagu: Isuochi Local

Printer,2004),P.10.

4 Interview with Silas Ejike, 78 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 19 November, 2016.

5 N.A.E, Intelligence Report on the Isuochi, Nneato and Umuchieze Clans in the Okigwe and

Awgu Divisions of the Owerri and Onitsha provinces respectively.

6 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 12 November 2016. He was once

the Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi.

7 I.C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and Recrimination (USA:

Goldline and Jacobs Publishing, 2012), P.P 23 &62.

8______The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and

Recrimination…,P.61.

9______The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and Recrimination..,

P.62.

10 Interview with Nwaloro Uzoh, 79 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 20 November 2016.He is one

of the Elder Statesman in Amuda Isuochi.

11 Godwin Onyema, The History of Isuochi (Enugu:CECTA Nigeria Publishers,2000),P.P 1

&12.

12 Interview with O.I Ezekwesiri, 79 years old, the traditional ruler of Isuochi, 5 October

2016.He is the Ochi-1-of-Isuochi.

13 O.F. Ekemezie, The Peoples Treasure…, p.1. 42

14 Interview with Udema uzoegbulam, 79 years old, Mbala Isuochi, 28 December 2016. He

is one of the Elder Statesman.

15 I.C Madubuike…, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and Recrimination…,

P.25.

16 ______The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancor and Recrimination..., P.26.

17 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Emmanuel Offor, 89 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 28

December 2016. He is the oldest man in Obinetiti Amuda Isuochi.

18 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Offor, 28 December 2016.

19 Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London: Bogle L’ Ouverture

Publications, 1990), p.3.

20 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria (London: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc,

1965), P.6.

21 A. Afigbo, Ropes of Sand; Studies in Igbo History and Culture (Ibadan: University Press

Limited, 1981),P.9.

22 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria…, P.6.

23 I.C Madubuike, P.P 23 -62.

24 ______..., P.P 23-62.

25 Interview with Onuzuruike Uchealo, 68 years old, Ihie Isuochi, 19 November 2016.

26 Interview with O.I Ezekwesiri, 5 October 2016.

27 I.C Madubuike,The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria…,P.P 23 -62.

28 Interview with Peter Iwunna, 59 years old, Nsukka, 20 March 2017. He is a lecturer in the

department of Foundation Education, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

29 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 20 March 2017. He was once the

Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi. 43

30 I.C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria…, P.62.

31 A.S Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (8th edition)

(Oxford: University Press, 2010).

32 E.I Metuh, Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religion (Onitsha:Imico

Publishers,1987),p.6.

33 Interview with Udema uzoegbulam, 20 March 2017.

34 Interview with Udema uzoegbulam, 20 March 2017.

35 I.U Okam, Ehihie Ajuogu; A Celebration of a People’s Heritage and Icons (Mimsharch

Publisher, 2017), p.25

36 ______, Ehihie Ajuogu…, p.25

37 Interview with Udema uzoegbulam, 20 March 2017.

38 I.U Okam, Ehihie Ajuogu; A Celebration of People’s Heritage and Icons, p.26

39 ______, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria…, p.65.

40 I.U Okam, Ehihie Ajuogu…, p.26

41 ______, Ehihie Ajuogu, p.26

42 I.C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria…, p.65.

43 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 12 November 2016. He was once

the Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi.

44

CHAPTER THREE

THE CONCEPT OF THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION:

In the words of Cardinal Francis Arinze, Osu is a person who is specially consecrated to a spirit that has a shrine1.The name connotes slaves and outcasts. In essence, people sacrificed to gods bear the name2. They are seen as accursed people; hence, it is even preferred to call somebody a thief or harlot than Osu. As well, Anyichie defines the Osu as one dedicated to a deity or a divine shrine in a special way as against the ordinary man born under natural state of his Chi (gods)3. He attributes names that have a link with such deity such as Osuji (one dedicated to the yam deity),Nwosu (a child of an outcast),Osuagwu (one dedicated to the supreme deity),and Osuani (one dedicated to earth goddess). Similarly,

Uchendu describes Osu as people sacrificed to gods in the community4.This author adds that they assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in their shrines. According to the author, the Igbo people believe that the deities are too powerful and could cause havoc if they were not properly appeased. Proponent of this view could change a

Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land into an Osu. By this way, the present day Osu inherited their derogatory social status. From this perspectives therefore, our author maintains that the Osu Caste system is a societal institution derived from the ancient traditional belief system of the Igbo which was colored by superstition and propagated by ignorance. According to the source, the Osu is a human right aberration. He associates the

Osu with a cult slave, a living sacrifice, an untouchable, outcast, owner’s cult, a slave of the deity, sacred and holy being.

According to our informant, Monday Igbudu, the Osu Caste System started out of the indigenous religious practices of the Igbo5. Uchendu was of the opinion that Osu is a male or 45 female, consecrated and dedicated to gods in order to appease the gods to carry away sins, calamities and evil things that may affect the dedicator. He is a sacrificial lamb, a slave property of that deity he is dedicated to6.Nmah describe the abolition of Osu Caste System in

Igboland as an axiom7. This resource person maintained that the system has been abolished in some communities in Igboland but noted that that was only in theory. In Isuochi community for instance, various attempts have been made by some groups and religious organizations to stamp out the Osu Caste System in the land, but their efforts proved abortive. Various factors account for this. For instance, the demand by the people that the paramount rulers or the free born Christian communities of Isuochi must take a lead in that direction by either marrying an Osu themselves or getting an Osu for any of their sons or daughters to marry before others could follow suit. Thus, Nmah concludes by stating that Osu are people whose ancestors were dedicated to some deities, while the deities accepted them as their properties.

Chidozie Ogbalu in his book, Omenala Igbo, defines Osu as a person dedicated to the gods or deities .They are human beings like others but why they were treated like dogs or accursed people, was that they were sacrificed to gods, hence regarded as taboo, a laughing stock and an outcast8. According to this source, people became Osu in various ways. First, most Osu are dedicated to gods by non- Osu (Diala). An Osu can dedicate himself to the gods. A person who inflicts blood on an Osu and refuses to appease the land can also become an Osu.

Tony Uchenna Ubesie enumerated some various ways people can become Osu.

According to the author, in times past when people traded on slaves, human beings served as a commodities for sale. The merchants of this trade deal on human beings. Any person purchased at this period became a slave who automatically became servant to any person that purchased them. Various categories of people were traded during this period. First, a man that gave birth to many children may decide to sell one of them discovered to be lazy. Through 46 this means, the money realized from this is used to train others that appear more or less useful. Again, a man who discovered at the early stage that any of his children will bring shame to the family in future may decide to sell the child to the merchant. Those sold into slavery were more often than not used by their masters to appease the gods whenever the need arises. In some several occasions, these slaves were dedicated to a deity as a sacrificial lamb who took away the sins of the land9. The author concludes by saying that it is from such practices that most Osu factions earned their derogatory name.

Similarly, Ezeala defines Osu as a barbaric practice which has sorrowfully divided the noble Igbo race into two segments, the superior and the inferior citizens, and which makes a caricature of intelligence, a mockery of their nobility and avoidable lepers in any

International Human Rights Forum10.The Osu Caste concept demeans and subjugates one into second class citizens. It fans the embers of social disorder, frustration, immorality and brings a chain reaction of hatred, suspicions and prejudices. The author also observes that the

Osu Caste is a “cancer of the marrow”, and an Igbo endemic disease which causes nightmare to the Igbo race. Our author concludes that the system is an Igbo brand of apartheid11.This leads Uchendu to add that the Osu is different from pawn and Ohu although some literature use Osu and Ohu interchangeably. Our author adds that neither a Diala nor an Ohu, nor a pawn is an Osu. According to the source, an Osu is a cult slave dedicated to the services of the deity; hence an Osu is a religious cult slave under the practice of the Igbo traditional religion and a system of worship12.

Kroeber, a social anthropologist attributes Caste System to Hinduism and its ritual requirements13. Caste system is a hierarchical arrangement of social class that took its origin from India through the Hindu religious law14. This system includes people considered to have no caste and are regarded as untouchables, often characterized with living in slums, and having little or no access to health care, clean water and other basic social amenities. The 47 system subjects those regarded as untouchables to an extreme case of discrimination and exploitation by the higher caste.

THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM

According to our informants, there is no available data about the origin of the Osu

Caste System in Igboland. Uchegbulem, in his work The Ethical Implication of Osu Caste

System in Igboland asserts that the Osu Caste System has its origin from the practice of human sacrifices in Igboland15. This according to him was as a result of the quest for human sacrifice from the gods for the forgiveness of mans misdeed and also to avert future wrath. In order to meet the demands of the gods and also to avert future calamities in the land, people by themselves contributed money to purchase slaves that could serve the purpose. Most often, kidnapping was involved depending on the type of sacrifice required from the gods. At the end, the people kidnapped or purchased as slaves were regarded as Osu who were meant to bear the burdens of the evil and iniquity of that community. At that, this type of Osu served as a bridge between the people and the gods who reminded the people of the calamity that led to such a sacrifice. This category of Osu, more often than not were referred to as Arusi Osu.

Similarly, other scholars attribute the origin of the Osu Caste System in Igboland to the legendry practices of Nri Kingdom16. In the words of Ezekwugo, the Nri community possesses supernatural prowess to perform cleansing rites in any kingdom where there is a noticeable trace of abomination committed in the past. The resource person enumerated such abominations like murder and suicide. According to him, any village that fails to meet the cleansing rites were referred to as impure, Osu, and untouchable. On the other hand, any village where the purification took place was referred as pure and non-Osu.

Our informant, Silas Ejike, attributed ostracism as the origin of the Osu Caste

System17. According to him, in times past, people or villages who blatantly refute kings’ 48 orders were banished from the land. According to him, this banishment transcended from the generation of that village to the other generation. Hence, the banished people were called the

Osu. Isichie accordingly asserts that the culture of the Osu Caste System originated as people start the practice of life sacrifice for some notable crimes in order to appease the gods. He adds that ostracism is the act of ignoring and excluding certain individuals or group of persons from the normal societal functions to the extent that the victims become psychologically depressed and the fundamental needs of belonging, self esteem, control, and meaningful existence are thwarted while sadness and anger increase18.

Other oral traditions claim that sometime in the past, deities became so strong and dangerous that ordinary sacrifices could not appease them. Human beings were therefore used as sacrifice instead. These human beings were not killed but were dedicated to the deities alive. Other sources had it that the Osu tradition started during the time of inter-tribal war days in Igboland. During such occasions, villagers usually promised their local deities a gift of human beings if they emerged victorious in war. As a result of this promise, war captives were then dedicated to the deities as fulfillment of such promises. Most of the time, these deities requested particular people or community to be dedicated to them as their property. This type of message was often carried out through the oracle or a medium. Also, barren women most often made a promise to dedicate their children to the deity if the deity gave them children. In some villages, most villagers nominated people who they gave to the deity in order to avert a looming disaster. In the same vein, people who committed some abominations which deserved death sentences often ran away from their immediate community into the shrine of a deity where they made their permanent place of abode. All in all, it was the concerted opinions of various authors and interviews conducted that the origin of the Osu Caste System was obscure in nature. Accordingly, the system was generally seen as an aspect of the primal religion of the Igbo people. According to the sources, it started with 49 the sacrifice of human beings life to deities by self will and against will. For example, some people were dedicated to the deity as punishment for notable crimes; others were given to deities against self will and such people used were slaves purchased as well as Prisoners Of

War (POW).The other type of Osu were people who by self will gave themselves as properties of deities in order to escape capital punishment for serious crimes committed.

These categories of social outcast are called Ume. Furthermore, other people, in order to escape being sold into slavery ran into the shrine and so became the property of the gods of the land.

Undoubtedly, the origin of the Osu Caste System elsewhere in Igboland is the same thing in Isuochi as the community welcomed the system with open arms. Our informant,

Emmanuel Offor, an elder statesman from Amuda Isuochi reported that in all the nine villages in Isuochi, some group of people within the community were seen as those dedicated to the gods of the land and are referred to as social outcast. Our resource person also maintained that throughout the nine villages in Isuochi, those categorized as Osu live within the vicinity of the shrine of the deity referred to as Ajala19. In Umuaku Isuochi, according to our source, the village referred to as Osu in 1998 took a bold step in felling down the trees in the thick bush where the village shrine was located. As it stands today, that particular site is where the Afor Umuaku market, one of the biggest markets in Isuochi is located. Even in

Amuda Isuochi, the present Ohia Ajala (the shrine of Ajala) which had been a bad influence on the people categorized as Osu has been a bone of contention between the Osu in that village and their Diala counterpart20.

THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN ISUOCHI, IGBOLAND

As earlier stated, the Osu Caste system in Igboland obviously seems to be a non- positive aspect of the compendium of the Igbo Cultures. This cultural practice demeans 50 humanity thereby creating seeds of hatred among kith and kin. It is, to such an extent that it often forces the victims of this traditional belief system into lives of servitude to some deity founded in the communities. The Osu Caste System in Igboland goes by different names. For example, in Nsukka area, it is called Ohumma .In Awgu, it is called Nwani. In Isuochi, Osu is called Umu Ajala. Our informant reports that Umu Ajala were people sacrificed to the deity and people who ate what was sacrificed to Ajala and were treated as outcasts. She confirmed that with the exception of other villages in Isuochi, Ihie,and Lomara, seems to have different versions of name given to Osu. According to her, in Lomara,the Osu are called Umu Ajala,Umu

Ibu, and Umu Obasi Ibu.Umu Ajala were people who ate what was sacrificed to Ajala.Umu

Ibu are those who ate offering made to the Deity such as rams,goats,and fowls.Umu Obasi Ibu are those who had close dealings with the gods. Osu Caste System according to her does not exist in Ndiawa21. Here, the names Osu,Ohu,and Ume as used in different communities in

Igboland have the same negative connotation. In other words, the people that bear the name are widely discarded as some sort of sub- human beings, accursed people, slaves and unclean people. Obviously, the Christian bible informs us that it is most ungodly to categorize what

God has created in his own image as an Osu or a sub-human being.

In Isuochi, the discriminatory nature of the Osu could be seen in the following areas: inequality in peaceful associations, right to marry, and access to public offices. People believe that the Osu Caste System is part of the Igbo culture which must not be tampered with. Information gathered from sources seems to suggest that the Osu Caste System should rather die a natural death as the system goes contrary to the cultural milieus of the Igbo. Thus,

Okafor maintains that:

God created somebody and gave him to a particular family as gift from him. How on earth can another human being created by the same God turn round to reject God’s gift and called him Osu just because one culture demands that. It is in fact 51

absurd and contradictory. It is absolutely wrong and uncalled for. We do not need to subject people to such inhuman treatment22.

The isolation and discrimination of Osu in Isuoch and elsewhere in Igboland was so damaging and dangerous in communities that nobody dare talk with an Osu person or have any dealings with him or her .Chukwurah captures it better in his own words:

One dare not fight an Osu for fear of splitting his blood, free born does not sit on the same chair with the Osu. They neither use the same eating materials, sleep on one bed or mat nor use the same cup for drinking water23.

This leads Achebe to attribute the Osu Caste System in Igboland to leprosy in the mind of the Igbo people24.Among the peoples reference to a person as an Osu is seen as taboo, and people unworthy to be associated with. Chukwurah posits that In some parts of Igboland, the

Osu are treated as second class citizens25. In the Umuaka community in Imo State, the source maintained that those categorized as an Osu were treated with disdain26.The source maintained that in Nnobi, Anambara State, the story was entirely different following the peaceful integration of the Osu population into the community. As well, Nnokwa community abolished the Osu Caste System in traditional ceremony marked with a public burial of the image of an

Osu. Uli and Enugu-Ezike have followed suit too27

Presently in parts of Igboland, the inhuman isolation and discrimination perpetrated against the Osu by the free born has reduced drastically. For instance, the Osu are no longer castigated and untouchables. One can use the same cup to drink with them, use the same eating materials with them, sleep on the same bed with them, sit on the same chair in the school and also in the church with them, as well as buy and sell in the same market with them.

Accordingly, there are no more physical marks on the body of an Osu for easy identification.

Various reasons account for this, such as the Osu law of 1956 which made it an offence for any person to molest or injure or annoy or boycott any other person by reason of his being 52

Osu28.According to Chukwurah, the government made the law but the law succeeded in turning the whole system from an open confrontation to a cold and hidden one29.Another factor is the influence of Christianity in Igboland. According to the source, the new faith outlines some of the qualifications for membership to include shunning and dropping of some old practices which were contrary to the Christian ethics of which the Osu system was one of them. Western education was also one of the contributing factors. Through western education, new ideas and teachings were inculcated into the lives of the people. The obnoxious belief that Osu people portray evil omen and an ill wind of failure began to be phased out as a result of contact with education. Urbanization also contributed to that. For example, in metropolitan cities, the stigma is less than in the rural areas. People often entered into marriage contracts with their loved ones, irrespective of which class they belong to30.

However, it is a truism that the Osu Caste system seems to have reduced to the barest minimum in Igboland, but there are fragments of the practice that have refused to die a natural death. In some communities, it seems that the gap between the Osu and the Diala is no longer wide too. Unfortunately, the area of inter-marriage relationships still suffers terribly. It is our stance in this matter to make a case for the total abolition of any trace of Osu practice in Igboland since most of the erroneous believes and dangers inherent in it appear to be fallacious as our research suggest. Some of its practices such as eating together with the

Osu people, sleeping together with them as well as trading in the same market with them have been tested and proven wrong. The big question is: won’t the issue of marriage relationship between the Diala and the Osu just follow suit just like any other of its practices?

The simple truth has been that the issue of Osu Caste System in Igboland seems to be a bargaining chip in the hands of notable persons in the society to discredit some set of individuals considered inimical to their pursuits and ambitions31. 53

During an interview with our resource person, Emmanuel Offor, he was of the opinion that the Osu Caste System during the ancient time in Isuochi seemed to be a human creation with a view to achieving a particular purpose32”. He maintains that the system in

Isuochi started with the institution or establishment of a community deity named Ajala which must be venerated by the community33. One of the reasons for the belief in deities in Isuochi was to prescribe the future for the people. Ironically, the purpose for the establishment of those deities was defeated as it was reported that various atrocities went on in such shrines.

The Osu Caste System is a cultural albatross for Isuochi community34. It is a hindrance to human relationship and social progress. The argument is: if discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress, then no society including Isuochi should preserve that aspect of its culture which hinders its progress. The hatred, jealousy and envy that characterized Osu

Caste System is well encapsulated in the following words of Okoronkwo Udeh, an informant from Mbala Isuochi, who emphasized thus:

The Osu people in Isuochi are seen as being unequal with the freeborn not because nature has made them to be so, but because of the selfish, emotional and conventional interests of the people who subject them to the services of the deity35

The Osu Caste System finds rationalization in Igbo religious belief and dogma. It is a societal institution borne out of the primitive traditional belief system colored by superstition and propagated by ignorance. Uche chukwujioke from Ngodo maintains that “there was a social belief that the people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of deities which the Osu people serve would haunt those who socialized with them36. In 1956, a man called Harry, a member from Diala in Amuda Isuochi was ostracized from his kindred just because it was reported that he ate food from one of the members of the Osu. In 1959, some group of worshippers in one of the Methodist church in Amuda Isuochi drove away some of its members who happened to come from the Osu village in the area who were also 54 members of the church so as to avoid being contaminated. According to a source, a law was made in 1956 to protect Osu victims during this period but regretted that the law was just a

“pious statement” because most of the members of the then Eastern House of Assembly were non Osu37. Baring his mind on the extent of humiliation meted to the Osu in Isuochi,

Madubuike captures it this way;

My people also did some bad things I can still remember. We were not allowed to associate with certain families because they were regarded as “things set apart” for the gods. We were asked not to eat their food or drink from the same cup as they did38.

The Osu factor in Isuochi has made marriages in the area to be preceded by series of investigations. Elders from families from both sides travel to native villages to ascertain the social status of the other party. If peradventure it was discovered that one of them is an Osu, the marriage plan will be forfeited automatically. Many marriages in Isuochi have been aborted this way while already married couples have been forced to divorce as a result of such discoveries. In an interview conducted at Ngodo, the story had it that in 2012, a traditional marriage that was supposed to take place on the eve of Saturday was cancelled when the groom family discovered that the bridegroom was an Osu. Our informant narrated how the lady attempted suicide but was timely intercepted by her family members .He concluded by stating that it took some years before the lady was rehabilitated. In Umuelem, our source also reported how a man from Mbano cancelled his marriage proposal with a lady from the village when the girl’s social status was disclosed to the man by some group of men within the Diala kindred. In Amuda too, he narrated how a woman slumped and died when every efforts made by her to dissuade her son from marrying an Osu from the village proved abortive39. In the words of Achebe, 55

Osu is like a leprosy in the minds of my people. I beg you my son not to bring the mark of shame and leprosy into your family. If you do, your children and your children’s children will curse you and your memory –you will bring sorrow on your head and on the heads of your children. Who will marry your daughters? Whose daughters will your sons marry? Think of that. We are Christians, but we cannot marry our own daughters40.

According to one of our informants, some years back, it was a taboo in Isuochi for an

Osu to see the dead corpse of the Diala. In Umuaku Isuochi, our informant reported how an

Osu woman narrowly escaped the wrath of the villagers just because she attempted to see the dead corpse of a Diala as a way of paying last respect to the deceased. In Amuda Isuochi too, a woman was treated the same way. In Amuda, in 2012, our informant reported the case of a lady who died out of emotional trauma when all her efforts in convincing her parents to accept the marriage proposal made to her by a man who was later discovered to be an Osu failed41.

OSU AS A HUMAN CREATION:

The Osu Caste System was basically a human creation. A community women leader,

Mercy Eze claims that the system was brought into existence by human beings to discredit some individuals considered inimical to their political, economic, social, and cultural pursuit42. According to some people, the existence of deities is real. Our informant, Michael

Uche confirms that deities were created by God. To him, Igbo people believe that God does not have a house but operates through deities43. The priests serve these deities in their shrine.

As well, Ike was of the opinion that Igbo people believe that deities should be venerated44.

Based on this belief, they go to great length to ensure that deities were appeased when offended even if human sacrifice were required. Unfortunately, Deities have never asked for human sacrifice. The idea of sacrificing human beings life to deities was chiefly borne out by the priests serving these deities in their shrines45. It was clear that deities had never asked for 56 human sacrifice. The Osu Caste System in Igboland started as a result of inter-tribal wars between one community and another. Prisoners of War (POW) were dedicated to deities as a sign of honor to the deity for giving them victory during the war46. Thus, the Osu Caste

System and the existence of deities and spirits are mental constructs used to control and organize the society at the infancy of human race. Today, humanity has come of age. The

Osu Caste System finds rationalization in Igbo religious belief and dogma. It is a societal institution. According to Onwubiko:

The osu is not chosen by the deity, but rather conditioned to stay with or chose the deity as the last resort. He does not fall into any of the hierarchies of those who own the deity. He had no sacred function to perform except the service he did47. Onwubiko maintains that deities do not request anybody to serve them. Rather it was the individual persons who did that on behalf of the deity. The Osu Caste System therefore has its origin in attitudes and behaviors that are widely shared among some people in

Igboland. It is a traditional and religious practice that tends to produce social stratification of persons. It is one of such traditional practices that tend to distinguish among persons based on traditional beliefs. This type of system, according to Marshall is described as “rules of pollution”48. The stratification between the Osu and Diala social classes is reminiscent of the

Caste System whereby some people want to maintain their position in the upper class to the disadvantage of others. According to Dike, the historical origin of Osu began when the growth in number of powerful deities in Igboland created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines49. As a result, a set of rules that would guide and regulate communities’ interaction with the Osu were maintained basically out of fear and respect for the powerful deities under who they thrived and performed their religious functions. This source suggests that the making of the Osu contradicts the cultural evolution of the Igbo people which emphasizes justice as the most fundamental ethical values. 57

Mbakwe Uwaezuoke, an informant from Lomara was of the opinion that every

Indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. The deities were attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from faraway places to commune at the famous shrine. Miniature monasteries were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high priest assistants.

According to him, because some of these deities were believed to be very powerful, they needed to be attended to on continuous basis, with religious rituals in their shrines. The indigenous monk upon mastering their spiritual functions of learning to serve the gods, were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of an Osu. Thus, this author confirms that this was how the institution of the Osu Caste System came to be, and so the victims and their descendants belonged to the gods and they become the properties of the shrines and resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities, consequently excluded themselves from routine engagements with the rest of the community. Such communities maintained sets of rules that regulated their interaction with their Osu neighbors, mostly out of fear of the powerful deities under who they performed their religious functions. Such rules include absence of social interaction. Any person who breached the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically became one50.

Among the Igbo, sacrifice plays a great part in the religion of the people. It is the essence of their worship and the heart of their religion. In his book, Sacrifice in Igbo

Religion, Cardinal Arinze asserts that the Igbo people felt strongly convinced of the necessity for sacrifices. According to him, the Igbo do not think of life as being possible without due attention being paid to the invisible higher powers51.They believe that they must sacrifice to atone for their sins. According to Thomas, when human beings were dedicated to deities to carry the sins of the community, human victims can be sacrificed to bear the sins of the 58 community, or serve as Osu for other reasons52. Arinze further adds that the ceremony of dedication of Osu is called Igo mmadu Osu (consecrating a person an Osu). According to him, in Awka, it is a solemn religious ceremony where the priest of the spirit takes up his Ofo

(staff of authority) and dedicates the victim. The person dedicated to the deity carries the iniquities of the people. He is seen as the personification of the rage of the gods. His presence reminds the people of the anger of the gods and the calamity that caused his sacrifice to the gods.

THE OSU CASTE LAW OF 1956

The Osu Caste Law was precipitated following Balonwus’ Commission set up by the then Eastern Nigeria Government in 1956. The commission’s enquiry set the stage for the abolition of the Osu Caste System in Igboland. The Commission’s report which was presented to the then Minister of Social Welfare, sparked off action as the minister through private members bill, sponsors the motion at the Eastern House of Assembly. According to him,

It is an offence for any person to molest or annoy or boycott any other person by the reason of his or her being an Osu. It is an offence for any person to enforce against another person any disability with regards to marriage, or other acquisition or inheritance of property or joining of any title society or the observance of any social custom or ceremony on account of being an Osu. It also makes it actionable for a person to taunt person that he is an Osu53

While supporting the bill, the then Eastern Nigeria Premier, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe opined that the bill would achieve three things namely: to abolish the Osu Caste System and its allied practices as well as to stipulate punishment for any disabilities caused by the enforcement of the heinous system. The bill was debated for months, after which, the House saw the need to pass the bill into law. In no mean terms, the House described the system as 59 most horrible. According to the House, a system where human beings were degraded and dehumanized, with their rights and liberties brutalized, as unethical and unchristian. Going by this therefore, the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly unanimously agreed to abolish the

Osu,Ohu, and Ume practices throughout Eastern Nigeria. The abolition of the system was based on the provision of the section 20 sub section 1, and section 23 sub section 1 of the then Constitution of Eastern Nigeria, which had it that no person shall be held in slavery or servitude. The section 20 sub section 1 and section 23 sub section 1 of the constitution also had it that every person shall be entitled to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence respectively. The law became effective from 10th of May, 1956.

Undoubtedly, the law was the first official approach to the Osu Caste System in

Igboland. Following the promulgation of the law, it now became illegal to refer to anybody as an Osu, ohu or ume. The law also asserts equal obligation for members of the society to the state. It prevents people from molesting, injuring, annoying, obstructing or attempting to cause any obstruction to anybody or boycotting anybody in an attempt to exercise his or her right.

According to the law of Eastern Nigeria, 1963 volume 1, it made it absolutely illegal for anybody to discriminate against his fellow human beings either socially, economically and culturally54.It should be recalled that it was due to the stigmatization suffered by many people in the hands of their brothers and sisters over the Osu Caste System that led to the promulgation of the law. 61 years after in Igboland, the law has not done the magic of stamping out the continuous sustenance of this inhuman practice especially in Isuochi. The question is: Is it that the law was not sincerely made or is it that it was done just to fulfill all righteousness? For instance, since the law came into effect, there have not been any reported cases of persons or group of persons prosecuted for contravening the law. In Enugu State, the case between Umuode and Oruku in the Nkanu East Local Government Area is enough 60 evidence to show how weak the enforcement of the law has been. The imbroglio in Nkanu was a good avenue for the government to bring the defaulters to book so as to serve as deterrence to others, but unfortunately, the government has not done anything and the practice still continues endlessly in all parts of Igboland.

According to Monday Igbudu, the Osu Caste Law of 1956 succeeded in some parts of

Igboland, while in some other parts, the story was just the same55. In Nnewi, Vincent

Ujamadu reported that the official abolition of the Osu Caste System was made by Igwe

Kenneth Orizu 111 after the Osu Caste Law was made56. The Abatete community in

Anambara State abolished the system too. Obviously, the generation of people that started the

Osu Caste System had almost died. The argument is: Why would the present generation concern itself with such practices that hinder development? On his part, Igbudu, one of our informants confirmed that the issue of the Osu Caste System has remained a collective conspiracy of silence57.

Taking a look from the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it is quite obvious that there is nothing like Osu Caste System in Nigeria as far as the law was concerned. Coming from the perspectives of the Isuochi community as well as other communities in Igboland, can we now say that some local communities are above the law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? To understand how serious and offensive the Osu Caste

System is, the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in its provision in section

31 sub-section 1(A) and (B) put it this way:

(A) No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment.

(B) No person shall be held in slavery or servitude.

From the same 1979 Constitution, Sections 37 and 39 condemned the Osu Caste System from its provision of the equal right to peaceful assembly and association of all the Nigerian citizens, and also the provision of the right to freedom from discrimination (section 17 and 61

18)58. Similarly, the 1999 constitution also provides in sections 34, Sub Section 1 (A) and (B) as follows:

(A) No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment.

(B) No person shall be held in slavery or servitude59.

From this therefore, it is a crime, under the law, to refer to anybody as an Osu, because doing that is punishable before the law of the land. Regardless of the legislative action, the deep seated cultural practice has persisted among several communities of the present day South

East Nigeria. For instance, only recently, the Enugu State Governor, Chief Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi declared that with immediate effect, the Ohu System of Slavery and its allied practices in some parts of the State has been abolished effective March 7, 2017. This was as a result of the protest by some indigenes of Obiuno Ndi Uno community in Nkanu West Council Area of the State to the effect that they were still being treated as untouchables and subjected to certain sub-human conditions. The Governor described the ancient cultural practice as satanic. He maintained that it was against the spirit and letter of the 1999 Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria60.

Governor Ugwuanyi’s order came exactly 61 years after the Eastern Region’s House of

Assembly, Enugu, at the instance of Igbo Legislators, abrogated the Osu Caste System that had been prevalent among the Igbo ethnic group. The promulgation of Osu Caste Law was a historic event in all parts of Igboland.

As for the Isuochi community, the law of I956 was a failure. According to

Mgbeahuruike our informant, “what the law did was to reduce the system from an open confrontation to a hidden one”61. For instance, during the period under review, there were reported cases of man’s inhumanity against fellow human beings. In Isuochi, it was during the period under review that a group of people in Amuda Isuochi branded Osu was violently thrown out from a Methodist church in the area. The period also saw one of their lands taken 62 from them. The informant disclosed that the land in dispute was originally owned by the Osu of that village. According to him, the dispute started when a well-to-do man from the Diala questioned the very existence and relevance of the Osu community. The case was taken to the only native court in Isuochi then, but justice was perverted right there in the court. Our informant maintained that the case went in favour of the Diala. However, he was of the opinion that the Judge who handled the case was connected to the winner side. He recounts that the land in question had a lot of economic trees such as cashew, castor oil (ukpaka), as well as mango trees. He concluded by stating that the land dispute was the beginning of the severe hatred between the two warring parties in Isuochi.

Another incident which took place in Isuochi community which exposed the weakness of the Osu Caste Law was when a man from the Osu village in Amuda was openly embarrassed in the community open market (Afor Ojide Amuda) for attempting to sip palm wine with some Diala elders. Our source confirms that the man left the market in shame when the incident attracted the attention of the people. According to our source, the greatest surprise was that nobody cautioned the Diala for the action he took.

As well, the Osu Caste Law of I956 exposed the weak nature of most of the laws made in the country. The legislatures are elected by the people to make laws for the benefit of citizens. As officials elected by their people at both the federal, state, and local levels, they have unique role to play especially as regards enacting appropriate and enforceable laws to protect those facing discrimination in the society. There is a sharp difference between a law made on a book and a law marched up with action. Essentially, it seems that every law that does not correspond with marchable action and full implementation is dead one.

A review of the Osu Caste Law of 1956 shows that the law, like every other laws in

Nigeria, was rendered impotent, as it was not enforced62. According to Nwosu, three reasons account for the reasons while the law was not enforced. First, the society was not very 63 sensitive to human right issues, as the society was still battling with colonialism and its after effect. Also, the enforcers could see the law as going in opposite direction to the Igbo culture.

Third, those who were discriminated against could not complain to the authorities63.Undoubtedly, Corruption, crime, human and civil rights violations continue with impunity in Nigeria. The problem is not with the law but with the people making, enforcing, and interpreting the law. From our findings, it could be recalled that the Osu Caste Law was made when virtually all the members that comprised the then Eastern House of Assembly were non-Osu, hence it became difficult to enforce the law.

64

END NOTES

1 F.Arinze, Sacrifice in Igbo Religion (Ibadan:Ibadan University Press,1970),p.p 91&92.

2 “Ibuanyidanda, Complementary reflection,African Philosophy and General Issue in

Philosophy” Retrieved from http://www.frasouzu.com/.

3 A. Anyichie, Ikwu Amaghi Ibe Ezi Ako (Enugu:SWAAP Press,1991),p.6.

4 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria (London: Holt Rinehart and Winston Inc,

1965), p.89.

5 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 20 March 2017. He was once the

Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Amuda Isuochi.

6 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria.p.6.

7 P. Nmah, “Jesus Christ Vis-à-vis Osu and Oru in Igboland;Towards Reconstruction

Liberation Theology” Online Publication.

8 F. Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo:The Book of Igbo Custom (Onitsha:University Publishing

Company,1974),p.80.

9 T. Ubesie, Odinala Ndi Igbo (Ibadan: University Press Plc, 2010), p.112.

10 J.O Ezeala, “Can the Igboman be a Christian in view of the Osu Caste System” (Orlu:B.I

Nnaji and Sons Press Nigeria Ltd,1991),pp.21&22.

11 ______, p.22.

12 V.C Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria.p.8.

13 Kroeber in G.D Berreman, “Caste” The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences

L.David Sills (ed) Vols 1 and 2 Macmillian and Collier Inc.,1968,pp.333-338.

14 M .Jacques, The Premise of Inequality in Rwanda (USA: Oxford Press

Limited,1961),p.136.

15 C. Uchegbulem, “The Ethical Implication of Osu Caste System in Igboland”.M.A. thesis,

University of Nigeria, (Nsukka), 1994. 65

16 M. Ezekwugo, Ora-Eri,Nnokwa,and Nri Dynasty (Enugu:Lenjon Printers,1987),p.15.

17 Interview with informants from the Osu community in Amuda Isuochi.

18 W.Kipling, “Ostacism: The kiss of Social Death” (Social and Personality Psychology

Compass, 2007), p.236.

19 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Offor, 89 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 11 March 2017. He is

the oldest man in Obinetiti Amuda Isuochi.

20 Interview with Ihewu Offor, 68 years old, Umuaku Isuochi, 11 March 2017.

21 Interview with Grace Uche, 48 years old, Ndiawa Isuochi, 12 March 2017.

22 Interview with Ikechukwu Okafor, 60 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 11 March 2017

23 F.O Chukwurah, “Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge to Christianity” M.A.

thesis, University of Nigeria, (Nsukka).

24 Chinua Achebe, No Longer at Ease (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 1965), p.21.

25 F.O Chukwurah, “Osu Caste in Igboland…”

26 ______, “Osu Caste in Igboland…”

27 ______, “Osu Caste in Igboland…”

28 V. Dike, “Osu Caste: A Discrimination based on Descent. A working paper for committee

on the elimination of racial discrimination” NO CERD-61.Eastern Nigeria Assembly

Debate: Abolition of Osu Law 1956.Vol.1,NAE.

29 F.O Chukwurah, “Osu Caste System in Igboland…”

30 F.O Chukwurah, “Osu Caste System in Igboland…”

31 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 20 March 2017.

32 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Offor, 11 March 2017.

33 ______, 11 March 2017.

34 O. R Nwosu, “Osu Caste System: A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society” Retrieved

online at www.nigerworld.com.accessed 19th June, 2016. 66

35 Interview with Okoronkwo Ude, 78 years, Mbala Isuochi, 2 April, 2017.

36 Interview with Uche Chukwujioke, 70 years old, Ngodo Isuochi, 2 April 2017.

37 F.O Chukwurah, “Osu Caste System in Igboland”

38 I.C Madubuike, The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria; Beyond Rancour and Recrimination

(USA: Goldline and Jacobs Publishing,2012),p.p65.

39 Interview with Reuben, 73 years old, Ngodo Isuochi, 2 April 2017.

40 Chinua Achebe, No Longer at Ease… p.62.

41 Interview with Emmanuel Offor, 2 April, 2017.

.42 Interview with Mercy Eze, 50 years old, Umuaku Isuochi, 17 March 2017.

43 Interview with Michael Uche, 65 years old, Ngodo Isuochi, 17 March 2017. He is a

member of Igwe’s Cabinet.

44 Interview with Ikechukwu Uba, 57 years old, Umuelem Isuochi, 18 March 2017. He is a

community leader.

45 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 17 March 2017. He was once the

Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi.

46 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 17 March 2017.

47 O.A Onwubiko. Facing the Osu Issue in African Synod.(Enugu:O.A Orji and Sons

Ltd,1999),p.21.

48 G. Marshall, Dictionary of Sociology.2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 1998.

49 V.E Dike, “The Caste System in Nigeria, Democratization and Culture ,Socio-Political

and Civil Rights Implication”,Online Publication at www.arbis.com.Accessed 20th

January,2017.

50 Interview with Mbakwe Uwaezuoke, 57 years old, Lomara Isuochi, 28 February, 2017.

51 F.Arinze , Sacrifice in Igbo Religion.(Ibadan: University Press, Ltd),pp.91 &92. 67

52 N.Thomas, “Some Igbo Burial Customs” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological

Institute Vol.47.

53 The National Archive, Enugu “The Law promulgated to outlaw the Osu Caste System by

the then Eastern Regional Government of Nigeria in 1956”

54 “Laws of the Eastern Nigeria”1963 Vol.1.Enugu: Government Press, 1964.

55 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 12 November 2016.

56 Vincent Ujumadu, “Osu Caste System: A dead myth or reality” Cited in Daily Sun

Newspaper, 4 May 2016.

57 Interview with Monday Igbudu, November 2016.

58 “1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”

59 “1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”

60 “Abolition of Osu Caste System in Nigeria” Vanguard 21st march,2017.Retrieved from

http://www.vanguardng.com/category.

61 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Offor, 28 December 2016.

62 “ Osu Cult”National Archive, Enugu (1935-1955).

63 R. Nwosu, “Osu Caste System: A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society” Online

publication retrieved at www.nigeriaworld.com.accessed 12th march, 2017.

68

CHATER FOUR

IMPACT OF THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN ISUOCHI

The Osu Caste System between 1956-2012 had an enormous impact on all spheres of life in Isuochi community. The essence of culture is to impact positively on the life of the people. Essentially, no society can benefit from any culture that is segregating and discriminatory in nature. The practice of the Osu Caste System has subjected the Osu to a whole lot of terrible situations. For instance, the socio-political and cultural vulnerability of the Osu persons continues unabated as their options and concerted views rarely count in community gatherings and key social functions. The trend is demonstrated in a number of ways such as segregational provision of infrastructural facilities, separate caste-based neighborhoods, non-marriage relationship and several others. Such discriminations and stigmatizations have resulted to conflicts among the Osu and the Diala in Isuochi in the recent decades.

The Osu Caste System has perpetuated antagonism, stigmatization, conflicts, acrimony, and discrimination which derail the socio-political progress and development of

Isuochi community in particular and the Igbo nation in general. For the purpose of this work, we shall discuss the impact of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi under the following subheadings: reduction of human dignity and relevance, denial of rights in the community, promotion of pagan practices and idolatry, declassification of the human society, and segregation in the community.

REDUCTION OF HUMAN DIGNITY AND RELEVANCE

To reduce human dignity is to discount, decrease, or lessen somebody’s self respect, honor, self esteem, pride, and self worth. In Igboland for instance, an average man or woman 69 has a proper sense of pride and self respect which needs to be protected by him or her. Failure to recognize such respect sends a signal of worthlessness on the part of such individual.

It is the opinion in some quarters that a man, no matter how wealthy he is, amounts to nothing as far as he is categorized as an Osu. Consequently, his views, opinions, and contributions are never considered because of the social stigma placed on him. Human dignity and relevance is reduced on issues of marriage relationships between the Osu and

Diala, the funeral and burial of the Osu, and the chieftaincy of the Osu. Marriages between

Osu and Diala have often resulted to severe marital problems and wrong selection of one’s life partner. Our informant confirms that people who love themselves from the cradle often terminate their relationship when they discovered that either of them is an Osu1. This has forced them into marrying other persons they do not love.

An informant from Umuaku (in Isuochi) narrated how a man from the area cancelled a marriage proposal because he could not be accepted by his supposed In-law2. The girl’s father having noticed that his would- be in-law is an Osu immediately declined his acceptance as well and embarrassed him publicly. The source adds that he warned him to steer clear from his daughter or face consequent danger. According to the source, the man died early this year as a result of the frustration.

Also, there is an age- long hatred that could lead to inter-communal wars. For instance, to remind an Osu of his social status could result to some severe hatred which could culminate to covert or overt breakdown of relationships. Reducing the personal dignity of an

Osu could lead to a kind of scenario where the Osu see the free born as enemies to contend with. This has often led to fight between the children of the Osu and Diala in some public places such as streams, schools, in the farm, and other strategic places they meet themselves.

If an Osu dies, the Diala do not partake in the digging of their graves, carrying of their 70 coffins as well as in paying the last respect to the deceased. Onwubuiko captures it in his own words,

It was the traditional Igbo religious belief that a person on whom the right of segregation was performed as was the case of Osu was bound to be the last in the life after death and therefore would not attain the blissful state in the spirit world. This belief was very latent in the mind of the adult Igbo3

A source from Mbala also reports how an Osu student was humiliated in the school environment by his classmate who made mockery of him by referring to him as an outcast4.

The source concludes that the boy, out of social stigma from his classmates who came to know about it withdrew from the school. Our informants categorically confirm that the free born in Isuochi see the Osu as second class citizens and as such should not take any leading roles in the social, political, and economic activities of the community5. The informants concluded that the development has brought an unhealthy competition between the Osu and the Diala, as a result.

Also, the Diala do not join or accompany an Osu to his In-laws’ house for marriage proposals. If this unwritten code of conduct is violated, the repercussions could be disastrous.

Opata and Apeh capture it in the following words:

If an Amadi joins an Ohu bride at his In-Laws’ house, he may be mistaken for “one of them”, that is an Ohu. No Amadi would ever want to be associated with this kind of situation because it would require a lot of image laundering for him to reclaim his original Amadi status6.

Furthermore, the Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. In 1997, in one of the

Secondary Schools in Isuochi, a student of the school who happened to be an Osu, was publicly ridiculed and humiliated by the Diala who happens to be his classmate. The aftermath of the event was unpalatable as it was reported that the Osu boy laid an ambush on 71 the Diala boy and a heavy fight ensued between the supporters of the Osu boy and the Diala boy. Our informant notes that the fight brought about serious enmity between both families7.

As it were, the reduction of human dignity has its own attendant consequences. It would be remembered that Napoleon of France, though a distinguished soldier was never accepted by the French people. Among the many causes of his non acceptance were his smallish size, his coming from Corsica (and not Mainland France), and the funny ascent with which he spoke the French language. This earned him the scorn of the people and drew embarrassing reactions from them. Similarly Hitler (who was known for the holocaust and massacre of the Jews during the WW2), committed the atrocity he did probably as a result of his very little formal education and his very humble background. It was as a result of these psychological problems that made these leaders go into war as a way of dealing with their personality issues8. One is not trying to justify that war is good; rather we state clearly that when somebody’s personality is reduced to an infinitesimal level, there is the tendency that the resulting psychological effects could lead to war. Victor Dike, a renowned writer noted that everybody in the designated Osu community is automatically regarded as a pariah irrespective of one’s beauty, level of education or wealth9. They are regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.

DENIAL OF RIGHTS IN THE COMMUNITY

Rights can be defined as those privileges one is entitled to as a member of a particular community. To deny a person such right is to refuse to grant such a person something desired or believed to be a right. Undoubtedly, the effects of this traditional practice has constantly reduced the dignity of the Osu persons and deprived them of a lot of rights and privileges as enshrined in national and international constitutions and charters. For instance, the 1999

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, defined rights as those privileges which citizens enjoy by virtue of their very existence as human beings. These include right to life, 72 right to freedom of speech, right to freedom of movement, right to education, and right to peaceful assembly among others. These rights are described as inalienable and cannot be denied of citizens.

The practice of the Osu Caste System came with adverse effects on the victims in the areas of participation in politics of the Isuochi community. A resource person Monday

Igbudu confirms that since the political history of Isuochi, no member of the Osu community has been elected in the Council of Chiefs. He maintains that the traditional chiefs that constitute the Isuochi Council of Elders were mainly members from the Diala. He maintained that an Osu cannot be voted into the Igwe’s Cabinet because he stands automatically disqualified by virtue of his status as an Osu. He does not partake in decisions pertaining the governance and administration of his community10.Similarly, Offor maintains that the Osu in

Isuochi do not seek for political positions in the Igwe’s palace because they remain disqualified abi nitio by virtue of being Osu. He concludes by stating that even if an Osu defiles all odds to indicate their interest in the Igwe’s Council, the Diala will nip them in the bud11.

Ikechukwu Okafor from Amuda Isuochi, expressed his dissatisfaction on the extent the Osu victims have been marginalized in Isuochi and their rights denied with impunity.

According to him, no development projects have been cited within the Osu village in

Isuochi12. The Osu are often not given due attention when it comes to community development because of their social standing as Osu. Mattew Uwaezuoke from Ngodo then confirms that one of the reasons why community development has not been realized very well in Isuochi is as a result of the inability of the Diala to incorporate the Osu adequately in the scheme of things13.

From Ngodo Isuochi, a source confirms that it was as a result of the denial of rights due to the Osu that makes them refuse to contribute meaningfully to community 73 development14. He explains how a wealthy business man in the area was denied a traditional title of recognition just because he is an Osu. To him, the man has never made any investment in Isuochi going from the fact that he is wealthy. He attributes this to the inability of the people to accord him the title of honour due to him. At that, Ihewu Offor, an informant from Umuaku also stated that the Osu had contributed to community development projects but the fact remains that their efforts have not been appreciated for long15. Besides, the inability of the community to integrate them fully has dampened their resilience towards community development. This confirms what Uchendu stated that the Osu, despite their wealthiness, command no prestige16. Dike adds that stereotypes makes the Diala who believe in the Osu Caste System to discount the contributions an Osu makes in the development of his/ her community17.

Often, the Diala tend to frustrate every efforts of the Osu not minding how genuine they seem. They want to lord it over them because they believe that the authority of the Osu man or woman must be highly limited. Leadership in whatever capacity is highly regarded as the prerogative of the Diala. In the opinion of one of our informants, Igbudu, the chieftaincy title in Isuochi is an exclusive preserve of the Diala18. It is entirely difficult to make an Osu person a chief or King over the free born. These conform with what Apeh reported in Nsukka area, where the Amadi (or Diala ) abort attempts by the Ohu to attain important political positions such as the position of the Onyishi (Eldest man)19.

As noted by Dike in his book, Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for

Nigerian Democracy, a Diala is free to attempt to gain all traditional titles in the community if he has the resources, but the Osu, no matter his financial position, does not have such freedom20. The Osu is faced with incredible social barriers. He also adds that the Osu Caste

System violates the principle of brothers’ keepers’ which Igbo people are known for. He further observes that social pressure prevents individuals from interacting with people of their 74 natural likings. He notes that when one is divorced from his community, the person is likely to participate less, if at all, in the affairs of such a community.

The Osu do not have the freedom to marry the Diala without first hiding their true identity from the prospective bride or bridegroom. This type of scenario often has a negative effect. Such a hide and seek game has often resulted to marriage break up. Our respondent,

Ihewu Offor, reported how a ten year marriage between an ascribed Osu girl in Isuochi and her Mbano Diala husband was terminated when the woman’s real social status was uncovered21.

To that end, Aja Akpuruaja, a lecturer with the Abia State University notes that all human beings have the same source of origin and creation. Thus, everyone has, by creation the right to life, liberty, and property22. Aja quoting John Locke also has it that nature does not authorize us to destroy one another. One can only add that nature does not authorize us to destroy one another by merely poisoning them through words that proceed from our mouth.

Mere reference to a person as an Osu or social outcast sends serious signal of destroying their reputation and personality perpetually.

Philosophers like Plato, Rousseau, and John Locke hold common views that man was born free and equal, that man has inalienable right to life, liberty, and property, and that man has the faculty of goodwill, cooperation, and co-existence. It is injustice therefore to deny one his right just because of rash judgment and prejudice against a group tagged Osu, untouchable, and outcast. The negativity about the Osu appendage is apparently to give dog a bad name so as to hang him.

Plato in his “Republics” presents justice as the most fundamental basis of social life23.

For him, justice is measured by the capacity of every society to recognize and respect one another. Injustice breaches social life which could cause conflict. For a society to achieve social order there is need for social harmony. This can be achieved when societies shun 75 attitudes or behaviors that are inimical to the progress of others. In a social setting, mutual appreciation, tolerance, and accommodation of one another engender love and peace. Any insensitivity to the plight of others is a negation of peace and social injustice. Merely referring to somebody as Osu causes severe invisible wound in the life of such a person.

PROMOTION OF PAGAN PRACTICES AND IDOLATRY

The Osu Caste System in Isuochi encourage the growth and development of idol worship. Unfortunately this system advance, elevates, as well as fosters the cultures of idol worship. For instance, in one of the villages in Amuda Isuochi, several deities exist. There is

Umu Nkwo (children of Nkwo, a deity dedicated to the Nkwo market day),Umu Iyi Agu

(Children of a particular stream which was the deity dedicated to the stream of Iyi Agu), Eke

Anyim ( a deity dedicated to Anyim), and Umu Ajala (a deity dedicated to Orie Ajala market day). Among these deities, Ajala seems to be the highest of them all, as it was the one that incorporates all the Amuda people which serve as the central worship24.

The idea of giving sacrifice to gods forced people to show high regards to it in their daily activities. This was the origin of the proliferation of idols in Isuochi community. The exalted positions given to the traditional gods in Isuochi during this period made it almost impossible to do anything without consulting the gods duly. A source confirms that it was the tradition during the period in Isuochi that the worship of the ancestral gods virtually took central position in the economic, political, religious, and cultural activities of the people25. For instance, during new yam festivals in Isuochi, it is forbidden to eat yam without first performing the necessary sacrifices to the gods who they believed was the source of their bountiful harvest.

In one of the villages visited in Isuochi, a source confirms that such ancestral gods were seen as sacred cows to the extent that a market day is specifically dedicated for their honor26. In that particular village, according to the source, it is a taboo for a married woman 76 who has a quarrel with her husband to come back to her father’s house on an Nkwo market day. The source confirms that the idea behind this is that the woman according to the dictates of the gods will pollute the father’s house by bringing ill luck to the father’s family if she comes back on an Nkwo market day. To that end, most people now prefer to settle their disputes in the shrine of the gods rather than taking the case to the appropriate law enforcement agencies. The priests on their side become the advocate of the gods and often deliver messages to the people as are claimed to emanate from the voice of the gods. Often, people are told to bring fowls, goats, yams, alligator pepper, and other things to appease the land. All these are as a result of the high premium the people place on the worship of the traditional gods.

It has been reported that in recent times, one of the shrines where the Ajala deity is being worshipped also serves as a sacrificial ground for the people. People that committed series of atrocities are often seen there, observing one sacrifice or the other. Our source reported how a goat used for the sacrifice in one of the shrines was let loose and nobody ever attempted to touch it27. On several occasions especially in the mornings, various items of sacrifice made at the shrine, such as cooked food, yam, fowls, goat, and several others were scattered at the vicinity of the shrine. Most often, people find it difficult to pass by the shrine in the night as it poses fear to the people because of the many items of sacrifice that were left there.

DECLASSIFICATION OF THE HUMAN SOCIETY

To declass is to lower somebody’s social class; to give somebody a lower status or class in society. Igbudu confirms that the Osu Caste System has continued to widen the scope of class struggle and social stratification28. To him, as long as one is an Osu, one cannot rise to the apex level of the social ladder in the community and as such the affected person shall 77 continue to remain at the lowest level of the class system even when one was not supposed to be, going by all social indices and criteria.

Similarly, our informant, Ikechukwu Okafor maintains that it was to relegate the Osu to the background and reduce their hopes of claiming superiority, that made the Diala classify them as Osu so that they would never rise to the same status quo with them29. He concludes that, the Diala, in order to drive home the right of supremacy imposed forms of inferiority indexes on the Osu. The Diala always feel insecure in the midst of the Osu, and would likely make attempts to relegate them to the lowest ladder. At that, they seem to hold on to power in order to ensure that their social status is maintained. Basden captures it this way:

A man may even aspire to honors, indeed, with certain limits, it is open to him to pass through the various titular degrees to Ozo itself, the highest and the most coveted of all. Where this condition prevail, the measure of comfort deepens, as in other sections of the community, chiefly on the man’s own efforts, always with the provision, that he is the slave of the gods and his liberties are strictly encompassed. Outside the Osu village, his privileges are nil, he is regarded as a slave by all freeborn folk, and his social status fixed accordingly.Any titles he may acquire are recognized by his fellow Osu villages only, not by the freemen30.

Declassification of the human society according to a source had led to the principle of mediocrity instead of meritocracy in seeking for political positions in Isuochi. This our source describes as a bane in the development of Isuochi community. Similarly, declassification which can engender inequality is anchored by the Diala on the notion that an Osu is a living sacrifice to the gods of the land and therefore a slave not only to the community as a whole but also to its gods.

78

SEGREGATION IN THE COMMUNITY

To segregate is to separate one person or group of persons from others; or kept apart from each other. This is due to some misconceived idea that some people are superior to the others.

Remarkably, the Osu Caste System in Isuochi brought about segregation in all aspects of life.

The attitude of hatred between the Osu and the freeborn is most often seen where those referred to as Osu do often associate and interact more with their colleagues in other villages in Isuochi. The idea of hatred also exists, where parents instill in their children the particular group of people they would or would not associate with. Even in public gatherings such as town hall meetings, market places and so on, the two groups of people tend to exhibit that tendency of segregation and animosity against one another. During sharing in public place, the Osu and freeborn tend to favour their own people more, and give them better shares of foods, drinks, and gifts.

Again the Osu cannot sleep in the house of the freeborn irrespective of the closeness they may share. Should it happen, the family members will make the house very uncomfortable for him in the way of ostracization. Same goes for freeborn. The situation has become so serious that most of the time it also extends to their children and relatives living in the cities. One of our informants narrated how his cousin, who was stranded in Lagos, met his

Isuochi brother and beckoned him to accommodate him in his house for a night. The source confirms that the young man who already knew the social status of his cousin declined the offer with some excuses31.

Social segregation has adverse effects on issues of community development.

According to Ibe, this segregation had led to a situation whereby community development projects cited in the area of the two contending groups are politicized. A source pointed out that there was a community development project cited in one of the Osu villages sometime ago, which the Diala did not support. Because of that, the project did not see the light of the 79 day33. The situation was so terrible that whenever a community project was initiated, the first step or response was to find out which particular area the project would be cited. As such, people do not participate actively in community development projects because the project was not cited in their own particular area or rather, their interests are not protected34. Isuochi community has men and women of substance who can develop it. Such people do not show up or even contribute to developmental projects in the area because of the issue of segregation, not minding who will benefit from it. Until this barrier is broken, then the people still have a long way to go as far as community development is concerned.

Another dimension is the area of social exclusion. As noted by Apeh and Opata, social exclusion denotes the alienation of people that arises out of prior master-slave relationships going back generations past. Both authors agree that to be socially excluded implies that the person is denied social recognition and social entitlements. Such exclusion according to the authors is manifested in the restriction in the choice of marriage partners, denial of privilege of taking certain traditional titles, lack of representation in the village council (Oha), or town assemblies, ineligibility with regard to holding certain political offices and of performing some religious duties, and denial of dancing to the rhythms of some prestigious dances35.

Apart from social exclusion, segregation breeds discrimination and stigmatization.

Stigmatization is such a debilitating phenomenon that if not checked, could lead to untimely death. Dike noted that Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human relations and the upward mobility in some Igbo communities36. Because of the social stigma placed on the

Osu, most of them have withdrawn into their cocoon .For instance, most of the potential politicians among them have considered it foolhardy attempting to venture into politics in their local own areas, since their efforts most often are being greeted with contempt. Most of them lack self will to involve themselves in politics. This encourages political apathy. 80

The Osu stigma and discrimination refers to prejudices, negative attitudes, abuses and maltreatments directed at people ascribed as Osu. The consequences of stigma and discrimination are wide ranging. For instance, being shunned by the community members, age grades, and the wider Igbo nation, poor treatment in social gathering and the denial of the person’s rights could cause psychological damage. The Osu stigma and discrimination exist worldwide, although they manifest themselves differently across countries, communities, religious groups and individuals.

The Osu Caste System promotes an ideology of the supremacy of the Diala over the

Osu. The quest for supremacy could cause hatred and segregation with its attendant consequences. One should not forget in a hurry Adolf Hitler’s hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz concentration camps, the hatred in the

USA and the manifestation of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) against the blacks, and the Jim

Crows Law which was targeted at the blacks, the Hindu Caste System of the India, the former

Apartheid policy in South Africa, the Rwanda genocide, the Arab-Israeli wars, segregation, marginalization and dehumanization going on in countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan, and numerous others which had attracted international condemnation.

Segregation hinders social interaction. The Oruku community in Nsukka East local government area is a glaring example that demonstrates how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. According to Dike quoting Agbuegbu, “the segregation in Oruku community was so bad that the ascribed Osu village, Umuode, operate their local markets”37.

As mentioned before, the Osu social stigma and discrimination is caused by stereotypes which leads to prejudice and discrimination. Allport defines stereotype as an exaggerated belief associated with a category38. The stereotypes that the Osu are physically and socially dirty and smell contribute to their stigmatization and discrimination which culminated into the Diala segregating against them as a way of avoiding being 81 contaminated. Similarly, prejudice is a social attitude propagated for the purpose of stigmatizing a group so that stigmatization against them may be justified. Allport captures it this way:

Prejudice is an aversive or hostile attitude toward a person who belongs to a group, simply because he belongs to that group, and is therefore presumed to have objectionable qualities ascribed to the group39. Remarkably, the former UN Secretary, Ban’ki Moon once said “stigmatization remains the single most important barrier to public action”40. Stereotype manifests itself in diverse ways.

It can be negative prejudice or positive prejudice. In the case of the Osu Caste System, the prejudice is negative as the Osu are seen as sub- humans, dirty, and have smelling odour.

This leads to their social exclusion in the community. The Osu stereotype and discrimination could be likened to anti-Semitism in Germany during the world wars. For many centuries,

Christians in Europe discriminated against Jews. Many harbored a prejudice against Jews known as anti-Semitism. In the minds of anti-Semites, Jews represent mysterious, mythical, and evil forces. Christian anti-Jewish preaching seeks to prevent contacts with Jews, and many Christians believe that Jews were in league with the devil. They believed that Jews were not human beings and that they used magic to appear like other people. All these beliefs creates popular superstitions about the magical power of the human blood, sorcery and perversity, giving rise to the blood libel-the blood accusation that Jews used the blood of

Christian children in their rituals. Such stereotypes of the Jews interacted in the minds of many Europeans. This led to anti-Jewish violence where Christian churches and various governments enacted laws that prohibited Jews from engaging in certain occupations, forced them to live in certain areas. All these combined led to holocaust; the massacre of the Jews in millions by Hitler and other Nazis leaders41.

Therefore, the stigmatization of people branded an Osu has adverse effects which include loss of marriage or divorce, withdrawal syndrome from any social organization, a 82 feeling of worthlessness and loss of reputation. An Osu man or woman may be divorced from her marriage, championed by both families. When marriage is broken, there is corresponding loss of hope and feeling of worthlessness. This leads to a feeling of inferiority complex at social gatherings. Stigmatization also has both internal and external factors. Internal stigma refers to how people branded Osu regards themselves, as well as how they see the public perception of them. Stigmatizing beliefs and actions may be imposed by people ascribed as

Osu themselves. A source from a member of the Diala confirms that internal stigma makes it impossible for the Osu to come out to contest for local politics or any other activities of the community42. Thus, self stigma and fear of a negative community reaction can hinder efforts to address the issue of Osu by perpetuating the wall of silence and shame surrounding the system. Stigma worsens problems faced by the Osu Caste System. Most importantly, there is community stigmatization of the Osu victims. A community’s reaction to Osu has huge effect on the person’s life. If the reaction is hostile, a person may be discriminated against and may be forced to leave his or her home or even change his daily activities such as shopping, socializing, and schooling. An Osu woman described the experience of her son in his residence at Onitsha thus: “At first relations with the neighbours were wonderful and my son thrived there”. According to the woman, only his next door neighbor who happens to marry from Isuochi knew about her son social status. The woman concluded that her sons’ neighbour broke the confidentiality by telling another neighbour that her son was an Osu. She further stated that the neighbor of course, told all the others. According to her, this caused such pain and hostility that her son was forced to move out of the area43.

83

END NOTES

1 Interview with Sunday Ejike, 78 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 19 August 2017.

2 Interview with Ihewu Offor, 68 years old, Umuaku Isuochi, 11August 2017.

3 O. Onwubiko, Facing the Osu Issue in African Synod (Enugu: Orji and Sons Ltd,1999), p.3.

4 Interview with Paul Onyegiri, 56 years old, Mbala Isuochi, 15 August 2017.

5 Interview with Paul Onyegiri, 15 August 2017.

6 Apeh A & Opata C, “Social Exclusion: An Aftermath of the Abolition of Slave Trade in

Northern Igboland, Nigeria” in William and Mary Quarterly: A Magazine of Early

American History and Culture, Vol LXVI (No:4) Third Series (Williamsburg,

Virginia: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture,2009), p.p 951

&952.

7 Interview with Ikechukwu Okafor, 66 years,Amuda Isuochi, 10 August 2017.

8 S. Emezue, ‘‘War and Peace in the Twentieth Century” Department of History and

International Relations, Abia State University, Uturu.

9 V.E. Dike, The Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy (USA:

Morris Publishing, 2002), p.46.

10 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 50 years old, Onitsha, 21 August 2017. He was once the

Secretary of Obinetiti Development Forum, Umuehihie Amuda Isuochi.

11 Interview with Mgbeahuruike Offor, 89 years old, Amuda Isuochi, 21August 2017. He is

the oldest man in Obinetiti Amuda Isuochi.

12 Interview with Ikechukwu Okafor, 21 August 2017 .

13 Interview with Mattew Uwaezuoke, 68 years, Ngodo Isuochi, 4 September 2017. 84

14 Interview with Okpara, aged 65, 4th September 2017,at his home Ngodo Isuochi.

15 Interview with Offor, 68 years old, Umuaku Isuochi, 11 August 2017.

16 V.C. Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria (London: Holt Rinehart and Winston Inc,

1965), p.90.

17 V.E. Dike, The Osu Caste System in Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy

(USA: Morris Publishing, 2002), p.46.

18 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 21 August 2017.

19 Apeh A & Opata C, “Social Exclusion: An Aftermath of the Abolition of Slave Trade in

Northern Igboland, Nigeria” in William and Mary Quarterly: A Magazine of Early

American History and Culture, Vol LXVI (No:4) Third Series

(Williamsburg,Virginia:Omohundro Institute of Early American History and

Culture,2009), p.p46 & 47.

20 V.E Dike... p.p 46& 47

21 Interview with Offor, 21 August 2017.

22 A. Akpuru-Aja, Peace and Conflict Resolution (Abakiliki:Willyrose and Appleseed,2007),

p.2.

23 ______, In Peace and Conflict Resolution,p.2.

24 Interview with Albert Eluma, 69 years old, Umuaku Isuochi, 11 August 2017.

25 Interview with Albert Eluma, 11 August 2017.

26 Interview with Sunday Udeh, 79 years, Achara Isuochi, 12 September 2017.

27 Interview with Albert Eluma, 11 August 2017.

28 Interview with Monday Igbudu, 21 August 2017. 85

29 Interview with Ikechukwu Okafor, 21 August 2017.

30 G.T Basdan, Niger Igbos (London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd, 1966), p.248.

31 Interview with Samuel Madu, 69 years old, Ndiawa Isuochi, 10 September 2017.

32 Interview with Ahamefula, 65 years old, Ndiawa Isuochi, 10 September 2017.

33 ______, 10 September 2017.

34 ______, 10 September 2017.

35 A Apeh & C. Opata, Social Exclusion: An Aftermath of the Abolition of Slave Trade

….p.943.

36 V.E Dike, p.44.

37 Tobs Agbaegbu, “Slavery in Igboland”. News watch, Volume31, No 1, 12 January, 2000.

38 Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Addison: Wesley Publication Company, I979),

p.6.

39 ______, The Nature of Prejudice, p.7.

40 “Human Rights conditions” The Washington Post, February 16, 2009.

41 Retrieved from Microsoft Encarta, 2009.

42 Interview with Samuel Madu, 10 September 2017.

42 Interview with anonymous woman from the Osu village in Amuda Isuochi.21 August,

2017. He lives in Onitsha.

86

CHAPTER FIVE: THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM: HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVES

THE QUESTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

In the words of Alonge, that everyone by reason of his or her humanity is entitled to certain human rights is a new concept. He maintained that originally, people acquired rights and responsibilities through their membership to a group-family, indigenous nation, religion, class, community, or state1. The author observes that most societies have had traditions similar to the “golden rule” of “do unto others as you would have them do unto you”.

Similarly, the idea of human rights emerged stronger after World War 11 when human rights and dignity was violated enormously. As such, the recognition of basic rights of citizens is the beginning of peace and harmony in any given society. Regrettably, there exists a great discrepancy on the level of sincerity with which these rights are protected or enjoyed by different countries. In Igboland for instance, the practice of the Osu Caste System has put a hold on the extent these rights are being observed in the region. The question is: What then is human right? According to Obaseki,

Human rights have been variously described as the rights of man or fundamental freedoms. They are claimed and asserted as these which should be or sometimes stated to be those which are legally recognized and protected to secure for each individual the fullest and freest development of personality, spiritual, moral, and other independence. They are conceived as right inherent in individual as rational free willing creatures, not conferred by some positive law or capable of being abridged or abrogated by positive law2

The definition of Obaseki confirms that the conception of human rights are traceable to the ideas of natural law which were developed by ancient Greek philosophers ,Christian fathers like St. Thomas Aquinas and the social contract theorists of the 17th and 18th Centuries.

Social contracts philosophers like John Locke argues that obedience to government is based on the fact that men join together in civil societies and form government only for one reason: the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and estates which naturally belong to all men 87 simply because they are human beings3.Thomas Jefferson captures human rights in the following line of argument:

We hold this truth to be self evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable right, that among this are life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. In order to secure these rights, government are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the concept of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the rights of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute a new government. Laying its foundation on such principles and organization its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness4. As well, human rights can be classified into civil, political, social, economic, and cultural rights5. The Osu Caste System falls under civil and political rights which include freedom from torture and inhuman treatment, freedom from slavery and forced labour and freedom of association and marriage.

HUMAN RIGHTS AS A UNIVERSAL ISSUE

The official declaration of human rights in 1948 by a world body, United Nations

Organization (UNO) which was commonly referred to as the Universal Declaration of

Human Rights (UDHR), prescribes how government should treat its own citizens and made it a matter of legitimate International concern, and not simply a domestic issue6. Of course,

Nigeria was one of the signatories of the UDHR, and as well signed other human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (1966), the

International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), International

Covenant on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) (1965), The

Convention against Torture, and other Cruel, Inhuman, and Degrading Treatment or

Punishment (CAT), and the African Charter on Human and People’s Right7. It should be borne in mind that the idea of equality and human dignity was one of the most prominent 88 items discussed in this declaration and treaties. For instance, the idea of equality as contained in the article means equal rights; benefits and opportunities are open to every member of the community. It is a way of living that suppresses overt individualism and does not confers special treatment to certain group of people or a particular family. This notion collaborates with John Locke theory of equality and human rights as follows:

Reason…teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent; no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions. For men being all the workmanship of one omnipotent and infinitely wise maker, all the servants of one sovereign master, sent into the world by his order and about his business, they are his property, whose workmanship they are, made to last during his, not one another’s pleasure8 It is an attestation that human rights will not conform to the idea of justice until the benefits of human rights are extended to each individual in the society equally. Justice represents a synthesis of the principles of human rights, equality, and fraternity. Justice signifies appropriateness. It can be viewed in the principle of equality which abhors discrimination. The idea of protecting the dignity of human person remains important in the discourse of human rights and the principle of human equality.

An understanding of human rights is basically a naturalist tradition which sees the idea of human rights as a natural property of every legitimate member of the society. It is not the product of any legislation or enactment, neither is it a fruit of treaties. Any declaration of such confirms what God has created9. On the basis of being human, the Western world sees these rights as inalienable but the understanding of human rights should be seen as properties of the community and benefits are to be restricted to only legitimate members of the community. Legitimacy here connotes those that are related biologically and paternally to the community. 89

The community as basis for individual rights should recognize personal rights of individual members of the community. This is due to the fact that the natural membership of the right of individual person in a community cannot denied him of his dignity of human person and worth, a fundamental attributes he possesses as person ordained by God. This view confirms with what Gyekye emphasized as follows:

The respect of human dignity, natural or fundamental attribute of the person which cannot as such , be set as thought by the communal structures generates regard for personal rights10. The author argues that since respect for human dignity is a fundamental attribute of all persons, individual right cannot be violated. The concept of human dignity in African human right conception sees the dignity of human kind as where the well-being and interests of each member of the community are assured. The view further explains that the advancing of the dignity of human person signifies in the believing in the principle of human equality that would offer protection against tyranny and oppression and the tendency of human being to dominate. This confirms with what the former president of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda, captures it in his own words;

Human dignity is a concept which is as old as man himself. It is basic in every human life. It refers to the intrinsic worth of man. It underlines his importance as a center of creation, probably the highest expression of God’s image in the ceaseless stream of events in our changing environment. In a large measure, i think it is time to say that this quality which is inherent in man and not imparted to him by human action makes him different from other animals. It is the most important element among the qualities which confer upon man the inalienable rights which have since been defined in more precise and unequivocal terms, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principles of which have been incorporated in the charter of the United Nations11.

The principle of egalitarianism also contained in the article of UDHR sees all human beings as equal because he or she possesses creative humanity as a creation of God. This

Julius Nyerere noted as follows: 90

People can accept the equality of man because they believe that all men were created by God, they can believe it because scientific evidence supports such a conclusion or they believe it simply because they believe it is the only basis on which life in society can be organized without injustice12 The idea of equality is crucial for the realization of socio-political organization based on fair and just principles. The idea of equality hinges on African humanist view of the human being. Humanism as used in this sense connotes to:

Recognize the other person as a fellow human being, which in turn means to acknowledge that his or her worth as a human being is equal to our own…and at the public policy level, that the basic rights, which intrinsically belong to an individual by virtue of his or her being human, ought not to be interfered with, subverted or set at naught13 The rights people have in the community where they belong should be communal and members of the community should claim such right without undue hindrance. As human beings, one is automatically worthy and honorable as a result of his inherent worth. It is to this fact that one’s worth and dignity cannot be enhanced in isolation from others in the society. No man is an island or can live in isolation. Trying to do that is difficult for he cannot function adequately and cannot actualize his potentials as well. For this, as a person enjoys his right, he still have a duty to respect the right of others so as to advance the common goals of the members of the community.

In social life, human beings have natural quality going from the fact that they are born in a pre-existent community. Community connotes group of people’s feelings which are linked by interpersonal bonds as people who share common values, interest, and goals. Each member of the community therefore should acknowledge such existence of common values, goals, obligations, and understanding and feel committed to the building of the community.

As globalization dominates the world which turns the world into a global village, where different cultures, social institutions, and life styles are meeting at different levels and mutually influencing each other. As such, the way of doing things and behaving is impinging 91 on and affecting each other. It is therefore essential for community to look inwards to identify and nip in the bud such cultural practices like the Osu Caste System which could dent the image of the people globally. In the words of Tersoo “when an encounter as a result of globalization occurs, a cross cultural influence takes place with the result that over a period, such cultures undergoes some modifications”14. As cultural evolution evolves, there is a process of cultural diffusion where each culture assimilates something of the other culture15.

Sarpongs put it this way, “when cultures encounter each other, there is bound to be the impact of one upon another”16.Unarguably, it is quite necessary that Isuochi community and elsewhere in Igboland are not left out in this experience of cultural revolution that is hovering over the Continent. Mbiti captures it in his own word:

Africa is caught up in a world revolution which is so dynamic that it has almost got out of human control. It is the revolution of man as a whole, and therefore, no people or country can remain unaffected by this new rhythm of human history…it is a total change and one which affects all spheres of life17. It is important to state that human rights are not political gifts that can be given out to people at will or retained as an exclusive preserve of certain group of members in the community. The concepts of human right stipulate how human beings should be treated by one another to ensure equitable and just society. Human rights enable us understand the culture of respect of human dignity and equality of all humans in the society. When such rights are violated, there tends to be a gross failure to institute moral order.

Over the years, the evidence of discrimination against the Osu are wild ranging.

According to Igwe, human rights that were denied to the Osu include disinheritance, that is when a Diala marries the Osu, ostracism, organized attack, keeping harvest offering separately in the church, denial of membership in the social clubs, disruption of marriage ceremonies, denial of chieftaincy titles, denial of property, as well as expulsion of wives18.

Alam observed that there is the Osu class which is a dehumanized group in Igboland.

He maintained that the Osu were denied their social and cultural rights. According to him, 92

The Osu Caste System is an impediment to social progress19. Dike also asserts that if discrimination continues, no social progress is possible, and gradually, the society collapses20.

As well, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 together with the

International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights as well as the International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which was adopted in 1966 by the UN General

Assembly formed the International Bill of Human Rights21. The Bill serves as the complete framework for the respect of human dignity the world over and made it mandatory that States will be held accountable for the way the bill is being implemented. At Tehran in 1968,

Western Nations that was signatory to the structuring of the International Bill of Human

Rights changed its focus from individual to a new approach that appears more or less political22. At Tehran, human right was tied to global concern. Part of the key points included in the Tehran included the issue of Apartheid, racial discrimination, denial of rights of self determination etc. The Tehran proclamation brought about a reversal turn of event to the former signatories of the International Bill of Human Rights that sees human rights within the ambits of legal instrument. As it were, human rights in the proclamation were viewed as the

“Worlds massive and urgent problems”. The International Bill of Human Rights in their proclamation discussed extensively on the principle of inclusion and exclusion as contained in the Human right article.

The principle of inclusion defined human rights in the contexts of International Bill of

Human Rights. The content of these rights explicitly stated that these rights and freedoms are to be enjoyed by everybody without any form of distinction as regards to sex, race, language, or religion. The charter aims at promoting human rights by including them instead of excluding them in some old- age practices that reduce human beings to the status of non- 93 persons. Human rights over the years have been marked with historical process where human rights have been characterized by the rights of the privileged few23.

The principle of exclusion is one of the things that pose threat to the actualization of human rights the world over. For instance, rights to political participation, economic security, and cultural developments were mainly the exclusive preserve of some privileged few. Under normal circumstances, the declaration of human rights according to International Bill on

Human Rights was supposed to be all-inclusive; covering every human beings and communities without any form of distinction in terms of race, sex, language, or religion. The inclusive principle was anchored in the United Nations instruments and re-affirmed in the

Vienna Declaration of 1993. Despite this declaration, the practices of exclusion persist in many societies. In Igboland for instance, the practices of exclusion was the pattern of an exclusivist society based on the practices of Caste System where some individual are relegated to the background and treated as sub- human from their fellow kits and kin. The

Osu Caste practice is in constant opposition to basic human rights values. No doubt, the

System defeats the basic plan and purposes of the United Nations Declaration on the

Elimination of all forms of discrimination. The inclusive nature of human rights implies that human beings are entitled to the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Obviously, it seems that the principles of inclusion are not enjoyed by some communities in

Igboland, in Nigeria that was one of the signatories of the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights.

THE ISSUE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Section 42 Sub- section 1 and 2 prohibits all forms of discrimination. The Nigeria Constitution as the supreme law of the land supersedes any other norm or rule contrary to it. Going by this therefore, every 94 individual is entitled to the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms recognized and guaranteed in the Constitution without distinction. It is a truism that an Igbo man, whose honour and reputation is violated, essentially, has nothing to live for. In essence, an Osu man whose honour and reputation is violated, also has nothing to live for. The Diala in Isuochi community should not do to others what they would not like the others to do to them. Our guiding principle should be “let the Eagle perch and kite perch too”. The challenge of the Osu is his honour and integrity which have been destroyed by mere fact of his ancestral origin.

Experiences of the Osu Caste System in Igboland is just a revelation of misconceived doctrine attached to culture that prevails over human values, hence human beings are relegated to status of non-persons. The systems make mockery of individual human rights. In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the promotion and protection of human rights is based on the assertion that states having belonged to the UN and as signatories to

International human rights agreement, have sign to respect and fulfill the norms set out in the charter. Hence, it is expected that states abides with the obligations and will be held responsible if they falter in the agreement. The issue of State Responsibility was firmly included in this proclamation. The plight of the victims of the Osu has been over-looked largely. The international law also made a provision for the recognition of the individual as a victim of human right violations be given the right to seek and be granted redress for damage suffered. A provision was also made for group of victims to bring collective claims and to obtain collective reparation24.

It is quite obvious that human rights violation by their nature cannot be proportional to the grave psychological injury inflicted upon the victims. The demand for social justice becomes imperative to stem the tide of people who were violated in one way or the other. The underlying motif in the principle of inclusion is the value of human person that have been violated. According to Boven, “human rights must not be exclusive on such grounds as race 95 and religion etc”25Over the years in Nigeria, group of people have been made scapegoats due to social construct of the Osu in Igboland where some people have been assigned some sort of pejorative role. For peace and sustainable development to take full course, communities must focus on guaranteeing fundamental equalities devoid of discrimination. According to

Castellino,

The human rights agenda to 2030 and beyond ought to be focused on guaranteeing fundamental equalities, and not “non-discrimination”.Non-discrimination requires that systems treat everyone the same-only valid when each individual or community starts from the same premise of equal access to opportunities26.

The author was of the opinion that many developing countries have worked on inequalities undermining their existence in their various countries. For example, China has achieved a feat in equality through affirmative action and policy changes in education, political governance, and linguistics rights. As well, through administrative processes, India has moved from constitutional guarantees of equality and therefore has changed cultural inequality of the Hindu Caste System. Equally, Iraq has subdued all inequalities and has created mechanisms to accommodate the Kurdish. Even South Africa has shown example by demonstrating that socio-economic right can be justifiable through access to anti-retroviral drugs. Brazil as well, has sought mechanisms to put the Bolsa Familia Scheme on firm footing27.

HUMAN RIGHTS AS A CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECT IN ISUOCHI, IGBOLAND

In the words of Ukaegbu, the principle of equality and non-discrimination is a basic feature of human rights28. It is the opinion of the author that the principle of non- discrimination is complemented by the principle of equality as stated in article 1 of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights as follows: “all human beings are born free and equal 96 in dignity and rights”29. Human rights covers the relationship between people living in a society, hence, nobody can take away the right to associate with others.

In Isuochi community however, there are specific areas in the article of the human rights that have been a controversial subjects over the years. For instance, the principle of egalitarianism as contained in the UDHR has been a controversial issue in human rights in

Isuochi. It could be recalled that a committee set up by the United Nations drafted the document that defined and universally granted basic rights to all human beings and called them “Equal and inalienable rights of every human beings30” It is equally important to know that these rights are entrenched in the constitution of all member states of the United Nations.

Despite all these proclamations, the equality of humans has been a hot debate across the nook and crannies of Igboland including Isuochi community. For instance, avid supporters of the

Osu Caste System in Isuochi believe that the Osu cannot be compared with their Diala counterpart in terms of equality. They believe that the Diala are more superior and belong to the highest level of class system in the community than the Osu. To them, Osu are sub- humans and should not compete with the Diala. This had resulted in a clash of interests that breeds and fans ember of hatred, discrimination, and injustice.

Moreso, the principle of non-discrimination also contained in the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights seems not to go down well with the staunch supporters of the

Osu Caste System in Isuochi. The belief in the Osu Caste System was made more stronger following the superstitious fabricated by the ancestors of the Igbo. This our resource person

Okam noted as follows: “The Osu Caste Superstitious were woven around albinos that they were evil and bearer of bad luck in the community31”. This superstitious belief which encouraged the discrimination of the Osu negated all remedies to the system. Worst of it all has been that despite western education and the Christianity brought by the white missionaries, discrimination of the Osu still persists among the Diala. It is to this according 97 to Okam, that no matter how educated, rich, or holy an Osu could be, the people believe an

Osu is still an Osu and the discrimination continues.

98

END NOTES

1 F.K Alonge, et al, Civic Education for Senior Secondary Schools (Ibadan: University Press

Plc, 2013), p.98.

2 Cited in Andrew Angbah, on “The Ingredients of Liberal Democracy” A PG Seminar Topic

presented at the Department of History and International Studies, UNN Nsukka, 2016.

3 M.Onaulogho, “The Equality of Mankind According to John Locke” M.A. thesis 1997, p.5.

4 J.S Goldstein & J.C Pevehouse, International Relations (ninth ed.), (USA: Longman &

Pearson, 2011), p.267.

5 Simmons Beth, “Mobilizing for human Rights: International Law and Domestic Politics”

(Cambridge: Global Human Rights Institutions Policy, 2007), p.9.

6 F.K. Alonge, et al, Civic Education for Senior Secondary Schools…, p.99 .

7 Retrieved from www.dalitfreedom .org.

8 M.Onaulogho, “The second treatise” quoted in the Equality of Mankind according to John

Locke, Doctoral thesis, Department of Philosopy, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

1999, p.4.

9 A.O.Tersoo, “An Evaluation of the Concepts of Human Right and Equality Among the TV

People of Benue, Nigeria” M.A. thesis, Department of Philosophy, University of

Nigeria, (Nsukka), 2009.

10 K.Gyekye, Traditional Modernity: Philosophical Reflection on the African Experience

(New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), p.259.

11 A.O.Tersoo, M.A. thesis, 2009. 99

12 J.K. Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), p.12.

13 Cited in K.Gyekye, “Traditional Modernity: Philosophical Reflection on the African

Experience..” p.259.

14 A.O.Tersoo, M.A. thesis, 2009.

15 O.T. Agundu, “The Changing Face of African Personality in the Pluralistic Society: The

Experience of the Tv People” p.8.

16 F.S. Wegh, Understanding and practicing Inculturation (Ibadan: Caltop Publications,

1997), p.13.

17 J.S. Mbiti,African Religion and Philosophy (London: Heinemann Educational Ltd, 1968),

p.1.

18 O.w Igwe & G.O. Akolokwu, “The Scar that Has Resisted Erasal: The Discrimination of

Osu of Igboland, Nigeria-Assessing the Human Rights Implications” in

American International Journal of Contemporary Research, Vol. 4 No.1;

January 2014. Retrieved 17th August,2017.

19 M. Alam, “Parallel Presentation of Positive and Negative Sides of Igbo Culture in Things

Fall Apart” In Global Journal of Human- Social Science: H Interdisciplinary, Vol.14

Issue 6 Version 1.0 year 2014.

20 V.E.Dike, “The Osu Caste System in Igboland, Discrimination Based on Descent”. A

paper Presented to the UN Conference – Committee on the Elimination of Racial

“Discrimination (CERD) Sixty-First Session” Geneva, 8-9 August, 2002. Online

Retrieved from

http://Idsn.org/fileadmin/user_folder/pdf/old_files/africa/pdf/nigeria.pdf. 100

21 M.A. Chigbo, “Diplomatic Settlement after ww11” Lecture Note for 300 level student of

History and International Relations, Abia State University, (Uturu), 2007, p.22.

22 ______, p.23.

23 Fons Coomansetal, “ Human rights from Exclusion to Inclusion; Principles and practice :

An Anthology from the work of Theo Van Boven” Retrieved at

https://searchworks.stanford.edu.

24 ______, “ Human Rights from Exclusion to Inclusion…”

25 ______, “Human Rights from Exclusion to Inclusion…”

26 J. Castellino, “Social Inclusion and Human Rights: Implications for 2030 and Beyond”

Sustainable Development Solution Network, 2013.

27 ______, “Social Inclusion and Human Rights…”

28 M.N Ukegbu, Basic Civic Education For Senior Secondary Schools (Owerri: Meybiks

Nig. Publishers, 2012), p.4

29 ______, Basic Civic Education For Senior Secondary Schools…, p.4

30______, Basic Civic Education For Senior Secondary Schools…, p.1

31 I.U Okam, Ehihie Ajuogu; A Celebration of a People’s Heritage and Icons ( Mimsharch

Publisher, 2017), p.40

101

CHAPTER SIX

SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

From our research, we discovered that the practice of the Osu Caste System in Isuochi and elsewhere in Igboland has been characterized and identified with stigmatization, discrimination, subjugation, and segregation. It has backward looking tendencies and detrimental effects on inter-human relationship, community development, social cohesion, and peaceful co-existence amongst the people. Isuochi community, we were meant to understand were related through origin. The big question is, if the people are connected by the same ancestral origin, how then should they discriminate among themselves? We also discovered that the practice of the Osu Caste System is a non positive aspect of the compendium of the Igbo culture.

From the research also, we understood that the existence of deities are real. The Igbo believe that deities were God’s creation. To them, God do not have a house but operates through deities created by him. The chief Priest serves these deities in their ancestral shrines.

The idea of sacrificing human beings to deities was chiefly carried out by these Priests who served these deities in their shrines.

It was also discovered that the origin of the Osu Caste System was obscure in nature.

It was generally seen as an aspect of the primal religion of the Igbo. Various sources attributes the origin to the legendry practices of the Nri kingdom while others had it that it started during the time of inter-tribal war days in Igboland. Apparently, the simple truth has been that the system was just a mental constructs used to organize the Igbo society at the infancy of human race. Igbo people believe in justice, equity, and fairness. It is injustice to assign certain group of people within the community a sort of pejorative name in the way of

Osu with a view to discriminating them. The practice of the Osu Caste System no doubt, has 102 brought about soured relationship in Isuochiland. The Osu Caste law of 1956 and the denouncement of the practice by the Isuochi for Christ has not done any magic in bringing about a new phase of relationship between the Osu and the Diala. It has been established, from the information gathered in some parts of Igboland, that some communities have eradicated the Osu Caste System. This research work advocate for the total eradication of this system within Isuochi community and other part of Igboland. This is because the practice of the System is degrading and inimical to the progress of the Isuochi community. Good enough, it is a thing of joy to know that the Osu Caste System is gradually fading away in some Igbo communities. Isuochi people should borrow a leaf from other neighbouring Igbo community to end this practice in Igboland once and for all. It has also been noted that the need for culture in every society is to promote societal values, and inculcate morals in the lives of the people. Thus, any cultural practice that does not promote societal good is evil.

Similarly, the Osu Caste System is working against the principle of love, unity, and communality which Isuochi community is known for. From the research also, it has been established that the Osu Caste System is well pronounced in some Igbo communities, while in other community it is not well pronounced or does not exist at all. Recently, the Enugu state governor, Chief Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, declared that with immediate effect, the Ohu slavery and its allied practices as practiced in parts of the state, has been abolished, effective March

7, 2017.This pronouncement, obviously is a great challenge to other South East governors to follow the foot step of the governor by making the same pronouncement in their various states and also ensures that it is enforced.

RECOMMENDATION

We recommended functional education as a step towards ending the practice of the

Osu Caste System in Isuochi. The people of Isuochi can nip the system in the bud if sincere efforts are taken. For meaningful development to take full course in Isuochi, the people 103 should do away with any culture that does not enhance the unity of the people. One way they could achieve this is through functional education of their children who this practice seems to be transferred to. The question is: what then is functional education? The main purpose of education is to remedy ignorance. Education involves a transformation of the citizenry and making them aware of their rights and duties in the society. When a people are educated, awareness is created, ignorance reduced, while social interactions are increased. Scholars have rightly claimed that illiteracy gives birth to total stagnation. Stagnation is such a debilitating problem that “the knowledge of today will be inadequate tomorrow. We must strive to move forward, and knowledge must be acquired on a continuous basis. In today’s world, there have been growing changes in technology, human values, attitudes, and life expectations. In the present times, there is now great need for technological literacy, social and political literacy, electoral literacy, cultural literacy and even attitudinal literacy. There is therefore the need to acquire new language skills, new expertise and behavioural attitude to cope with the growing demands of life. There can be no room for stagnation if one is to succeed in coping with the challenges of living.

Thus, the potentials and gains associated with literacy in this 21st Century are quite large and overwhelming. Education and its literacy cousin are mind builders, human capacity developers, knowledge injectors, and confidence makers. Consequently therefore, education ranks among the most empowering tools necessary for proper human development. It eliminates ignorance and protects the human mind from undue bias, stereotypes, as well as cultural and intellectual imprisonment. Education frees the mind, and endows its recipient with the skills and abilities to decipher the left from the right and learn to adopt clear attitudes to life.

Similarly, greater emphasis on moral education in home, school, and religious institutions would go a long way towards steering the minds of the people especially the 104 youths who are considered the future leaders. Authors have widely agreed that discipline and moral education play vital roles in the effective development and emancipation of children and youth as leaders of our tomorrow’s world. They argue that strong moral education given to children and learners at school and in some religious institution guide their behaviours and moral dispositions when they later emerge as adults in their local communities, religious groups, and on national circles.

It is an attestation that at home and at school, children and youths needs a strong moral base to teach them about ethics of life. At school and in the home therefore, moral education is highly essential. The respect for the dignity of human life is quite fundamental.

Thus, every sound moral education must be geared towards equality of man before God.

Avenues must be created to enable young minds appreciate the need to respect human dignity and also the principle of equality of all men. Families, communities, and teachers need to collaborate effectively in the training and moral education of their children and youths to enhance development in our community such as Isuochi.

No system of education is separate and distinct from the system of socialization and of living in the society. An educated man is a man who has good social inter-relationship with his community, who obeys and respects the laws of the land, the elders and so on. It is a deliberate, systematic, and sustained effort to transmit, evoke or acquire knowledge, values, attitudes, skills and sensibilities.

Education has a lot to do with culture. It serves as an effective indispensible vehicle with which culture are transmitted from one generation to another. It is an effective tool for advancing our culture from one generation to another. Through education, communities preserve and transmit its culture from one generation to another. It is the vehicle through which the worthwhile elements of the culture are transmitted to the learner. 105

Since the Osu Caste System is a non-positive aspect of the people’s culture, it therefore became necessary that the knowledge of education will go a long way towards inculcating in the people the need to eradicate this practice which seems divisive in nature and does not promote community development. The Osu Caste System has become a great challenge to the Isuochi community. The Osu-Diala dichotomy in Isuochi can be eradicated by educating our children and youths on its frivolity and its tendency to destroy rather than build the people.

CONCLUSION

The Igbo society existed as one before the Osu practice started. It was discovered that one of the problems associated with the eradication of the Osu Caste System is the fear surrounding it. To this effect, we concluded by stating that traditional rulers and elders of

Isuochi community need to fashion out peace and unity programmes such as Mbiama feast,

Egwu Egbechukwu Festival and Egbe Ajala festival. These festivals which had disappeared into thin air in Isuochi should be revitalized. This is because the festivals provide opportunity not only for relaxation and enjoyments but provides occasions for social interactions, exchange of ideas of individuals, as well as moments for stock taking and evaluations. During this programmes, a prize will be given to any outstanding Diala who has distinguished himself in canvassing for the eradication of the Osu Caste system or who had either shown example by marrying an Osu lady or vice versa.

Also, the story of the local history on the origin of the people should be told in order to inform and educate the people on the common historical origin that binds them together.

To do this will help maintain the continual equality of the people under one umbrella. To that end, attitudes of prejudice, segregation, discrimination, and hatred against fellow community men and women as well as denial of human rights must be avoided by all and sundry. Elders, 106 youths, and children need to learn from our local history that the Osu Caste System is just a human creation which seems to divide the people instead of uniting them. The Osu Caste

System has lived beyond its years of usefulness. As such, the system needs to be expunged from the list of valued cultures and traditions which hallmark the Igboland and the ancient

Kingdom Of Isuochiland.

107

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