The Imagery of Iranian National Identity
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PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way Into Iranian Progressive Reformism Through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani
ISSN 1751-8229 Volume Fifteen, Number Two A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way into Iranian Progressive Reformism through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani Ali Mehraein, Independent Scholar, Islamic Republic of Iran Abstract: The problem which is both created and tackled by this article is that although it advocates the Iranian progressive reformism as the most preferable political force in Iran, it simply does not find reformists’ own formulation of their “competitive advantage” convincing enough. Thus, to provide an argument for Iranian progressive reformism this article not only strives to explain one of the latest Iranian reformists’ mistakes (their stance on the assassination of Qassem Soleimani) through the Lacanian concept of imaginary identification as elaborated upon by Slavoj Zizek, but also to illuminate precisely at formulation of what that mistake was an attempt. In doing so, it conducts a comparative analysis of the funeral processions for General Qassem Soleimani in 2020 and for Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and then proceeds to draw some perhaps neglected points from the moment of the Islamic revolution of 1979 as well as from the period of Khomeini’s leadership. However, far from being just a more elaborated explanation of Iranian reformism, an attempted reformulation like this of Iranian progressive reformism hopes to pave the way for creating new spaces for political act in Iran. Key Words: Iranian progressive reformism, Slavoj Zizek, Ayatollah Khomeini, Qassem Soleimani, imaginary identification, political act. 1 The background: from Iranian fuel protests in mid-November 2019 to Soleimani’s funeral procession in January 2020 The assassination of commander of Quds Force General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone attack ordered by former US President Donald J Trump on 3 January 2020 happened against a backdrop of Iranian people reeling from a bloody suppression in mid-November 2019 of a nationwide protest against the abrupt rise of fuel price. -
Asadi Zeidabadi P 2019.PDF
The Perspectives of Iranian Feminists and Women Activists on their Political Identity and Priorities Pardis Asadi Zeidabadi A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University August 2019 Abstract This thesis seeks to explore the perspectives of women involved in feminist and women’s activism in Iran on important aspects of their political identity and priorities. This study draws on forty seven one to one semi-structured interviews with Iranian feminists and women activists, through an explanatory approach. It engages with the participants’ perspectives on key concepts and issues such as feminism, women’s rights, gender equality and democracy. Participants of this study include a spectrum of women with different beliefs and strategies: secular feminists, religious reformists and religious conservative women. As Iran is a country that has a difficult context for gender politics, Iranian feminists and women activists apply different approaches to seek to improve the status of women. Key findings include: (1) Approaches to being a feminist and supporting feminism relate both to participants’ beliefs, but also the strategies they apply to advocate women’s rights. (2) There were important differences and similarities in what participants understood by gender equality and what aspects of equality they prioritised. (3) Working towards greater democracy was important to all participants, but there were important differences in their views over whether democracy should be secular or Islamic and how far Iran was from being a ‘full’ democracy. This research contributes to the existing literature by considering a variety of feminists’ and women activists’ views about the terms feminist and feminism, their approaches to gain gender equality and also their views about democracy and its possibilities in Iran. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
The Implications of the Iranian Reform Movement's Islamization Of
The Implications of the Iranian Reform Movement’s Islamization of Secularism for a Post-Authoritarian Middle East by James Matthew Glassman An honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with honors designation in International Affairs Examining Committee: Dr. Jessica Martin, Primary Thesis Advisor International Affairs Dr. John Willis, Secondary Thesis Advisor History Dr. Vicki Hunter, Honors Committee Advisor International Affairs UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO AT BOULDER DEFENDED APRIL 3, 2014 For over the soul God can and will let no one rule but Himself. Therefore, where temporal power presumes to proscribe laws for the soul, it encroaches upon God’s government and only misleads and destroys souls. ~ خداوند منی تواند و اجازه خنواهد داد که هیچ کس به غری از خودش بر روح انسان تسلط داش ته ابشد. در نتیجه هر جایی که قدرت دنیوی سعی کند قواننی روحاین را مقرر کند، این مس ئهل یک جتاوز به حکومت الهیی می ابشد که فقط موجب گمراهی و ویراین روح می شود. ~ Martin Luther 1523 AD - i - To my parents, Rick and Nancy, and my grandfather, Edward Olivari. Without your love and support, none of this would have been possible. and To Dr. J. Thank you for believing in me and for giving me a second chance at the opportunity of a lifetime. - ii - Table of Contents Glossary of Essential Terms in Persian ...................................................................................... iv A Note on the Transliteration ..................................................................................................... vi Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... vii Introduction: The Emergence of a Secular and Islamic Democratic Discourse in Iran ........ 1 Chapter One – Historical Framework Part One: Post-Colonial Secular and Islamic Thought in Iran 1953 - 1989 ........................................................................................................ -
Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads: an Exploration of Iranian Leadership
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads An Exploration of Iranian Leadership Dynamics David E. -
State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010
STATE, DISSIDENTS, AND CONTENTION: IRAN, 1979-2010 HAMID REZAI SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Hamid Rezai All rights reserved ABSTRACT State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010 Hamid Rezai Why after almost a decade of silence and “successful” crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state’s continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In “State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010” I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. -
(1997-2005) Melody Mohebi
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science Intellectuals, Reform and the Making of a Modern Iranian Civil Society (1997-2005) Melody Mohebi A thesis submitted to the Department of Social Policy of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London November 2012 2 Declaration of Authorship I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 91,355 words. 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors, whose advice and encouragement played an integral role in the writing and completion of this thesis. Professor Howell helped me develop as a researcher, kept me positive and urged me across the finish line. Professor David Lewis always provided invaluable comments and guidance. The intellectual environment and support from the LSE, particularly the Department of Social Policy, proved instrumental throughout my years here. I would like to thank Professor Tim Newburn for giving me an opportunity to teach, keeping an open door and providing guidance. -
Orientalisme 2.0 (Fanny Gravel-Patry) FINAL SANS IMAGES
Université de Montréal Orientalisme 2.0 : la Révolution verte iranienne en images Par Fanny Gravel-Patry Département d’histoire de l’art et d’études cinématographiques Faculté des arts et des sciences Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade Maître ès arts (M.A.) en histoire de l’art Décembre 2014 © Fanny Gravel-Patry Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales Ce mémoire intitulé : Orientalisme 2.0 : la Révolution verte iranienne en images Présenté par : Fanny Gravel-Patry a été évalué par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Richard Bégin, président-rapporteur Olivier Asselin, directeur de recherche Ersy Contogouris, membre du jury Résumé Depuis la colonisation jusqu’aux plus récents conflits qui affectent le « Moyen- Orient », le visuel participe à la création d’une image raciale et sexuelle du monde musulman dans laquelle l’Orient « archaïque » est représenté comme l’opposé moral de l’Occident « moderne ». Ce discours nommé Orientalisme (Saïd 1994) transforme l’Orient en objet du savoir et du regard occidental (Nochlin 1989). La peinture, la photographie, et les expositions universelles sont autant de moyens qui permettent d’instaurer un point de vue privilégié de l’Occident sur l’Orient. Avec le Web 2.0 et les technologies mobiles, le partage d’images fait partie intégrale de notre quotidien et celles-ci nous proviennent de partout et de n’importe qui. En considérant que l’Orientalisme est indissociable des techniques modernes de représentation du monde (Mitchell 2013), le présent mémoire souhaite interroger l’impact de ces nouvelles technologies sur la production, la circulation et la réception des images du dit Orient. -
The Green Movement in Iran
Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2012 Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran Afsaneh J Haddadian Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation J Haddadian, Afsaneh, "Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran" (2012). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 1078. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/1078 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS’ EMERGENCE AND FORM: THE GREEN MOVEMENT IN IRAN A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By AFSANEH J HADDADIAN B.A. French Language and Literature, Ferdowsi University, 2007 2012 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES March, 16,2012 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Afsaneh J Haddadian ENTITLED Social Movements’ Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ______________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Thesis Director ______________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Donna Schlagheck, Ph.D. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
1 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION: Iran’s Perceptions of its Internal Developments and their Implications for Strategic Competition with the U.S. in the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – March 2011 By Alexander Wilner May 17, 2011 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] 2 With the assistance of Adam Seitz of the Marine Corps University, the Burke Chair has compiled a series of chronological reports that focus on Iranian perceptions of national security and assess Iran‟s intentions concerning competition with the US. The latest version of these reports is entitled “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iran's Perceptions of its Ballistic Missile Program and Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011,” and is available on the CSIS web site at http://csis.org/publication/us-and- iranian-strategic-competition-2. Previous versions include “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iranian Views of How Iran‟s Asymmetric Warfare Developments Affect Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011” (http://csis.org/publication/us- and-iranian-strategic-competition-1). The Iranian government‟s statements and actions provide considerable insight into the country‟s strategic competition with the US. They help show how the regime perceives and responds to external pressure and its relationship with the international community. The regime‟s rhetoric regarding its “soft war” against external cultural influence and domestic liberalism as well as laws such as the proposed Supervision of Members of Parliament bill provide key insights into the changing nature of the regime and its outlook.