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Home , Anthony Joseph Scirica, Bashir Hameed, Bruno Blum, Columbus Free Press, Death of a Prophet, Edward Hanrahan

THE QUEST FOR

BLACK POWER: A LUTA CONTINUIA

Compiled and Edited by Marc Imhotep Cray, M.D.

(aka RBG Street Scholar)

Essays on the History of / Pan-Afrikanism

Preface

It is quite clear that Afrikan people in America continue to be miseducated. This problem is discussed in a variety of ways in conversations every day in our communities throughout America.

The time is ripe to heed the long-standing, and most often overlooked, calls for Afrikan Unity, Cultural Development, Education and Social Transformation. Such is what this book most fundamentally represents. Contrary to the prevailing, misinformed assumptions, RBG (Black Nationalism / Pan- Afrikanism) as an ideology, interaction and academic process is not a rabid assertion of Black supremacy. Unlike white Nationalism and American patriotism, RBG (Black Nationalism / Pan-Afrikanism) and its proponents do not seek to humiliate, exploit, or oppress any person or people. Rather, RBG / (Black Nationalism / Pan-Afrikanism) is a positive affirmation of the cultural, political, social, economic and moral identity and concerns of African people. In its most rudimentary forms, it reacts to the brutally violent and repressive conditions under which African people have and continue to live. / create an environment where whites are necessarily viewed with suspicion, but we are not anti- white. We are Afrikan/ Black on purpose and Black folks must first and foremost be beholden to each other. The most basic expression of RBG (Black Nationalism/ Pan-Afrikanism ) thought is that Black / Afrikan people in America and throughout the diaspora are bound by the common history and experience of historical chattel and present day mental , suffering and death under the boot heel of white supremacy / racism. Most importantly, RBG is about self-reliance, self-respect and self-defense toward the total liberation and unification of all Afrikan people that desire to defend, define and develop in our own image and interest.

In keeping with the spirit of Sankofa ("return and get it" a West African Symbol of Adinkra Wisdom representing the importance of our learning from the past) you should keep in mind that in the societies of our Afrikan ancestors and current kinsman the oral tradition was / is the method of choice in which history, stories, folktales and spiritual beliefs were /are passed on from generation to generation. Webster's dictionary defines "oral" as, "spoken rather than written," and it defines the word "tradition" as, "transmittal of elements of a culture from one generation to another especially by oral communication." It is the power of the Afrikan oral tradition integrated with written documentation that sits at the core of this compilation.

We believe that the ultimate end of intellectual growth and development for students of Afrikan decent in 21st America should first and foremost be a deeper overstanding and a fuller appreciation of Afrikan people’s rich history and continuing struggle for individual and collective self-definition and political economic development as a Nation within a Nation. Reading, thinking and reflecting with close attention to this book’s scholastic guidance you learn to see more, understand more and uncover more, thus prepare yourself for a richer, more selfless and more meaningful contributions to self and kind.

As you read / study these essays please keep in mind, education is not eternal and timelessly written in stone, but should be situated historically, socially, intellectually, written and read at particular times, with particular intents, under particular historical conditions, with particular cultural, personal, gender, racial, class and perspectives at center. Through multimedia learning we can see ideology in operation. Thus, this compilation is provided to encourage and enhance critical reading, thinking and writing based in the Afrin Idea

A CAPSULE OF WHAT’S INSIDE/ Black Nationalism/ Pan-Afrikanism

Black Nationalism (BN) advocates a racial definition (or redefinition) of black national identity, as opposed to multiculturalism. There are different Black Nationalist philosophies but the principles of all Black Nationalist ideologies are 1) Black unity, and 2) Black self-determination/political, social and economic independence from White society.

Martin Delany is considered to be the grandfather of Black Nationalism.

Inspired by the apparent success of the Haitian Revolution, the origins of Black Nationalism in political thought lie in the 19th century with people like , , Henry McNeal Turner, , David Walker, Henry Highland Garnet, , Paul Cuffe to name a few..

The repatriation of black American slaves to Liberia or was a common Black Nationalist theme in the 19th century. Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association of the 1910s and 1920s was the most powerful Black Nationalist movement to date, claiming 11 million members. Although the future of is seen as being central to black nationalist ambitions, some adherents to black nationalism are intent on the eventual creation of a separate black American nation in the U.S. or Western hemisphere.

According to Wilson Jeremiah Moses in his famous work Classical Black Nationalism, Black Nationalism as a philosophy can be examined from three different periods giving rise to various ideological perspectives for what we can today consider what Black Nationalism really is.

The first being pre-Classical Black Nationalism beginning from the time the Africans were brought ashore in the Americas to the Revolutionary period. After the Revolutionary War, a sizable number of Africans in the colonies, particularly in New England and , were literate and had become disgusted with their social conditions that had spawned from Enlightenment ideas. We find in such historical personalities as Prince Hall, , and a need to found certain organizations as the Free African Society, African Masonic lodges and Church Institutions. These institutions would serve as early foundations to developing independent and separate organizations. By the time of Post- a new form of Black Nationalism was emerging among various African-American clergy circles. Separate circles had already been established and were accepted by African-Americans because of the overt oppression that had been in existence since the inception of the . This phenomenon led to the birth of modern Black Nationalism which stressed the need to separate and build separate communities that promote strong racial pride and also to collectivize resources. This ideology had become the philosophy of groups like the Moorish Science Temple and the . Although, the Sixties brought on a heightened period of religious, cultural and political nationalism, Black Nationalism would later influence afrocentricity

Marcus Garvey

Marcus Garvey encouraged around the world to be proud of their race and to see beauty in their own kind. A central idea to was that black people in every part of the world were one people and they would never advance if they did not put aside their cultural and ethnic differences and unite. Black people, Garvey felt, should love and take care of other black people.

The principles of Garveyism are race first, self-reliance and nationhood. Race first is the idea that black people should support other black people first and foremost, self-reliance is the idea that black people should be politically and economically self-reliant (it was important to Garvey that black people develop businesses owned and operated by black people and that they patronize these businesses) and nationhood is the idea that black people should create a which would safeguard the interests of black people worldwide.

To disseminate the UNIA's program, Garvey founded the Negro World newspaper and to encourage black economic independence, he founded the Black Star Line in 1919 as well as the Negro Factories Corporation. The UNIA also initiated the Universal African Legion, a paramilitary group, the Black Cross Nurses, the African Black Cross Society and the Black Cross Trading and Navigation Corporation. Garvey attracted millions of supporters and claimed eleven million members for the UNIA. Marcus Garvey, however, did not advocate that all black people should leave the United States to emigrate to Africa (a strong United States of Africa would protect the interests of all black people everywhere in the world so a physical migration of all black people in the West was unnecessary and, in some cases, undesirable).

Although Marcus Garvey was an ardent supporter of racial separatism (he encouraged black people to separate themselves from whites residentially, develop their own all black businesses and schools, and preached against inter-racial marriage as 'race suicide'), he made it clear that he held no hostility towards whites and believed in the equality of all human beings. Garvey set the precedent for subsequent black nationalist and pan-Africanist thought including that of (and several other African leaders) the Nation of Islam, and most notably, Carlos Cooks (who is considered the ideological son of Marcus Garvey) and his African Nationalist Pioneer Movement. Marcus Garvey's beliefs are articulated in The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey.

Malcolm X

Between 1953 and 1965, while most black leaders worked in the integrate black people into mainstream American life, Malcolm X preached independence. He maintained that Western culture, and the Judeo-Christian religious traditions on which it is based, was inherently racist. Constantly ridiculing mainstream civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X declared that nonviolence was the "philosophy of the fool". In response to Reverend King's famous "I Have a Dream" speech, Malcolm X quipped, "While King was having a dream, the rest of us Negroes are having a nightmare."

Malcolm X believed that black people must develop their own society and ethical values, including the self-help, community-based enterprises that the black Muslims supported. He also thought that should reject integration or cooperation with European Americans until they could achieve cooperation among themselves. Malcolm called for a "black revolution." He declared there "would be bloodshed" if the racism problem in America remained ignored, and he renounced any sort of "compromise" with whites. After taking part in a Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), he recanted extremist opinions in favor of mainstream Islam and ["true brotherhood"], and was soon after assassinated during a speech held at The , NYC.

Upon his return from Mecca, Malcolm X abandoned his commitment to racial separatism; however, he was still in favor of Black Nationalism and advocated that black people in the U.S. be self-reliant. The beliefs of post-Mecca Malcolm X are articulated in the charter of his Organization of Afro-American Unity (a Black Nationalist group patterned after the Organization of African Unity).

Frantz Fanon

While in France wrote his first book, Black Skin, White Mask, an analysis of the impact of colonial subjugation on the black psyche. This book was a very personal account of Fanon’s experience being black: as a man, an intellectual, and a party to a French education. Although Fanon wrote the book while still in France, most of his other work was written while in North Africa (in particular ). It was during this time that he produced his greatest works, A Dying and perhaps the most important work on decolonization yet written, The Wretched of the Earth.. In it, Fanon lucidly analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for national liberation. In this seminal work Fanon expounded his views on the liberating role of violence for the colonized, as well as the general necessity of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. Both books firmly established Fanon in the eyes of much of the Third World as the leading anti-colonial thinker of the 20th century. In 1959 he compiled his essays on Algeria in a book called L'An Cinq: De la Révolution Algérienne.

Black Power

Black Power was a political movement expressing a new racial consciousness among black people in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. Black Power represented both a conclusion to the decade's civil rights movement and an alternative means of combating the racism that persisted despite the efforts of black activists during the early 1960s. The meaning of Black Power was debated vigorously while the movement was in progress. To some it represented African-Americans' insistence on racial dignity and self-reliance, which was usually interpreted as economic and political independence, as well as freedom from European American authority. These themes had been advanced most forcefully in the early 1960s by Malcolm X. He argued that black people should focus on improving their own communities, rather than striving for complete integration, and that black people had a duty to retaliate against violent assaults. The publication of The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965) created further support for the idea of African-American self-determination and had a strong influence on the emerging leaders of the . Other interpreters of Black Power emphasized the cultural heritage of black people, especially the African roots of their identity. This view encouraged study and celebration of black history and culture. In the late 1960s black college students requested curricula in African-American studies that explored their distinctive culture and history. Still another view of black Power called for a revolutionary political struggle to reject racism and economic exploitation in the United States and abroad, as well as colonialism. This interpretation encouraged the alliance of non-whites, including Hispanics and Asians, to improve the quality of their lives.

Uhuru Movement

The is the largest contemporary black movement advocating black nationalism and was founded in the 1980s in St. Petersburg, Florida. Composed mainly of the African People's Socialist Party, the Uhuru Movement also includes other organizations based in both Africa and the United States. These organizations are in the process of establishing a broader organization called the African Socialist International. "Uhuru" is the Swahili word for freedom.

The (RNA)

A was a social movement organization that proposed three objectives. First, the creation of an independent Black-majority country situated in the southeastern region of the United States. The vision for this country was first promulgated on March 31, 1968, at a Black Government Conference held in Detroit, Michigan, United States. Proponents of this vision lay claim to five Southern states (, , , , and South Carolina) and the Black-majority counties adjacent to this area

in Arkansas, Tennessee and Florida. A similar claim is made for all the Black-majority counties and cities throughout the United States. Second, they demanded several billion dollars in reparations from the US government for the damages inflicted on Black people by chattel enslavement, Jim Crow segregation, and persistent modern-day forms of racism. Third, they demanded a referendum of all African Americans in order to decide what should be done with their citizenry. Regarding the latter, it was claimed that Black people were not given the choice to decide in regard to what they wanted to do after emancipation. History of the RNA

The Black Government Conference was convened by the Malcolm X Society and the Group on Advanced Leadership (GOAL), two influential Detroit-based organizations with broad followings. This weekend meeting produced a Declaration of Independence (signed by 100 conferees out of approximately 500), a constitution, and the framework for a provisional government. Robert F. Williams, a controversial human rights advocate then living in exile in China, was chosen as the first President of the provisional government; attorney Milton Henry was named First Vice President (a student of Malcolm X's teachings); and , widow of Malcolm X, served as Second Vice President.

The Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika (PG-RNA) advocated/advocates a form of cooperative economics through the building of New Communities—named after the concept promoted by Tanzanian President ; militant self-defense through the building of local People's Militias and an aboveground standing army called the Black Legion; and respect for international law through the building of organizations that champion the right of self-determination for people of African descent.

During its existence, the organization was involved in numerous controversial issues. For example, it attempted to assist Oceanhill-Brownsville in seceding from the United States during the conflict that took place there. Additionally, it was involved with shootouts at New Bethel Baptist Church in 1969 (during the one-year anniversary of the founding) and another in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1971 (where it had begun to start its occupation of the South on a single farm). Within both events, law-enforcement officials were killed as well as injured and harsh legal action was imposed against organizational members.

The US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) believed the Republic of New Afrika to be a seditious group and conducted raids on its meetings, which led to violent confrontations, and the arrest and repeated imprisonment of RNA leaders noted above. The group was a target of the COINTELPRO operation by the federal authorities but was also subject to diverse Red Squad activities of Michigan State Police and Detroit Police Department—among other cities.

There is a new era for "The Republic". It is the party of THE BLACK PATRIOTS-a moderately conservative group of New Africans that believe in demonstrating compassion and prosperity for all people (most especially, NEW AFRICANS (former African-Americans). To form a more perfect union, the Republic of New Africa is the foundation to create change politically, economically, socially and culturally among the descendants of slaves in America.

The critical difference in "The Republic" is the collective effort to strategically purchase land in centralized regions of the United States of America.

Marcus Garvey’s lessons in learning/ How to read this Book

From time to time we should consult the wisdom of those who have addressed this problem whom we may have forgotten. One such person who addressed this problem is the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey, when he presented his formula for learning in his courses on in the 1930s. I think it is most appropriate to preface this series of essays with a review of Mr. Garvey’s formula for learning as we continue to build our Knowledge of Self and seek specific guideposts to our development as a people.

These lessons and guideposts in learning can be found in Marcus Garvey, Message to the People, The Course of African Philosophy, edited by Dr. Tony Martin.

Lesson 1: One must never stop reading. Read everything that you can read, that is of standard knowledge. Don’t waste time reading trashy literature. The idea is that personal experience is not enough for a human to get all the useful knowledge of life, because the individual life it too short, so we must feed on the experience of others.

Lesson 2: Read history incessantly until you master it. This means your own national history, the history of the world, social history, industrial history, and the history of the different sciences; but primarily, the history of man. If you do not know what went on before you came here and what is happening at the time you live, but away from you, you will not know the world and will be ignorant of the world and mankind.

Lesson 3: To be able to read intelligently, you must first be able to master the language of your country. To do this, you must be well acquainted with its grammar and the science of it. People judge you by your writing and your speech. If you write badly and incorrectly they become prejudiced towards your intelligence, and if you speak badly and incorrectly, those who hear you become disgusted and will not pay much attention to you, but in their hearts laugh after you. Lesson 4: A leader who is to teach men and present any fact of truth to man must first be taught in his subject.

Lesson 5: Never write or speak on a subject you know nothing about, for there is always somebody who knows that particular subject to laugh at you or to ask you embarrassing questions that may make others laugh at you.

Lesson 6: You should read four hours a day. The best time to read is in the evening after you have retired from your work and after you have rested and before sleeping hours, but do so before morning, so that during your sleeping hours what you read may become subconscious, that is to say, planted in your memory.

Lesson 7: Never keep the constant company of anybody who doesn’t know as much as you or (is) as educated as you, and from whom you cannot learn something from or reciprocate your learning.

Lesson 8: Continue always in the application of the things you desire educationally, culturally, or otherwise, and never give up until you reach your objective.

Lesson 9: Try never to repeat yourself in any one discourse in saying the same thing over and over again except when you are making new points, because repetition is tiresome and it annoys those who hear the repetition.

Lesson 10: Knowledge is power. When you know a thing and can hold your ground on that thing and win over your opponents on that thing, those who hear you learn to have confidence in you and will trust your ability.

Lesson 11: In reading books written by white authors, of whatever kind, be aware of the fact that they are not written for your particular benefit of your race. They always write from their own point of view and only in the interest of their own race.

From: Message to the People: The Course of African by Marcus Garvey, Tony Martin (Editor), September 1986

This book was originally written as a primer for RBG Street Scholars Think Tank’s FROLINAN. Thus, to talk about its purpose is to preface it within the context of the Think Tank.

RBG STREET SCHOLARS THINK TANK IS AN ONLINE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM AND RESEARCH PROJECT DEDICATED TO FURTHER BUILDING THE --BLACK LIBERATION MOVEMENT CONNECTION BY INTEGRATING CONSCIOUS DIGITAL EDUTAINMENT WITH A SCHOLARLY SELF DIRECTED LEARNING ENVIRONMENT.

With strict attention to developing our students’ basic education skills in the context of the highest standards of academic excellence, suitable for one to confidently sit for high stake exams(i.e. SAT/ACT and MCATs, LSATs), we simultaneously advance the psycho-emotional healing and spiritual upliftment of our people by providing KNOWLEDGE, WISDOM AND OVERSTANDING of the historo-cultural, socio-political and psycho-educational experiences of Africans in America in a way that RADICALLY REAPPRAISES EDUCATION from the pained and angry perspective of the oppressed black community.

OVERALL GOALS OF THIS SEQUENCE OF ESSAYS

1. To familiarize and expose learners to a wide variety of 19th and 20th century African-American leaders and our rich history of struggles for human and civil rights, national liberation and self-determination.

4.To draw lessons from the rich legacy of struggle and resistance to oppression within the African American community through critical analysis of videos, photo-stories, multimedia essays and PowerPoint shows and scholarly charts, tables, graphs and PDF documents; thus fostering socio-political activism in the learners own lives.

1. To develop, encourage and diversify strategies for learning about and responding to social, political, cultural and moral issues impacting Afrikans in America, thus increasing comprehension and interpretation skills.

2. To synthesize serious community issues using multi-faceted content and learning objects which represent the perspective of those who are in an American minority group; and apply said principles and generalizations in investigation of societal issues and problems from an Afrikan-Centered perspective.

THE TEACHER’S RESPONSIBILITY TO THE LEARNER

1. To help learners identify the proper starting points for their personalized learning program and to discern relevant modes of examination and reporting back on their progress.

2. To encourage learners to view Afirkan-centered knowledge and truth as both historical and contextual. To enable the learner to see value-system conceptual frameworks as cultural constructs, and to appreciate that they can act on their world individually and collectively to transform said constructs.

3. To create a partnership with learners by negotiating individualized learning contracts for goals, strategies, and evaluation criteria.

4. To be an inspirer and manager of the RBG learning experience rather than just an information provider.

5. To help learners acquire the needs assessment techniques necessary to discover what objectives they should set for themselves.

6. To encourage the setting of objectives that can be met in several learning domains, ie. cognitive, psychomotor and affective, and offer a variety of options for evidence of successful performance.

7. To provide self-directed learners (SDL) with objectives, learning strategies, resources, and evaluation criteria to guide their study, and academic growth.

8. To teach inquiry skills, time management, problem solving, critical thinking, decision making, personal development, and self-evaluation.

9. To act as an advocate for educationally undeserved and mis-educated New Afrikan populations by facilitating their access to proper knowledge and objectively reliable study tools and resources.

10. To help learners navigate, locate and negotiate RBG learning resources.

11. To help learners develop positive attitudes and feelings of independence relative to learning, thus building self-esteem, self-image and self-concept as Afrikan people.

12. To offer resources and methods that take into account learner personality types and learning styles.

13. To design and develop high-quality teaching / learning tools and resources according to Web 2.0 academic and technology trends, standards and learner responses / feedback.

RBGStreetScholar, 2012 Contents

Articles Marcus Garvey 1 Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 12 Organization of Afro-American Unity 19 Robert F. Williams 21 Republic of New Afrika 27 Queen Mother Moore 30 Pan-Africanism 32 Kwame Nkrumah 39 Frantz Fanon 47 Elijah Muhammad 55 Nation of Islam 61 Malcolm X 70 Black nationalism 93 Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 96 Black Power 104 112 H. Rap Brown 120 Huey P. Newton 123 129 Mumia Abu-Jamal 144 156 Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad 159 162 165 Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 188 Fannie Lou Hamer 191 1968 Olympics Black Power salute 194 for Defense and Justice 197 202 African independence movements 205 214 Black Consciousness Movement 220 228 230

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer References Article Sources and Contributors 239 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 246 Article Licenses License 248

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 1 Marcus Garvey

Marcus Mosiah Garvey, Jr., ONH (17 August 1887 – 10 June 1940)[1] was a Jamaican publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, and orator who was a staunch proponent of the Black Nationalism and Pan-Africanism movements, to which end he founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL).[2] He founded the Black Star Line, part of the Back-to-Africa movement, which promoted the return of the to their ancestral lands. Prior to the twentieth century, leaders such as Prince Hall, Martin Delany, Edward Wilmot Blyden, and Henry Highland Garnet advocated the involvement of the African diaspora in African affairs. Garvey was unique in advancing a Pan-African philosophy to inspire a global mass movement and economic empowerment focusing on Africa known as Garveyism.[2] Promoted by the UNIA as a movement of African Redemption, Garveyism would eventually inspire others, ranging from the Nation of Islam to the movement (which proclaims Garvey as a prophet). The intent of the movement was for those of African ancestry to "redeem" Africa and for the European colonial powers to leave it. His essential ideas about Africa were stated in an editorial in the Negro World titled “African Fundamentalism” where he wrote:

[3] “Our union must know no clime, boundary, or nationality… let us hold together under all climes and in every country… ”

Early years Marcus Mosiah Garvey, Jr. was born in St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica to Marcus Mosiah Garvey, Sr., a mason, and Sarah Jane Richards, a domestic worker. Of eleven siblings, only Marcus and his sister Indiana survived until maturity.[4] Garvey's father was known to have a large library, and it was from his father that Marcus gained his love for reading.[2] [5] Sometime in 1900, Garvey entered into an apprenticeship with his uncle, Alfred Burrowes, who also had an extensive library, of which young Marcus made good use.[6] [7]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 2

In 1910 Garvey left Jamaica and began traveling throughout the Central American region. He lived in Costa Rica for several months, where he worked as a time-keeper on a banana plantation. He began work as editor for a daily newspaper titled La Nacionale in 1911. Later that year, he moved to Colón, Panama, where he edited a biweekly newspaper before returning to Jamaica in 1912. After years of working on the Caribbean, Garvey left Jamaica to live in London from 1912 to 1914, where he attended Birkbeck College taking classes in Law and Philosophy, worked for the African Times and Orient Review, published by Dusé Mohamed Ali, and sometimes spoke at Hyde Park's Speakers' Corner. It is said that Dusé Mohamed Ali influence shaped Garvey's speeches, and led him to organize the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in Jamaica in 1914 (Vincent, 1971). It has been suggested that the UNIA motto, "One God, One Aim, One Destiny", originated from Dusé Ali's Islamic influence on Garvey (Rashid, 2002).[8] [9] Garvey named the organization the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities (Imperial) League.[10] At the National Conference of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in 1921, a delegate named Noah Thompson spoke on the floor complaining on the lack of transparency in the group's financial accounts. When accounts were prepared Thompson highlighted several sections with what he felt were irregularities. After corresponding with Booker T. Washington, Garvey arrived in the U.S. on 23 March 1916 aboard the S.S. Tallac to give a lecture tour and to raise funds to establish a school in Jamaica modeled after Washington's Tuskegee Institute. Garvey visited Tuskegee, and afterward, visited with a number of black leaders. After moving to New York, he found work as a printer by day. He was influenced by . At night he would speak on street corners, much like he did in London's Hyde Park. It was then that Garvey perceived a leadership vacuum among people of African ancestry. On 9 May 1916, he held his first public lecture in at St Mark's Church in-the-Bowery and undertook a 38-state speaking tour. In May 1917, Garvey and thirteen others formed the first UNIA division outside Jamaica and began advancing ideas to promote social, political, and economic freedom for blacks. On 2 July, the East St. Louis riots broke out. On 8 July, Garvey delivered an address, titled "The Conspiracy of the East St. Louis Riots", at Lafayette Hall in Harlem. During the speech, he declared the riot was "one of the bloodiest outrages against mankind". By October, rancor within the UNIA had begun to set in. A split occurred in the Harlem division, with Garvey enlisted to become its leader; although he technically held the same position in Jamaica. Garvey next set about the business of developing a program to improve the conditions of those of African ancestry "at home and abroad" under UNIA auspices. On 17 August 1918, publication of the widely distributed Negro World newspaper began. Garvey worked as an editor without pay until November 1920. By June 1919 the membership of the organization had grown to over two million. On 27 June 1919, the Black Star Line of Delaware was incorporated by the members of the UNIA, with Garvey as President. By September, it obtained its first ship. Much fanfare surrounded the inspection of the S.S. Yarmouth and its rechristening as the S.S. Frederick Douglass on 14 September 1919. Such a rapid accomplishment garnered attention from many. Edwin P. Kilroe, Assistant District Attorney in the District Attorney's office of the County of New York, began an investigation into the activities of the UNIA, but apparently didn't find any evidence of wrongdoing or mismanagement. After being called to Kilroe's office numerous times, Garvey wrote an editorial on Kilroe's activities for the Negro World. Garvey was arrested and indicted for criminal libel in relation to the article, but charges were dismissed after Garvey published a retraction. While in his Harlem office at 56 West 156th Street on 14 October 1919, Garvey received a visit from George Tyler, who told him that Kilroe "had sent him" to get Garvey. Tyler then pulled a .38-caliber revolver and fired four shots, wounding Garvey in the right leg and scalp. Garvey was taken to the hospital and Tyler arrested. The next day, it was let out that Tyler had committed suicide by leaping from the third tier of the Harlem jail as he was being taken to his arraignment. By August 1920, the UNIA claimed four million members. That month, the International Convention of the UNIA was held. With delegates from all over the world in attendance, over 25,000 people filled Madison Square Garden on 1 August 1920 to hear Garvey speak.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 3

Another of Garvey's ventures was the Negro Factories Corporation. His plan called for creating the infrastructure to manufacture every marketable commodity in every big U.S. industrial center, as well as in Central America, the West Indies, and Africa. Related endeavors included a grocery chain, restaurant, publishing house, and other businesses. Convinced that blacks should have a permanent homeland in Africa, Garvey sought to develop Liberia. The Liberia program, launched in 1920, was intended to build colleges, universities, industrial plants, and railroads as part of an industrial base from which to operate. However, it was abandoned in the mid-1920s after much opposition from European powers with interests in Liberia. In response to suggestions that he wanted to take all Africans of the Diaspora back to Africa, he wrote, "We do not want all the Negroes in Africa. Some are no good here, and naturally will be no good there."[11]

Charge of mail fraud In a memorandum dated 11 October 1919,[12] J. Edgar Hoover, special assistant to the Attorney General and head of the General Intelligence Division (or "anti-radical division") [13] of The Bureau of Investigation or BOI (after 1935, the Federal Bureau of Investigation),[14] wrote a memorandum to Special Agent Ridgely regarding Marcus Garvey. In the memo, Hoover wrote that:

Unfortunately, however, he [Garvey] has not as yet violated any federal law whereby he could be proceeded against on the grounds of being [15] [16] “an undesirable alien, from the point of view of deportation. ”

Sometime around November 1919 an investigation by the BOI was begun into the activities of Garvey and the UNIA. Toward this end, the BOI hired James Edward Amos, Arthur Lowell Brent, Thomas Leon Jefferson, James Wormley Jones and Earl E. Titus as its first five African-American agents. Although initial efforts by the BOI were to find grounds upon which to deport Garvey as "an undesirable alien", a charge of mail fraud was brought against Garvey in connection with stock sales of the Black Star Line after the U.S. Post Office and the Attorney General joined the investigation.[16] The accusation centered on the fact that the corporation had not yet purchased a ship with the name "Phyllis Wheatley". Although one was pictured with that name emblazoned on its bow on one of the company's stock brochures, it had not actually been purchased by the BSL and still had the name "Orion". The prosecution produced as evidence a single empty envelope which it claimed contained the brochure. During the trial, a man known as Benny Dancy testified that he didn't remember what was in the envelope, although he regularly received brochures from the Black Star Line. Another witness for the prosecution, Schuyler Cargill, perjured himself after admitting[17] to having been told to mention certain dates in his testimony by Chief Prosecutor Maxwell S. Mattuck. Furthermore, he admitted that he could not remember the names of any coworkers in the office, including the timekeeper who punched employees' time cards. Ultimately, he acknowledged being told to lie by Postal Inspector F.E. Shea.[18] He said Shea told him to state that he mailed letters containing the purportedly fraudulent brochures. The Black Star Line did own and operate several ships over the course of its history and was in the process of negotiating for the disputed ship at the time the charges were brought. Assistant District Attorney, Leo Healy, who had been, before becoming District Attorney, an attorney with Harris McGill and Co., the sellers of the first ship, the S.S. Yarmouth, to the Black Star Line Inc., was also a key witness for the government during the trial. Of the four Black Star Line officers charged in connection with the enterprise, only Garvey was found guilty of using the mail service to defraud. His supporters called the trial fraudulent. While there were serious accounting irregularities within the Black Star Line and the claims he used to sell Black Star Line stock could be considered misleading, Garvey's supporters contest that the prosecution was a politically motivated miscarriage of justice.[19] When the trial ended on 23 June 1923, Garvey had been sentenced to five years in prison. Garvey blamed Jewish and Roman Catholic jurors and a Jewish federal judge, Julian Mack, for his conviction.[20] He felt they had been biased because of their political objections to his meeting with the acting imperial wizard of the the year

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 4

before.[20] In 1928, Garvey told a journalist: "When they wanted to get me they had a Jewish judge try me, and a Jewish prosecutor. I would have been freed but two Jews on the jury held out against me ten hours and succeeded in convicting me, whereupon the Jewish judge gave me the maximum penalty."[20] He initially spent three months in the Tombs Jail awaiting approval of bail. While on bail, he continued to maintain his innocence, travel, speak and organize the UNIA. After numerous attempts at appeal were unsuccessful, he was taken into custody and began serving his sentence at the Federal Penitentiary on 8 February 1925.[21] Two days later, he penned his well known "First Message to the Negroes of the World From Atlanta Prison", wherein he made his famous proclamation:

Look for me in the whirlwind or the storm, look for me all around you, for, with God's grace, I shall come and bring with me countless “millions of black slaves who have died in America and the West Indies and the millions in Africa to aid you in for Liberty, Freedom [22] and Life. ”

Professor Judith Stein has stated, “his politics were on trial.”[23] Garvey's sentence was eventually commuted by President Calvin Coolidge. Upon his release in November 1927, Garvey was deported via New Orleans to Jamaica, where a large crowd met him at Orrett's Wharf in Kingston.

Criticism On 4 October 1916, the Daily Gleaner newspaper in Kingston published a letter written by the Very Rev. Fr. Raphael Morgan, a Jamaican-American of the Ecumenical , together with over a dozen other like-minded Jamaican-Americans, who wrote in to protest Garvey's lectures.[24] Garvey's views on Jamaica, they felt, were damaging to both the reputation of their homeland and its people, enumerating several objections to Garvey's stated preference for the of the American whites over that of English whites.[25] Garvey's response was published a month later, in which he called the letter a conspiratorial fabrication meant to undermine the success and favour he had gained while in Jamaica and in the United States.[26] While W. E. B. Du Bois felt that the Black Star Line was “original and promising,”[27] he added that “Marcus Garvey is, without doubt, the most dangerous enemy of the Negro race in America and in the world. He is either a lunatic or a traitor.”[28] Du Bois feared that Garvey's activities would undermine his efforts toward black rights. Garvey suspected Du Bois was prejudiced against him because he was a Caribbean native with darker skin. Du Bois once described Marcus Garvey as "a little, fat black man; ugly, but with intelligent eyes and a big head."[29] Garvey called Du Bois “purely and simply a white man's nigger" and "a little Dutch, a little French, a little Negro … a mulatto … a monstrosity.” This led to an acrimonious relationship between Garvey and the NAACP.[30] Garvey accused Du Bois of paying conspirators to sabotage the Black Star Line to destroy his reputation.[31] Garvey recognized the influence of the Ku Klux Klan, and in early 1922, he went to Atlanta, Georgia, for a conference with KKK imperial giant Edward Young Clarke. According to Garvey, “I regard the Klan, the Anglo-Saxon clubs and White American societies, as far as the Negro is concerned, as better friends of the race than all other groups of hypocritical whites put together. I like honesty and fair play. You may call me a Klansman if you will, but, potentially, every white man is a Klansman, as far as the Negro in competition with whites socially, economically and politically is concerned, and there is no use lying.”[32] Leo H. Healy publicly accused Garvey of being a member of the Ku Klux Klan in his testimony during the mail fraud trial.[19] After Garvey's entente with the Klan, a number of African-American leaders appealed to U.S. Attorney General Harry M. Daugherty to have Garvey incarcerated.[33]

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Later years In 1928, Garvey travelled to Geneva to present the Petition of the Negro Race. This petition outlined the worldwide abuse of Africans to the League of Nations. In September 1929, he founded the People's Political Party (PPP), Jamaica's first modern political party, which focused on workers' rights, education, and aid to the poor. Also in 1929, Garvey was elected councilor for the Allman Town Division of the Kingston and St. Andrew Corporation (KSAC). However, he lost his seat because of having to serve a prison sentence for contempt of court. But, in 1930, Garvey was re-elected, unopposed, along with two other PPP candidates. In April 1931, Garvey launched the Edelweiss Amusement Company. He set the company up to help artists earn their livelihood from their craft. Several Jamaican entertainers — Kidd Harold, Ernest Cupidon, Bim & Bam, and Ranny Williams — went on to become popular after receiving initial exposure that the company gave them. In 1935, Garvey left Jamaica for London. He lived and worked in London until his death in 1940. During these last five years, Garvey remained active and in touch with events in war-torn Ethiopia (then known as Abyssinia) and in the West Indies. In 1937, he wrote the poem Ras Nasibu Of Ogaden[34] in honor of Ethiopian Army Commander (Ras) Nasibu Emmanual. In 1938, he gave evidence before the West Indian Royal Commission on conditions there. Also in 1938 he set up the School of African Philosophy in Toronto to train UNIA leaders. He continued to work on the magazine The Black Man. In 1937, a group of Garvey's rivals called the Peace Movement of Ethiopia openly collaborated with the United States Senator from Mississippi, Theodore Bilbo, in the promotion of a repatriation scheme introduced in the US Congress as the Greater Liberia Act. In the Senate, Bilbo was a supporter of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. Bilbo was an outspoken supporter of segregation and white supremacy and, attracted by the ideas of black separatists like Garvey, Bilbo proposed an amendment to the federal work-relief bill on 6 June 1938, proposing to deport 12 million black Americans to Liberia at federal expense to relieve unemployment.[35] He took the time to write a book titled Take Your Choice, Separation or Mongrelization, advocating the idea. Garvey praised him in return, saying that Bilbo had "done wonderfully well for the Negro".[36] During this period, Evangeline Rondon Paterson, the future grandmother of the 55th Governor of New York State, David Paterson, served as his secretary.

Death On 10 June 1940, Garvey died after two strokes, putatively after reading a mistaken, and negative, obituary of himself in the Chicago Defender which stated, in part, that Garvey died "broke, alone and unpopular".[37] Because of travel restrictions during World War II, he was buried at Kensal Green Cemetery in London. Rumours claimed that Garvey was in fact poisoned on a boat on which he was travelling and that was where and how he actually died. In 1964, his remains were exhumed and taken to Jamaica. On 15 November 1964, the government of Jamaica, having proclaimed him Jamaica's first national hero, re-interred him at a shrine in National Heroes Park.

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Personal life Marcus Garvey was married twice: to Jamaican Pan-African activist Amy Ashwood (married 1919, divorced 1922), who worked with him in the early years of UNIA; then to the Jamaican journalist and publisher Amy Jacques (married 1922). The latter was mother to his two sons, Marcus III (born 17 September 1930) and Julius.

Influence

Schools, colleges, highways, and buildings in Africa, Europe, the Caribbean, and the United States have been named in his honor. The UNIA red, black, and green flag has been adopted as the Black Liberation Flag. Since 1980, Garvey's bust has been housed in the Organization of American States' Hall of Heroes in Washington, D.C. Malcolm X's parents, Earl and , met at a UNIA convention in Montreal. Earl was the president of the UNIA division in Omaha, and sold the Negro World newspaper, for which Louise [38] The UNIA flag uses three colors: red, black and covered UNIA activities. green. Kwame Nkrumah named the national shipping line of the Black Star Line in honor of Garvey and the UNIA. Nkrumah also named the national soccer team the Black Stars as well. The black star at the center of Ghana's flag is also inspired by the Black Star. During a trip to Jamaica, Martin Luther King and his wife Coretta Scott King visited the shrine of Marcus Garvey on 20 June 1965 and laid a wreath.[39] In a speech he told the audience that Garvey "was the first man of color to lead and develop a mass movement. He was the first man on a mass scale and level to give millions of Negroes a sense of dignity and destiny. And make the Negro feel he was somebody."[40]

Dr. King was a posthumous recipient of the first Marcus Garvey Prize Flag of Ghana for Human Rights on 10 December 1968 issued by the Jamaican Government and presented to King's widow. In 2002, scholar listed Marcus Garvey on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[41]

Rastafari and Garvey Rastafarians consider Garvey a religious prophet, and sometimes even the reincarnation of Saint John the Baptist. This is partly because of his frequent statements uttered in speeches throughout the 1920s, usually along the lines of "Look to Africa, when a black king shall be crowned for the day of deliverance is at hand!"[42] His beliefs deeply influenced the Rastafari, who took his statements as a prophecy of the crowning of I of Ethiopia. Early Rastas were associated with his Back-to-Africa movement in Jamaica. This early Rastafari movement was also influenced by a separate, proto-Rasta movement known as the Afro-Athlican Church that was outlined in a religious text known as the Holy Piby — where Garvey was proclaimed to be a prophet as well. Garvey himself never identified with the Rastafari movement,[43] and was, in fact, raised as a Methodist who went on to become a Roman Catholic.

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Memorials There are a number of memorials worldwide which honor Marcus Garvey. Most are in Jamaica and the United States.

Jamaica

• A marker in front of the house of his birth at 32 Market Street, St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica.[44] • A statue on the grounds of St. Ann's Bay Parish Library. • A major highway in his name in Kingston. • Likeness on the Jamaican 50 cent coin, 20 dollar coin and 25 cent coin. • A building in his name housing the Jamaican Ministry of Foreign A Jamaican 20 dollar coin shows Garvey on its Affairs located in New Kingston. face.

• A Marcus Garvey statue at National Heroes Park in Kingston, JA. • The album "Marcus Garvey" and "Garvey's Ghost" (a dub version of the "Marcus Garvey" album by legend . • A deejay version by reggae legend Big Youth, based on an instrumental mix of the original Burning Spear recording of "Marcus Garvey". • A cover version of Burning Spear's "Marcus Garvey", recorded by reggae singer Spectacular (as Burning Spectacular), was released in 2002 on a 12" vinyl record on the Jamaican label Human Race Records. Produced by Bruno Blum, it features an original recording of a live Marcus Garvey speech in which several key slogans of the Rastafari movement, founded in the 1930s, can be heard. The flip-side includes another recording by Big Youth of the "Marcus Garvey" composition mentioned above. • In the song "So Much Things to Say", Marley sings "I'll never forget, no way, they crucify Jesus Christ, I'll never forget, no way, they stole Marcus Garvey for rights”. • Reggae band The Gladiators recorded the song "Marcus Garvey Time", proclaiming him as a prophet with lyrics like, "Every thing he has said has come to pass". • Deejay/Producer Mikey Dread acknowledges him as an inspiration and calls him a national hero on the 1982 track "In Memory (Jacob, Marcus & Marley)". • Song by Reggae artist Anthony B titled "Honour to Marcus".

Trinidad and Tobago • A statue on Harris Promenade, San Fernando, Trinidad

United States • Marcus Garvey Festival every year on the third weekend of August at Basu Natural Farms, in Pembroke Township, Illinois. • Park in his name and a New York Public Library branch dedicated to him in New York City's Harlem. • A major street in his name in the historically African American neighborhood of Bedford Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, New York. • Marcus Garvey Elementary School, Bedford Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, New York. • The Universal Hip Hop Parade held annually in Brooklyn on the Saturday before his birthday to carry on his use of popular culture as a tool of empowerment and to encourage the growth of Black institutions. • A park in his name in the Tenderloin District of San Francisco, . • A Marcus Garvey Cultural Center, University of Northern Colorado (Greeley, Colorado).

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• A secondary school in Trenton, . • A Community Center and Senior Housing Community in the Roxbury neighborhood of Boston, Massachusetts. • Marcus Garvey school. A K through 8 grade private school in Los Angeles, California. • Marcus Garvey school. A Pre-K through 8 grade public magnet school for math and science in Chicago, Illinois. • Marcus Books stores are named after him in San Francisco and Oakland. • Boston indie band Piebald wrote a song, "If Marcus Garvey Dies, Then Marcus Garvey Lives", for their 1999 release "If It Weren't For Venetian Blinds, It Would Be Curtains for us All" • Ska band Hepcat recorded the song "Marcus Garvey" on their album Scientific. • Sinéad O'Connor's reggae album, released in 2008, has a track named "Marcus Garvey" that is a remake of an earlier song by the same name from the Jamaican reggae artist Burning Spear

Canada • Marcus Garvey Centre for Unity, Edmonton, Alberta • Marcus Garvey Day, held annually 17 August in Toronto • United Negro Improvement Association Hall located in Glace Bay, Nova Scotia • Marcus Garvey Bar & Grill, Toronto • Marcus Garvey Centre for Leadership and Education in the Jane-Finch area of Toronto

Africa • A major street in his name in Nairobi, Kenya. • A street named after him in Enugu, . • A neighborhood bearing his name in the township of Khayelitsha, Cape Town, South Africa. • A library named after him in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. • A bust was created and is on display at a park in the central region in Ghana, along with one of Dr. Martin Luther King.

United Kingdom • A small park in his name in West Kensington, London • Marcus Garvey Centre in Lenton, Nottingham, England • A Marcus Garvey Library inside the Tottenham Green Leisure Centre building in North London • Marcus Garvey Way in Brixton, London • Blue plaque at 53 Talgarth Road, Hammersmith, London GARVEY, Marcus (1887-1940) Pan-Africanist Leader, lived and died here, 53 Talgarth Road, W14. [Hammersmith and Fulham 2005] • Marcus Garvey statue in Willesden Green Library, Brent, London

References

[1] Encyclopedia Britannica Online Marcus Garvey profile (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-9036129/ Marcus-Garvey). Retrieved 20 February 2008.

[2] "The "Back to Africa" Myth" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20061230195707/ http:/ / www. unia-acl. org/ archive/ themyth. htm).

UNIA-ACL website. 2005-07-14. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. unia-acl. org/ archive/ themyth. htm) on 30 December 2006. . Retrieved 2007-04-01. [3] Garvey, Marcus; Jacques-Garvey, Amy (ed.) (1986). The philosophy and opinions of Marcus Garvey or Africa for the Africans. Dover (Mass.): Majority Press. p. 163. ISBN 0-912469-24-2.

[4] Crowder, Ralph L. (1 January 2003). Grand old man of the movement: "John Edward Bruce, Marcus Garvey, and the UNIA". (http:/ / www.

thefreelibrary. com/ "Grand+ old+ man+ of+ the+ movement:"+ John+ Edward+ Bruce,+ Marcus+ Garvey,. . . -a0128705776) African-Americans in New York Life and History. Retrieved through freelibrary.com on 2008-02-17.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 9

[5] UNIA-ACL website from Archive.org, The "Back to Africa" Myth. (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20050210185836/ http:/ / www. unia-acl.

org/ archive/ themyth. htm), Accessed 19 November 2007.

[6] UNIA ACL Website Historical Facts about Marcus Garvey and the UNIA (http:/ / www. unia-acl. org/ info/ historic. htm). Published 28 January 2005 by UNIA-ACL. Accessed 2007-04-01.

[7] Historical Facts about Marcus Garvey and the UNIA From Archive.org (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20050325170035/ http:/ / www.

unia-acl. org/ info/ historic. htm). Accessed 19 November 2007.

[8] http:/ / www. africanholocaust. net/ africanlegends. htm#garvey Garvey and Dusé

[9] "The Economics of Marcus Garvey" (http:/ / www. africanholocaust. net/ news_ah/ garvey. html)

[10] "The Negro's Greatest Enemy" by Marcus Garvey (http:/ / www. cwo. com/ ~lucumi/ garvey3. html), Posted/Revised: 28 May 2002, Last Accessed 31 October 2007

[11] Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey Or, Africa for the Africans By Marcus Garvey, p. 122 (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=TiCoYtBtJEsC& pg=RA1-PA122& vq=no+ good+ here& dq=philosophy+ and+ opinions+ of+ marcus+ garvey& sig=18WRd23cpEI2WiTN2VcdWpqo8VQ), Majority Press. Fitchburg, Mass: 1986 Centennial Edition. Retrieved on 1 December 2007.

[12] Memorandum to Special Agent Ridgely on wikisource (http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ w/ index.

php?title=Memorandum_to_Special_Agent_Ridgely& oldid=470428) [13] Reel 12 Department of Justice-Bureau of Investigation Surveillance of Black Americans, 1916-1925 cont. National Archives and Research Administration, RG 65 Federal Bureau of Investigation cont: 0703 Casefile OG 374217: "Memorandum upon Work of the Radical Division,

August 1, 1919 to October 15, 1919, Prepared by J. Edgar Hoover; and Other Memoranda. 1919-1920." 263pp. (http:/ / www. lexisnexis.

com/ documents/ academic/ upa_cis/ 1359_FedSurveillAfroAms. pdf) p. 19 [14] Reel 13 Department of Justice-Bureau of Investigation Surveillance of Black Americans, 1916-1925 cont. National Archives and Records Administration, RG 65 Federal Bureau of Investigation cont.: 0626 Casefile OG 391465: Confidential Informants, Memoranda of J. Edgar

Hoover, Compensation, Policy, Washington, D.C. 1920. 3pp. p. 22 (http:/ / www. lexisnexis. com/ documents/ academic/ upa_cis/

1359_FedSurveillAfroAms. pdf) p. xxi

[15] "J. Edgar Hoover to Special Agent Ridgely Washington, D.C., October 11, 1919 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. RIDGELY." (http:/ / www.

pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ garvey/ filmmore/ ps_fbi. html) [16] Theodore Kornweibel (Ed.) Federal Surveillance of Afro-Americans (1917-1925): The First World War, the Red Scare, and the Garvey

Movement (http:/ / www. lexisnexis. com/ documents/ academic/ upa_cis/ 1359_FedSurveillAfroAms. pdf) p. x. Retrieved on 1 December 2007.

[17] The Trial Part 1 (http:/ / www. marcusgarvey. com/ wmview. php?ArtID=404& page=2) Page 2. Marcusgarvey.com. Retrieved on 1 December 2007.

[18] The Trial Part 1, p. 3 (http:/ / www. marcusgarvey. com/ wmview. php?ArtID=404& page=3) Marcusgarvey.com. Retrieved on 1 December 2007.

[19] Application for Executive Clemency by Marcus Garvey (http:/ / www. marcusgarvey. com/ wmprint. php?ArtID=272) Marcusgarvey.com. Retrieved on 6 March 2009.

[20] Hill, Robert A., ed (1987). Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=chR4mGJNCS0C& lpg=PR57&

ots=6O-7d73RQ5& dq="marcus garvey" "they had a Jewish judge try me, and a Jewish prosecutor. "& pg=PR57#v=onepage& q& f=false). University of California Press. pp. lvii. . Retrieved 2010-05-10.

[21] Online Forum: Marcus Garvey vs. United States (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ garvey/ sfeature/ sf_forum_13. html)

[22] First Message to the Negroes of the World from Atlanta Prison" (http:/ / www. unia-acl. org/ archive/ whrlwind. htm) [23] New York Times, "Pardon Marcus Garvey", 5 November 1983, p. 5 [24] Robert A. Hill, Marcus Garvey, Universal Negro Improvement Association. Letter Denouncing Marcus Garvey. In: "The Marcus Garvey

and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: 1826-August 1919" (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=CKJrUKdSZwkC&

printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_navlinks_s). University of California Press, 1983. pp. 196-197.

[25] Fr. Oliver Herbel. The African American National Biography by Raphael Morgan (http:/ / www. mywire. com/ a/

African-American-National-Biography/ Morgan-Raphael/ 9463563?& pbl=27) at mywire.com. Accessed 1 January 2008.

[26] Daily Gleaner, 14 November 1916. p. 13. At: Lumsden, Joy, MA (Cantab), PhD (UWI). Father Raphael (http:/ / www. joyousjam. com/

fatherraphael/ id9. html). Accessed 23 July 2010.

[27] “The Collapse of the Only Thing in the Garvey Movement Which Was Original or Promising” (http:/ / historymatters. gmu. edu/ d/ 5121/ ), Last accessed 2 November 2007. [28] Dubois, "The Crisis", Vol 28, May 1924, pp. 8-9 [29] Hill, Robert A.; Garvey, Marcus; Forczek, Deborah; Universal Negro Improvement Association (1987). The Marcus Garvey and Universal

Negro Improvement Association papers (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6y4hbFXFtv8C& pg=PA233). University of California Press. p. 233. ISBN 9780520058170. . Retrieved 2009-07-09. [30] Grant, Colin (2008). Negro with a Hat: The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey and His Dream of Mother Africa. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-536794-2.

[31] American Series Introduction Volume I: 1826--August 1919 (http:/ / www. isop. ucla. edu/ africa/ mgpp/ intro01. asp) Accessed 1 April 2007.

[32] Spartucus Educational website, Ku Klux Klan (http:/ / www. spartacus. schoolnet. co. uk/ USAkkk. htm), quoting from Negro World (September 1923). Accessed December 3, 2007.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 10

[33] Richard B. Moore, "The Critics and Opponents of Marcus Garvey", in Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa, ed. with Amy Jacques Garvey (New York, 1974), p. 228.

[34] Poem - Ras Nasibu of the Ogaden (http:/ / www. africawithin. com/ garvey/ ras_nasibu. htm) [35] Current Biography, 1943, p. 50 [36] Brothers and Strangers: Black Zion, Black Slavery, 1914-1940, Ibrahim K. Sundiata, Duke University Press 2003. ISBN 0-8223-3247-7, p. 313

[37] Marcus Garvey: Look for Me in the Whirlwind (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ garvey/ filmmore/ pt. html), PBS documentary (transcript). Last accessed on December 3, 2007.

[38] "People & Events: Earl and Louise Little" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ garvey/ peopleevents/ p_little. html). PBS Online. 1999. . Retrieved 2010-06-15.

[39] "Martin Luther King Jr. visits Jamaica", 20 June 1965 (http:/ / www. jamaica-gleaner. com/ pages/ history/ story003. html)

[40] "The Black 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential African-Americans, Past and Present" by Columbus Salley (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=g3GW-VNyfNYC& printsec=frontcover& dq=The+ Black+ 100:+ A+ Ranking+ of+ the+ Most+ Influential+ African-Americans,+

Past+ and+ Present+ By+ Columbus+ Salley& ei=hm8oR_m1AZyY7wLnlYGBDQ& sig=VSqmV4eO98z_akaw76hSIxqeCZM#PPA82,M1), p. 82, 1999, Citadel Press. [41] Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books; ISBN 1-57392-963-8 [42] M.G. Smith, Roy Augier and Rex Nettleford, The Rastafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica, Kingston: 1960, p. 5

[43] Martin, Tony (21 October 2009). "Marcus Garvey" (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ religion/ religions/ rastafari/ people/ marcusgarvey. shtml). BBC. . Retrieved 18 October 2010.

[44] 32 Market Street (http:/ / www. jnht. com/ heritage_site. php?id=279), 25 January 2008

Further reading

Works by Marcus Garvey • The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Edited by Amy Jacques Garvey. 412 pages. Majority Press; Centennial edition, 1 November 1986. ISBN 0-912469-24-2. Avery edition. ISBN 0-405-01873-8. • Message to the People: The Course of African Philosophy by Marcus Garvey. Edited by Tony Martin. Foreword by Hon. Charles L. James, president- general, Universal Negro Improvement Association. 212 pages. Majority Press, 1 March 1986. ISBN 0-912469-19-6. • The Poetical Works of Marcus Garvey. Compiled and edited by Tony Martin. 123 pages. Majority Press, 1 June 1983. ISBN 0-912469-02-1. • Hill, Robert A., editor. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Vols. I-VII, IX. University of California Press, ca. 1983- (ongoing). 1146 pages. University of California Press, 1 May 1991. ISBN 0-520-07208-1. • Hill, Robert A., editor. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: Africa for the Africans 1921-1922. 740 pages. University of California Press, 1 February 1996. ISBN 0-520-20211-2.

Books • Burkett, Randall K. Garveyism as a Religious Movement: The Institutionalization of a Black Civil Religion. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press and American Theological Library Association, 1978. • Campbell, Horace. Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to . Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1987. • Clarke, John Henrik, editor. Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa. With assistance from Amy Jacques Garvey. New York: Vintage Books, 1974. • Cronon, Edmund David. Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955, reprinted 1969 and 2007. • Garvey, Amy Jacques, Garvey and Garveyism. London: Collier-MacMillan, 1963, 1968. • Grant, Colin. Negro with a Hat, The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey and his Dream of Mother Africa., London: Jonathan Cape, 2008.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 11

• Hill, Robert A., editor. Marcus Garvey, Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987. • Hill, Robert A. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Vols. I–VII, IX. University of California Press, ca. 1983– (ongoing). • James, Winston. Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America. London: Verso, 1998. • Kornweibel Jr., Theodore. Seeing Red: Federal Campaigns Against Black Militancy 1919-1925. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998. • Lemelle, Sidney, and Robin D. G. Kelley. Imagining Home: Class, Culture, and Nationalism in the African Diaspora. London: Verso, 1994. • Lewis, Rupert. Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1988. • Lewis, Rupert, and Bryan, Patrick, eds. Garvey: His Work and Impact. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1988. • Lewis, Rupert, and Maureen Warner-Lewis. Garvey: Africa, Europe, The Americas. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1986, 1994. • Manoedi, M. Korete. Garvey and Africa. New York: New York Age Press, 1922. • Martin, Tony. Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggle of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976. • Martin, Tony. Literary Garveyism: Garvey, Black Arts, and the Harlem Renaissance. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983. • Martin, Tony. African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology of Garvey's Harlem Renaissance. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983, 1991. • Martin, Tony. Marcus Garvey: Hero. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983. • Martin, Tony. The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983. • Martin, Tony. The Poetical Works of Marcus Garvey. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983. • Smith-Irvin, Jeannette. Marcus Garvey's Footsoldiers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1989. • Solomon, Mark. The Cry Was Unity: Communists and African-Americans, 1917–1936. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1998. • Stein, Judith. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986. • Tolbert, Emory J. The UNIA and Black Los Angeles. Los Angeles: Center of Afro-American Studies, University of California, 1980. • Vincent, Theodore. Black Power and the Garvey Movement. Berkeley, Calif.: Ramparts Press, 1971. • Marcus Garvey: A Controversial Figure in the History of Pan-Africanism by Jérémie Kroubo Dagnini for the

Journal of Pan African Studies (http:/ / www. jpanafrican. com/ docs/ vol2no3/

MarcusGarveyAControversialFigureInTheHistoryOfPanAfricanism. pdf)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Marcus Garvey 12

External links

• Garvey's Legacy in Context: Colourism, Black Movements and (http:/ / www.

raceandhistory. com/ historicalviews/ 2005/ 1708. html)

• "Marcus Garvey: Look for Me in the Whirlwind." [[PBS (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ garvey/ index. html)] documentary film].

• Marcus Garvey web site (http:/ / www. marcusgarvey. com/ ).

• UNIA web site (http:/ / www. unia-acl. org/ ).

• Marcus Garvey Economic Principles (http:/ / www. africanholocaust. net/ news_ah/ garvey. html)

• Marcus Garvey Speaks -Text & Audio- (http:/ / www. black-king. net/ library marcus garvey. htm)

• Poem - Ras Nasibu of the Ogaden (http:/ / www. africawithin. com/ garvey/ ras_nasibu. htm)

Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League

The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities (Imperial) League (UNIA-ACL) is a black nationalist fraternal organization founded by Marcus Garvey. The organization enjoyed its greatest strength in the 1920s, prior to Garvey's deportation from the United States of America, after which its prestige and influence declined. Since a schism in 1949, there have been two organizations claiming the name. According to the preamble of the 1929 constitution as amended, the UNIA is a "social, friendly, humanitarian, charitable, educational, institutional, constructive and expansive society, and is founded by persons desiring to do the utmost to work for the general uplift of the people of African ancestry of the world. And the members pledge themselves to do all in their power to conserve the rights of their noble race and to respect the rights of all mankind, believing always in the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God. The motto of the organization is 'One God! One Aim! One Destiny!' Therefore, let justice be done to all mankind, realizing that if the strong oppresses the weak, confusion and discontent will ever mark the path of man but with love, faith and charity towards all the reign of peace and plenty will be heralded into the world and the generations of men shall be called Blessed." The broad mission of the UNIA-ACL led to the establishment of numerous auxiliary components, among them the Universal African Legion, a paramilitary group; the African Black Cross Nurses; African Black Cross Society; the Universal African Motor Corps; the Black Eagle Flying Corps; the Black Star Steamship Line; the Black Cross Trading and Navigation Corporation; as well as the Negro Factories Corporation.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 13

Name In an article entitled "The Negro's Greatest Enemy [1]", published in Current History (September 1923) Garvey explained the origin of the organization's name: "Where did the name of the organization come from? It was while speaking to a West Indian Negro who was a passenger with me from Southampton, who was returning home to the West Indies from Basutoland with his Basuto wife, I further learned of the horrors of native life in Africa. He related to me in conversation such horrible and pitiable tales that my heart bled within me. Retiring from the conversation to my cabin, all day and the following night I pondered over the subject matter of that conversation, and at midnight, lying flat on my back, the vision and thought came to me that I should name the organization the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities (Imperial) League. Such a name I thought would embrace the purpose of all black humanity. Thus to the world a name was born, a movement created, and a man became known."

Early history Originally from Jamaica, at 23 Garvey left and traveled throughout Central America and moved for a time to England. During his travels he became convinced that uniting Blacks was the only way to improve their condition. Towards that end, he departed England on 14 June 1914 aboard the S.S. Trent, reaching Jamaica on 15 July 1914. He founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in August 1914 as a means of uniting all of Africa and its diaspora into "one grand racial hierarchy." After traveling through the United States beginning in March 1916, Garvey inaugurated the New York Division of the UNIA in 1917 with 13 members. After only three months, the organization's dues-paying membership reached 3500. The Negro World was founded August 17, 1918 as a weekly newspaper to express the ideas of the organization. Garvey contributed a front-page editorial each week in which he developed the organization's position on different issues related to people of African ancestry around the world, in general, and the UNIA, in particular. Eventually claiming a circulation of five hundred thousand, the newspaper was printed in several languages. It contained a page specifically for women readers, documented international events related to people of African ancestry, and was distributed throughout the African diaspora until publication ceased in 1933. In 1919 the UNIA purchased the first of what would be numerous Liberty Halls. Located at 114 West 138th Street, New York City the building had a seating capacity of six thousand. It was dedicated on July 27, 1919. Later that year the Association organized the first of its two steamship companies and a separate business corporation. Incorporated in Delaware as a domestic corporation on June 27, 1919, the Black Star Line, Inc. (BSL) was capitalized at ten million dollars. It sold shares individually valued at five dollars to both UNIA members and non-members alike. Proceeds from stock sales were used to purchase first the S.S. Yarmouth and then the S.S. Shadyside. The Shadyside was used by the Association for summer outings and excursions\, as well as rented out on charter to other organizations. The BSL later purchased the Kanawha as its third vessel. This small yacht was intended for inter-island transportation in the West Indies and was rechristened the S.S. Antonio Maceo. Also established in 1919 was the Negro Factories Corporation, with a capitalization of one million dollars. It generated income and provided jobs by its numerous enterprises, including a chain of grocery stores and restaurants, steam laundry, tailor shop, dress making shop, millinery store, publishing house and doll factory. With the growth of its membership from 1918 through 1924, as well as, income from its various economic enterprises, UNIA purchased additional Liberty Halls in the USA, Canada, Costa Rica, Belize, Panama, Jamaica, and other countries. Furthermore, UNIA purchased farms in Ohio and other states. It purchased land in Claremont, Virginia with the intention of founding Liberty University.

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First international convention By 1920 the association had over 1,100 divisions in more than 40 countries. Most of the divisions were located in the United States, which had become the UNIA's base of operations. There were, however, offices in several Caribbean countries, with Cuba having the most. Divisions also existed in such diverse countries as Panama, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Venezuela, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia, India, Australia, Nigeria, Namibia, and South Africa. For the entire month of August 1920, the UNIA-ACL held its first international convention at Madison Square Garden in New York City. The 20,000 members in attendance promulgated The Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World[2] on August 13, 1920, and elected the leaders of the UNIA as "leaders for the Negro people of the world".

The organization put forth a program based on "The Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", marking the evolution of the movement into a black nationalist one. It sought to uplift of the black race and encouraged self-reliance and nationhood. Amongst the declarations was one proclaiming the red, black and green flag the official banner of the African race. (Beginning in the 1960s, black nationalists and Pan-Africanists adopted the same flag as the Black Liberation Flag.) UNIA-ACL officially designated the song "Ethiopia the land of our fathers" as the official anthem of "Africa and the Africans, at home and Abroad".

Marcus Garvey chairing session of the UNIA in Under the provisions of the UNIA constitution, Gabriel Johnson was convention. elected Supreme Potentate; G. O. Marke, Supreme Deputy Potentate; J. W. [H]. Eason, leader of the fifteen million "Negroes" of the United States of America; and Henrietta Vinton Davis, International Organizer. Garvey was elected "Provisional President of Africa", a mostly ceremonial title.

Liberian program Although UNIA was not solely a "Back to Africa" movement, the organization did work to arrange for migration for African Americans who wanted to go there. In late 1923, an official UNIA delegation which included Robert Lincoln Poston and Henrietta Vinton Davis travelled to Liberia to survey potential landsites. They also assessed the general condition of the country from the standpoint of UNIA members interested in living in Africa. By 1924 the Chief Justice J.J. Dossen of Liberia wrote to UNIA conveying the government's support: "The President directs me to say in reply to your letter of June 8 setting forth the objects and purposes of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, that the Government of Liberia, appreciating as they do the aims of your organization as outlined by you, have no hesitancy in assuring you that they will afford the Association every facility legally possible in effectuating in Liberia its industrial, agricultural and business projects." About two months later, however, the Liberian President unexpectedly ordered all Liberian ports to refuse entry to any member of the "Garvey Movement". This action closely followed the Firestone Rubber Company's agreement with Liberia for a 99-year lease of one million acres (4,000 km²) of land. The land deal had been assisted by American and European governments. Originally Liberia had intended to lease the land to UNIA at an unprecedented dollar an acre ($247/km²). The commercial agreement with Firestone Tire dealt a severe blow to the UNIA's African repatriation program and inspired speculation that the actions were linked.[3]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 15

Post-Garvey era

After Garvey's conviction and imprisonment on mail fraud charges in 1925 and deportation to Jamaica in 1927, the organization began to take on a different character. In 1926, George Weston succeeded Garvey in a UNIA Convention Election, becoming the next 2nd elected President-General of the UNIA, Inc. This angered many Garvey supporters and as a result spawned many rival entities such as the "Garvey Clubs" and other organizations based on members' differing The UNIA flag (also known as the Black interpretation of the original aims and objects of the UNIA. Nationalist Flag) uses three colors: red, black and green. As a result, the UNIA continued to be officially recognized as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, and a rival "UNIA-ACL August 1929 of the World" emerged, headed by Marcus Garvey after his deportation to Jamaica.

The UNIA, Inc The UNIA, Inc., after Garvey's departure, continued to operate out of New York until 1941. After Weston's 1926 election to President-General, he was succeeded by Frederick Augustus Toote (1929), Clifford Bourne (1930), Lionel Antonio Francis (1931–1934), Henrietta Vinton Davis (1934–1940), Lionel Antonio Francis (1940–1961), Captain A L King (1961–1981) and Milton Kelly, Jr. (1981–2007). In a historic 1939 British Supreme Court decision, President-General Francis was recognized as the rightful administrative heir to the huge Sir Isaiah Emmanuel Morter (DSOE) Estate in Belize. The organization's administrative headquarters were then shifted to Belize in 1941 when the President-General relocated there from New York. Upon his death in 1961 during Hurricane Hattie, the presidency shifted back to New York under the leadership of King, formerly president of the Central Division of the UNIA in New York. After his death in the early 1980s, longtime Garveyite organizer Kelly assumed the administrative reigns and continued to head the association until 2007.

The UNIA-ACL 1929 of the World The UNIA 1929 headed by Garvey continued operating in Jamaica until he moved to England in 1935. There he set up office for the parent body of the UNIA 1929 and maintained contact with all its divisions. UNIA 1929 conventions were held in Canada in 1936, 1937 and 1938; the 1937 sessions were highlighted by the introduction of the first course of African philosophy conducted by Garvey. Garvey became ill in January 1940, and died on June 10, 1940. UNIA members worldwide participated in eulogies, memorial services and processions in his honor. Secretary-General Ethel Collins briefly managed the affairs of the UNIA from New York until a successor to Garvey could be formally installed to complete his term as President-General. During an emergency commissioners' conference in June 1940, James R. Stewart, a commissioner from Ohio and graduate of the course of African philosophy, was named the successor. In the months to follow, the Parent Body of the UNIA was moved from its temporary headquarters in New York to Cleveland. In October 1940 the New Negro World started publishing out of Cleveland. After the 1942 International Convention in Cleveland, a rehabilitating committee of disgruntled members was held in New York during September.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 16

Parent Body in Monrovia Stewart moved to Monrovia, Liberia in 1949. He took Liberian citizenship and moved the Parent Body of the UNIA there. He continued to lead the Association as President-General until his death in 1964. Stewart and his entire family relocated deeper into the interior of the country, establishing themselves in Gbandela, Liberia. There they established a hospital, school and farm. When Stewart died from cancer in 1964, the Parent Body was moved from Monrovia to Youngstown, Ohio, where James A. Bennett took the reins. In 1968 Bennett was succeeded by Vernon Wilson. After President-General Wilson's death in 1975, Mason Harvgrave became next President General. Hargrave testified during the congressional hearings in August 1987 in relation to the exoneration of Marcus Garvey on charges of mail fraud. The findings of the Judiciary Committee were: Garvey was innocent of the charges against him. Although the Committee determined he had been found guilty earlier due to the social climate of America at the time, they had no legal basis upon which to exonerate a person who was deceased. After President General Hargrave died in 1988, all his papers and other Parent Body material were turned over to the Western Reserve Historical Society in Cleveland, Ohio for safe-keeping. From 1988 until the present, the Cleo Miller, Jr. has held the title of President General.

Philadelphia parent body From August to September 1949, the rehabilitating committee held a conference in Detroit, Michigan. Following that conference, the committee denounced the leadership of President Stewart and the UNIA became fragmented once again. Former High Chancellor Thomas W. Harvey became President General of the new faction. An international headquarters was established in , Pennsylvania, after a conference was held there in August 1951. Although some divisions severed ties with the Monrovia Parent Body after the Rehabilitation Conference, a number also continued to report to Monrovia consistent with the laws in the constitution. The first International Convention held under President General Harvey occurred in August 1953. William LeVan Sherrill was elected President General then. As First Assistant President General, Sherrill had previously served as acting President General beginning in 1925, during the time when the UNIA's founder Garvey was incarcerated. During his administration, Sherrill claimed to have 36 divisions associated with the Philadelphia Parent Body. Harvey was elected President General in August 1960. Prior to his election, the UNIA began publication of the third house organ, a monthly newspaper entitled "Garvey's Voice". President Sherrill resigned in December 1958 and Harvey became Acting President General of the UNIA. Harvey then held the post for nearly 20 years, winning re-election every four years until his death in June 1978. International conventions were held in Philadelphia during August 1973 and 1976. The UNIA Executive Council elected Charles L. James to complete the unexpired term of Thomas W. Harvey on July 1, 1978. In August 1980 the 28th International convention was held in Philadelphia. Conventions were held annually from August 1981 to August 1986. Two of which were held in Chicago. At the 34th Annual Convention in Chicago, Illinois gave the keynote speech on the role of Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, and Elijah Muhammad in his development. When President General Charles Lynell James died on August 16, 1990 he was the last surviving graduate of the Course of African Philosophy taught by Marcus Garvey. Reginald Wesley Maddox succeeded James as President General on August 26, 1990. In August 1992, Marcus Garvey, Jr. was elected President-General during the convention held in Washington, DC. He held that office until retiring by not seeking reelection during the 2004 convention. During the UNIA's 90th anniversary and the controversial 47th International Convention, Redman Battle was elected the President General of the UNIA-ACL Rehabilitating Committee.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 17

Notable members of the UNIA • Dusé Mohamed Ali • Isaac B. Allen • Thomas W. Anderson • James Bennett • Irene Moorman Blackstone • Clifford Bourne • Isaac S. Bright • Benjamin E. Burrell • Norman Burton • Eliezer Cadet • Clarence A. Carpenter • James R. Cato • Shirley Chisholm • G.R. Christian • Walter J. Conway • Arnold Lemuel Crawford • Henrietta Vinton Davis • L.A. Davis • Mamie Leona Turpeau DeMena-Aiken • Rev. James Robert Lincoln Diggs • Henry Dolphin • Daisy Dunn • James Walker Hood Eason • William H. Ferris • M.A. Figueroa • Arnold Josiah Ford • Timothy Thomas Fortune • Lionel Antonio Francs • Capt. Emmett L. Gaines • Elie Garcia • Amy Jacques Garvey • Marcus Garvey • John Edward (Bruce) Grit • Henry Harris • Mrs. Henry Harris • Hubert Henry Harrison • Mason Hargrave • Thomas Watson Harvey • Amy Haynes • James Haynes • Samuel Alfred Haynes • Zora Neale Hurston • Charles Lynell James • Captain A L King • Ferrara Levi Mitchison Lord • Joseph Robert Love

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 18

• George Osborne Marke • Granzaline Marshall • S.B. Martin • E.R. Matthews • Carrie B. Mero • Hucheshwar G. Mudgal • Hugh Mulzac • James Hamble Perkins • Janie Perkins • Andrew G. Pio • Alberta Porter • Robert Lincoln Poston • Thomas Vincent Ramos • Henry James Ramsay • Harriet Rogers • Julia E. Rumford • Rev. D.L. Reed • Chief Alfred Sam • Wheeler Sheppard • William LeVan Sherrill • Sidney Smith • T.E. Smith • Effie Stepter • James Robert Stewart • Joseph Henderson Stewart • Eric D. Walrond • Fleming Du Bignon Webster • Rev Ethel Williams [4] • Vernon Wilson • Irene W. Wingfield

References

[1] http:/ / www. isop. ucla. edu/ africa/ mgpp/ sample01. asp [2] Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World," Wikisource, The Free Library, The Declaration

of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World (http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ w/ index.

php?title=The_Declaration_of_the_Rights_of_the_Negro_Peoples_of_the_World& oldid=189864) (accessed October 6, 2007).

[3] Editorial by Marcus Garvey in the "Negro World" September 2, 1927 (http:/ / www. international. ucla. edu/ africa/ mgpp/ sample06. asp)

[4] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TMV3n-26cLAC& lpg=PA405& ots=HmgaHXaPZv&

dq=rev%20ethel%20williams%20of%20baltimore& pg=PA405#v=onepage& q=rev%20ethel%20williams%20of%20baltimore& f=false

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League 19

Further reading • Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the : Conservation, , and the Legacy of Madison

Grant. Univ. of Vermont Press. ISBN 978-1-58465-715-6. Lay summary (http:/ / www. upne. com/

1-58465-715-4. html) (29 September 2010).

External links

• Official UNIA-ACL website (http:/ / www. theunia-acl. com)

• Encyclopedia of Cleveland History:UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSN. (UNIA) (http:/ / ech. cwru.

edu/ ech-cgi/ article. pl?id=UNIA)

• Contemporary Voices Vol.1 No.9: Marcus Garvey's Impossible Dream (http:/ / www. republic-of-liberia. com/

vol1_no9. htm)

• The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers Project (http:/ / www. isop. ucla. edu/

africa/ mgpp/ )

• Marcus Garvey: The Official Site (http:/ / www. marcusgarvey. com)

• Gale Group guide to UNIA (http:/ / www. galegroup. com/ pdf/ scguides/ universalnegro1/ uniawrintro. pdf)

• American Series Sample Documents (http:/ / www. isop. ucla. edu/ africa/ mgpp/ sample01. asp) -- Volume I: 1826—August 1919

Organization of Afro-American Unity

The Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) was a Pan-Africanist organization founded by Malcolm X in 1964. The OAAU was modeled on the Organisation of African Unity, which had impressed Malcolm X during his visit to Africa in April and May 1964. The purpose of the OAAU was to fight for the human rights of African Americans and promote cooperation among Africans and people of African descent in the Americas.

Malcolm X announced the establishment of the OAAU at a public meeting in New York's Audubon Ballroom on June 28, 1964. He had written the group's charter with John Henrik Clarke, Albert Cleage, Jesse Gray, and , among others.[1] In a memo dated July 2, 1964, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover described the nascent OAAU as a threat to the national security of the United States.[2]

Malcolm X, along with John Henrik Clarke, wrote the following into the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) Basic Unity Malcolm X in 1964 Program: 1. Restoration: "In order to release ourselves from the oppression of our enslavers then, it is absolutely necessary for the Afro-American to restore communication with Africa." 2. Reorientation: "We can learn much about Africa by reading informative books." 3. Education: "The Organization of Afro-American Unity will devise original educational methods and procedures which will liberate the minds of our children. We will ... encourage qualified Afro-Americans to write and publish the textbooks needed to liberate our minds ... educating them [our children] at home." 4. Economic Security: "After the Emancipation Proclamation ... it was realized that the Afro-American constituted the largest homogeneous ethnic group with a common origin and common group experience in the United States

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Organization of Afro-American Unity 20

and, if allowed to exercise economic or political freedom, would in a short period of time own this country. We must establish a technician bank. We must do this so that the newly independent nations of Africa can turn to us who are their brothers for the technicians they will they will need now and in the future." The OAAU pushed for Black control of every aspect of the Black community. At the founding rally, Malcolm X stated that the organization's principal concern was the human rights of Blacks, but that it would also focus on voter registration, school boycotts, rent strikes, housing rehabilitation, and social programs for addicts, unwed mothers, and troubled children. Malcolm X saw the OAAU as a way of "un-brainwashing" Black people, ridding them of the lies they had been told about themselves and their culture. On July 17, 1964, Malcolm X was welcomed to the second meeting of the Organization of African Unity in Cairo as a representative of the OAAU.[3] When a reporter asked whether white people could join the OAAU, Malcolm X said, "Definitely not." Then he added, "If John Brown were still alive, we might accept him."[4]

Collapse Malcolm X did not have sufficient time to invest in the OAAU to help it flourish. After his death, Malcolm X's half-sister, Ella Collins, took over the leadership of the OAAU, but dwindling membership and Malcolm X's absence eventually led to the collapse of the organization.

References

Footnotes

[1] Perry, pp. 294–295. [2] Sales, p. 37. [3] Natambu, p. 308.

[4] Massaquoi, Hans J. (September 1964). "Mystery of Malcolm X" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=JaT6tBKGK3sC& pg=PA40). Ebony. p. 40. . Retrieved February 23, 2010.

Works cited • Natambu, Kofi (2002). The Life and Work of Malcolm X. Indianapolis: Alpha Books. ISBN 978-0-02-864218-5. • Perry, Bruce (1991). Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Barrytown, N.Y.: Station Hill. ISBN 978-0-88268-103-0. • Sales, Jr., William W. (1994). From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Boston: South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-480-3.

External links

• Program of the Organization of Afro-American Unity (http:/ / www. malcolm-x. org/ docs/ gen_oaau. htm)

• Malcolm X, Speech on the Founding of the OAAU (http:/ / www. thinkingtogether. org/ rcream/ archive/ Old/

S2006/ comp/ OAAU. pdf), June 28, 1964 (PDF)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 21 Robert F. Williams

Robert Franklin Williams (February 26, 1925 – October 15, 1996) was a civil rights leader, the president of the Monroe, North Carolina NAACP chapter in the 1950s and early 1960s, and author. At a time when racial tension was high and official abuses were rampant, Williams was a key figure in promoting both integration and armed black self-defense in the United States. He and his wife left the United States in 1961 to avoid prosecution for kidnapping. After living in Cuba for several years, they moved to China in 1965.

Williams' book Negroes with Guns (1962), published while he was in exile in Cuba, details his experience with violent racism and his disagreement with the pacifist Civil Rights Movement philosophies. It was influential with younger black men, including Huey Newton, who founded the .

Early life Robert F. Williams, May 1961 Williams was born in Monroe, North Carolina in 1925 to Emma C. and John L. Williams, a railroad boiler washer. His grandmother, a former slave, gave Williams the rifle with which his grandfather, a Republican campaigner and publisher of the newspaper The People's Voice, had defended himself in the hard years after Reconstruction. At the age of 11, Williams witnessed the beating and dragging of a black woman by officer Jesse Helms, Sr.[1] [2] (He was the father of future US Senator Jesse Helms.)

As a young man, Williams joined the Great Migration, traveling north for work during World War II. He witnessed race riots in Detroit in 1943, prompted by labor competition between European immigrants and African Americans. Drafted in 1944, he served for a year and a half in the segregated Army before returning home to Monroe.

Marriage and family In 1947, Williams married Mabel Robinson, a fellow civil rights activist. They had two children together.

Kissing Case Williams entered the national civil rights struggle by working with the NAACP as a community organizer in Monroe. When in 1958 he defended two young black boys, who were jailed after being accused of kissing a white girl, he became famous around the world. His publicity campaign helped provoke headlines in the global press, which ridiculed North Carolina officials. He was instrumental in shaming the local officials into releasing the boys. The controversy was known as the "Kissing Case". (The white girl had kissed one of the boys on the cheek.)

Difficulties On 12 May 1958, the Raleigh Eagle (North Carolina) reported that Nationwide Insurance Company was canceling Williams' collision and comprehensive coverage, effective that day. They first canceled all of his automobile insurance, but decided to reinstate his liability and medical payments coverage, enough for Williams to retain his car license. The company said that Williams' affiliation with the NAACP was not a factor; they noted "that rocks had been thrown at his car and home several times by people driving by his home at night. These incidents just forced us

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 22

to get off the comprehensive and collision portions of his policy." The newspaper article reported that Williams had said that six months before, a 50-car Ku Klux Klan caravan had swapped gunfire with a group of blacks outside the home of Dr. A. E. Perry, vice president of the local NAACP chapter. The article quotes police chief A. A. Maurey as denying part of that story. He said, "I know there was no shooting," and explained that he had had several police cars accompanying the KKK caravan to watch for possible law violations. The article quoted Williams: "These things have happened," Williams insisted. "Police try to make it appear that I have been exaggerating and trying to stir up trouble. If police tell me I am in no danger and that they can't confirm these events, why then has my insurance been cancelled?"[3]

Black Armed Guard The local NAACP was working to integrate the public . They organized peaceful demonstrations, but some drew gunfire. No one was arrested or punished, although law enforcement officers were present.[4] Williams had already started the Black Armed Guard to defend the local black community from racist activity. At a time when gun ownership was fairly common in the South, KKK membership numbered some 15,000 locally. Black residents fortified their homes with sandbags and trained to use rifles in the event of night raids by the Klan.[5] In Negroes with Guns (Chap 4), Williams writes: “[R]acist consider themselves superior beings and are not willing to exchange their superior lives for our inferior ones. They are most vicious and violent when they can practice violence with impunity.”[6] Followers attested to Williams' advocating the use of advanced powerful weaponry rather than more traditional firearms. Williams insisted his position was defensive, as opposed to a declaration of war. He called it "armed self-reliance" in the face of white terrorism. Threats against Williams' life and his family became more frequent. In 1959, Williams debated the merits of nonviolence with Martin Luther King Jr at the NAACP convention. His local NAACP chapter threatened him with suspension for six months because of his outspoken disagreements with the national leadership. He said his wife would take over his position and he would continue his leadership through her.

Freedom Riders When CORE dispatched "freedom riders" from the North to Monroe to campaign in 1961, the local NAACP chapter served as their base. Around this time, a white couple in a town nearby drove through the black section of Monroe after some escalated disputes at the courthouse, but were stopped in the street by an angry crowd. For their safety, they were taken to Williams' home.[7] Williams initially told them that they were free to go, but he soon realized that the crowd would not grant safe passage. He kept the white couple in a house nearby until they were able to safely leave the neighborhood.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 23

North Carolina law enforcement admonished Williams and accused him of having kidnapped the couple. He and his family fled the state with local law enforcement in pursuit. His eventual interstate flight triggered prosecution by the FBI. On August 28, 1961, an FBI Most Wanted warrant was issued in Charlotte, North Carolina, charging Williams with unlawful interstate flight to avoid prosecution for kidnapping. The FBI document lists Williams as a "free lance writer and janitor" and states that (Williams)"...has previously been diagnosed as a schizophrenic and has advocated and threatened violence... considered armed and extremely dangerous." After the appearance of this Wanted poster, signed by the director J. Edgar Hoover, Williams decided to leave the country. The FBI's wanted poster alerted people to an armed kidnapper.

Flight and return Williams went to Cuba by way of Canada and then Mexico. He regularly broadcast addresses to Southern blacks on "Radio Free Dixie", a station he established with assistance from Cuban President Fidel Castro and operated from 1962-1965. During the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, Williams used Radio Free Dixie to urge black soldiers in the U.S. armed forces, who were then preparing for a possible invasion of Cuba to eliminate the Soviet nuclear arsenal, to engage in insurrection against the United States. "While you are armed, remember this is your only chance to be free. . . . This is your only chance to stop your people from being treated worse than dogs. We'll take care of the front, Joe, but from the back, he'll never know what hit him. You dig?" [8] During this stay, Mabel and Robert Williams published the newspaper, The Crusader. Williams wrote his book, Negroes With Guns, while in Cuba. It had a significant influence on Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panthers. Despite his absence from the United States, in 1964 Williams was elected president of the US-based Revolutionary Action Movement. .[9] In 1965 Williams traveled to Hanoi, then the capital of North Vietnam. He advocated armed violence against the United States during the Vietnam War, congratulated China on obtaining its own nuclear weapons (which Williams referred to as "The Freedom Bomb"), and sided with the North Vietnamese against the United States.[10] Some Communist Party USA members opposed Williams' positions, suggesting they would divide the working class in the U.S. along racial lines. In a May 18, 1964 letter from Havana to his U.S. lawyer, civil rights attorney Conrad Lynn, Williams wrote: ...the U.S.C.P. has openly come out against my position on the Negro struggle. In fact, the party has sent special representatives here to sabotage my work on behalf of U.S. Negro liberation. They are pestering the Cubans to remove me from the radio, ban THE CRUSADER and to take a number of other steps in what they call `cutting Williams down to size.'... The whole thing is due to the fact that I absolutely refuse to take direction from 's idiots...I hope to depart from here, if possible, soon. I am writing you to stand by in case I am turned over to the FBI... Sincerely, Rob. In 1965, Williams and his wife left Cuba to settle in China, where he was well received. They lived comfortably there and he associated with higher functionaries of the Chinese government. In January 1968, Lynn wrote to encourage Williams to return to the US. Williams responded: The only thing that prevents my acceptance and willingness to make an immediate return is the present lack of adequate financial assurance for a fight against my being railroaded to jail and an effective

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 24

organization to arouse the people. I don't think it will be wise to announce my nomination and immediate return unless the kind of money is positively available... Lynn then wrote Williams in a January 24, 1968 letter that "You are wise in not making a decision to come back until the financial situation is assured." Because no financial backing could be found, no 1968 "Williams for President" campaign was ever launched by Williams' supporters in the United States. By November 1969, Williams apparently had become disillusioned with the U.S. left. As his lawyer, Conrad Lynn, noted in a November 7, 1969 letter to Haywood Burns of the Legal Defense Foundation (that can be found in Lynn's papers at the BU library): Williams now clearly takes the position that he has been deserted by the left. How and whether he fits black militant organizations into that category I don't know. Radio Free Europe offered him pay to broadcast for them. So far he has refused. But he has not foreclosed making a deal with the government or the far right. He takes the position that he is entitled to make any maneuver to keep from going to jail for kidnapping... Williams was suspected by the Justice Department of wanting to fill the vacuum of influence left after the assassinations of his friends Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. Hoover received reports that blacks looked to Williams as a figure similar to John Brown. Attempts to contact the U.S. government in order to return were rebuffed consistently. He returned via London, England to Detroit, Michigan in 1969 and was immediately arrested for extradition to North Carolina for trial on the kidnapping charge. Shortly after he returned, the approaching period of détente augured a warming of relations with the People's Republic of China. Williams was tried in Monroe, North Carolina in December 1975. The historian Gwendolyn Midlo Hall chaired his defense committee and a broad range of leftists arrived in town. Attorney William S. Kunstler represented Williams in court. The state of North Carolina dropped all charges against him almost immediately.[11]

Later years Williams was given a grant by the Ford Foundation to work at the Center for Chinese Studies. He wrote While God Lay Sleeping: The Autobiography of Robert F. Williams. He died from Hodgkin's disease in 1996. At his funeral, , who started the bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama in 1955, recounted the high regard for Robert F. Williams by those who marched peacefully with King in Alabama.[1]

Works • Negroes With Guns. 1962; New York, NY, USA; Marzani & Munsell. Reprinted 1998; Wayne State University Press. Chapters 3-5 [12] are free online from the National Humanities Center. Also listed by Google Books [13] (may have some free previews). • Williams, Robert F. "1957: Swimming Pool Showdown", Southern Exposure, c. Summer 1980; the article appeared in an issue devoted to the Ku Klux Klan. • The Crusader, newsletter, 1959 - ? • "USA: The Potential of a Minority Revolution" [1964] 1965. In Black Protest Thought in the 20th Century. Eds. August Meier et. al. Indianapolis and New York. • Listen Brother!. 1968; New York, NY, USA; World View Publishers. 40 p. • "The Black Scholar Interviews: Robert F Williams". 1970, The Black Scholar. • Williams, Robert F. While God Lay Sleeping: The Autobiography of Robert F. Williams (completed in 1996, unpublished)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 25

Sources • The Afro American (Baltimore, Maryland, USA). "Exile Robert Williams' Wife Returns to US from Africa" [14], 30 August or 6 September 1969 ; page 22 . • Randolph Boehm and Daniel Lewis, The Black Power Movement, Part 2: The Papers of Robert F Williams [15]. University Publications of America, Bethesda, MD, USA, 2002 . The linked-to document is a guide to a microfilmed version of the Robert F Williams Papers, which are at the Bentley Historical Library of the University of Maryland, Ann Arbor. It contains notes on the content of the papers and an introductory essay by Timothy Tyson . • Truman Nelson, People With Strength. The Story of Monroe, N.C. [16] 37 p. N.Y. Committee to Aid the Monroe Defendants, n.d. (1962 or 1963?). Illustrated wraps. With hand drawn map. • Revolutionary Worker, "In Memory of Robert F Williams: A Voice for Armed Self-Defense and Black Liberation" [17], 17 November 1996. Article also available from Assata Shakur's site.[18] • Greg Thomas, "Spooks, Sex & Socio-Diagnostics", Proudflesh [19], volume 1.1, October 2002 . • Timothy B Tyson, "Robert Franklin Williams: A Warrior For Freedom, 1925-1996" [20], Southern Exposure, Winter 1996. • Timothy B Tyson, "Introduction", to Boehm and Lewis, The Papers of Robert F Williams, 2002, cited above. • Robert F Williams, Listen Brother! [21], 1968, New York, World View Publishers. Opposes Vietnam War. 40 pages. • Negroes with Guns: Rob Williams and Black Power, a 2004 film [22] [23]

References

[1] Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams: "Black Power" and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle", The Human Tradition in

the Civil Rights Movement, edited by Susan M. Glisson, Rowman & Littlefield, 2006, pp. 227-254, accessed 12 May 2011 (http:/ / books.

google. com/ books?id=ao2DSDX5R3QC& pg=PA244& lpg=PA244& dq=While+ God+ Lay+ Sleeping:+ The+ Autobiography+ of+

Robert+ F. + Williams& source=bl& ots=pADVv01xfb& sig=xrGnVFAOpMwRX_4CPRU0l0zLGlI& hl=en&

ei=6FbMTYmtJOHL0QGptoXpBA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5& ved=0CDkQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q=While God

Lay Sleeping: The Autobiography of Robert F. Williams& f=false) [2] p227-228

[3] Page 15 (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=RgcuAAAAIBAJ& sjid=E5oFAAAAIBAJ& pg=1532,5202912& dq=robert+ f+

williams& hl=en) . [4] "In Memory of Robert F Williams: A Voice for Armed Self-Defense and Black Liberation", Revolutionary Worker, 17 November 1996. (See sources) [5] "In Memory of Robert F Williams", Revolutionary Worker, 17 November 1996; Timothy Tyson, "Robert Franklin Williams: A Warrior for Freedom;" Timothy Tyson, "Introduction" to Robert Williams Papers, p vi. (See Sources) [6] In Thomas, Spooks, Sex & Socio-Diagnostics, section: "Sadistic White Insanity". [7] Tyson, "Introduction" to Williams Papers, p xiv. For another account, see the Introduction to Robert F Williams, Listen Brother!. Both works are listed in Sources section of this article. [8] Michael Dobbs, One Minute to Midnight: Kennedy, Khrushchev and Castro on the Brink of Nuclear War, Knopf (2008). [9] "Exile Robert Williams' Wife Returns to US from Africa", The Afro American, (Baltimore, Maryland, USA), August 30 or September 6, 1969 (not clear). See sources for archive url. [10] Williams, Robert F., "Speech Delivered at the International Conference for Solidarity with the People of Vietnam Against U.S. Imperialist Aggression for the Defense of Peace. Hanoi, Democratic Republic of Vietnam November 25–29, 1965." (March 1965). The Crusader, 6(3), p. 1-5.

[11] "Charges Dropped Against Williams" (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=LrosAAAAIBAJ& sjid=GhMEAAAAIBAJ&

pg=4497,2746287& dq=robert+ williams+ monroe& hl=en). Wilmington, North Carolina Morning Star (UPI). 17 January 1976. p. 2

Gwendolyn Midlo Hall papers (1939-1991)housed at the Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; http:/ /

picasaweb. google. com/ lh/ emailAlbum?uname=ghall1929& aid=5307644475055127297

[12] http:/ / nationalhumanitiescenter. org/ pds/ maai3/ protest/ text6/ williamsnegroeswithguns. pdf

[13] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=i4YiA0jWz4EC& pg=PA57& lpg=PA57& dq=Mae+ Mallory& source=bl& ots=ylLsLgCB05&

sig=mlQjFHZ02DjzNH4nRu6nep9dvOQ& hl=en& ei=5Lf9SrCTD43bnAfEkLCaCw& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=4&

ved=0CBUQ6AEwAzg8#v=onepage& q=Mae%20Mallory& f=false

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Robert F. Williams 26

[14] http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=IaAkAAAAIBAJ& sjid=G_4FAAAAIBAJ& pg=2573,1014835& dq=robert+ williams+

monroe& hl=en

[15] http:/ / www. lexisnexis. com/ documents/ academic/ upa_cis/ 9353_BlackPowerMovemPt2. pdf

[16] http:/ / www. old-yankee. com/ rkba/ pws. html

[17] http:/ / revcom. us/ a/ firstvol/ 882/ willms. htm [18] "In Memory of Robert F. Williams:A Voice for Armed Self-Defense and Black Liberation - Assata Shakur Speaks - Hands Off Assata -

Let's Get Free - Revolutionary - Pan-Africanism - Black On Purpose - Liberation - Forum" (http:/ / www. assatashakur. org/ forum/

shoulders-our-freedom-fighters/ 30071-memory-robert-f-williams-voice-armed-self-defense-black-liberation. html). Assatashakur.org. . Retrieved 2010-08-27.

[19] http:/ / www. proudfleshjournal. com/ vol1. 1/ thomas2. html

[20] http:/ / www. ibiblio. org/ Southern_Exposure/ RFW. html

[21] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ ListenBrother

[22] "Independent Lens . NEGROES WITH GUNS: Rob Williams and Black Power" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ independentlens/ negroeswithguns/ ). PBS. . Retrieved 2010-08-27.

[23] "Press and Photos - Negroes With Guns - Rob Williams and Black Power" (http:/ / www. jou. ufl. edu/ documentary/ negroeswithguns/

press. asp). Jou.ufl.edu. . Retrieved 2010-08-27.

Further reading • Hill, Lance. Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, by Lance Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2004. History of the Deacons' civil rights activity and organizing in Louisiana and elsewhere. In contrast to the non-violent strategies and tactics of most other civil rights organizations, the Deacons were committed to armed self-defense. • Forman, James. The Making of Black Revolutionaries University of Washington Press (1997) • Tyson, Timothy B. Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power. 416 pages. University of North Carolina Press (February 1, 2001). ISBN 0-8078-4923-5. • The Robert F. Williams papers are housed at the Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,

Michigan. http:/ / bentley. umich. edu/

External links

• Negroes with Guns: Rob Williams and Black Power (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0417008/ ) at the Internet Movie Database

• Deacons for Defense (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0335034/ ) at the Internet Movie Database • Speech by U.S. Negro Leader Robert Williams, at a rally in Peking on Aug. 8, 1966, protesting the discrimination

against African-Americans in the U.S. (http:/ / www. massline. org/ PekingReview/ PR1966/ PR1966-33p. htm)

• Listen, Brother! (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ ListenBrother) a pamphlet by Robert F. Williams. • Sahir, Wanda. Growing up Revolutionary: An interview with John Williams, son of Mabel and Robert F. Williams

(http:/ / www. sfbayview. com/ 051805/ growingup051805. shtml). San Francisco Bay View (http:/ / www.

sfbayview. com/ ): National Black Newspaper. May 18, 2005. Retrieved May 23, 2005. • Robert F Williams: Self Respect Self Defense and Self Determination; An Audio Documentary as told by Mabel

Williams (http:/ / www. freedomarchives. org/ RFW. html). Audio CD and 84 page booklet. Produced by

Freedom Archives (http:/ / www. freedomarchives. org). Distributed by AK Press. Retrieved May 23, 2005.

• Robert Williams' appeal to Adlai Stevenson (http:/ / www. historyisaweapon. org/ defcon1/ williamsletter. html)

• BlackAcademics radio interview with Mabel Williams about Robert F. Williams life (http:/ / voxunion. com/

realaudio/ coupradio/ Blackademics013106. mp3)

• Series of six video interviews with Robert F. Williams (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=Suy443zscig&

mode=related& search=)

• Learning From Rosa Parks, The Indypendent (http:/ / www. indypendent. org/ ?p=645)

• Robert Williams bibliography (http:/ / www. aavw. org/ protest/ homepage_early_rfw. html) on African American Involvement in the Vietnam War website.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Republic of New Afrika 27 Republic of New Afrika

The Republic of New Afrika (RNA), was a social movement that proposed three objectives. First, the creation of an independent African-American-majority country situated in the southeastern United States. A similar claim is made for all the black-majority counties and cities throughout the United States. Second, the payment of several billion dollars in reparations from the US government for the damages inflicted on Africans and their descendants by

chattel enslavement, Jim Crow segregation, and The Republic of New Afrika flag persistent modern-day forms of racism. Third, a referendum of all African Americans in order to decide what should be done with regard to their citizenship. Regarding the latter, it was claimed that African-Americans were not given a choice in this matter after emancipation. The vision for this country was first promulgated on March 31, 1968, at a Black Government Conference held in Detroit, Michigan. Its proponents lay claim to five Southern states: (Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina); and the black-majority counties adjacent to this area in Arkansas, Texas, North Carolina, Tennessee and Florida.

The proposed territory is where the highest percent of blacks are in the US History (2000).

The Black Government Conference was convened by the Malcolm X Society and the Group on Advanced Leadership (GOAL), two influential Detroit-based organizations with broad followings. This weekend meeting produced a Declaration of Independence (signed by 100 conferees out of approximately 500), a constitution, and the framework for a provisional government. Robert F. Williams, a controversial human rights advocate then living in exile in China, was chosen as the first President of the provisional government; attorney Milton Henry (a student of Malcolm X's teachings) was named First Vice President; and Betty Shabazz, widow of Malcolm X, served as Second Vice President.

The Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika (PG-RNA) advocated/advocates a form of cooperative economics through the building of New Communities—named after the Ujamaa concept promoted by Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere; militant self-defense through the building of local People's Militias and an aboveground standing army called the Black Legion; and respect for international law through the building of organizations that champion the right of self-determination for people of African descent. During its existence, the organization was involved in numerous controversial issues. For example, it attempted to assist Oceanhill-Brownsville in seceding from the United States during the conflict that took place there. Additionally, it was involved with shootouts at New Bethel Baptist Church in 1969 (during the one-year anniversary of the founding) and another in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1971 (where it had begun to start its occupation of the South

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Republic of New Afrika 28

on a single farm). Within both events, law-enforcement officials were killed as well as injured and harsh legal action was imposed against organization members. The US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) believed the Republic of New Afrika to be a seditious group and conducted raids on its meetings, which led to violent confrontations, and the arrest and repeated imprisonment of RNA leaders noted above. The group was a target of the COINTELPRO operation by the federal authorities but was also subject to diverse Red Squad activities of Michigan State Police and the Detroit Police Department, among other cities.

Publications • The Article Three Brief. 1973. (New Afrikans fought U.S. Marshals in an effort to retain control of the independent New Afrikan communities shortly after the U.S. Civil War.) • Obadele, Imari Abubakari. Foundations of the Black Nation. 154p. Detroit. House of Songay, 1975. • Brother Imari [Obadele, Imari]. War In America: The Malcolm X Doctrine. 45p. Chicago. Ujamaa Distributors, 1977. • Kehinde, Muata. RNA President Imari Obadele is Free After Years of Illegal U.S. Imprisonment. In Burning Spear February 1980. Louisville. African Peoples Socialist Party. 4 p to 28 p. • Obadele, Imari Abubakari. The Malcolm Generation & Other Stories. 56p. Philiadelphia. House of Songhay, 1982. • Taifa, Nkechi, and Lumumba, Chokwe. Reparations Yes! 3rd ed. Baton Rouge. House of Songhay, 1983, 1987, 1993. • Obadele, Imari Abubakari. Free The Land!: The True Story of the Trials of the RNA-11 Washington, D.C. House of Songhay, 1984. • New Afrikan State-Building in North America. Ann Arbor. Univ. of Michigan Microfilm, 1985, pp. 345–357. • "The First New Afrikan States". In The Black Collegian, Jan./Feb. 1986. • A Beginner's Outline of the History of Afrikan People, 1st ed. Washington, D.C. House of Songhay, Commission for Positive Education, 1987. • America The Nation-State. Washington, D.C. and Baton Rouge. House of Songhay, Commission for Positive Education, 1989, 1988. • Walker, Kwaku, and Walker, Abena. Black Genius. Baton Rouge. House of Songhay, Commission for Positive Education, 1991. • Afoh, Kwame, Lumumba, Chokwe, and Obafemi, Ahmed. A Brief History of the Black Struggle in America, With Obadele's Macro-Level Theory of Human Organization. Baton Rouge. House of Songhay, Commission for Positive Education, 1991. • RNA. A People's Struggle. RNA, Box 90604, Washington, D.C. 20090-0604. • The Republic of New Africa New Afrikan Ujamaa: The Economics of the Republic of New Africa. 21p. San Francisco. 1970. • Obadele, Imari Abubakari. The Struggle for Independence and Reparations from the United States 142p. Baton Rouge. House of Songhay, 2004. • Obadele, Imari A., editor De-Colonization U.S.A.: The Independence Struggle of the Black Nation in the United States Centering on the 1996 United Nations Petition 228p. Baton Rouge. The Malcolm Generation, 1997.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Republic of New Afrika 29

External links

RNA links • People's District Council of Los Angeles [1] • The Republic of New Afrika [2] • New Afrika (Online Blog) [3] • Black Law--Code of Umoja [4] • The New Afrikan Creed [5] • The New Afrikan Declaration of Independence [6]

Archives • RNA documents [7] in the Freedom Now! [8] archival project at Brown University - Tougaloo College archives. • The Republic of New Africa vs. the United States, 1967-1974 [9] documents on police surveillance and repression of the RNA as well as protest by the organization at the The Radical Information Project [10].

Articles and reports • Firing Line: The Republic of New Africa [11] William F. Buckley interviews Milton Henry. President of the Republic of New Africa. Program number 126. Taped on Nov 18, 1968 (New York City, NY). 50 minutes. Available from the Hoover Institution. The first 5 minutes are accessible in streaming Real Audio [12]. • Understanding Covert Repressive Action: The Case of the US Government Against the Republic of New Africa [13] by Christian Davenport, Professor of Peace Studies and Political Science at the Kroc Institute, University of Notre Dame. • The Real Republic of New Africa [14] By Dennis Smith, News Director. February 3, 2005. Accessed April 1, 2005

References

[1] http:/ / www. webspawner. com/ users/ PDCLA/

[2] http:/ / www. asetbooks. com/ Us/ Nationhood/ RNA/ RepublicOfNewAfrika. html

[3] http:/ / newafrikaonline. blogspot. com

[4] http:/ / www. webspawner. com/ users/ umoja/

[5] http:/ / www. webspawner. com/ users/ newafcreed/

[6] http:/ / www. webspawner. com/ users/ decofind/

[7] http:/ / www. stg. brown. edu/ projects/ FreedomNow/ themes/ blkpower/

[8] http:/ / www. stg. brown. edu/ projects/ FreedomNow/

[9] http:/ / web. mac. com/ christiandavenport/ iWeb/ Site%206/ The%20Republic%20of%20New%20Africa%20vs.

%20the%20US%20Government. html

[10] http:/ / web. mac. com/ christiandavenport/ iWeb/ Christian%20Davenport/ Archiving. html

[11] http:/ / hoohila. stanford. edu/ firingline/ programView. php?programID=146

[12] http:/ / vodreal. stanford. edu/ firing/ 5min/ 126. ram

[13] http:/ / www. bsos. umd. edu/ gvpt/ davenport/ jcr2005. pdf

[14] http:/ / www. wlbt. com/ Global/ story. asp?S=2899150

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Queen Mother Moore 30 Queen Mother Moore

Queen Mother Moore (July 27, 1898 - May 2, 1996) was an African-American civil rights leader and a black nationalist who was friends with such civil rights leaders as Marcus Garvey, and Jesse Jackson. She was an important figure in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement and a founder of the Republic of New Afrika. She was born Audley Moore in New Iberia, Louisiana, where both her parents died before she completed the fourth grade. Moore became a hairdresser at age 15. Queen Mother Moore was born to Ella and St. Cry Moore on July 27, 1898 in New Iberia, Louisiana. Her grandmother, Nora Henry, was born into slavery, the daughter of an African woman who was raped by her slave master who was a doctor.Audley Moore’s grandfather was lynched, leaving her grandmother with five children with Ella Johnson, the mother of Queen Mother Moore, as the youngest. Ella

Johnson died in 1904. Audley was six.(http:/ / revcom. us/ a/ v19/ 905-09/ 908/ queen. htm). After viewing a speech by Marcus Garvey, Moore moved to Harlem, NY and later became a leader and life member of the UNIA. She participated in Garvey’s first international convention in New York City and was a stock owner in the Black Star Line. Along with becoming a leading figure in the Civil Rights Movement, Moore worked for a variety of causes for over 60 years. Her last public appearance was at the alongside Jesse

Jackson during October 1995(http:/ / www. queenmothermoore. org). Queen Mother Moore was the founder and president of the Universal Association of Ethiopian Women as well as the founder of the Committee for Reparations for Descendants of U.S. Slaves. She is a founding member of the Republic of New Africa to fight for self-determination, land, and reparations. Queen Mother Moore, for most of the 1950s and 1960s, was the best-known advocate of African American reparations. Operating out of Harlem and her organization, the Universal Association of Ethiopian Women, Moore actively promoted reparations from 1950 until her death in 1996(Charles Henry, “The Politics of Racial Reparations” Journal of Black Studies, 142). In addition too, Moore was of the Apostolic of Judea. She is a founding member of the Commission to Eliminate Racism, Council of Churches of Greater New York. In organizing this commission, she staged a twenty-four-hour sit-in for three weeks. She is a founder of the African American Cultural Foundation, Inc.,

which led the fight against usage of the slave term "Negro” (http:/ / www. hierographics. org/ mothermoorebio. htm). In 1957, Queen Mother Moore presented a petition to the United Nations and a second in 1959, arguing for self-determination, against genocide, land and reparations, making her an international advocate. In an interview with E. Menelik Pinto, the late Queen Mother Moore explained the petition. In the petition she asked for 200 billion dollars to monetarily compensate for 400 years of slavery. The petition also called for compensations to be given to

African Americans who wish to return to Africa and those who wish to remain in America (http:/ / www.

queenmothermoore. org). Taking the first of many trips to Africa in 1972, she was given the honorary title "Queen Mother" of an Ashanti tribe in Ghana, which became her informal name in the United States. She attended the release of Nelson Mandela from prison in South Africa, according to her family. Queen Mother Moore died in a Brooklyn nursing home from natural causes at age 97.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Queen Mother Moore 31

Further reading • "Moore, Audley "Queen Mother"" [1]. American National Biography. Oxford University Press. Subscription needed.

External links • ‘Queen Mother’ Moore; black nationalist leader [2]

References

[1] http:/ / www. anb. org/ articles/ 15/ 15-01298. html

[2] http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 152. html

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Pan-Africanism 32 Pan-Africanism

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Pan-Africanism 33

"Pan-Africanism" may also refer to advocacy of African Unification. Pan-Africanism is a movement that seeks to unify African people into a "one African community".[1] The largest governmental body striving for governmental unity is the .[2] [3]

Origins In the United States, the term is closely associated with , an ideology of African American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[4] "Pan-African" unity is especially important in African American identity politics, because the African ancestry of Afro-American community cannot be derived from any identifiable African people. Therefore it has become necessary to minimize the differences between the various peoples of Africa in favour of a generalized "African" heritage.[5] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilization and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[6] Pan-Africanism is usually seen as a product of the European slave trade. Enslaved Africans of diverse origins and their descendants found themselves embedded in a system of exploitation where their African origin became a sign of their servile status. Pan-Africanism set aside cultural differences, asserting the principality of these shared experiences to foster solidarity and resistance to exploitation. Alongside a large number of slave insurrections, by the end of the eighteenth century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa which sought to weld these disparate movements into a network of solidarity putting an end to this oppression. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and sentiments on the evil of slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the beginning of the twentieth century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was organized by Henry Sylvester-Williams around 1887, and their first conference was held in 1900.[7]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Pan-Africanism 34

Concept

As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (note: some history books credit this idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden) pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[1] The concept soon expanded, however, to include the African diaspora. During South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of South Africans under European apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organizations include Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities Billboard in Zambia with Nkrumah's League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru non-alignment quote: "We face neither East nor Movement. West; We face forward" (Taken in May 2005)

The goals of Pan-Africanism are diverse. Some may view pan-Africanism as an endeavour to provide revisionist histories of Africa that include and focus on the perspectives of Africans, rather than only Europeans or colonialists. Others may view Pan-Africanism as an endeavour to return to "traditional" African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include Léopold Sédar Senghor's Négritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticité. An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting and colonialism. In the 21st century, this theme has developed in response to globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[8] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) argues that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. An important aspect is the argument that Egypt is an African country, and shares important historical and cultural continuities with other countries in the Nile valley. This is sometimes characterised by the term Nile Valley Civilisations or African civilisations that group Egypt with other civilisations of other parts of the continent. Some universities have gone as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[9] Syracuse University also offers a masters degree in "Pan African Studies".[10]

Key figures in Pan-Africanism • Edward Wilmot Blyden has been called the Father of Pan-Africanism. • W. E. B. Du Bois has also been called the Father of Pan-Africanism. Du Bois hosted the highly influential 5th Pan-African Conference in Manchester, UK. • Marcus Garvey, was a Caribbean-born Pan-Africanist, stern advocate for the Back-to-Africa movement, and has also been labeled as a Father of Pan-Africanism. Garvey led the largest organization with Pan-African goals in history. • , the singer, actor and political radical, co-founded the Council on African Affairs(1937–1950) which became a leading voice of anti-colonialism and Pan-Africanism in the U.S. and internationally.[11] Robeson said as early as the 1930s that he wanted "to be African", studied African language and culture and urged

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Americans to fight African imperialism[12] Robeson was close friends with , Kwame Nkrumah and W. E. B. Du Bois. Despite stereotypes endemic to the times, Robeson's films such as Song of Freedom and Jericho/Dark Sands were the first to show African's in a positive light.Robeson also wrote and spoke out against Apartheid, the need for African Independence and narrated an early film about the regime, My Song Goes Forth(also known as Africa Sings, Africa Looks Up, U.K., 1937) • Jomo Kenyatta was a Pan-African activist who became the first president of Kenya. • Bob Marley was a Jamaican born musician whos music reflected Pan Africanist thought, music and philosophy. • Julius Kambarage Nyerere: Key figure for Pan Africanism and SADC • Ahmed Sékou Touré was a Pan-African activist, who became the first President of , , the first French sub-Saharan African colony to gain independence from France on October 2, 1958 following its rejection of the famous 1958 Referendum that was proposed by President Charles De Gaulle of France. President Toure, along with President William Tubman of neighboring Liberia and President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, was the vanguard behind the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which has been transformed into the African Union (AU), at a Special Head of States Meeting held in the northern Liberian city of Sanniquelle, Nimba County, which is often referred to as the "birth place" of the OAU (now the AU). • Fela Anikulapo Kuti: The founder of Afrobeat music, and political/human rights activist. Promoted pan-africanism through his music. • Gamal Abd El Nasser was a Pan-African activist and the president of Egypt. Alongside Nkrumah, he endorsed the African countries who were fighting for independence and placed Egyptian culture and civilisation within an African framework. • Kwame Nkrumah was a Pan-African activist who became the first president of Ghana • Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia, was a key figure in Pan-Africanism due to his call for greater unity among African Nations. • Molefi Kete Asante strongly influenced by Kaiwada philosophy wrote his treatise on Afrocentricity. This greatly influenced Pan-Africanists in the late seventies and eighties. Another contemporary Afrocentric movement leader was Prof. Chinweizu Ibekwe (known simply as Chinweizu), a scholarly Nigerian anthropologist and a beacon of Africanism. • Muammar al-Gaddafi, also known as Colonel Gaddafi, has been the de facto leader of Libya since a 1969 coup, has in recent years been an active organizer of African unity and has proposed the formation, based on Gamal Abd El Nasser and Kwame Nkrumah's dream, of a United States of Africa Report [13] • Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe who has ruled for more than 28 years. • Malcolm X planned to link the Organization of Afro-American Unity through Pan-Africanism to internationalize the human struggle of African people. • was a South African political dissident, who founded the Pan Africanist Congress in opposition to the apartheid.

Pan-African banner

The Pan-African flag was designed by Marcus Garvey and is known as "The Red, Black, and Green". This flag symbolizes the struggle for the unification and liberation of African people. The "red" stands for the blood that unites all people of African ancestry, "black" represents the color of the skin of the people of Africa, and "green" stands for the rich land of Africa.

Pan-African flag

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Pan-Africanism 36 Sometimes the green, gold, and red of the Ethiopian flag are used as the colors of the Pan-African movement. According to some sources, this is because Ethiopia resisted European colonization attempts except for a brief period of occupation by Italy under the Fascists. Ethiopia is the headquarters of the African Union and several institutions concentrated on the African continent. Sebujja Katende, ambassador of Uganda to the AU said Ethiopia is considered as "the grand father of Africa."[14] Traditional flag of Ethiopia

The four Pan-African colors—red, black, green, and gold—have inspired many nations flags, outside of Africa as well as within it.

Maafa studies is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[15] [16] [17] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[18]

Political parties and organizations

Africa-based • African Unification Front • All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party (Ghana) • Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa) • Ubuntu Republics of Africa [19]

Barbados • The Commission for Pan-African Affairs [20], a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados

British-based • Pan-African Federation

US-based

African American topics

Category · Portal

• The Council on African Affairs Founded in 1937, by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson the (CAA), was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the U.S., particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that following World War II, there would be a towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[21] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self

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government.[21] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, Du Bois, and Hunton, were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955. • The Us organization was founded in 1965 by Dr , following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida and the Nguzo Saba. In the words of its founder and chair, Dr. Karanga, the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation.[22] Us is perhaps most well-known for creating Kwaanza and the Nguzo Saba, or Seven Principles.

Pan-African concepts and philosophies

Afrocentric Pan-Africanism Afrocentric Pan-Africanism, as espoused by Dr. Kwabena Faheem Ashanti, Ph. D in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Dr Francis Ohanyido a Nigerian Philosopher- Poet.[23] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism; the figure of Afrocentric Pan-Africanism in the Spanish-speaking world is Professor Antumi Toasijé.[24]

Hip Hop During the past three decades hip hop has emerged as a powerful force shaping black and African identities worldwide. In his article “Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin’ For?,” Greg Tate describes hip hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind.[25] It is an “ethnic enclave/ empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous,”.[25] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article “Keepin’ it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity” states that hip hop provides the world with “vivid illustrations of Black lived experience” creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[26] Hip hop authenticates a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying uplifting force among Africans as Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve.

Pan- • See FESPACO, DPAFF [27] and PAFF for Pan-African film festivals • See African art

References

[1] "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of Négritude: A Model for African Artist" (http:/ / www. jpanafrican. com/ ). .

[2] http:/ / www. africa-union. org/ root/ au/ aboutau/ au_in_a_nutshell_en. htm African Union About

[3] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ country_profiles/ 3870303. stm BBC Profile on African Union as a Pan-African Organization [4] see e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997. Chapter 2: "The Pan African Movement in the United States". [5] Stephen Howe, Afrocentrism: mythical pasts and imagined homes, 1999: "Since it is often difficult, if not impossible, especially in the United States, to identify Afro-American cultural traits as deriving from particular African peoples, it has become important for some intellectuals to emphasize that distinctions between those people were essentially insignificant, so that descent from a generalized 'Africa' becomes more meaningful." (p. 103)

[6] "The Politics of Liberation" (http:/ / www. africanholocaust. net/ html_ah/ panafricanismhakimadi. html). , African Holocaust Society. . Retrieved 2007-01-04.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Pan-Africanism 38

[7] "The History of Pan-Africanism" (http:/ / panafrican. homestead. com/ history. html). .

[8] http:/ / oxfordafrican. wordpress. com/

[9] http:/ / www. csun. edu/ ~csbs/ departments/ pan_african_studies/ index. html [10] aas.syr.edu/MAProgram.htm [11] Duberman, Martin,Paul Robeson 1989.pg284-285The Apex of Fame [12] Foner, Phillip S.,Paul Robeson speaks: writings, speeches, interviews, 1918-1974 1979.pg88-93 I want to be African & Negros Don't Ape The Whites

[13] http:/ / jacumbai. com/ Documents/ Final%20Report%20-%20Dakar%20ENGLISH. pdf

[14] Sebujja: Ethiopia the grand father of Africa (http:/ / www. waltainfo. com/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=18850& Itemid=52)

[15] "Let the Circle be Unbroken" (http:/ / www. africawithin. com/ ani/ marimba_ani. htm). . .

[16] "What Holocaust" (http:/ / www. temple-news. com/ media/ storage/ paper143/ news/ 2003/ 10/ 30/ Opinion/ What-African.

Holocaust-543918. shtml?norewrite200612211320& sourcedomain=www. temple-news. ). "Glenn Reitz". .

[17] "The Maafa, African Holocaust" (http:/ / www. swagga. com/ maafa. htm). Swagga. .

[18] "Removal of Agency from Africa" (http:/ / www. africanholocaust. net/ news_ah/ agencyandafrica. htm). "Owen 'Alik Shahadah". . Retrieved 2005.

[19] http:/ / www. ubura. org

[20] http:/ / www. gov. bb/ portal/ page/ portal/ BIG_Commission_for_Pan_African_Affairs [21] Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, p. 296-297.

[22] "Principles of Us" (http:/ / www. us-organization. org/ 30th/ ppp. html). .

[23] "African Resource" "Francis Ohanyido Bio" (http:/ / www. africaresource. com/ index. php?option=com). "African Resource".

[24] "Antumi Toasijé Bio in Spanish" (http:/ / es. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Antumi_Toasijé). . [25] Tate, Greg. “Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin’ For?” Village Voice. 4 January 2005. [26] Clay, Andreana. “Keepin’ it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity.” In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346-1358.

[27] http:/ / www. panafricanarts. org/ dpaff. htm

External links

• Pan African: Information (http:/ / www. panafrican. info)

• African Union (http:/ / www. african-union. org)

• African Code Unity Through Diversity (http:/ / www. africancode. org)

• AFROSTYLY : Kamit News (Black Community) (http:/ / www. afrostyly. com/ english)

• :PanAfricanist.com (http:/ / www. PanAfricanist. com)

• One Unified African People: An interview with Obi Egbuna (http:/ / www. talkzimbabwe. com/ news/ 130/

ARTICLE/ 4815/ 2009-06-07. html) by Gregory Elich, The Zimbabwe Guardian, June 7, 2009

• Stokely Carmichael - Pan-africanist and Inventor of the Black Power slogan (http:/ / www. stokely-carmichael. com)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Kwame Nkrumah 39 Kwame Nkrumah

Kwame Nkrumah (21 September 1909 - 27 April 1972)[1] was the leader of Ghana and its predecessor state, the Gold Coast, from 1952 to 1966. Overseeing the nation's independence from British colonial rule in 1957, Nkrumah was the first President of Ghana and the first Prime Minister of Ghana. An influential 20th century advocate of Pan-Africanism, he was a founding member of the Organization of African Unity and was the winner of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1963.

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Early life and education In 1909, Kwame Nkrumah was born to Madam Nyaniba[2] [3] in Nkroful, Gold Coast.[4] [5] Nkrumah graduated from the Achimota School in Accra in 1930,[1] studied at a Roman Catholic seminary, and taught at a Catholic school in Axim. In 1935 he left Ghana for the United States, receiving a BA from Lincoln University, Pennsylvania in 1939, where he pledged the Mu Chapter of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity, and received a Bachelor of Sacred Theology in 1942. Nkrumah earned a Master of Science in education from the University of Pennsylvania in 1942, and a Master of Arts in philosophy the following year. While lecturing in political science at Lincoln he was elected president of the African Students Organization of America and Canada. As an undergraduate at Lincoln he participated in at least one student theater production and published an essay on European government in Africa in the student newspaper, The Lincolnian.[6] During his time in the United States, Nkrumah preached at black Presbyterian Churches in Philadelphia and New York City. He read books about politics and divinity, and tutored students in philosophy. Nkrumah encountered the ideas of Marcus Garvey and in 1943 met and began a lengthy correspondence with Trinidadian Marxist C.L.R. James, Russian expatriate , and Chinese-American Grace Lee Boggs, all of whom were members of a US based Trotskyist intellectual cohort. Nkrumah later credited James with teaching him 'how an underground movement worked'. He arrived in London in May 1945 intending to study at the LSE. After meeting with , he helped organize the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester, England. Then he founded the West African National Secretariat to work for the decolonization of Africa. Nkrumah served as Vice-President of the West African Students' Union (WASU).

Return to the Gold Coast In the autumn of 1947, Nkrumah was invited to serve as the General Secretary to the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) under Joseph B. Danquah.[7] This political convention was exploring paths to independence. Nkrumah accepted the position and sailed for the Gold Coast. After brief stops in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the , he arrived in the Gold Coast in December 1947. In February 1948, police fired on African ex-servicemen protesting the rising cost of living. The shooting spurred riots in Accra, Kumasi, and elsewhere. The government suspected the UGCC was behind the protests and arrested Nkrumah and other party leaders. Realizing their error, the British soon released the convention leaders. After his imprisonment by the colonial government, Nkrumah emerged as the leader of the youth movement in 1948. After his release, Nkrumah hitchhiked around the country. He proclaimed that the Gold Coast needed "self-government now", and built a large power base. Cocoa farmers rallied to his cause because they disagreed with British policy to contain swollen shoot disease. He invited women to participate in the political process at a time when women's suffrage was new to Africa. The trade unions also allied with his movement. By 1949, he organized these groups into a new political party: The Convention People's Party. The British convened a selected commission of middle class Africans to draft a new constitution that would give Ghana more self-government. Under the new constitution, only those with sufficient wage and property would be allowed to vote. Nkrumah organized a "People's Assembly" with CPP party members, youth, trade unionists, farmers, and veterans. They called for universal franchise without property qualifications, a separate house of chiefs, and self-governing status under the Statute of Westminster 1931. These amendments, known as the Constitutional Proposals of October 1949, were rejected by the colonial administration. When the colonial administration rejected the People's Assembly's recommendations, Nkrumah organized a "Positive Action" campaign in January 1950, including civil disobedience, non-cooperation, boycotts, and strikes. The colonial administration arrested Nkrumah and many CPP supporters, and he was sentenced to three years in prison.

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Facing international protests and internal resistance, the British decided to leave the Gold Coast. Britain organized the first general election to be held under universal franchise on 5–10 February 1951. Though in jail, Nkrumah's CPP was elected by a landslide taking 34 out of 38 elected seats in the Legislative Assembly. Nkrumah was released from prison on 12 February, and summoned by the British Governor Charles Arden-Clarke, and asked to form a government on the 13th. The new Legislative Assembly met on 20 February, with Nkrumah as Leader of Government Business, and E.C. Quist as President of the Assembly. A year later, the constitution was amended to provide for a Prime Minister on 10 March 1952, and Nkrumah was elected to that post by a secret ballot in the Assembly, 45 to 31, with eight abstentions on 21 March. He presented his "Motion of Destiny" to the Assembly, requesting independence within the British Commonwealth "as soon as the necessary constitutional arrangements are made" on 10 July 1953, and that body approved it.

Independence

As a leader of this government, Nkrumah faced many challenges: first, to learn to govern; second, to unify the four territories of the Gold Coast; third, to win his nation’s complete independence from the United Kingdom. Nkrumah was successful at all three goals. Within six years of his release from prison, he was the leader of an independent nation.

At 12 a.m. on 6 March 1957, Nkrumah declared Ghana independent. He was hailed as the Osagyefo - which means "redeemer" in the Twi language.[8]

Nkrumah and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. On 6 March 1960, Nkrumah announced plans for a new constitution which would make Ghana a republic. The draft included a provision to surrender Ghanaian sovereignty to a . On 19, 23, and 27 April 1960 a presidential election and plebiscite on the constitution were held. The constitution was ratified and Nkrumah was elected president over J. B. Danquah, the UP candidate, 1,016,076 to 124,623. In 1961, Nkrumah laid the first stones in the foundation of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute created to train Ghanaian civil servants as well as promote Pan-Africanism. In 1964, all students entering college in Ghana were required to attend a two-week "ideological orientation" at the Institute.[9] Nkrumah remarked that "trainees should be made to realize the party's ideology is religion, and should be practiced faithfully and fervently." [10] In 1963, Nkrumah was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize by the Soviet Union. Ghana became a charter member of the Organization of African Unity in 1963. The Gold Coast had been among the wealthiest and most socially advanced areas in Africa, with schools, railways, hospitals, social security and an advanced economy. Under Nkrumah’s leadership, Ghana adopted some socialist policies and practices. Nkrumah created a welfare system, started various community programs, and established schools.

Politics He generally took a non-aligned Marxist perspective on economics, and believed capitalism had malignant effects that were going to stay with Africa for a long time. Although he was clear on distancing himself from the African of many of his contemporaries, Nkrumah argued that socialism was the system that would best accommodate the changes that capitalism had brought, while still respecting African values. He specifically addresses these issues and his politics in a 1967 essay entitled " Revisited":

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"We know that the traditional African society was founded on principles of egalitarianism. In its actual workings, however, it had various shortcomings. Its humanist impulse, nevertheless, is something that continues to urge us towards our all-African socialist reconstruction. We postulate each man to be an end in himself, not merely a means; and we accept the necessity of guaranteeing each man equal opportunities for his development. The implications of this for socio-political practice have to be Billboard in Zambia with Nkrumah's non-alignment quote: "We face neither East nor worked out scientifically, and the necessary social and West; We face forward" (Taken in May 2005) economic policies pursued with resolution. Any meaningful humanism must begin from egalitarianism and must lead to objectively chosen policies for safeguarding and sustaining egalitarianism. Hence, socialism. Hence, also, scientific socialism."[11]

Nkrumah was also perhaps best known politically for his strong commitment to and promotion of Pan-Africanism. He was inspired by the writings of black intellectuals like Marcus Garvey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and George Padmore, and his relationships with them. Nkrumah's biggest success in this area was perhaps his significant influence in the founding of the Organization of African Unity.

Economics Nkrumah attempted to rapidly industrialize Ghana's economy. He reasoned that if Ghana escaped the colonial trade system by reducing dependence on foreign capital, technology, and material goods, it could become truly independent. However, overspending on capital projects caused the country to be driven deeply into debt—estimated as much as $1 billion USD by the time he was ousted in 1966.

Decline and fall The year 1954 was a pivotal year during the Nkrumah era. In that year's independence elections, he tallied some of the independence election vote. However, that same year saw the world price of cocoa rise from £150 to £450 per ton. Rather than allowing cocoa farmers to maintain the windfall, Nkrumah appropriated the increased revenue via federal levies, then invested the capital into various national development projects. This policy alienated one of the major constituencies that helped him come to power. In 1958 Nkrumah introduced legislation to restrict various freedoms in Ghana. After the Gold Miners' Strike of 1955, Nkrumah introduced the Trade Union Act, which made strikes illegal. When he suspected opponents in parliament of plotting against him, he wrote the Preventive Detention Act that made it possible for his administration to arrest and detain anyone charged with treason without due process of law in the judicial system. Prisoners were often held without trial, and their only legal method of recourse was personal appeal to Nkrumah himself.

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When the railway workers went on strike in 1961, Nkrumah ordered strike leaders and opposition politicians arrested under the Trade Union Act of 1958. While Nkrumah had organized strikes just a few years before, he now opposed industrial democracy because it conflicted with rapid industrial development. He told the unions that their days as advocates for the safety and just compensation of miners were over, and that their new job was to work with management to mobilize human resources. Wages must give way to patriotic duty because the good of the nation superseded the good of individual workers, Nkrumah's Nkrumah Hall at the University of Dar es Salaam in Dar es administration contended. Salaam, Tanzania. The Detention Act led to widespread disaffection with Nkrumah’s administration. Some of his associates used the law to arrest innocent people to acquire their political offices and business assets. Advisers close to Nkrumah became reluctant to question policies for fear that they might be seen as opponents. When the clinics ran out of pharmaceuticals, no one notified him. Some people believed that he no longer cared. Police came to resent their role in society, particularly after Nkrumah superseded most of their duties and responsibilities with his personal guard - the National Security Service and presidential Guard regiments. Nkrumah disappeared from public view out of a justifiable fear of assassination following multiple attempts on his life. In 1964, he proposed a constitutional amendment making the CPP the only legal party and himself president for life of both nation and party. The amendment passed with over 99 percent of the vote. In any event, Ghana had effectively been a one-party state since independence. The amendment transformed Nkrumah's presidency into a de facto legal dictatorship.

Nkrumah's advocacy of industrial development at any cost, with help of longtime friend and Minister of Finance, Komla Agbeli Gbedema, led to the construction of a hydroelectric power plant, the Akosombo Dam on the Volta River in eastern Ghana. Kaiser Aluminum agreed to build the dam for Nkrumah, but restricted what could be produced using the power generated. Nkrumah borrowed money to build the dam, and placed Ghana in debt. To finance the debt, he raised taxes on the cocoa farmers in the south. This accentuated regional differences and jealousy. The dam was completed and opened by Nkrumah amidst world publicity on 22 January 1966. Nkrumah appeared to be at the zenith of his power, but the end of his regime was only days away. Nkrumah wanted Ghana to have modern armed forces, so he acquired aircraft and ships, and introduced conscription. He also gave military support to those fighting the Smith administration in Zimbabwe, then called Rhodesia. In February 1966, while Nkrumah was on a state visit to North Vietnam and China, his government was overthrown in a military coup led by Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka and the National Liberation Council. Several commentators, such as John Stockwell, have claimed the coup received support from the CIA.[12] [13] [14]

Political cartoon appearing the day after Nkrumah's overthrow.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Kwame Nkrumah 44

Exile, death and tributes

Nkrumah never returned to Ghana, but he continued to push for his vision of African unity. He lived in exile in , Guinea, as the guest of President Ahmed Sékou Touré, who made him honorary co-president of the country. He read, wrote, corresponded, gardened, and entertained guests. Despite retirement from public office, he was still frightened of western intelligence agencies. When his cook died, he feared that someone would poison him, and began hoarding food in his room. He suspected that foreign agents were going through his mail, and lived in constant fear of abduction and assassination. In failing health, he flew Memorial to Kwame Nkrumah in Accra to Bucharest, Romania, for medical treatment in August 1971. He died of skin cancer in April 1972 at the age of 62.

Nkrumah was buried in a tomb in the village of his birth, Nkroful, Ghana. While the tomb remains in Nkroful, his remains were transferred to a large national memorial tomb and park in Accra. Over his lifetime, Nkrumah was awarded honorary doctorates by Lincoln University, Moscow State University; Cairo University in Cairo, Egypt; Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland; Humboldt University in the former East Berlin; and many other universities. In 2000, he was voted Africa's man of the millennium by listeners to [15] the BBC World Service. Accra Memorial Close Up

Works by Kwame Nkrumah • "Negro History: European Government in Africa," The Lincolnian, 12 April 1938, p. 2 (Lincoln University, Pennsylvania) - see Special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University [16] • Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (1957) ISBN 0-901787-60-4 • Africa Must Unite (1963) ISBN 0-901787-13-2 • African Personality (1963) • Neo-Colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism [17] (1965) ISBN 0-901787-23-X • Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah (1967) ISBN 0-901787-54-X • African Socialism Revisited [18] (1967) • Voice From Conakry (1967) ISBN 90-17-87027-3 • Dark Days in Ghana (1968) ISBN 0-7178-0046-6 • Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (1968) - first introduction of Pan-African pellet compass ISBN 0-7178-0226-4 • Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-Colonisation (1970) ISBN 0-901787-11-6 • Class Struggle in Africa (1970) ISBN 0-901787-12-4 • The Struggle Continues (1973) ISBN 0-901787-41-8 • I Speak of Freedom (1973) ISBN 0-901787-14-0

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Kwame Nkrumah 45

• Revolutionary Path (1973) ISBN 0-901787-22-1

References

[1] E. Jessup, John. An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Conflict and Conflict Resolution, 1945-1996. pp. 533.

[2] "Rulers - Nkrumah, Kwame" (http:/ / rulers. org/ indexn2. html#nkrum). Lists of heads of state and heads of government. Rulers.org. . Retrieved 2007-03-24.

[4] "Kwame Nkrumah Biography" (http:/ / www. ghanatoghana. com/ Ghanahomepage/ kwame-nkrumah-biography-biography-kwame-nkrumah). Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. . Retrieved 31 July 2011. [5] Yaw Owusu, Robert (2005). Kwame Nkrumah's Liberation Thought: A Paradigm for Religious Advocacy in Contemporary Ghana. pp. 97.

[6] special Collections and Archives, Lincoln University (http:/ / www. lincoln. edu/ library/ project. html).

[7] "The Rise And Fall of Kwame Nkrumah" (http:/ / www. ghanatoghana. com/ Ghanahomepage/ kwame-nkrumah-history-rise-fall-kwame-nkrumah). Ghana to Ghana The Place for Ghana News and Entertainment. December 30th, 2010. . Retrieved 28 July 2011.

[8] Zimmerman, Jonathan (2008-10-23). "The ghost of Kwame Nkrumah" (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ 2008/ 04/ 23/ opinion/ edzimmerman. php). International Herald Tribune. . Retrieved 2008-10-23. [9] National Reconciliation Commission Report, 2004, pp. 251 [10] Nkrumah's Deception of Africa. Ghana Ministry of Information. 1967.

[11] African Socialism Revisited by Kwame Nkrumah 1967 (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ 1967/

african-socialism-revisited. htm) [12] Botwe-Asamoah, Kwame. Kwame Nkrumah's Politico-Cultural Thought and Politics: An African-centered Paradigm for the Second Phase of the African Revolution. Page 16. [13] Carl Oglesby and Richard Shaull. Containment and Change. Page 105. [14] Interview with John Stockwell in Pandora's Box: Black Power (Adam Curtis, BBC Two, 22 June 1992)

[15] Kwame Nkrumah's Vision of Africa (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ worldservice/ people/ highlights/ 000914_nkrumah. shtml) 14 September, 2000

[16] http:/ / www. lincoln. edu/ library/ project. html

[17] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ neo-colonialism/ index. htm

[18] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ 1967/ african-socialism-revisited. htm

Further reading • Birmingham, David (1998). Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism. Athens: Ohio University Press. ISBN 0821412426. • Tuchscherer, Konrad (2006). "Kwame Francis Nwia Kofie Nkrumah". In Coppa, Frank J.. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators. New York: Peter Lang. pp. 217–220. ISBN 0820450103. • Davidson, Basil (2007) [1973]. Black Star: A View of the Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah. Oxford, UK: James Currey. ISBN 9781847010100. • Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2006). "Nyerere and Nkrumah: Towards African Unity". Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era (Third ed.). Pretoria, South Africa: New Africa Press. pp. 347–355. ISBN 0980253411. • Poe, D. Zizwe (2003). Kwame Nkrumah's Contribution to Pan-African Agency. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0203505379. • James, C. L. R. (1982). Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution. London: Allison & Busby. ISBN 0850314615.

• Defense Intelligence Agency, " Supplement, Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana (http:/ / www.

governmentattic. org/ docs/ DIA_AnalysisKwameNkrumahOfGhana1966. pdf)", 12-January-1966.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Kwame Nkrumah 46

External links

• Kwame Nkrumah Mausoleum and Museum at Nkroful, Western Region (http:/ / ghana-net. com/

KwameNkrumahMausoleum_MuseumandMemorialatNkroful_Main_Page. aspx)

• Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park & Museum, Accra (http:/ / ghana-net. com/

KWAME_NKUMRAH_MEMORIAL_PARK. aspx)

• Ghana-pedia Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (http:/ / www. ghana-pedia. org/ org/ index. php?option=com_directory&

listing=Kwame Nkrumah& page=viewListing& lid=10& Itemid=36)

• Ghana-pedia Operation Cold Chop: The Fall Of Kwame Nkrumah (http:/ / www. ghana-pedia. org/ org/ index.

php?option=com_directory& listing=Operation%Cold%Chop& page=viewListing& lid=287& Itemid=36)

• Dr Kwame Nkrumah (http:/ / www. vibeghana. com)

• Excerpt from Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/

commandingheights/ shared/ minitext/ prof_kwamenkrumah. html)

• Timeline of events related to the overthrow of Kwame Nkruma (http:/ / www. cooperativeresearch. org/ entity. jsp?entity=kwame_nkrumah)

• The Kwame Nkrumah Lectures at the University of Cape Coast, Ghana, 2007 (http:/ / www. teachinginghana.

com/ index. php/ 2007/ 11/ 12/ kwame-nkrumah-lectures-part-2/ )

• Kwame Nkrumah Information and Resource Site (http:/ / www. nkrumah. net/ )

• Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah (http:/ / www. globalpost. com/ dispatch/ ghana/ 090925/ ghana-honors-nkrumah-statue-moammar-gadhafi) by The Global Post

• Dr Kwame Nkrumah's Midnight Speech on the day of Ghana's independence - 6 March 1957 (http:/ /

ghanaconscious. ghanathink. org/ podcasts/ 2007/ 03/ 6th-march-1957-midnight-speech)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Frantz Fanon 47 Frantz Fanon

Frantz Fanon (July 20, 1925 – December 6, 1961) was a French psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary and writer whose work is influential in the fields of post-colonial studies, critical theory and Marxism. Fanon is known as a radical existential humanist[1] thinker on the issue of decolonization and the psychopathology of colonization.[2] Fanon supported the Algerian struggle for independence and became a member of the Algerian National Liberation Front. His life and works have incited and inspired anti-colonial liberation movements for more than four decades.[3]

Biography

Martinique and World War II Frantz Fanon was born on the Caribbean island of Martinique, which was then a French colony and is now a French département. His father was a descendant of African slaves; his mother was said to be an illegitimate child of African, Indian and European descent, whose white ancestors came from Strasbourg in Alsace. Fanon's family was socio-economically middle-class and they could afford the fees for the Lycée Schoelcher, then the most prestigious high school in Martinique, where the writer Aimé Césaire was one of his teachers.[4] After France fell to the Nazis in 1940, Vichy French naval troops were blockaded on Martinique. Forced to remain on the island, French soldiers became "authentic racists."[5] Many accusations of harassment and sexual misconduct arose. The abuse of the Martiniquan people by the French Army influenced Fanon, reinforcing his feelings of alienation and his disgust with colonial racism. At the age of eighteen, Fanon fled the island as a "dissident" (the coined word for French West Indians joining Gaullist forces) and travelled to British-controlled Dominica to join the Free French Forces.

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He enlisted in the French army and joined an Allied convoy that arrived in Casablanca. He was later transferred to an army base at Bejaia on the Kabyle coast of Algeria. Fanon left Algeria from Oran and saw service in France, notably in the battles of Alsace. In 1944 he was wounded at Colmar and received the Croix de Guerre medal. When the Nazis were defeated and Allied forces crossed the Rhine into Germany along with photo journalists, Fanon's regiment was 'bleached' of all non-white soldiers and Fanon and his fellow Caribbean soldiers were sent to Toulon (Provence) instead.[6] Later, they were transferred to Normandy to await repatriation home. In 1945 Fanon returned to Martinique. His return lasted only a short time. While there, he worked for the parliamentary campaign of his friend and mentor Aimé Césaire, who would be a major influence in his life. Although Fanon never professed to be a communist, Césaire ran on the communist ticket as a parliamentary delegate from Martinique to the first National Assembly of the Fourth Republic. Fanon stayed long enough to complete his baccalaureate and then went to France where he studied medicine and psychiatry. He was educated in Lyon, where he also studied literature, drama and philosophy, sometimes attending Merleau-Ponty's lectures. During this period he wrote three plays, whose manuscripts are now lost. After qualifying as a psychiatrist in 1951, Fanon did a residency in psychiatry at Saint-Alban under the radical Catalan psychiatrist Francois Tosquelles, who invigorated Fanon's thinking by emphasizing the role of culture in psychopathology. After his residency, Fanon practised psychiatry at Pontorson, near Mont St Michel, for another year and then (from 1953) in Algeria. He was chef de service at the Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital in Algeria, where he stayed until his deportation in January 1957.[7] His service in France's army (and his experiences in Martinique) influenced Black Skin, White Masks.

France In France in 1952, Fanon wrote his first book, Black Skin, White Masks, an analysis of the psychological effects of colonial subjugation on people identified as black. This book was originally his doctoral thesis submitted at Lyon and entitled, "Essay on the Disalienation of the Black". The rejection of the thesis led Fanon to seek to have the book published, and Fanon eventually submitted a different thesis on a more narrow topic. It was the left-wing philosopher Francis Jeanson, leader of the pro-Algerian independence Jeanson network, who insisted on the new title and also wrote an epilogue for this publication. Jeanson was also one of the senior editors at Éditions du Seuil, a major Parisian publishing house. When Fanon first submitted Black Skin, White Masks to Éditions du Seuil, Jeanson invited him to his office for a meeting. Both men remember that it did not go well: in an interview, Jeanson describes the young Fanon as nervous and overly sensitive. He began to praise Fanon's work, but right away Fanon cut him off, saying, "not bad for a nigger, is it?!" Jeanson was both insulted and angry, and sent Fanon out of his office, which, he would later say, earned him Fanon's respect for the rest of his life. Afterwards, their relationship became much easier, and Fanon agreed to Jeanson's title suggestion, largely due to his overwhelming workload in earning his medical degree.[8]

Algeria Fanon left France for Algeria, where he had been stationed for some time during the war. He secured an appointment as a psychiatrist at Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital. It was there that he radicalized methods of treatment. In particular, he began socio-therapy which connected with his patients' cultural backgrounds. He also trained nurses and interns. Following the outbreak of the Algerian revolution in November 1954 he joined the FLN liberation front (Front de Libération Nationale) as a result of contacts with Dr Pierre Chaulet at Blida in 1955. In The Wretched of the Earth (Les damnés de la terre), published shortly before Fanon's death in 1961, Fanon defends the right for a colonized people to use violence to struggle for independence, arguing that human beings who are not considered as such shall not be bound by principles that apply to humanity, in their attitude towards the colonizer. His book was then censored by the French government.

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Fanon made extensive trips across Algeria, mainly in the Kabyle region, to study the cultural and psychological life of Algerians. His lost study of "The marabout of Si Slimane" is an example. These trips were also a means for clandestine activities, notably in his visits to the ski resort of Chrea which hid an FLN base. By summer 1956 he wrote his "Letter of resignation to the Resident Minister" and made a clean break with his French assimilationist upbringing and education. He was expelled from Algeria in January 1957 and the "nest of fellaghas [rebels]" at Blida hospital was dismantled. Fanon left for France and subsequently travelled secretly to Tunis. He was part of the editorial collective of El Moudjahid, for which he wrote until the end of his life. He also served as Ambassador to Ghana for the Provisional Algerian Government (GPRA) and attended conferences in Accra, Conakry, Addis Ababa, Leopoldville, Cairo and Tripoli. Many of his shorter writings from this period were collected posthumously in the book Toward the African Revolution. In this book Fanon reveals himself as a war strategist; in one chapter he discusses how to open a southern front to the war and how to run the supply lines.[9]

Death On his return to Tunis, after his exhausting trip across the Sahara to open a Third Front, Fanon was diagnosed with leukemia. He went to the Soviet Union for treatment and experienced some remission of his illness. On his return to Tunis he dictated his testament The Wretched of the Earth. When he was not confined to his bed, he delivered lectures to ALN (Armée de Libération Nationale) officers at Ghardimao on the Algero-Tunisian border. He made a final visit to Sartre in Rome and went for further leukemia treatment in the USA. He died in Bethesda, Maryland, on December 6, 1961 under the name of Ibrahim Fanon. He was buried in Algeria, after lying in state in Tunisia. Later his body was moved to a martyrs' (chouhada) graveyard at Ain Kerma in eastern Algeria. Fanon was survived by his wife Josie (née Dublé), a French woman, their son Olivier, and his daughter (from a previous relationship) Mireille. Mireille married Bernard Mendès-France, son of the French politician Pierre Mendès-France. Josie committed suicide in in 1989.[10]

Work Although Fanon wrote Black Skin, White Masks while still in France, most of his work was written while in North Africa. It was during this time that he produced works such as L'An Cinq, de la Révolution Algérienne in 1959 (Year Five of the Algerian Revolution, later republished as Sociology of a Revolution and later still as A Dying Colonialism). The irony of this was that Fanon's original title was "Reality of a Nation"; however, the publisher, Francois Maspero, refused to accept this title. Fanon is best known for the classic on decolonization The Wretched of the Earth.[11] The Wretched of the Earth was first published in 1961 by François Maspero and has a preface by Jean-Paul Sartre.[12] In it Fanon analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for national liberation. Both books established Fanon in the eyes of much of the Third World as the leading anti-colonial thinker of the 20th century. Fanon's three books were supplemented by numerous psychiatry articles as well as radical critiques of French colonialism in journals such as Esprit [13] and El Moudjahid. The reception of his work has been affected by English translations which are recognized to contain numerous omissions and errors, while his unpublished work, including his doctoral thesis, has received little attention. As a result, Fanon has often been portrayed as an advocate of violence and his ideas have been extremely oversimplified. This reductionist vision of Fanon's work ignores the subtlety of his understanding of the colonial system. For example, the fifth chapter of Black Skin, White Masks translates, literally, as "The Lived Experience of the Black," but Markmann's translation is "The Fact of Blackness," which leaves out the massive influence of phenomenology on Fanon's early work.[14]

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For Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth, the colonizer's presence in Algeria is based sheerly on military strength. Any resistance to this strength must also be of a violent nature because it is the only 'language' the colonizer speaks. The relevance of language and the reformation of discourse pervades much of his work, which is why it is so interdisciplinary, spanning psychiatric concerns to encompass politics, sociology, anthropology, linguistics and literature. His participation in the Algerian FLN (Front de Libération Nationale) from 1955 determined his audience as the Algerian colonized. It was to them that his final work, Les damnés de la terre (translated into English by Constance Farrington as The Wretched of the Earth) was directed. It constitutes a warning to the oppressed of the dangers they face in the whirlwind of decolonization and the transition to a neo-colonialist, globalized world.[15]

Influences Much of Fanon's writings is traced to the influence of Aimé Césaire. But, while it could be said that Fanon's works are directly influenced by the Négritude movement, Fanon reformulated the theory of Césaire and Léopold Senghor by positing a new theory of consciousness. Négritude implicitly based consciousness in racial difference and tension. A means to achieve equality and remain under French rule without losing one’s identity through assimilation. Fanon's psychological training and experience led him to believe that many of problems he identified were psychological and that these psychological problems are the products of domination which inevitably arise in oppressive, colonial sociopolitical environments. That is, consciousness was not of "racial essence" but a fact arising from political and social situations : a belief that clearly differentiates him from the Négritude movement. Although Fanon has been read as the most radical kind of Pan-Africanist, his wife and the mother of his son, Josie Fanon, was not African. Frank B. Wilderson[16] and others have argued that Fanon's relationship with a white woman can be used as a device to interpret his theory, especially the autobiographical and self-reflective aspects of his writing. In his first book, Fanon reads "universalism" as both a trap and a crucial necessity. Fanon's own explanation of the difference between his theory and that of Blaise Diagne, Senghor and Césaire was based in an evolutionary model where the colonized ideologies transition from assimiliationist, to négritude and, finally, to Fanon's own theory.[17]

Influence Fanon has had an influence on anti-colonial and national liberation movements. In particular, Les damnés de la terre was a major influence on the work of revolutionary leaders such as Ali Shariati in Iran, in South Africa, Malcolm X in the United States and Ernesto Che Guevara in Cuba. Of these only Guevara was primarily concerned with Fanon's theories on violence; for Shariati and Biko the main interest in Fanon was "the new man" and "black consciousness" respectively.[18] Fanon's influence extended to the liberation movements of the Palestinians, the Tamils, African Americans and others. His work was a key influence on the Black Panther Party, particularly his ideas concerning nationalism, violence and the lumpenproletariat. More recently, radical South African poor people's movements, such as the influential Abahlali baseMjondolo (meaning 'people who live in shacks' in Zulu), have been influenced by Fanon's work.[19] His work was a key influence on Brazilian educationist Paulo Freire, as well. Barack Obama references Fanon in his book, Dreams from My Father.[20] The Caribbean Philosophical Association offers the Frantz Fanon Prize for work that furthers the decolonization and liberation of mankind.[21]

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References in the arts Fanon has become a hero to many people, both as a theorist influenced by négritude and as an advocate of resistance and revolution, especially with relation to violence in revolution. Often, he is mentioned mostly as a symbol that the artist is familiar with the works of classic writers in the struggle against colonialism.

Music makes reference to Fanon ("grip tha canon like Fanon and pass tha shells to my classmate") in a track entitled "Year of tha Boomerang" on their 1996 release Evil Empire. The Wretched of the Earth appears on the inside of the album cover. This use of Fanon in the context of an advocate of violent insurrection can be compared to the use by Rage Against the Machine lead singer, , a track recorded with artists Last Emperor and KRS-One called "C.I.A. (Criminals In Action)." The lyric is: "I bring the sun at red dawn upon the thoughts of Frantz Fanon, So stand at attention devil dirge, You'll never survive choosing sides against the Wretched of the Earth." Gil Scott-Heron makes reference to Fanon in his poem "Brother". "...Never can a man build a working structure for , always does a man read Mao or Fanon..." • The Coup track "Dig it" equally makes reference to Fanon: "Knew that I was doomed since birth to be the Wretched of the Earth" • Another lyrical reference to Fanon was made by Digable Planets. Digable Planets refer to Fanon in their rap-jazz cut "Little Renee" from the Coneheads motion picture soundtrack. • Michael Franti wrote in the song, "Keep Me Lifted" (from album Chocolate Supa Highway), the lyrics: "Franz Fanon, the Wretched of the Earth, home, phenomenon be going on and on." • Earthling (band) wrote in the song, "Nefisa" (from album Radar), the lyrics: "PVC costumes, letters to Castro, Show me what you're reading, freaky girl with the afro, Franz (sic) Fannon, yeah yeah I get it, All that curiosity with something to offset it". About being a youth and alienated at the point of an emerging consciousness but lacking the intellectual tools to order everything. , British Black activist and a protagonist of "Dub Poetry" was largely influenced by the writings of Fanon, as evidenced by several of the lyrics on Johnson's album Dread Beat an' Blood.

Contemporary art Jimmie Durham, an American Indian conceptual artist, references Fanon's postcolonial thought in a piece entitled "Often Durham Employs..." (1998), with this quote from Fanon- "The zone where the natives live is not complementary to the zone inhabited by the settlers."

Cinema British film maker Isaac Julien made a 1995 film mixing interviews of Fanon's relatives and friends with fictionalized incidents of his life. In Denys Arcand's The Barbarian Invasions, the main character Remy, who suffers from a terminal cancer, reunites with his old friends in a cottage where they all remember their intellectual and sexual exploits in life. At one point Remy's friend Claude says "we read Fanon and became anti-colonialists." American filmmakers Eric Stanley and Chris Vargas reference Fanon's work, in their 2007 anti-colonial film, Homotopia. Argentine film-makers and founders of 'Grupo Cine Liberacion', Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino, were influenced by Fanon's theories and used quotations from his work in their film La Hora de los hornos (1968).

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Frantz Fanon 52

In Claire Denis's 35 Shots of Rum, one character quotes Fanon and says: "When we revolt, it's not for a particular culture. We revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe."

Literature American author Philip Roth references Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth in his novel American Pastoral, including the work in a long list of revolutionary literature that the protagonist's daughter reads. Included in the novel is the famous passage from Fanon's work about Algerian women. Salman Rushdie quotes Fanon in "The Satanic Verses". The character Gibreel reference Fanon to express anti-British sentiment.[22] American author Tom Wolfe in his novel A Man in Full, a pivotal black character named Fareek "The Cannon" Fanon, who resists authority figures, and standards of conduct, and is also suspected of sexual assault, but his case never comes to trial.

Theatre Fanon appears as a character in British playwright Caryl Churchill's The Hospital at the Time of the Revolution.

Bibliography

Fanon's writings • Black Skin, White Masks (1952), (1967 translation by Charles Lam Markmann: New York, Grove Press) • A Dying Colonialism (1959), (1965 translation of the book) • L'An V de la révolution algérienne (1959, French) • The Wretched of the Earth, (1961), (1963 translation by Constance Farrington: New York, Grove Weidenfeld) • Toward the African Revolution, (1964), (1969 translation by Haakon Chavalier: New York, Grove Press)

Books on Fanon • Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study (1974: London, Wildwood House) ISBN 0-704-50002-7 • Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, Frantz Fanon And The Psychology Of Oppression (1985: New York NY, Plenum Press) ISBN 0-306-41950-5 • Lewis R. Gordon, Fanon and the Crisis of European Man: An Essay on Philosophy and the Human Sciences (1995: New York, Routledge) • Lewis R. Gordon, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, & Renee T. White [eds.] Fanon: A Critical Reader (1996: Oxford, Blackwell) • Ato Sekyi-Otu, Fanon's Dialectic of Experience (1996: Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press) • T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, Frantz Fanon: Conflicts and (1998: Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc.) • Nigel C. Gibson [ed.], Rethinking Fanon: The Continuing Dialogue (1999: Amherst, New York, Humanity Books) • Alice Cherki, Frantz Fanon. Portrait(2000: Paris, Seuil) • David Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (2000: New York, NY, Picador Press) ISBN 0-312-27550-1 • Patrick Ehlen, Frantz Fanon: A Spiritual Biography (2001: New York, NY, Crossroad 8th Avenue) ISBN 0-8245-2354-7 • Nigel C. Gibson, Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination (2003: Oxford, Polity Press) • Nigel C. Gibson, Fanonian Practices in South Africa (2011: London, Palgrave Macmillan) • Nigel C. Gibson [Ed.], Living Fanon: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (2011: London, Palgrave Mamcillan)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Frantz Fanon 53

Films on Fanon • Isaac Julien, "Frantz Fanon: Black Skin White Mask" [23] (a documentary) (1996: San Francisco, California Newsreel)

References

[1] Fanon & the Crisis of European Man, Lewis Gordon, New York, Routledge, 1995 [2] Hussein Abdilahi Bulhan, "Frantz Fanon And The Psychology Of Oppression" (1985: New York NY, Plenum Press [3] Alice Cherki, "Frantz Fanon. Portrait" (2000: Paris, Seuil), David Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (2000: New York, NY, Picador Press)

[4] Petri Liukkonen (2002). "Frantz Fanon (1925-1961)" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5YeKOT6P7). Archived from the original (http:/ /

kirjasto. sci. fi/ fanon. htm) on 2008-06-17. . Retrieved 2008-06-17.

[5] "Project MUSE - History Workshop Journal - Frantz Fanon, or the Difficulty of Being Martinican" (http:/ / muse. jhu. edu/ journals/

history_workshop_journal/ v058/ 58. 1macey. html). Muse.jhu.edu. . Retrieved 2010-08-27. [6] Fanon, David Macey [7] Alice Cherki, "Frantz Fanon. Portrait" (2000: Paris, Seuil), David Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (2000: New York, NY, Picador Press) ISBN [8] Cherki, Alice (2006). Frantz Fanon: A Portrait. London: Cornell University Press. pp. 24. ISBN 978-0-8014-7308-1. [9] Alice Cherki, "Frantz Fanon. Portrait" (2000: Paris, Seuil), David Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (2000: New York, NY, Picador Press) ISBN [10] Alice Cherki, "Frantz Fanon. Portrait" (2000: Paris, Seuil), David Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (2000: New York, NY, Picador Press) ISBN [11] Sartre, Jean-Paul. "Preface". Fanon, Franz. Black Skin, White Masks, transl. Charles Lam Markmann (1967: New York, Grove Press) [12] "Extraits de la préface de Jean-Paul Sartre au "Les Damnés de la Terre" (Extracts from the preface by Jean-Paul Sartre to The Wretched of

the Eeath)" (http:/ / www. tanbou. com/ 1996/ SatreExtraits. htm) (in French). Tambour Journal. . Retrieved 2007-02-14.

[13] http:/ / www. esprit. presse. fr

[14] Moten, Fred (Spring 2008). "The Case of Blackness" (http:/ / muse. jhu. edu/ journals/ criticism/ v050/ 50. 2. moten. html). Criticism 50 (2): 177-218. doi:10.1353/crt.0.0062. . [15] Two centuries ago, a former European colony decided to catch up with Europe. It succeeded so well that the United States of America became a monster, in which the taints, the sickness and the inhumanity of Europe have grown to appalling dimensions. Comrades, have we not other work to do than to create a third Europe? [...] It is a question of the Third World starting a new history of Man, a history which will have regard to the sometimes prodigious theses which Europe has put forward, but which will also not forget Europe’s crimes, of which the most horrible was committed in the heart of man, and consisted of the pathological tearing apart of his functions and the crumbling away of his unity. And in the framework of the collectivity there were the differentiations, the stratification and the bloodthirsty tensions fed by classes; and finally, on the immense scale of humanity, there were racial hatreds, slavery, exploitation and above all the bloodless genocide which consisted in the setting aside of fifteen thousand millions of men. So, comrades, let us not pay tribute to Europe by creating states, institutions and societies which draw their inspiration from her." The

wretched of the earth - " Conclusions (http:/ / marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ fanon/ conclusion. htm)"

[16] Wilderson, Frank B.. "Error: no |title= specified when using {{[[Template:Cite web|Cite web (http:/ / www. incognegro. org/ audio/

FWilderson_Interview. mp3)]}}"]. Radio Interview on Frantz Fanon. . [17] Lambert (1993), page 258 [18] Lewis R. Gordon, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, & Renee T. White [edd] Fanon: A Critical Reader (1996: Oxford, Blackwell) p 163 & Bianchi, Eugene C. The Religious Experience of Revolutionaries (1972 Doubleday) p 206

[19] Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers' movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo) (http:/ / abahlali. org/ files/

uprightandfree. pdf), by Nigel C. Gibson, Social Identities,14:6, pp.683 — 715, 2008

[20] D'Souza, Dinesh, "How Obama Thinks" (http:/ / www. forbes. com/ forbes/ 2010/ 0927/

politics-socialism-capitalism-private-enterprises-obama-business-problem_print. html), Forbes magazine, 9.27.10. Cited in Michael D. Shear,

"Gingrich: President Exhibits ‘Kenyan, Anticolonial Behavior’" (http:/ / thecaucus. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2010/ 09/ 13/

gingrich-president-exhibits-kenyan-anti-colonial-behavior/ ?hp), "Caucus" blog, September 13, 2010, 10:02 am. Retrieved 2010-09-13.

[21] [[Enrique Dussel (http:/ / www. enriquedussel. org/ agenda_en. html)] website]

[22] Rushdie, Salman (2008). The Satanic Verses (http:/ / www. atrandom. com). New York: Random House. pp. 561. ISBN 978-0-8129-7671-7. .

[23] http:/ / www. newsreel. org/ nav/ title. asp?tc=CN0036& s=frantz%20fanon

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Frantz Fanon 54

External links

• Frantz Fanon Archive at marxists.org (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ fanon/ index. htm)

• (fr) Frantz Fanon Foundation (http:/ / frantzfanonfoundation-fondationfrantzfanon. com/ )

• (fr) Frantz Fanon: the cause of colonized peoples (http:/ / www. frantz-fanon. com)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 55 Elijah Muhammad

Elijah Muhammad (born Elijah Robert Poole; October 7, 1897 — February 25, 1975) was an African American religious leader, and led the Nation of Islam from 1934 until his death in 1975. Muhammad was a mentor to Malcolm X, Louis Farrakhan, ; and his son Warith Deen Mohammed.

Early life Elijah Muhammad was born Elijah Robert Poole in Sandersville, Georgia, the sixth of thirteen children to William Poole, Sr. (1868–1942), a Baptist lay preacher and sharecropper, and Mariah Hall (1873–1958), a homemaker and sharecropper. Poole's education ended at the fourth grade. To support the family, he worked with his parents as a sharecropper. When he was sixteen years old, he left home and began working in factories and at other businesses.

Marriage and family Poole married Clara Evans (1899–1972) on March 7, 1917. In 1923, the Pooles, like hundreds of thousands of other African Americans in those years, migrated from the Jim Crow South to the northern states for safety and employment opportunities in the industrial cities. Poole later recounted that before the age of 20, he had witnessed the of three black men by white people. He said, "I seen enough of the white man's brutality to last me 26,000 years".[1] The Pooles settled in Hamtramck, Michigan. Through the 1920s and 1930s, Poole struggled to find and keep work as the economy suffered during the Great Depression. During their years in Detroit, the Pooles had eight children, six boys and two girls.[2] [3]

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Conversion and rise to leadership In August 1931, at the urging of his wife, Elijah Poole attended a speech on Islam and black empowerment by Wallace D. Fard. Afterward, Poole said he approached Fard and asked if he was the redeemer. Fard responded that he was, but that his time had not yet come.[4] [5] Poole soon became an ardent follower of Fard and joined his movement, as did his wife and several brothers. Soon afterward, Poole changed his surname, first to Karriem, and later, at Fard's behest, to Muhammad. He assumed leadership of the Nation's Temple No. 2 in Chicago.[6] His younger brother Kalot Muhammad became the leader of the movement's self-defense arm, the Fruit of Islam. Fard was arrested during a police investigation of a ritual murder and later released on the condition that he leave Detroit. He relocated to Chicago and continued to oversee the movement from Temple No. 2. He turned over leadership of the growing Detroit group to Elijah Muhammad, and the Allah Temple of Islam changed its name to the Nation of Islam.[7] Elijah Muhammad and Wallace Fard continued to communicate until 1934, when Wallace Muhammad disappeared. Elijah Muhammad succeeded him in Detroit and was named "Minister of Islam". After the disappearance, Elijah Muhammad told followers that Wallace Muhammad had literally been Allah on earth.[8] [9] [10] In 1934, the Nation of Islam published its first newspaper, Final Call to Islam, to educate and build membership. Children of its members attended classes at the newly created Muhammad University of Islam, but this soon led to challenges by boards of education in Detroit and Chicago, which considered the children truants from the public school system. The controversy led to the jailing of several University of Islam board members and Elijah Muhammad in 1934 and to violent confrontations with police. Muhammad was put on probation, but the university remained open.

Leadership of the Nation of Islam Elijah Muhammad took control of Temple No. 1, but only after battles with other potential leaders, including his brother. In 1935, as these battles became increasingly fierce, Muhammad left Detroit and settled his family in Chicago. Still facing death threats, Muhammad left his family there and traveled to Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where he founded Temple No. 3, and eventually to Washington, D.C., where he founded Temple No. 4. He spent much of his time studying at the Library of Congress.[4] [11] [12] On May 8, 1942, Elijah Muhammad was arrested for failure to register for the draft during World War II. After he was released on bail, Muhammad fled Washington D.C. on the advice of his attorney, who feared a , and returned to Chicago after seven years' absence. Muhammad was arrested there, charged with eight counts of sedition for instructing his followers not to register for the draft or serve in the armed forces. Found guilty, Elijah Muhammad served four years, from 1942 to 1946, at the Federal Correctional Institution in Milan, Michigan. During that time, his wife, Clara, and trusted aides ran the organization; Muhammad transmitted his messages and directives to followers in letters.[13] [14] [15] Following his return to Chicago, Elijah Muhammad was firmly in charge of the Nation of Islam. The organization had retained its membership level during his imprisonment, and its membership increased after his return. From four temples in 1946, the Nation of Islam grew to 15 by 1955. By 1959, there were 50 temples in 22 states.[16] By the 1970s, the Nation of Islam owned bakeries, barber shops, coffee shops, grocery stores, laundromats, a printing plant, retail stores, numerous real estate holdings, and a fleet of tractor trailers, plus farmland in Michigan, Alabama, and Georgia. In 1972 the Nation of Islam took controlling interest in a bank, the Guaranty Bank and Trust Co. Nation of Islam-owned schools expanded until, by 1974, the group had established schools in 47 cities throughout the United States.[17] In 1972, Muhammad told followers that the Nation of Islam had a net worth of $75 million.[18]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 57

Death Elijah Muhammad died from congestive heart failure at age 77 on February 25, 1975, the day before Saviours' Day, at Mercy Hospital in Chicago.[19]

The Nation of Islam after Elijah Muhammad's death After Elijah Muhammad's death, the Nation of Islam splintered into two distinct factions. He had not named a successor, but his son, Warith Deen Muhammad, was named the new leader of the organization at the following day's Saviours' Day celebration.[20] Under Warith Muhammad, the Nation of Islam became a more moderate organization. It accepted white members and the Fruit of Islam was disbanded. Eventually Warith Muhammad's faction was renamed the American Society of Muslims. He delivered the first Muslim invocation in the , and, in 1993, with President Bill Clinton in attendance, said an Islamic prayer in an interfaith service.[21] [22] Louis Farrakhan left the American Society of Muslims and three years later founded his own organization which retained the Nation of Islam name and hewed more closely to Elijah Muhammad's ideology, including the tenet that Wallace Fard Muhammad was Allah on Earth. He re-established the Fruit of Islam and began publishing the Final Call newspaper.regaining many of the Nation of Islam's National properties including the NOI National Headquarters Mosque Maryam, reopening over 130 NOI mosques throughout the World.[23]

Malcolm X One of Elijah Muhammad's top ministers from 1952 to 1963 was the former Malcolm Little. Malcolm had become a small-time criminal in Detroit, Boston, and Harlem, known as "Detroit Red" (an allusion to the reddish tinge of his hair). Also the son of a preacher, Little had converted to Islam while imprisoned in Massachusetts at the urging of two of his brothers, Philbert and Reginald, who were both NOI members. Upon his release in 1952, Little joined the Nation of Islam and, in keeping with its naming convention, he changed his surname to the letter "X", symbolizing the rejection of slave names. The charismatic Malcolm X quickly became one of the NOI's most famed and productive ministers; he traveled across the country speaking and founding new temples, and the organization's membership grew greatly during his tenure. The notable boxer Cassius Clay, who quietly began attending Nation of Islam events circa 1961, was one such member. Although Clay had converted to Islam long before his memorable first match with Sonny Liston in 1964, it wasn't until the day after he'd defeated Liston for his first heavyweight championship that he publicly identified himself as a Muslim and demanded to be called "Muhammad Ali". By the early 1960s, certain elements within the NOI believed that Malcolm X was monopolizing the mainstream press for his benefit, and possibly had ambitions to succeed or even force out Elijah Muhammad as its leader. Tensions increased in 1963, when author Alex Haley began working with X on his autobiography, The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, Elijah Muhammad forbade his ministers from commenting on the incident. In a press interview, Malcolm X violated the directive and said President Kennedy's murder was "chickens coming home to roost". As punishment, Elijah Muhammad barred him from speaking to the press or at any Nation of Islam temple for ninety days. Malcolm complied. Another source of tension was Malcolm X's discovery that a article claiming that Elijah Muhammad had fathered eight children by six teenaged girls was true.[24] In a meeting with Malcolm X, Muhammad justified his several children and young "wives" as his need to plant his seed in fertile soil. In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation of Islam and founded the independent Muslim Mosque, Inc. and later founded the secular Organization of Afro-American Unity. After a pilgrimage to Mecca, where he saw and worshipped with fellow Muslims of all races (including whites), he altered his views radically. He converted to

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 58

traditional Sunni Islam. Upon his return to the United States, when he took the name El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, Malcolm X expressed far more moderate views and a willingness to work with other black leaders. He condemned racism and the conduct of Elijah Muhammad and the Nation of Islam. Malcolm X was assassinated on February 21, 1965 shortly after beginning a speech at the Audubon Ballroom in , New York City. Alex Haley completed and published The Autobiography of Malcolm X later that year.

Legacy • His son Warith Deen Mohammed succeeded him. Warith disbanded the Nation of Islam in 1976 and started an orthodox mainstream Islamic organization, the American Society of Muslims, in 1976. • Louis Farrakhan, a prominent minister of the Harlem Mosque and National Representative, withdrew from W. D. Mohammed's group to revive the original teachings and practice of the NOI, regaining many of the Nation of Islam's National properties including the NOI National Headquarters Mosque Maryam, reopenning over 130 NOI mosque in America and the World. In October 1995, he called and led the Million Man March in Washington, DC, calling on black men to renew their commitments to their families and communities.

Controversies

Working with white supremacists Muhammad's pro-segregation views were compatible with some white supremacist organizations in the 1960s.[25] He allegedly met with leaders of the Ku Klux Klan in 1961 to work toward purchase of farmland in the deep south. [26] He eventually established Temple Farms, now Muhammad Farms, on a 5,000-acre tract in Terrell County, Georgia. [27] George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party once called Muhammad "the Hitler of the black man."[28] At the 1962 Saviour's Day celebration in Chicago, Rockwell addressed Nation of Islam members. Many in the audience booed and heckled him and his men, for which Muhammad rebuked them in the April 1962 issue of Muhammad Speaks.[29]

Malcolm X home firebombing In the early morning hours of February 14, 1965, a Nation of Islam-owned home in East Elmhurst, Queens where Malcolm X and his wife and three children resided was firebombed. No one was injured. Malcolm X publicly accused Elijah Muhammad of ordering it. The NOI had ordered the family to vacate the premises; the incident occurred the day before a scheduled legal hearing to postpone the eviction.[30] James X, another Nation minister, called it a publicity stunt by Malcolm X.[31]

Malcolm X assassination Three members of the Nation of Islam's Temple No. 25 in Newark, New Jersey: Norman Butler, Talmadge Hayer, and Thomas Johnson, were convicted for their roles in the murder of Malcolm X. His widow, Dr. Betty Shabazz (1934–1997), believed for the remainder of her life that the assassination was ordered from the highest levels of Nation of Islam leadership. Louis Farrakhan, who had joined the Nation of Islam in 1955 and was then a prominent leader of a mosque in Harlem, steadfastly denied that the Nation or he were involved. In a 1993 speech, Farrakhan said, "Was Malcolm your traitor or ours? And if we dealt with him like a nation deals with a traitor, what the hell business is it of yours? A nation has to be able to deal with traitors and cutthroats and turncoats!"[32] In 1994, , the second of three children of Malcolm and Betty Shabazz, was charged in a plot to assassinate Farrakhan.[33] The charges were dropped by federal prosecutors in 1995. In a 2000 interview with Mike Wallace of CBS News, at which the Shabazz's eldest daughter Atallah was present, Louis Farrakhan said, "I may have been complicit in words that I spoke leading up to February 21, [1965]", and told them that he regretted, "... any

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 59

word that I have said caused the loss of life of a human being".[34]

Hanafi Murders In 1973, seven men, who were later identified as Nation of Islam members from a Philadelphia temple calling themselves the Black Mafia, broke into the Washington D.C. home of Hanafi leader Khalifa Hamaas Abdul Khaalis. Weeks earlier, Khaalis had written open letters criticizing and mocking Elijah Muhammad and Wallace Fard Muhammad. The men brutally murdered five of Khaalis' children, his nine-day-old grandson, and a guest. Khaalis himself was not at home. Five of the men responsible were ultimately convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. Elijah Muhammad was not charged in the crime, though it was suspected he had some level of involvement.[18] Khaalis swore revenge and years later his movement attacked and held hostages in the Washington, D.C., offices of B'nai B'rith in the 1977 Hanafi Muslim Siege.

Children out of wedlock Elijah Muhammad was the father of eight children with Clara and is rumored to have also fathered several children from other relationships.[35] Malcolm X as well as other former believers in Nation of Islam theology were also upset that Muhammad allegedly used the organization's funds to support the mothers, their children, as well as his own family,.[17] [36] After Elijah Muhammad's death, nineteen of his children filed lawsuits against the Nation of Islam seeking status as heirs. Ultimately the court ruled against them.[37] [38]

Honors In the early 1990s the city of Detroit co-named Linwood Avenue "Elijah Muhammad Blvd." In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Elijah Muhammad on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[39]

Portrayals in film Elijah Muhammad was notably portrayed by Al Freeman, Jr. in Spike Lee's 1992 motion picture, Malcolm X. Co-star Albert Hall, who played the composite character "Baines" in the film, later played Muhammad in Michael Mann's 2001 film, Ali.[40] Muhammad was also thanked in the 1996 documentary, ; the film is also dedicated to him.

Wives of Elijah Muhammad • Clara Muhammad • Tynetta Muhammad (disputed)[41]

Children with Clara Muhammad They had six children, including: • Jabir Herbert Muhammad • Warith Deen Mohammed • Akbar Muhammad • Nathaniel Muhammad • Emmanuel Muhammad Elijah and Clara Muhammad had two daughters: Ethel and Lottie.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 60

Children with Tynetta Muhammad They had four children, including Ishmael Muhammad and Rasool Muhammad.

Notes

[1] Claude Andrew Clegg II, An Original Man: The Life and Times of Elijah Muhammad, St. Martin's Griffin 1998

[2] Richard Brent Turner, "From Elijah Poole to Elijah Muhammad", American Visions, Oct-Nov, 1997 at (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/

mi_m1546/ is_n5_v12/ ai_19909405/ pg_1?tag=content;col1) [3] Karl Evanzz, The Messenger: The Rise and Fall of Elijah Muhammad Random House, 2001 [4] An Original Man [5] From Elijah Poole to Elijah Muhammad [6] The Messenger: The Rise and Fall of Elijah Muhammad: This source claims the first encounter between Poole and Fard took place at the Pooles' dinner table. [7] The Messenger suggests the name was changed to convince the authorities that Allah's Temple of Islam had disbanded. [8] An Original Man: One NOI tenet states: “There is no God but Allah, Master W.D. Fard, Elijah, his prophet” [9] Charles Eric Lincoln, The Black Muslims in America, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1994 [10] Chronology of the Nation of Islam, Toure Muhammad [11] Richard Brent Turner, Islam in the African-American Experience, University of Indiana Press 1997

[12] "A Historical Look at the Honorable Elijah Muhammad" (http:/ / www. noi. org/ elijah_muhammad_history. htm), Nation of Islam web site [13] An Original Man [14] A Historical Look at the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, NOI [15] E. U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, University of Chicago Press 1962 [16] Black Nationalism [17] In the Name of Elijah Muhammad [18] The Messenger

[19] "Elijah Muhammad Dead (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ learning/ general/ onthisday/ bday/ 1007. html?scp=1& sq="elijah muhammad"

obituary& st=cse) NY Times, Feb. 26, 1975 [20] Herbert Berg, Elijah Muhammad and Islam, NYU Press, 2009, page 131

[21] Don Terry (October 20, 2002). "W. DEEN MOHAMMED: A leap of faith" (http:/ / www. chicagotribune. com/ news/ custom/ religion/

chi-021020-mohammedprofile,0,7411660. story). Chicago Tribune. .

[22] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wnet/ religionandethics/ week106/ profile. html

[23] Glazier, Stephen D., The encyclopedia of African and African-American religions (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?id=pF6MxGrqdUwC& pg=PA59& lpg=PA59& dq=farrakhan,+ nation,+ warith& source=bl& ots=-L2tK8O9wx&

sig=JnEYuXb6zRAbF-uV1n9QuBvGG_Q& hl=en& ei=q32sTaLeEKTj0gGY09X5CA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=7&

sqi=2& ved=0CEQQ6AEwBg#v=onepage& q=farrakhan, nation, warith& f=false), Taylor & Francis, 2001, page 59

[24] [d MALCOLM X: I Have No Fear Whatsoever of Anybody or Anything (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=i16OMrwxsm8& feature=relate) [25] Herbert Berg, Elijah Muhammad and Islam, NYU Press, 2009, page 41

[26] Marable, Manning, Along the Color Line (http:/ / webcache. googleusercontent. com/ search?q=cache:x9udltrEThQJ:freepress. org/ Backup/

UnixBackup/ pubhtml/ manning/ racism-1. html+ "elijah+ muhammad"+ klan& cd=10& hl=en& ct=clnk& gl=us& source=www. google. com), reprinted in the Columbus Free Press, Jan. 17, 1997

[27] Rolinson, Mary, Grassroots Garveyism (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TjiezD52cZoC& pg=PA193& lpg=PA193&

dq=muhammad+ farms,+ terrell& source=bl& ots=pYmLp3LvXq& sig=nSKEMHbktWzGlcE2Ok_q65uqMHk& hl=en&

ei=PSPETYv0H8fDgQe4lonLBA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=4& ved=0CCwQ6AEwAw#v=onepage& q=muhammad

farms, terrell& f=false), page 193, UNC Press Books, 2007

[28] "The Messenger Passes" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,917218-1,00. html), Time Magazine, March 10, 1975

[29] George Lincoln Rockwell Meets Elijah Muhammad (http:/ / www. anthonyflood. com/ rockwellelijah. htm)

[30] Malcolm X's house is firebombed - Timelines.com (http:/ / timelines. com/ 1965/ 2/ 14/ malcolm-xs-house-is-firebombed)

[31] "Malcom X Shot to Death at Rally Here" (http:/ / partners. nytimes. com/ library/ national/ race/ 022265race-ra. html), New York Times, 22 Feb 1965

[32] "The Assassination of Malcolm X" (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 466. html), Harford

[33] "Malcolm X's daughter indicted in alleged plot to kill Louis Farrakhan" (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1355/ is_n12_v87/

ai_16404505/ ), Jet, provided by Find Articles at BNET]

[34] "Farrakhan Admission On Malcolm X" (http:/ / www. cbsnews. com/ stories/ 2000/ 05/ 10/ 60minutes/ main194051. shtml), 60 Minutes, CBS News, 10 May 2000 [35] The Messenger has a list of children and "wives". [36] The Autobiography of Malcolm X

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Elijah Muhammad 61

[37] "19 Children of Muslim Leader Battle a Bank for $5.7 Million" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1987/ 11/ 03/ us/

19-children-of-muslim-leader-battle-a-bank-for-5. 7-million. html?pagewanted=1|), N.Y. Times, November 3, 1987

[38] "Court Gives Leader's Money to Black Muslims" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1988/ 01/ 02/ us/

court-gives-leader-s-money-to-black-muslims. html?pagewanted=1|), N.Y. Times, January 2, 1988 [39] Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York. Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.

[40] Ali (2001) (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0248667/ )

[41] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=qS5piC1WX6o

External links

• The real representation of Messenger Elijah Muhammad's Teachings (http:/ / www. muhammadspeaks. com)

• Nation of Islam Official Biography (http:/ / www. noi. org/ elijah_muhammad_history. htm)

• Seventh Family of the Nation of Islam (http:/ / www. seventhfam. com)

• Elijah Muhammad History (http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ national/ savioursday2k/ hem_nation. htm)

• Malcolm X Reloaded: Who Really Assassinated Malcolm X? (http:/ / www. malcolmxreloaded. podomatic. com)

• FBI file on Elijah Muhammad (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ elijah-muhammad)

• Elijah Muhammad (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ name/ nm0611247/ ) at the Internet Movie Database

Nation of Islam

The Nation of Islam is an African-American religious movement founded in Detroit, Michigan by Wallace D. Fard Muhammad in July 1930 to improve the spiritual, mental, social, and economic condition of African-Americans in the United States of America.[1] The movement teaches black supremacy, some principles of Islam, along with teaching Wallace Fard Muhammad as the manifestation of God (Allah). After Wallace's disappearance in June 1934, the Nation of Islam was led by Elijah Muhammad, who established businesses, large real estate holdings, armed forces and schools in the United States. From 1952 to March 1964, Malcolm X was a prominent minister and leader in the Nation of Islam, although he later left it to join Sunni Islam. Elijah Muhammad's son, Warith Deen Mohammed, assumed national leadership of the organization in 1975. In 1976 he changed the name of the organization to World Community of Islam in the West. In 1981 it changed again to American Muslim Mission. In 1985 Warith Deen Mohammed ordered the dissolution of the American Muslim Mission. W.D. Mohammed said disbanding the American Muslim Mission means "we are members of the worldwide Muslim community...not to be identified in geographic terms or political terms or racial terms." The decision to break up the organization meant that each mosque would be autonomous. Splinter groups developed soon after Elijah Muhammad's death, including that of Louis Farrakhan, who was unhappy with Mohammed's leadership. Originally calling his group Final Call, in 1981 Farrakhan took back the name of Nation of Islam, at the same time renewing the original practices and beliefs of Elijah Muhammad. Despite the American Muslim Mission being dissolved legally, it continued informally, and a legal judgement in 1987 which forced the sale of $10 million worth of property. W.D. Mohammed sold a number of properties to Farrakhan, including Temple No. 2, the headquarters mosque, which Farrakhan purchased with a donation from . In October 1995, Farrakhan led the Million Man March in Washington, D.C., calling on black men to renew their commitments to their families and communities. The members of the Nation of Islam are believed to number between 20,000 and 50,000. Most of the members are in the United States, but there are small communities in other countries, including Canada, United Kingdom, France, and Trinidad and Tobago.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Nation of Islam 62

History

The Nation of Islam was founded in Detroit, Michigan in July, 1930 by Wallace Fard Muhammad, also known as W. D. Fard Muhammad (1877–1934). The N.O.I. teaches that W. Fard Muhammad is both the "Messiah" of Christianity and the Mahdi of Islam. The Nation of Islam was later run by Elijah Muhammad from 1934 to 1975. By the time Elijah Muhammad died in 1975, there were 75 NOI centers across America.[2] In 1975, Warith Deen Mohammed or W.D. (Wallace) Muhammad was installed as Supreme Minister of the Nation of Islam. He renamed the organization "The World Community of Elijah Muhammad Al-Islam in the West" which later became the American Society of Muslims. He shunned his father's theology and black separatist views, accepting whites as fellow worshipers and forging closer ties with mainstream Muslim communities to bring the Nation of Islam closer into Sunni Islam.[3]

W.D. Mohammed's organization changed names many times and finally dissolved in August 31, 2003, after he resigned from the leadership. In 1977, Louis Farrakhan resigned from Warith Deen's reformed organization, and with a number of supporters decided to rebuild the original Nation of Islam upon the foundation established by Wallace Fard Muhammad and Elijah Muhammad.

Beliefs and theology

African American topics

Category · Portal

The Nation of Islam preaches adherence to the Five Pillars of the Islamic Faith. The NOI also teaches morality and personal decorum, emphasizing modesty, mutual respect, and discipline in dress and comportment. NOI adherents do not consume pork, frown upon the consumption of alcohol, drugs, and tobacco, and stress a healthy diet and physical fitness. However, the Nation of Islam argues that because of the unique experience of the oppression and degradation of slavery, Elijah Muhammad used unique methods for introducing Islam to his people.

The main belief of The Nation of Islam and its followers is that there is no other God but Allah, revealing "Allah" by saying "who came in the person of W. D. Fard." Fard founded the Nation of Islam and subsequently installed Elijah Muhammad as the organization's leader. Nation of Islam leader (1981-2007) Louis The official beliefs of the Nation of Islam have been outlined in books, Farrakhan.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Nation of Islam 63

documents, and articles published by the organization, as well as speeches by Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, Louis Farrakhan, and other ministers. Many of Elijah Muhammad's teachings may be found in Message to the Blackman in America and The True History of Jesus as Taught by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad.[4] Written lessons from 1930–1934 were passed from W. Fard Muhammad to his student, Elijah Muhammad. These were collected and entitled The Supreme Wisdom. The Nation of Islam continues to teach its followers that the present world society is segmented into three distinct categories. They teach that from a general perspective, 85% of the population are the "deaf, dumb and blind" masses of the people who "are easily led in the wrong direction and hard to lead in the right direction". These 85% of the masses who are said to be manipulated by 10% of the people. Those 10% rich "slave-makers" are said to manipulate the 85% masses of the people through ignorance, the skillful use of religious doctrine and the mass media. The third group is referred to as the 5% "poor righteous teachers" of the people of the world, who know the truth of the manipulation of the 85% masses of the people by the 10%. The 5% "righteous teachers" are at constant struggle and war with 10% to reach and "free the minds" of the masses of the people.[5]

Official platform An official Nation of Islam platform referred to as "The Muslim Program" was written by Elijah Muhammad in his book Message to the Blackman in America (1965). The itemized platform contains two sections; "What The Muslims Want", consisting of 10 points; and "What The Muslims Believe", consisting of 12 points.[6]

Cosmology The NOI teaches that the Earth and Moon were once the same, and that the Earth is over 76 trillion years old.[7] The entire land mass on the Earth was called "Asia". This was, Elijah Muhammad claims, long before Adam.[8]

Black experience of slavery was Bible prophecy The NOI teaches that black people constitute a nation and that through the institution of the they were systematically denied knowledge of their past history, language, culture, and religion and, in effect, lost control of their lives. Central to this doctrine, NOI theology asserts that black people’s experience of slavery was the fulfillment of Bible prophecy and therefore, black people are the seed of Abraham referred to in the Bible, in Genesis 15:13–14: And he said unto Abram, Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them; and they shall afflict them four hundred years; And also that nation, whom they shall serve, will I judge: and afterward shall they come out with great substance. —King James Version

Separatism In an 13 April 1997 interview on NBC's Meet the Press, Tim Russert asked Louis Farrakhan to explain the Nation of Islam's view on separation: Tim Russert: "Once a week, on the back page [of your newspaper] is The Muslim Program, 'What the Muslims Want' [written in 1965]. The first is in terms of territory, 'Since we cannot get along with them in peace and equality, we believe our contributions to this land and the suffering forced upon us by white America justifies our demand for complete separation in a state or territory of our own.' Is that your view in 1997, a separate state for Black Americans?" Minister Louis Farrakhan: "First, the program starts with number one. That is number four. The first part of that program is that we want freedom, a full and complete freedom. The second is, we want justice. We want equal justice under the law, and we want justice applied equally to all, regardless of race or class or color. And

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the third is that we want equality. We want equal membership in society with the best in civilized society. If we can get that within the political, economic, social system of America, there's no need for point number four. But if we cannot get along in peace after giving America 400 years of our service and sweat and labor, then, of course, separation would be the solution to our race problem."[9]

Teachings on race The Nation of Islam teaches that Black people were the original humans. Louis Farrakhan has stated, "White people are potential humans…they haven’t evolved yet." [10] Farrakhan further said, "If you look at the human family — now, I'm talking about black, brown, red, yellow and white — we all seem to be frozen on a subhuman level of existence. In Islam and, I believe, in Christian theology and Jewish theology as well, there are three stages of human development. The first stage is called the animalistic stage of development. But when we submit to animal passions, then we can do evil things to one another in that animalistic stage of development. But when moral consciousness comes and we have a self-accusing spirit, it is then that we become human beings. Right now, we have the potential for humanity, but we have not reached that potential, because we are functioning on the animalistic plane of existence." [11] "The Blackman is the original man. From him came all brown, yellow, red, and white people. By using a special method of birth control law, the Blackman was able to produce the white race. This method of birth control was developed by a Black scientist known as Yakub, who envisioned making and teaching a nation of people who would be diametrically opposed to the Original People. A Race of people who would one day rule the original people and the earth for a period of 6,000 years. Yakub promised his followers that he would graft a nation from his own people, and he would teach them how to rule his people, through a system of tricks and lies whereby they use deceit to divide and conquer, and break the unity of the darker people, put one brother against another, and then act as mediators and rule both sides." -Elijah Muhammad[12] In an interview on NBC's Meet the Press, Louis Farrakhan said the following in response to host Tim Russert's question on the Nation of Islam's teachings on race: "You know, it’s not unreal to believe that white people — who genetically cannot produce yellow, brown or black — had a Black origin. The scholars and scientists of this world agree that the origin of man and humankind started in Africa and that the first parent of the world was black. The Qur'an says that God created Adam out of differnt types mud from the earth and fashioned him into shape. So if white people came from the original people, the Black people, what is the process by which you came to life? That is not a silly question. That is a scientific question with a scientific answer. It doesn't suggest that we are superior or that you are inferior. It suggests, however, that your birth or your origin is from the black people of this earth: superiority and inferiority is determined by our righteousness and not by our color."[9] Pressed by Russert on whether he agreed with Elijah Muhammad's preaching that whites are "blue-eyed devils", Farrakhan responded: "Well, you have not been saints in the way you have acted toward the darker peoples of the world and toward even your own people. But, in truth, Mr. Russert, any human being who gives themself over to the doing of evil could be considered a devil. In the Bible, in the "Book of Revelation", it talks about the fall of Babylon. It says Elijah Muhammad addressing followers Babylon is fallen because she has become the habitation of devils. We believe that that ancient Babylon is a symbol of a modern Babylon, which is America."

During the time when Malcolm X was a member and leader of the Nation of Islam, he preached that black people were genetically superior to white people but were dominated by a system of white supremacy:

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Thoughtful white people know they are inferior to Black people. Even [Senator James] Eastland knows it. Anyone who has studied the genetic phase of biology knows that white is considered recessive and black is considered dominant. The entire American economy is based on white supremacy. Even the religious philosophies, in essence, white supremacy. A white Jesus. A white Virgin. White angels. White everything. But a black Devil, of course. The "Uncle Sam" political foundation is based on white supremacy, relegating nonwhites to second−class citizenship. It goes without saying that the social philosophy is strictly white supremacist. And the educational system perpetuates white supremacy.[13] The Nation of Islam teaches that intermarriage or race mixing should be prohibited. This is point 10 of the official platform, "What the Muslims Want", published 1965.[14] Louis Farrakhan nevertheless stated in the Tim Russert interview: "The mother of the Leader who came to North America to teach us, Fard Muhammad, His mother was a white woman. His father was a black man. So where there is love, love transcends our racial denomination or ethnicity. Love is the great power of transformation. I don't think that we can say when two people are in love that they shouldn't marry one another. But I would prefer that the black man and the black woman marry into their own kind."[15]

The Mother Plane and Ezekiel's Wheel Elijah Muhammad taught his followers about a Mother Plane or Wheel, a UFO that was seen and described in the visions of the prophet Ezekiel in the "Book of Ezekiel", in the Hebrew Bible. "Now as I looked at the living creatures, I saw a wheel on the earth beside the living creatures, one for each of the four of them. As for the appearance of the wheels and their construction: their appearance was like the gleaming of beryl. And the four had the same likeness, their appearance and construction being as it were a wheel within a wheel. When they went, they went in any of their four directions without turning as they went. And their rims were tall and awesome, and the rims of all four were full of eyes all around." —Book of Ezekiel Chapter 1:15–18, Bible, English Standard Version Louis Farrakhan, commenting on his teacher's description said the following: "The Honorable Elijah Muhammad told us of a giant Mother Plane that is made like the universe, spheres within spheres. White people call them unidentified flying objects (UFOs). Ezekiel, in the Old Testament, saw a wheel that looked like a cloud by day but a pillar of fire by night. The Honorable Elijah Muhammad said that that wheel was built on the island of Nippon, which is now called Japan, by some of the Original scientists. It took $15 billion in gold at that time to build it. It is made of the toughest steel. America does not yet know the composition of the steel used to make an instrument like it. It is a circular plane, and the Bible says that it never makes turns. Because of its circular nature it can stop and travel in all directions at speeds of thousands of miles per hour. He said there are 1,500 small wheels in this Mother Wheel, which is a half mile by a half mile [800 m by 800 m]. This Mother Wheel is like a small human-built planet. Each one of these small planes carry three bombs. "The Honorable Elijah Muhammad said these planes were used to set up mountains on the earth. The Qur'an says it like this: We have raised mountains on the earth lest it convulse with you. How do you raise a mountain, and what is the purpose of a mountain? Have you ever tried to balance a tire? You use weights to keep the tire balanced. That's how the earth is balanced, with mountain ranges. The Honorable Elijah Muhammad said that we have a type of bomb that, when it strikes the earth a drill on it is timed to go into the earth and explode at the height that you wish the mountain to be. If you wish to take the mountain up a mile [1.6 km], you time the drill to go a mile in and then explode. The bombs these planes have are timed to go one mile down and bring up a mountain one mile high, but it will destroy everything within a 50-square-mile [130 km²] radius. The white man writes in his above top secret memos of the UFOs. He sees them around his military installations like they are spying.

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"That Mother Wheel is a dreadful-looking thing. White folks are making movies now to make these planes look like fiction, but it is based on something real. The Honorable Elijah Muhammad said that Mother Plane is so powerful that with sound reverberating in the atmosphere, just with a sound, she can crumble buildings." —Minister Louis Farrakhan, The Divine Destruction of America: Can She Avert It?[16]

Criticisms The first book analyzing the Nation of Islam was The Black Muslims in America (1961) by C. Eric Lincoln. Lincoln describes the use of doctrines during religious services. Often the minister reads passages from well-known historical, sociological, or anthropological works, and finds in them inconspicuous references to the Blackman’s true history in the world.... Occasionally the minister chides the audience for its skepticism: “I know you don't believe me because I happen to be a Black man. Well, you can look it up in a book I’m going to tell you about that was written by a white man.” He then reads off references that his hearers are challenged to check.

Antisemitism A number of Jewish organizations, Christian organizations, and academics consider the Nation of Islam to be antisemitic. Professor David W. Leinweber, Ph.D. of Emory University asserts that the Nation of Islam has engaged in revisionist and antisemitic interpretations of and that they exaggerate the role of Jews in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Leinweber and others use the original statements of Farrakhan and others as the basis for their evaluation.[17] The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) alleges that NOI Health Minister, Abdul Alim Muhammad, has accused Jewish doctors of injecting Blacks with the AIDS virus,[18] an allegation which Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad has denied. The Nation of Islam has repeatedly denied charges of anti-Semitism.[19] NOI leader Minister Louis Farrakhan has stated, "The ADL … uses the term 'anti-Semitism' to stifle all criticism of Zionism and the Zionist policies of the State of Israel and also to stifle all legitimate criticism of the errant behavior of some Jewish people toward the non-Jewish population of the earth."[20] Jude Wanniski, late associate editor of the Wall Street Journal, wrote, "I've met dozens of men and women who belong to the Nation of Islam, attended many of their conferences, and prayed with them in their Chicago mosque to the God of Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammed. I've concluded beyond any reasonable doubt that there is not an ounce of anti-Semitism or bigotry in Farrakhan."[21]

Comparison with traditional Islam

The Nation of Islam preaches adherence to the Five Pillars of the Islamic Faith. Prayers are conducted in temples on seated chairs in church-fashion, instead of mosques and without prostration. The NOI also teaches morality and personal decorum, emphasizing modesty, mutual respect, and discipline in dress and comportment. NOI adherents do not consume pork, frown upon the consumption of alcohol, drugs, and tobacco, and stress a healthy diet and physical fitness. However, the Nation of Islam argues that because of the unique experience of the oppression and degradation of slavery, Elijah A mosque of Nation of Islam in Baton Rouge, Muhammad used unique methods for introducing Islam to his people. Louisiana, United States, 2005. According to Muslim critics, traditional Islamic beliefs are in stark opposition to the theological and creedal foundation of the Nation of Islam.[22]

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Other doctrines of the Nation of Islam are disputed, specifically: • God's incarnation: • NOI teaches that "Allah (God) appeared in the Person of Master W. Fard Muhammad, July 1930; the long-awaited Messiah of the Christians and the Mahdi of the Muslims."[23] • Traditional Sunni and Shi'a Muslim doctrine is that it is heretical and blasphemous to believe that God would manifest in human form. Likening any individual(s) to God is a form of shirk—a major sin in Islam.[24] • Relations with whites: • NOI teaches that the Black man is the original man, and from him came all brown, yellow, and white people. By using a special method of birth control law (the Yakub teaching), the black man was able to produce the white race.[12] NOI does not believe that whites are worthy to be evangelized, and thus does not accept them into the NOI, but recommends that they should join orthodox Islam. • Traditional Islam teaches that all races are equal, and any person of any race can convert to Islam. Islam recognizes the Biblical and Qur'anic figure, the patriarch Jacob, but he is considered a prophet, not the Yakub figure as featured in Nation of Islam theology. • Perspectives on the Qur'an: • The NOI states that they believe in the Qur'an and the writings of all the prophets of God. The NOI believes there are truths in the Bible but it is tampered material and "must be reinterpreted so that mankind will not be snared by the falsehoods that have been added to it." [25] • The vast majority of Muslims worldwide believe that the Qur'an is Allah's final revelation to mankind and that it was given to the Islamic Prophet Muhammad between the years of 610 and 632. Islam believes the previous scriptures (such as the Bible and Torah) have value but are superseded by the Qur'an. • Status of the Islamic prophet Muhammad vs. other prophets: • The Nation of Islam believes that Elijah Muhammad was a messenger and was taught by God, who the NOI claim as "Master" Fard Muhammad (W. D. Fard).[26] • Islam teaches that Muhammad was the last of the messengers whom Allah has sent to mankind; there would be no more and all Muslims are to follow the teachings of the Qur'an and accept monotheism. • Practice of Friday prayers: • The Nation of Islam ignores the traditional Jumuah prayers on Friday. In 2002, W. Deen Mohammed, a Muslim in opposition of , delivered a Friday sermon at the Los Angeles Convention Center.[27] The NOI practice of Jumuah prayer has been replaced by a Sunday service (the traditional practice of Christianity). • Islam dedicates Friday as the day for congregational prayer (salat) to be held just after noon in lieu of dhuhr (noon prayer). • Translation of the Qur'an: • The Nation of Islam generally uses the Maulana Muhammad Ali English translation of the Qur'an. Ali was a leading figure of the Ahmadiyya movement, founded in India in the late 19th century (citation #42). • By contrast, the most well-known English translation of the Qur'an, commonly used by most English-speaking Sunni Muslims, is by Abdullah Yusuf Ali. Table of comparison of Traditional Islam and Nation of Islam:[28]

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Belief Traditional Islam Nation of Islam

God God is one, who has no partners Wallace D. Fard came as God incarnate

Muhammad The final prophet of Islam, no one comes after him Elijah Muhammad is the prophet to tell about incarnation of Fard

Race All are equal regardless of color of skin, judged on The original black race of man is superior behavior

Creation God created the universe, first humans were Adam and Eve Black scientists created the plan which repeats every 25,000 years

Qur'an Revealed to Muhammad from God through the Angel Black scientists created and revealed the Bible and the Qur'an Gabriel

Sharia law Sacred rules and laws of Islamic life, based on Qur'an and Not followed, created own, such as 4-6pm meal or avoid white-flour Sunnah cake meals

Noted current and former members and associates of Nation of Islam • Elijah Muhammad • Tynetta Muhammad • Louis Farrakhan • Khalid Abdul Muhammad • Khadijah Farrakhan • Malcolm X - Later converted to Sunni Islam • Muhammad Ali – Later converted to Sunni Islam in 1975 and later Sufism in 2005[29] • Mustapha Farrakhan - Supreme Captain of the Nation of Islam • Mustapha Farrakhan Jr. • Warith Deen Mohammed – Later converted to Sunni Islam • Clarence 13X- Later formed the Nation of Gods and Earths • MC Ren – Later converted to Islam [30] • Kam (rapper) - member of the Nation of Islam and former associate of • John Allen Muhammad – The Beltway Sniper, Gulf war veteran, former NOI member[31] • Benjamin Chavis Muhammad • JT The Bigga Figga • Paris - left and became an agnostic • Snoop Dogg[32]

The Nation of Gods and Earths The Nation of Gods and Earths is an offshoot of the Nation of Islam founded in 1964 in Harlem section of the borough of Manhattan in New York City by Clarence Smith. He was commonly known as Clarence 13X. Gods and Earths hold events known as Universal Parliaments in various cities—usually once a month—to build on their interpretation of the Supreme Mathematics, lessons, and to discuss business concerning the Nation.[33]

References

[1] New York Times (http:/ / topics. nytimes. com/ topics/ reference/ timestopics/ organizations/ n/ nation_of_islam/ index. html)

[2] "Muhammad's Temple of Islam" (http:/ / www. muhammadspeaks. com/ Temples. html), Muhammad Speaks, 4 Oct 1974

[3] "Nation of Islam" (http:/ / www. oxfordislamicstudies. com/ article/ opr/ t125/ e1726), Oxford Islamic Studies Online [4] Chicago: Coalition for the Remembrance of Elijah Muhammad, 1992 [5] "Assignment of Mr. Elijah Muhammad, The Supreme Wisdom", February 20, 1934; "Power at Last Forever", Minister Louis Farrakhan, Madison Square Garden, New York, October, 1985

[6] "The Muslim Program" (http:/ / www. noi. org/ muslim_program. htm). The Nation of Islam. . Retrieved 2008-04-22.

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[7] Elijah Muhammad's 1961 "Atlanta Speech", quoted in Louis E. Lomax's When The Word Is Given... (http:/ / www. questia. com/ PM.

qst?a=o& d=99006143) [8] Message to the Blackman, Elijah Muhammad, 1965]

[9] http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ national/ mlf-mtp5-13-97. html FCN/NBC, 1997 [10] Philadelphia Inquirer, 3/18/00 [11] Million Family March Transcript, 10/16/00 [12] Elijah Muhammad|Message to the Blackman in America, Muhammad's Temple No. 2, 1965 & Dorothy Blake Fardan, Yakub and the Origins of White Supremacy, Lushena Books, 2001 [13] Alex Haley, "The Playboy Interview: Malcolm X", Playboy Magazine, May 1963

[14] "What The Muslims Want". (http:/ / www. noi. org/ muslim_program. htm) Nation of Islam website.

[15] http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ national/ mlf-mtp5-13-97. html

[16] FCN, 1996 (http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ MLFspeaks/ destruction. html) Metric conversions added by Wikipedia.

[17] H- OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 1M (http:/ / www. h-net. msu. edu/ ~antis/ papers/ occasional. papers. html)

[18] Nation of Islam (http:/ / www. adl. org/ focus_sheets/ focus_islam. asp)

[19] Farrakhan and the Jewish Rift; A Historic Reference (http:/ / www. noi. org/ statements/ statements_press_10-07-2000. htm) [20] The Final Call, 16 February 1994

[21] Memo, 10-28-98, Fire Abe Foxman! (http:/ / www. polyconomics. com/ searchbase/ 10-28-98. html) [22] Mustafa El-Amin, The Religion of Islam and the Nation of Islam: What is the Difference?, Newark, N.J.: El-Amin Productions, 1991

[23] http:/ / noi. org/ muslim_program. htm [24] Philips, Abu Ameenah Bilal. The Fundamentals of Tawheed (Islamic Monotheism). Al-Hidaayah. ISBN 1898649405.

[25] NOI.org: The Official Website for The Nation of Islam (http:/ / www. noi. org)

[26] http:/ / www. religiousmovements. lib. virginia. edu/ nrms/ Nofislam. html. com

[27] Daniel Wood. "America's black Muslims close a rift" (http:/ / www. csmonitor. com/ 2002/ 0214/ p03s01-ussc. html). CSMonitor. . [28] Abraham Sarker (2004). Understand My Muslim People, London: Barclay Press. p. 90

[29] Muhammad Ali's New Spiritual Quest (http:/ / www. beliefnet. com/ Faiths/ Islam/ 2005/ 02/ Muhammad-Alis-New-Spiritual-Quest. aspx)

[30] MC Ren: RenIncarnated (http:/ / www. . com/ index/ interviews/ id. 1253/ title. mc-ren-renincarnated) HipHopDX

[31] "BBC News Profile: John Allen Muhammad" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 2357393. stm). London. 11 November 2009. . Retrieved 2010-03-24.

[32] (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ entertainment/ 7918383. stm), Snoop Dogg does not specify a date when he joined.

[33] http:/ / www. allahsnation. net/

External links

• Official Website The Nation of Islam (http:/ / www. noi. org) (N.O.I.)

• Messenger Elijah Muhammad Web Resources Center, Online books, audio, and video (http:/ / www. seventhfam. com)

• Nation of Islam affiliated Final Call Newspaper website (http:/ / www. finalcall. com)

• Official Website of the United Kingdom Branch of the Nation of Islam (http:/ / www. noi. org. uk/ ) • Walker, Dennis Searching for African American Nationhood: Looking Into the Nation of Islam (Interview) (http:/

/ www. islamonline. net/ servlet/ Satellite?c=Article_C& cid=1181062652546&

pagename=Zone-English-Muslim_Affairs/ MAELayout)

• "Nation of Islam" (http:/ / www. ccky. org/ PDF Files/ prison/ Nation of Islam. pdf), Federal Bureau of Prisons, Technical Reference Manual on Inmate Beliefs and Practices

• FBI file on the Nation of Islam (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ Nation of Islam)

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Malcolm X ( /ˈmælkəmˈɛks/; May 19, 1925 – February 21, 1965), born Malcolm Little and also known as ,), was an African-American Muslim minister, public speakerﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝّ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺯ :El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz[1] (Arabic and human rights activist. To his admirers, he was a courageous advocate for the rights of African Americans, a man who indicted white America in the harshest terms for its crimes against black Americans. His detractors accused him of preaching racism, black supremacy, antisemitism, and violence. He has been called one of the greatest and most influential African Americans in history, and in 1998, TIME named The Autobiography of Malcolm X one of the ten most influential nonfiction books of the 20th century. Malcolm X was born in Omaha, Nebraska. The events of his childhood, including his father's lessons concerning and self-reliance, and his own experiences concerning race played a significant role in Malcolm X's adult life. By the time he was thirteen, his father had died and his mother had been committed to a mental hospital. After living in a series of foster homes, Malcolm X became involved in a number of criminal activities in Boston and New York City. In 1946, Malcolm X was sentenced to eight to ten years in prison. While in prison, Malcolm X became a member of the Nation of Islam, and after his parole in 1952 he became one of the Nation's leaders and chief spokesmen. For nearly a dozen years he was the public face of the controversial group. Tension between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad, head of the Nation of Islam, led to Malcolm X's quitting the organization in March 1964. He subsequently traveled extensively throughout Africa and the Middle East and founded Muslim Mosque, Inc., a religious organization, and the secular Organization of Afro-American Unity,

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which advocated Pan-Africanism. Less than a year after he left the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X was assassinated by three members of the group while giving a speech in New York. The beliefs expressed by Malcolm X changed during his lifetime. As a spokesman for the Nation of Islam he taught black supremacy and deified the leaders of the organization. He also advocated the separation of black and white Americans, which put him at odds with the civil rights movement, which was working towards integration. After he left the Nation of Islam in 1964, Malcolm X became a Sunni Muslim, made the pilgrimage to Mecca and disavowed racism, while remaining a champion of black self-determination, self defense, and human rights. He expressed a willingness to work with civil rights leaders and described his previous position with the Nation of Islam as that of a "zombie".

Early years

Malcolm Little was born on May 19, 1925, in Omaha, Nebraska, the fourth of seven children to Earl Little and Louise Norton.[2] His father was an outspoken Baptist lay speaker. He supported Pan-African activist Marcus Garvey and was a local leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).[3] Malcolm never forgot the values of black pride and self-reliance that his father and other UNIA leaders preached.[4] Malcolm X later said that three of Earl Little's brothers, one of whom was lynched, died violently at the hands of white men.[5]

Because of Ku Klux Klan threats, the family relocated in 1926 to The Little family in the 1930 U.S. Census Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and shortly thereafter to Lansing, Michigan.[6]

Earl Little, who was dark-skinned, was born in Reynolds, Georgia.[7] He had three children from his first marriage: Ella, Mary, and Earl Jr.—and seven with his second wife, Louise: Wilfred, Hilda, Philbert, Malcolm, Reginald, Yvonne, and Wesley.[8] Louise Norton Little was born in Grenada. Because her father was Scottish, she was so light-skinned that she could have passed for white. Malcolm inherited his light complexion from his mother and maternal grandfather.[9] Initially he felt his light skin was a status symbol, but he later said he "hated every drop of that white rapist's blood that is in me."[10] Malcolm X later remembered feeling that his father favored him because he was the lightest-skinned child in the family; however, he thought his mother treated him harshly for the same reason.[11] One of Malcolm's nicknames, "Red", derived from the tinge of his hair. According to one biographer, at birth he had "ash-blonde hair ... tinged with cinnamon", and at age four, "reddish-blonde hair".[12] His hair darkened as he aged, yet he also resembled his paternal grandmother, whose hair "turned reddish in the summer sun."[2] The issue of skin and hair color took on very significant implications later in Malcolm's life.[7] In December 1924, Louise Little was threatened by klansmen while she was pregnant with Malcolm. She recalled that the klansmen warned the family to leave Omaha, because Earl Little's activities with UNIA were "spreading trouble".[13] After they moved to Lansing, their house was burned in 1929; however, the family escaped without physical injury. On September 8, 1931, Earl Little was fatally struck by a streetcar in Lansing. Authorities ruled his death an accident. The police reported that Earl Little was conscious when they arrived on the scene, and he told them he had slipped and fallen under the streetcar's wheels.[14] The black community in Lansing disputed the cause of death, believing there was circumstantial evidence of assault. His family had frequently been harassed by the Black Legion, a white supremacist group that his father accused of burning down their home in 1929. Some blacks believed the Black Legion was responsible for Earl Little's death. One of the adults at the funeral told eight-year-old Philbert Little that his father had been hit from behind and shoved under the streetcar.[15] Though Earl Little had two life insurance policies, his family received death benefits solely from the smaller policy. The insurance company of the larger policy claimed that his father had committed suicide and refused to issue the benefit.[16] The payout from the insurance policy was $1,000 (comparable to about $15,000 in 2010 dollars), and the

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probate court awarded Louise Little a monthly "widow's allowance" of $18. She rented space in the garden to raise more money, and her sons would hunt game for supper.[17] In 1935 or 1936, Louise Little began dating an African-American man. A marriage proposal seemed a possibility, but the man disappeared from their lives when Louise became pregnant with his child in late 1937.[18] In December 1938, Louise Little had a nervous breakdown and was declared legally insane. The Little siblings were split up and sent to different foster homes. The state formally committed Louise Little to the state mental hospital at Kalamazoo, Michigan, where she remained until Malcolm and his siblings secured her release 24 years later.[19] [20] Malcolm Little was one of the best students in his junior high school, but he dropped out after a white eighth-grade teacher told him that his aspirations of being a lawyer were "no realistic goal for a nigger."[21] Years later, Malcolm X would laugh about the incident, but at the time it was humiliating. It made him feel that there was no place in the white world for a career-oriented black man, no matter how smart he was.[21] After living with a series of white foster parents, Malcolm moved to Boston in February 1941 to live with his older half-sister, Ella Little Collins.[22] [23]

Young adult years Collins lived in Roxbury, a predominantly African-American middle-class neighborhood of Boston. It was the first time Little had seen so many black people. He was drawn to the cultural and social life of the neighborhood.[24] In Boston, Little held a variety of jobs and found intermittent employment with the New Haven Railroad. Between 1943 and 1946, he drifted from city to city and job to job. He left Boston to live for a short time in Flint, Michigan. He moved to New York City in 1943. Living in Harlem, he became involved in drug dealing, gambling, racketeering, robbery, and pimping.[25] According to recent biographies, Little occasionally engaged in sex with other men, usually for money.[26] [27] In 1943, the U.S. draft board ordered Little to register for military service.[28] He later recalled that he put on a display to avoid the draft by telling the examining officer that he could not wait to "steal us some guns, and kill us [some] crackers."[29] Military physicians classified him as "mentally disqualified for military service". He was issued a 4-F card, relieving him of his service obligations.[28] In late 1945, Little returned to Boston. With a group of associates, he began a series of elaborate burglaries targeting the residences of wealthy white families.[30] On January 12, 1946, Little was arrested for burglary while trying to pick up a stolen watch he had left for repairs at a jewelry shop.[31] The shop owner called the police because the watch was very expensive, and the police had alerted all Boston jewelers that it had been stolen. Little told the police that he had a gun on his person and surrendered so the police would treat him more leniently.[32] Three days later, Little was indicted for carrying firearms. On January 16, he was charged with larceny and breaking and entering, and eventually sentenced to eight to ten years in prison.[33] On February 27, Little began serving his sentence at the Charlestown State Prison in Charlestown, Boston. While in prison, Little earned the nickname of "Satan" for his hostility toward religion.[34] Little met a self-educated man in prison named John Elton Bembry (referred to as "Bimbi" in The Autobiography of Malcolm X).[35] Bembry was a well-regarded prisoner at Charlestown, and Malcolm X would later describe him as "the first man I had ever seen command total respect ... with words."[36] Gradually, the two men became friends and Bembry convinced Little to educate himself.[37] Little developed a voracious appetite for reading, and he frequently read after the prison lights had been turned off.[38] In 1948, Little's brother Philbert wrote, telling him about the Nation of Islam. Like the UNIA, the Nation preached black self-reliance and, ultimately, the unification of members of the African diaspora, free from white American and European domination.[39] Little was not interested in joining until his brother Reginald wrote, saying, "Malcolm, don't eat any more pork and don't smoke any more cigarettes. I'll show you how to get out of prison."[40] Little quit smoking, and the next time pork was served in the prison dining hall, he refused to eat it.[41]

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When Reginald came to visit Little, he described the group's teachings, including the belief that white people are devils. Afterward, Little thought about all the white people he had known, and he realized that he'd never had a relationship with a white person or social institution that wasn't based on dishonesty, injustice, greed, and hatred. Little began to reconsider his dismissal of all religion and he became receptive to the message of the Nation of Islam. Other family members who had joined the Nation wrote or visited and encouraged Little to join.[42] In February 1948, mostly through his sister's efforts, Little was transferred to the Norfolk Prison Colony, an experimental prison in Norfolk, Massachusetts, that had a much larger library.[43] In late 1948, he wrote a letter to Elijah Muhammad, the leader of the Nation of Islam. Muhammad advised him to atone for his crimes by renouncing his past and by humbly bowing in prayer to Allah and promising never to engage in destructive behavior again. Little, who always had been rebellious and deeply skeptical, found it very difficult to bow in prayer. It took him a week to bend his knees. Finally he prayed, and he became a member of the Nation of Islam.[44] For the remainder of his incarceration, Little maintained regular correspondence with Muhammad.[45] On August 7, 1952, Little was paroled and was released from prison.[46] He later reflected on the time he spent in prison after his conversion: "Months passed without my even thinking about being imprisoned. In fact, up to then, I had never been so truly free in my life."[47]

Nation of Islam Further information: Nation of Islam When Little was released from prison in 1952, he had more than a new religion. He also had a new name. In a December 1950 letter to his brother Philbert, Little signed his name as Malcolm X for the first time.[48] In his autobiography, he explained why: "The Muslim's 'X' symbolized the true African family name that he never could know. For me, my 'X' replaced the white slavemaster name of 'Little' which some blue-eyed devil named Little had imposed upon my paternal forebears."[49] Shortly after his release from prison, Malcolm X visited Elijah Muhammad in Chicago, Illinois.[50] In June 1953, Malcolm X was named assistant minister of the Nation of Islam's Temple Number One in Detroit.[51] [52] Soon, he became a full-time minister.[53] By late 1953, Malcolm X established Boston's Temple Number 11.[54] In March 1954, he expanded Temple Number 12 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.[55] Two months later Malcolm X was selected to lead Temple Number Seven in Harlem,[56] and he rapidly expanded its membership.[57] The FBI had opened a file on Malcolm X in 1950 after he wrote a letter to President Truman stating his opposition to the Korean War and declaring himself to be a communist.[58] It began surveillance of him in 1953, and soon the FBI turned its attention from concerns about possible Communist Party association to Malcolm X's rapid ascent in the Nation of Islam.[59] During 1955, Malcolm X continued his successful recruitment efforts on behalf of the organization. He established temples in Springfield, Massachusetts (Number 13); Hartford, Connecticut (Number 14); and Atlanta, Georgia (Number 15). Hundreds of African Americans were joining the Nation of Islam every month.[60] Beside his skill as a speaker, Malcolm X had an impressive physical presence. He stood 6 feet 3 inches (1.91 m) tall and weighed about 180 pounds (82 kg).[61] One writer described him as "powerfully built",[62] and another as "mesmerizingly handsome ... and always spotlessly well-groomed".[61]

Johnson Hinton incident Malcolm X first came to the attention of the general public after the police beating of a Nation of Islam member named Johnson Hinton.[63] [64] On April 26, 1957, two police officers were beating an African-American man with their nightsticks when three passersby who belonged to the Nation of Islam tried to intervene.[63] They shouted: "You're not in Alabama or Georgia. This is New York!"[64] One of the officers began to beat one of the passersby, Johnson Hinton. The blows were so severe, a surgeon later determined, that they caused brain contusions, subdural hemorrhaging, and scalp lacerations. All four men were arrested and taken to the police station.[63]

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A woman who had seen the assault ran to the Nation of Islam's restaurant.[63] Within a few hours, Malcolm X and a small group of Muslims went to the police station and demanded to see Hinton. The police captain initially said no Muslims were being held there, but as the crowd grew to about 500, he allowed Malcolm X to speak with Hinton.[65] After a short talk, Malcolm X demanded that Hinton be taken to the hospital, so an ambulance was called and Hinton was taken to Harlem Hospital.[66] Hinton was treated and released into the custody of the police, who returned him to the police station.[65] By this point, about 4,000 people had gathered; the police realized there was the potential for a riot and called for backup. Malcolm X went back into the police station with an attorney and made bail arrangements for the other two Muslims. The police said Hinton could not go back to the hospital until he was arraigned the following day.[66] Malcolm X realized things were at a stalemate. He stepped outside the station house and gave a hand signal.[66] The Nation of Islam members in the crowd silently walked away. The rest of the crowd dispersed minutes later. One police officer told the editor of the New York Amsterdam News: "No one man should have that much power."[66] [67] The following month, the Bureau of Special Services and Investigation of the New York Police Department (NYPD) began its surveillance of Malcolm X. The NYPD's Chief Inspector asked for information from the police department in every city where Malcolm X had lived, and from the prisons where he had served his sentence.[68] In October, when a grand jury declined to indict the officers who had beaten Hinton, Malcolm X wrote an angry telegram to the police commissioner. In response, undercover NYPD officers were placed inside the Nation of Islam.[69]

Marriage and family Malcolm X met Betty Sanders in 1955. She had been invited to listen to his lecture, and she was very impressed by him. They met again at a dinner party. Soon Sanders was attending all of Malcolm X's lectures at Temple Number Seven. In mid 1956, she joined the Nation of Islam.[70] Malcolm X and Betty X did not have a conventional courtship. One-on-one dates were contrary to the teachings of the Nation of Islam. Instead, the couple shared their "dates" with dozens, or even hundreds of other members. Malcolm X frequently took groups to visit New York's museums and libraries, and he always invited Betty X.[71] Although they had never discussed the subject, Betty X suspected that Malcolm X was interested in marriage. On January 12, 1958, he called from Detroit and asked her to marry him, and they were married two days later in Lansing, Michigan.[72] [73] The couple had six daughters. Their names were Attallah, born in 1958 and named after Attila the Hun;[74] Qubilah, born in 1960 and named after Kublai Khan;[75] Ilyasah, born in 1962 and named after Elijah Muhammad;[76] Gamilah Lumumba, born in 1964 and named after ;[77] and twins, Malikah and Malaak, born in 1965 after their father's assassination and named for him.[78]

The Hate That Hate Produced After a 1959 television broadcast in New York City about the Nation of Islam, The Hate That Hate Produced, Malcolm X became known to white Americans. Representatives of the print media, radio, and television frequently asked him for comments on issues.[79] By the late 1950s, Malcolm X had acquired a new name, or Malik el-Shabazz, although he was still widely referred to as Malcolm X.[80] In September 1960, Fidel Castro arrived in New York to attend of the United Nations General Assembly. He and his entourage stayed at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem. Malcolm X was a prominent member of a Harlem-based welcoming committee made up of community leaders who met with Castro.[81] Castro was so impressed by Malcolm X that he requested a private meeting with him. At the end of their two-hour meeting, Castro invited Malcolm X to visit him in Cuba.[82] During the General Assembly meeting, Malcolm X was also invited to many official embassy functions sponsored by African nations, where he met heads of state and other leaders, including of Egypt, Ahmed Sékou Touré of Guinea, and of the Zambian African National Congress.[83]

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From his adoption of the Nation of Islam in 1952 until he left the organization in 1964, Malcolm X promoted the Nation's teachings. He taught that black people were the original people of the world,[84] and that white people were a race of devils.[85] In his speeches, Malcolm X said that black people were superior to white people, and that the demise of the white race was imminent.[86] While the civil rights movement fought against , Malcolm X advocated the complete separation of African Americans from white people. He proposed the establishment of a separate country for black people[87] as an interim measure until African Americans could return to Africa.[88] Malcolm X also rejected the civil rights movement's strategy of nonviolence, and instead advocated that black people use any necessary means of self-defense to protect themselves.[89] Malcolm X's speeches had a powerful effect on his audiences, generally African Americans who lived in the Northern and Western cities, who were tired of being told to wait for freedom, justice, equality and respect.[90] Many blacks felt that he articulated their complaints better than the civil rights movement did.[91] [92] Many white people, and some blacks, were alarmed by Malcolm X and the things he said. He and the Nation of Islam were described as hatemongers, black supremacists, violence-seekers, and a threat to improved race relations. Civil rights organizations denounced Malcolm X and the Nation as irresponsible extremists whose views were not representative of African Americans.[93] [94] Malcolm X was accused of being antisemitic.[95] Malcolm X was equally critical of the civil rights movement.[96] He described its leaders as "stooges" for the white establishment, and said that Martin Luther King, Jr. was a "chump".[97] [98] He criticized the 1963 March on Washington, which he called "the farce on Washington".[99] He said he did not know why black people were excited over a demonstration "run by whites in front of a statue of a president who has been dead for a hundred years and who didn't like us when he was alive".[100] Malcolm X has been widely considered the second most influential leader of the Nation of Islam after Elijah Muhammad.[101] He was largely credited with increasing membership of the group; from 500 in 1952 to 25,000 in 1963 by one author's estimate,[102] or from 1,200 in 1953 to 50,000 or 75,000 in 1961 by another's.[103] [104] He inspired the boxer Cassius Clay (later known as Muhammad Ali) to join the Nation of Islam.[105] Ali later left the group and became a Sunni Muslim, as did Malcolm X.[106] In early 1963, Malcolm X started collaborating with Alex Haley on The Autobiography of Malcolm X.[107] In 1964, he told Haley, "If I'm alive when this book comes out, it will be a miracle."[108] The book was not finished when Malcolm X was assassinated in 1965. Haley completed it and published it later that year.[109] In 1998, TIME named The Autobiography of Malcolm X one of the ten most influential nonfiction books of the 20th century.[110]

Leaving the Nation On December 1, 1963, when he was asked for a comment about the assassination of President Kennedy, Malcolm X said that it was a case of "chickens coming home to roost". He added that "chickens coming home to roost never did make me sad; they've always made me glad."[111] The New York Times wrote, "in further criticism of Mr. Kennedy, the Muslim leader cited the murders of Patrice Lumumba, Congo leader, of , civil rights leader, and of the Negro girls bombed earlier this year in a Birmingham church. These, he said, were instances of other 'chickens coming home to roost'."[111] The remarks prompted a widespread public outcry. The Nation of Islam, which had issued a message of condolence to the Kennedy family and ordered its ministers not to comment on the assassination, publicly censured their former shining star.[112] Although Malcolm X retained his post and rank as minister, he was prohibited from public speaking for 90 days.[113]

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On March 8, 1964, Malcolm X publicly announced his break from the Nation of Islam. He said that he was still a Muslim, but he felt the Nation of Islam had "gone as far as it can" because of its rigid religious teachings.[114] Malcolm X said he was going to organize a black nationalist organization that would try to "heighten the political consciousness" of African Americans.[114] He also expressed his desire to work with other civil rights leaders and said that Elijah Muhammad had prevented him from doing so in the past.[114]

One reason for the separation was growing tension between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad because of Malcolm X's dismay about rumors of Muhammad's extramarital affairs with young secretaries. Such actions were against the teachings of the Nation. Although at first Malcolm X ignored the rumors, he spoke with Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, March Muhammad's son Wallace and the women making the accusations. He 26, 1964 came to believe that they were true, and Muhammad confirmed the rumors in 1963. Muhammad tried to justify his actions by referring to precedents by Biblical prophets.[115] Another reason was resentment by people within the Nation. As Malcolm X had become a favorite of the media, many in the Nation's Chicago headquarters felt that he was over-shadowing Muhammad. Louis Lomax's 1963 book about the Nation of Islam, When the Word Is Given, featured a picture of Malcolm X on its cover and included five of his speeches, but only one of Muhammad's, which greatly upset Muhammad. Muhammad was also envious that a publisher was interested in Malcolm X's autobiography.[107] After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X founded Muslim Mosque, Inc., a religious organization,[116] [117] and the Organization of Afro-American Unity, a secular group that advocated Pan-Africanism.[118] [119] On March 26, 1964, he met Martin Luther King, Jr. in Washington, D.C., after a press conference held when both men attended the Senate to hear the debate on the Civil Rights bill. This was the only time the two men ever met and their meeting lasted only one minute—just long enough for photographers to take a picture.[120] [121] In April, Malcolm X made a speech titled "" in which he advised African Americans to exercise their right to vote wisely.[122] [123] Several Sunni Muslims encouraged Malcolm X to learn about Islam. Soon he converted to Sunni Islam, and decided to make his pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj).[124]

International travel

Pilgrimage to Mecca On April 13, 1964, Malcolm X departed JFK Airport in New York for Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. His status as an authentic Muslim was questioned by Saudi authorities because of his United States passport and his inability to speak Arabic. Since only confessing Muslims are allowed into Mecca, he was separated from his group for about 20 hours.[125] [126] According to his autobiography, Malcolm X saw a telephone and remembered the book The Eternal Message of Muhammad by Abdul Rahman Hassan Azzam, which had been presented to him with his visa approval. He called Azzam's son, who arranged for his release. At the younger Azzam's home, he met Azzam Pasha, who gave Malcolm his suite at the Jeddah Palace Hotel. The next morning, Muhammad Faisal, the son of Prince Faisal, visited and informed Malcolm X that he was to be a state guest. The deputy chief of protocol accompanied Malcolm X to the Hajj Court, where he was allowed to make his pilgrimage.[127] On April 19, Malcolm X completed the Hajj, making the seven circuits around the Kaaba, drinking from the Zamzam Well, and running between the hills of Safah and Marwah seven times.[128] After completing the Hajj, he

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was granted an audience with Prince Faisal.[129] Malcolm X said the trip allowed him to see Muslims of different races interacting as equals. He came to believe that Islam could be the means by which racial problems could be overcome.[130]

Africa Malcolm X visited Africa on three separate occasions, once in 1959 and twice in 1964. During his visits, he met officials, gave interviews to newspapers, and spoke on television and radio in Egypt, Ethiopia, Tanganyika (now Tanzania), Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea, Sudan, , Liberia, Algeria, and .[131] Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, and Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria invited Malcolm X to serve in their governments.[132] In 1959, Malcolm X traveled to Egypt (then known as the United Arab Republic), Sudan, Nigeria, and Ghana to arrange a tour for Elijah Muhammad.[133] The first of the two trips Malcolm X made to Africa in 1964 lasted from April 13 until May 21, before and after his Hajj.[134] On May 8, following his speech at the University of Ibadan, Malcolm X was made an honorary member of the Nigerian Muslim Students' Association. During this reception the students bestowed upon him the name "Omowale", which means "the son who has come home" in the Yoruba language.[135] Malcolm X wrote in his autobiography that he "had never received a more treasured honor."[136] On July 9, 1964, Malcolm X returned to Africa.[137] On July 17, he was welcomed to the second meeting of the Organization of African Unity in Cairo as a representative of the Organization of Afro-American Unity. By the time he returned to the United States on November 24, 1964, Malcolm had met with every prominent African leader and established an international connection between Africans on the continent and those in the diaspora.[132]

France and the United Kingdom On November 23, 1964, on his way home from Africa, Malcolm X stopped in Paris, where he spoke at the Salle de la Mutualité.[138] [139] A week later, on November 30, Malcolm X flew to the United Kingdom, and on December 3 participated in a debate at the Oxford Union. The topic of the debate was "Extremism in the Defense of Liberty is No Vice; Moderation in the Pursuit of Justice is No Virtue", and Malcolm X argued the affirmative. Interest in the debate was so high that it was televised nationally by the BBC.[140] [141] On February 5, 1965, Malcolm X went to Europe again.[142] On February 8, he spoke in London, before the first meeting of the Council of African Organizations.[143] The next day, Malcolm X tried to go to France, but he was refused entry.[144] On February 12, he visited Smethwick, near Birmingham, which had become a byword for racial division after the 1964 general election, when the Conservative Party won the parliamentary seat after rumors that their candidate's supporters had used the slogan "If you want a nigger for your neighbour, vote Labour."[145]

In the United States After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X spoke before a wide variety of audiences in the United States. He spoke at regular meetings of Muslim Mosque, Inc., and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. He was one of the most sought-after speakers on college campuses,[146] and one of his top aides later wrote that he "welcomed every opportunity to speak to college students."[147] Malcolm X also spoke before political groups such as the Militant Labor Forum.[148] Tensions increased between Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam. As early as February 1964, a member of Temple Number Seven was given orders by the group to wire explosives to Malcolm X's car.[149] In September 1964, Ebony published a photograph of Malcolm X holding an M1 Carbine and peering out a window. The photo was intended to illustrate his determination to defend himself and his family against the death threats he was receiving.[150] [151] The Nation of Islam and its leaders began making both public and private threats against Malcolm X. On March 23, 1964, Elijah Muhammad told Boston minister Louis X (later known as Louis Farrakhan) that "hypocrites like

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Malcolm should have their heads cut off."[152] The April 10 edition of Muhammad Speaks featured a cartoon in which his severed head was shown bouncing.[153] On July 9, John Ali, a top aide to Muhammad, answered a question about Malcolm X by saying that "anyone who opposes the Honorable Elijah Muhammad puts their life in jeopardy."[154] The December 4 issue of Muhammad Speaks included an article by Louis X that railed against Malcolm X, saying "such a man as Malcolm is worthy of death."[155] Some threats were made anonymously. During the month of June 1964, FBI surveillance recorded two such threats. On June 8, a man called Malcolm X's home and told Betty Shabazz to "tell him he's as good as dead."[156] On June 12, an FBI informant reported getting an anonymous telephone call from somebody who said "Malcolm X is going to be bumped off."[157] In June 1964, the Nation of Islam sued to reclaim Malcolm X's residence in Queens, New York, which they claimed to own. The suit was successful, and Malcolm X was ordered to vacate.[158] On February 14, 1965, the night before a scheduled hearing to postpone the eviction date, the house burned to the ground. Malcolm X and his family survived. No one was charged with any crime.[159]

Assassination

On February 21, 1965, in Manhattan's Audubon Ballroom, Malcolm X began to speak to a meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity when a disturbance broke out in the crowd of 400.[160] A man yelled, "Nigger! Get your hand outta my pocket!"[161] [162] As Malcolm X and his bodyguards moved to quiet the disturbance,[163] a man rushed forward and shot him in the chest with a sawed-off shotgun.[164] Two other men charged the stage and fired handguns, hitting him 16 times.[162] Furious onlookers caught and beat one of the assassins as the others fled the ballroom.[165] [160] Malcolm X was pronounced dead at 3:30 pm, shortly after he arrived at Columbia Bullet holes in back of the stage where Malcolm X was shot (circled) Presbyterian Hospital.[160]

Talmadge Hayer, a Nation of Islam member also known as Thomas Hagan, was arrested on the scene.[160] Eyewitnesses identified two more suspects, Norman 3X Butler and Thomas 15X Johnson, also members of the Nation. All three were charged.[166] At first Hayer denied involvement, but during the trial he confessed to having fired shots at Malcolm X. He testified that Butler and Johnson were not present and were not involved in the assassination, but he declined to name the men who had joined him in the shooting.[167] All three men were convicted.[168]

Butler, now known as Muhammad Abdul Aziz, was paroled in 1985. He became the head of the Nation of Islam's Harlem mosque in 1998. He continues to maintain his innocence.[169] Johnson, who changed his name to Khalil Islam, was released from prison in 1987. During his time in prison, he rejected the teachings of the Nation of Islam and converted to Sunni Islam. He maintained his innocence until his death in August 2009.[170] [171] Hayer, now known as Mujahid Halim,[172] was paroled in 2010.[173]

Funeral A public viewing was held at Harlem's Unity Funeral Home from February 23 through February 26, and it was estimated that between 14,000 and 30,000 mourners attended.[174] The funeral was held on February 27 at the Faith Temple Church of God in Christ in Harlem. The church was filled to capacity with more than 1,000 people.[175] Loudspeakers were set up outside the Temple so the overflowing crowd could listen[176] and a local television station broadcast the funeral live.[160]

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Among the civil rights leaders attending were John Lewis, , , James Farmer, Jesse Gray, and Andrew Young.[175] [177] Actor and activist delivered the eulogy, describing Malcolm X as "our shining black prince". There are those who will consider it their duty, as friends of the Negro people, to tell us to revile him, to flee, even from the presence of his memory, to save ourselves by writing him out of the history of our turbulent times. Many will ask what Harlem finds to honor in this stormy, controversial and bold young captain—and we will smile. Many will say turn away—away from this man, for he is not a man but a demon, a monster, a subverter and an enemy of the black man—and we will smile. They will say that he is of hate—a fanatic, a racist—who can only bring evil to the cause for which you struggle! And we will answer and say to them: Did you ever talk to Brother Malcolm? Did you ever touch him, or have him smile at you? Did you ever really listen to him? Did he ever do a mean thing? Was he ever himself associated with violence or any public disturbance? For if you did you would know him. And if you knew him you would know why we must honor him.[178] Malcolm X was buried at Ferncliff Cemetery in Hartsdale, New York.[160] At the gravesite after the ceremony, friends took the shovels from the waiting gravediggers and completed the burial themselves.[179] Actor and activist (wife of Ossie Davis) and Juanita Poitier (wife of Sidney Poitier) established the Committee of Concerned Mothers to raise funds to buy a house and pay educational expenses for Malcolm X's family.[180]

Responses to assassination Reactions to Malcolm X's assassination were varied. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. sent a telegram to Betty Shabazz, expressing his sadness over "the shocking and tragic assassination of your husband." While we did not always see eye to eye on methods to solve the race problem, I always had a deep affection for Malcolm and felt that he had a great ability to put his finger on the existence and root of the problem. He was an eloquent spokesman for his point of view and no one can honestly doubt that Malcolm had a great concern for the problems that we face as a race.[181] Elijah Muhammad told the annual Savior's Day convention on February 26, "Malcolm X got just what he preached."[182] "We didn't want to kill Malcolm and didn't try to kill him," Muhammad said. "We know such ignorant, foolish teachings would bring him to his own end."[183] The New York Times wrote that Malcolm X was "an extraordinary and twisted man" who "turn[ed] many true gifts to evil purpose" and that his life was "strangely and pitifully wasted".[160] The New York Post wrote that "even his sharpest critics recognized his brilliance—often wild, unpredictable and eccentric, but nevertheless possessing promise that must now remain unrealized."[184] The international press, particularly that of Africa, was sympathetic. The Daily Times of Nigeria wrote that Malcolm X "will have a place in the palace of martyrs."[185] The Ghanaian Times likened him to John Brown and Patrice Lumumba among "a host of Africans and Americans who were martyred in freedom's cause".[186] Guangming Daily, published in Beijing, stated that "Malcolm was murdered because he fought for freedom and equal rights",[187] while in Cuba, El Mundo described the assassination as "another racist crime to eradicate by violence the struggle against discrimination".[188]

Allegations of conspiracy Within days of the assassination, questions were raised about who bore ultimate responsibility. On February 23, James Farmer, the leader of the Congress of Racial Equality, announced at a news conference that local drug dealers, and not the Nation of Islam, were to blame.[189] Others accused the NYPD, the FBI, or the CIA, citing the lack of police protection, the ease with which the assassins entered the Audubon Ballroom, and the failure of the police to preserve the crime scene.[190] [191]

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In the 1970s, the public learned about COINTELPRO and other secret FBI programs directed towards infiltrating and disrupting civil rights organizations during the 1950s and 1960s.[192] John Ali, national secretary of the Nation of Islam, was identified as an FBI undercover agent.[193] Malcolm X had confided in a reporter that Ali exacerbated tensions between him and Elijah Muhammad. He considered Ali his "archenemy" within the Nation of Islam leadership.[193] On February 20, 1965, the night before the assassination, Ali met with Talmadge Hayer, one of the men convicted of killing Malcolm X.[194] In 1977 and 1978, Talmadge Hayer submitted two sworn affidavits re-asserting his claim that Butler and Johnson were not involved in the assassination. In his affidavits Hayer named four men, all members of the Nation of Islam's Newark Temple Number 25, as having participated with him in the crime. Hayer asserted that a man, later identified as Wilbur McKinley, shouted and threw a smoke bomb to create a diversion. Hayer said that another man, later identified as William Bradley, had a shotgun and was the first to fire on Malcolm X after the diversion. Hayer asserted that he and a man later identified as Leon Davis, both armed with pistols, fired on Malcolm X immediately after the shotgun blast. Hayer also said that a fifth man, later identified as Benjamin Thomas, was involved in the conspiracy.[195] [196] Hayer's statements failed to convince authorities to reopen their investigation of the murder.[197] Some, including the Shabazz family, have accused Louis Farrakhan of being involved in the plot to assassinate Malcolm X.[198] [199] [200] [201] In a 1993 speech, Farrakhan seemed to boast of the assassination: Was Malcolm your traitor or ours? And if we dealt with him like a nation deals with a traitor, what the hell business is it of yours? A nation has to be able to deal with traitors and cutthroats and turncoats.[202] [203]

In a 60 Minutes interview that aired during May 2000, Farrakhan stated that some of the things he said may have led to the assassination of Malcolm X. "I may have been complicit in words that I spoke", he said. "I acknowledge that and regret that any word that I have said caused the loss of life of a human being."[204] A few days later Farrakhan denied that he "ordered the assassination" of Malcolm X, although he again acknowledged that he "created the atmosphere that ultimately led to Malcolm X's assassination."[205] No consensus on who was responsible has been reached.[206]

Philosophy Except for his autobiography, Malcolm X left no published writings. His philosophy is known almost entirely from the myriad speeches and interviews he gave from 1952 until his death in 1965.[207] Many of those speeches, especially from the last year of his life, were recorded and have been published.[208]

Beliefs of the Nation of Islam Further information: Beliefs and theology of the Nation of Islam Before he left the Nation of Islam in 1964, Malcolm X taught its beliefs in his speeches. His speeches were peppered with the phrase "The Honorable Elijah Muhammad teaches us that...".[209] It is virtually impossible to discern whether Malcolm X's beliefs diverged from the teachings of the Nation of Islam.[210] [211] Malcolm X once compared himself to a ventriloquist's dummy who could only say what Elijah Muhammad told him.[209] Malcolm X taught that black people were the original people of the world,[84] and that white people were a race of devils who were created by an evil scientist named Yakub.[85] The Nation of Islam believed that black people were superior to white people, and that the demise of the white race was imminent.[86] When he was questioned concerning his statements that white people were devils, Malcolm X said that "history proves the white man is a devil."[212] He enumerated some of the historical reasons that, he felt, supported his argument: "Anybody who rapes, and plunders, and enslaves, and steals, and drops hell bombs on people... anybody who does these things is nothing but a devil."[213]

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Malcolm X said that Islam was the "true religion of black mankind" and that Christianity was "the white man's religion" that had been imposed upon African Americans by their slave-masters.[214] He said that the Nation of Islam followed Islam as it was practiced around the world, but the Nation's teachings varied from those of other Muslims because they were adapted to the "uniquely pitiful" condition of black people in America.[215] He taught that Wallace Fard Muhammad, the founder of the Nation, was Allah incarnate,[216] and that Elijah Muhammad was his Messenger, or prophet.[217] While the civil rights movement fought against racial segregation, Malcolm X advocated the complete separation of African Americans from white people. The Nation of Islam proposed the establishment of a separate country for black people in the Southern[87] or Southwestern United States[218] as an interim measure until African Americans could return to Africa.[88] Malcolm X suggested the United States government owed reparations to black people for the unpaid labor of their enslaved ancestors.[219] He also rejected the civil rights movement's strategy of nonviolence and instead advocated that black people use any necessary means of self-defense to protect themselves.[89]

Independent views

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X announced his willingness to work with leaders of the civil rights movement,[114] though he felt that it should change its focus to human rights. So long as the movement remained a fight for civil rights, its struggle would remain a domestic issue, but by framing the struggle as a fight for human rights, it would become an international issue, and the movement could bring its complaint before the United Nations. Malcolm X said the emerging nations of the world would add their support to the cause of African Americans.[220]

Malcolm X declared that he and the other members of the Organization of Afro-American Unity were determined to defend themselves from aggressors, and to secure freedom, justice and equality "by whatever means necessary", arguing that if the government was unwilling or unable to protect black people, they should protect themselves.[221] Malcolm X stressed the global perspective he gained from his Malcolm X at a 1964 press conference international travels. He emphasized the "direct connection" between the domestic struggle of African Americans for equal rights with the liberation struggles of Third World nations.[222] He said that African Americans were wrong when they thought of themselves as a minority; in a global context, black people were a majority, not a minority.[223] In his speeches at the Militant Labor Forum, which was sponsored by the Socialist Workers Party, Malcolm X criticized capitalism.[148] After one such speech, when he was asked what political and economic system he wanted, he said he didn't know, but that it was no coincidence the newly liberated countries in the Third World were turning toward socialism.[224] Malcolm X still was concerned primarily with the freedom struggle of African Americans. When a reporter asked him what he thought about socialism, Malcolm X asked whether it was good for black people. When the reporter told him it seemed to be, Malcolm X told him, "Then I'm for it."[224] [225] Although he no longer called for the separation of black people from white people, Malcolm X continued to advocate black nationalism, which he defined as self-determination for the African-American community.[226] In the last months of his life, however, Malcolm X began to reconsider his support of black nationalism after meeting northern African revolutionaries who, to all appearances, were white.[227] After his Hajj, Malcolm X articulated a view of white people and racism that represented a deep change from the philosophy he had supported as a minister of the Nation of Islam. In a famous letter from Mecca, he wrote that his

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experiences with white people during his pilgrimage convinced him to "rearrange" his thinking about race and "toss aside some of [his] previous conclusions".[228] In a 1965 conversation with Gordon Parks, two days before his assassination, Malcolm said: [L]istening to leaders like Nasser, Ben Bella, and Nkrumah awakened me to the dangers of racism. I realized racism isn't just a black and white problem. It's brought bloodbaths to about every nation on earth at one time or another. Brother, remember the time that white college girl came into the restaurant—the one who wanted to help the [Black] Muslims and the whites get together—and I told her there wasn't a ghost of a chance and she went away crying? Well, I've lived to regret that incident. In many parts of the African continent I saw white students helping black people. Something like this kills a lot of argument. I did many things as a [Black] Muslim that I'm sorry for now. I was a zombie then—like all [Black] Muslims—I was hypnotized, pointed in a certain direction and told to march. Well, I guess a man's entitled to make a fool of himself if he's ready to pay the cost. It cost me 12 years. That was a bad scene, brother. The sickness and madness of those days—I'm glad to be free of them.[229]

Legacy Malcolm X has been described as one of the greatest and most influential African Americans in history.[230] [231] [232] He is credited with raising the self-esteem of black Americans and reconnecting them with their African heritage.[233] He is largely responsible for the spread of Islam in the black community in the United States.[234] [235] [236] Many African Americans, especially those who lived in cities in the Northern and Western United States, felt that Malcolm X articulated their complaints concerning inequality better than the mainstream civil rights movement did.[91] [92] One biographer says that by giving expression to their frustration, Malcolm X "made clear the price that white America would have to pay if it did not accede to black America's legitimate demands."[237] In the late 1960s, as black activists became more radical, Malcolm X and his teachings were part of the foundation on which they built their movements. The Black Power movement,[61] [238] the Black Arts Movement,[61] [239] and the widespread adoption of the slogan ""[240] can all trace their roots to Malcolm X. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, there was a resurgence of interest in Malcolm X among young people fueled, in part, by his use as an icon by hip hop groups such as Public Enemy.[241] [242] Images of Malcolm X could be found on T-shirts and jackets.[243] Pictures of him were on display in hundreds of thousands of homes, offices, and schools.[244] This wave peaked in 1992 with the release of Malcolm X, a much-anticipated film adaptation of The Autobiography of Malcolm X.[245]

Portrayals in film and on stage The 1992 film Malcolm X was directed by Spike Lee and based on The Autobiography of Malcolm X. It starred Denzel Washington, with Angela Bassett as Betty Shabazz and Al Freeman, Jr., as Elijah Muhammad.[246] Critic Roger Ebert and director Martin Scorsese both named the film one of the ten best of the 1990s.[247] Washington had previously played the part of Malcolm X in the 1981 Off Broadway play When the Chickens Came Home to Roost.[248] Other actors who have portrayed Malcolm X include: • James Earl Jones, in the 1977 film The Greatest.[249] • Dick Anthony Williams, in the 1978 television miniseries King[250] and the 1989 American Playhouse production of the Jeff Stetson play The Meeting.[251] • Al Freeman, Jr., in the 1979 television miniseries Roots: The Next Generations.[252] • Morgan Freeman, in the 1981 television movie Death of a Prophet.[253] • Ben Holt, in the 1986 opera X, The Life and Times of Malcolm X at the New York City Opera.[254] • Gary Dourdan, in the 2000 television movie King of the World.[255]

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• Joe Morton, in the 2000 television movie Ali: An American Hero.[256] • Mario Van Peebles, in the 2001 film Ali.[257]

Memorials and tributes The Malcolm X House Site, at 3448 Pinkney Street in North Omaha, Nebraska, marks the place where Malcolm Little first lived with his family. The house where the Little family lived was torn down in 1965 by owners who did not know of its connection with Malcolm X.[258] The site was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1984 and a historic marker identifies the site because of the importance of Malcolm X to American history and national culture.[259] [260] In 1987 the site was added to the Nebraska register of historic sites and marked with a state plaque.[261] Lansing, Michigan, where Malcolm Little spent his early, formative years, is home to a Michigan Historical Marker erected in 1975 marking his homesite.[262] The city is also home to El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz Academy, a public charter school with an Afrocentric focus. The Academy is located in the building where Little attended elementary school.[263] In cities around the world, Malcolm X's birthday (May 19) is commemorated as . The first known celebration of Malcolm X Day took place in Washington, D.C., in 1971.[264] The city of Berkeley, California, has recognized Malcolm X's birthday as a citywide holiday since 1979.[265] Many cities have renamed streets after Malcolm X; in 1987, New York mayor Ed Koch proclaimed in Harlem to be Malcolm X Boulevard.[266] The name of Reid Street in Brooklyn, New York, was changed to Malcolm X Boulevard in 1985.[267] In 1997, Oakland Malcolm X Boulevard in New York City Avenue in Dallas, Texas, was renamed Malcolm X Boulevard.[268] Main Street in Lansing, Michigan, was renamed Malcolm X Street in 2010.[269]

There have been dozens of schools named after Malcolm X, including Malcolm X Shabazz High School in Newark, New Jersey,[270] Malcolm Shabazz City High School in Madison, Wisconsin,[271] and in Chicago, Illinois.[272] Meanwhile, the Malcolm X Library and Performing Arts Center of the San Diego Public Library system opened in 1996. It is the first library named after Malcolm X.[273] The U.S. Postal Service issued a Malcolm X postage stamp in 1999.[274] In 2005, Columbia University announced the opening of the Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center. The memorial is located in the Audubon Ballroom, where Malcolm X was assassinated.[275]

Published works • The Autobiography of Malcolm X. With the assistance of Alex Haley. New York: Grove Press, 1965. OCLC 219493184. • Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. George Breitman, ed. New York: Merit Publishers, 1965. OCLC 256095445. • Malcolm X Talks to Young People. New York: Young Socialist Alliance, 1965. OCLC 81990227. • Two Speeches by Malcolm X. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1965. OCLC 19464959. • Malcolm X on Afro-American History. New York: Merit Publishers, 1967. OCLC 78155009. • The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard. Archie Epps, ed. New York: Morrow, 1968. OCLC 185901618. • : Speeches, Interviews, and a Letter by Malcolm X. George Breitman, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970. OCLC 249307.

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• The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. Benjamin Karim, ed. New York: Press, 1971. OCLC 149849. • The Last Speeches. Bruce Perry, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1989. ISBN 978-0-87348-543-2. • Malcolm X Talks to Young People: Speeches in the United States, Britain, and Africa. Steve Clark, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1991. ISBN 978-0-87348-962-1. • February 1965: The Final Speeches. Steve Clark, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1992. ISBN 978-0-87348-749-8.

References

Footnotes [1] This name includes the honorific El-Hajj, which is given to a Muslim who has completed the Hajj to Mecca. Malise Ruthven (1997). Islam: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 147. ISBN 978-0-19-285389-9. [2] Perry, p. 2. [3] Perry, p. 3. [4] Natambu, p. 7. [5] Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 3–4. There have been many editions of The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Page numbers cited in the notes refer to the One World trade paperback edition (1992). [6] Natambu, p. 3. [7] Natambu, p. 6. [8] Perry, pp. 3–4. [9] Perry, pp. 2–3. [10] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 5. [11] Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 7, 10–11. [12] Perry, pp. 2, 4. [13] DeCaro, pp. 43–44. [14] Perry, p. 12. [15] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 29. [16] Natambu, p. 10. [17] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 32. [18] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 35. [19] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 35–36, 265. [20] Perry, pp. 33–34, 331. [21] Perry, p. 42. [22] Natambu, pp. 21–29. [23] Perry, pp. 32–48. [24] Natambu, pp. 30–31. [25] Perry, pp. 58–81. [26] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 65–66. [27] Perry, pp. 77, 82–83. [28] Carson, p. 108. [29] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 124. [30] Natambu, pp. 106–109. [31] Perry, p. 99. [32] Natambu, pp. 110–111. [33] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 67–68. [34] Perry, pp. 104–106. [35] Natambu, p. 121. [36] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 178; ellipsis in original. [37] Perry, pp. 108–110. [38] Perry, p. 118. [39] Natambu, pp. 127–128. [40] Natambu, p. 128. [41] Perry, p. 113. [42] Natambu, pp. 132–138. [43] Perry, pp. 113–114.

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[44] Natambu, pp. 138–139. [45] Perry, p. 116. [46] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 98. [47] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 199. [48] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 96. [49] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 229. [50] Perry, pp. 142, 144–145. [51] Natambu, p. 168. [52] The Nation of Islam numbered its Temples according to the order in which they were established. Perry, pp. 141–142. [53] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 104. [54] Perry, p. 147. [55] Perry, p. 152. [56] Perry, p. 153. [57] Perry, pp. 161–164. [58] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 95. [59] Carson, p. 95. [60] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 122–123. [61] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", p. 301. [62] Lincoln, p. 189. [63] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 127. [64] Perry, p. 164. [65] Perry, p. 165. [66] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 128. [67] Perry, p. 166. [68] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 132. [69] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 134–135. [70] Rickford, pp. 36–45, 50–51. [71] Rickford, pp. 61–63. [72] Shabazz, Betty, "Malcolm X as a Husband and Father", Clarke, pp. 132–134. [73] Rickford, pp. 73–74. [74] Rickford, pp. 109–110. [75] Rickford, p. 122. [76] Rickford, p. 123. [77] Rickford, p. 197. [78] Rickford, p. 286. [79] Perry, pp. 174–179. [80] Manning, Malcolm X, pp. 135, 193. [81] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 172. [82] Lincoln, p. 18. [83] Natambu, pp. 231–233. [84] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 55. [85] Perry, p. 115. [86] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 57. [87] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 149–152. [88] Malcolm X, End of White World Supremacy, p. 78. [89] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 173–174. [90] Natambu, p. 182. [91] Cone, pp. 99–100. [92] West, Cornel (1984). "The Paradox of the Afro-American Rebellion". In Sayres, Sohnya; Stephanson, Anders; Aronowitz, Stanley et al.. The 60s Without Apology. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-8166-1336-6. [93] Natambu, pp. 215–216.

[94] "The Black Supremacists" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,811191-1,00. html). TIME. August 10, 1959. . Retrieved July 28, 2009. [95] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 172. [96] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 79–80. [97] Perry, p. 203. [98] King expressed mixed feelings toward Malcolm X. "He is very articulate, ... but I totally disagree with many of his political and philosophical views... I don't want to seem to sound self-righteous, ... or that I think I have the only truth, the only way. Maybe he does have some of the answer... I have often wished that he would talk less of violence, because violence is not going to solve our problem. And in his

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litany of articulating the despair of the Negro without offering any positive, creative alternative, I feel that Malcolm has done himself and our people a great disservice... [U]rging Negroes to arm themselves and prepare to engage in violence, as he has done, can reap nothing but grief."

Haley, Alex (January 1965). "The Playboy Interview: Martin Luther King" (http:/ / www. playboy. com/ arts-entertainment/ features/ mlk/

index. html). Playboy. . Retrieved February 2, 2009. [99] Cone, p. 113.

[100] "Timeline" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ malcolmx/ timeline/ timeline2. html). Malcolm X: Make It Plain, American Experience. PBS. May 19, 2005. . Retrieved July 27, 2008. [101] Cone, p. 91. [102] Lomax. When the Word Is Given. pp. 15–16. "Estimates of the Black Muslim membership vary from a quarter of a million down to fifty thousand. Available evidence indicates that about one hundred thousand Negroes have joined the movement at one time or another, but few objective observers believe that the Black Muslims can muster more than twenty or twenty-five thousand active temple people." [103] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 123. [104] Clegg. p. 115. "The common response of Malcolm X to questions about numbers—'Those who know aren't saying, and those who say don't know'—was typical of the attitude of the leadership." [105] Natambu, pp. 296–297. [106] Ali, Muhammad (2004). The Soul of a Butterfly: Reflections on Life's Journey. with Hana Yasmeen Ali. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-7432-5569-1. [107] Perry, p. 214. [108] Haley, "Epilogue", Autobiography, p. 471. [109] Perry, p. 375.

[110] Gray, Paul (June 8, 1998). "Required Reading: Nonfiction Books" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,988496,00. html). TIME. . Retrieved April 25, 2010.

[111] "Malcolm X Scores U.S. and Kennedy" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=FB0812FE35541A7B93C0A91789D95F478685F9). The New York Times. December 2, 1963. p. 21. . Retrieved July 28, 2008. (subscription required) [112] Natambu, pp. 288–290. [113] Perry, p. 242.

[114] Handler, M. S. (March 9, 1964). "Malcolm X Splits with Muhammad" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F00D17FB395415738DDDA00894DB405B848AF1D3). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 1, 2008. (subscription required) [115] Perry, pp. 230–234 [116] Perry, pp. 251–252. [117] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 18–22. [118] Perry, pp. 294–296. [119] Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, pp. 33–67. [120] Cone. p. 2. "There was no time for substantive discussions between the two. They were photographed greeting each other warmly, smiling and shaking hands." [121] Perry. p. 255. "Camera shutters clicked. The next day, the Chicago Sun-Times, the New York World Telegram and Sun, and other dailies carried a picture of Malcolm and Martin shaking hands." [122] Perry, pp. 257–259. [123] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 23–44. [124] Perry, p. 261. [125] Perry, pp. 262–263. [126] DeCaro, p. 204. [127] Perry, pp. 263–265. [128] Perry, pp. 265–266. [129] Perry, p. 267. [130] Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 388–393. [131] Natambu, pp. 304–305. [132] Natambu, p. 308. [133] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 62. [134] Natambu, p. 303. [135] Perry, p. 269. [136] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 403. [137] Carson, p. 305. [138] Bethune, Lebert, "Malcolm X in Europe", Clarke, pp. 226–231. [139] Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, pp. 113–126. [140] Bethune, "Malcolm X in Europe", Clarke, pp. 231–233.

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[141] Malcolm X (December 3, 1964). "Malcolm X Oxford Debate" (http:/ / www. brothermalcolm. net/ 2003/ mx_oxford/ index. html). Malcolm X: A Research Site. . Retrieved July 30, 2008. [142] Carson, p. 349. [143] Perry, p. 351. [144] Natambu, p. 312.

[145] Kundnani, Arun (February 10, 2005). "Black British History: Remembering Malcolm's Visit to Smethwick" (http:/ / www. irr. org. uk/

2005/ february/ ak000010. html). Independent Race and Refugee News Network. Institute of Race Relations. . Retrieved July 30, 2008. [146] Terrill, p. 9. [147] Karim, p. 128. [148] Perry, pp. 277–278. [149] Karim, pp. 159–160. [150] Massaquoi, Hans J. (September 1964). "Mystery of Malcolm X". Ebony.

[151] Lord, Lewis; Thornton, Jeannye; Bodipo-Memba, Alejandro (November 15, 1992). "The Legacy of Malcolm X" (http:/ / www. usnews.

com/ usnews/ culture/ articles/ 921123/ archive_018698. htm). U.S. News & World Report. p. 3. . Retrieved June 2, 2010. [152] Kondo, p. 170.

[153] Majied, Eugene (April 10, 1964). "On My Own" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ ccbh/ mxp/ images/ sourcebook_img_111. jpg). Muhammad Speaks. Nation of Islam. . Retrieved August 1, 2008. [154] Evanzz, p. 248. [155] Evanzz, p. 264. [156] Carson, p. 473. [157] Carson, p. 324. [158] Perry, pp. 290–292. [159] Perry, pp. 352–356.

[160] Kihss, Peter (February 22, 1965). "Malcolm X Shot to Death at Rally Here" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=FA0A15F63F5812738DDDAB0A94DA405B858AF1D3). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 1, 2008. (subscription required) [161] Karim, p. 191. [162] Evanzz, p. 295. [163] In his Epilogue to The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Alex Haley wrote that Malcolm said, "Hold it! Hold it! Don't get excited. Let's cool it brothers." (p. 499.) According to a transcription of a recording of the shooting, Malcolm's only words were, "Hold it!", which he repeated 10 times. (DeCaro, p. 274.) [164] Perry, p. 366. [165] Perry, pp. 366–367. [166] Kondo, p. 97. [167] Kondo, p. 110. [168] Rickford, p. 289.

[169] "Malcolm X Killer Heads Mosque" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 71838. stm). BBC News. March 31, 1998. . Retrieved August 1, 2008.

[170] Jacobson, Mark (October 1, 2007). "The Man Who Didn't Shoot Malcolm X" (http:/ / nymag. com/ news/ features/ 38358/ ). New York. . Retrieved August 1, 2008. [171] Marable, Malcolm X, p. 474. [172] Rickford, p. 489 [173] Marable, Malcolm X, pp. 474–475. [174] Perry, p. 374. Alex Haley, in his Epilogue to The Autobiography of Malcolm X, says 22,000 (p. 519). [175] Rickford, p. 252. [176] DeCaro, p. 291 [177] DeCaro, p. 290.

[178] Davis, Ossie (February 27, 1965). "Malcolm X's Eulogy" (http:/ / www. malcolmx. com/ about/ eulogy. html). The Official Website of Malcolm X. . Retrieved September 6, 2009. [179] Rickford, p. 255 [180] Rickford, pp. 261–262.

[181] King, Jr., Martin Luther (February 26, 1965). "Telegram from Martin Luther King, Jr. to Betty al-Shabazz" (http:/ / mlk-kpp01. stanford.

edu/ index. php/ encyclopedia/ documentsentry/ telegram_from_martin_luther_king_jr_to_betty_al_shabazz/ ). The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute. . Retrieved March 21, 2010. [182] Evanzz, p. 301. [183] Clegg, p. 232. [184] Rickford, p. 247. [185] Evanzz, p. 305.

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[186] Kenworthy, E. W. (February 26, 1965). "Malcolm Called a Martyr Abroad" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F20D15F73F5812738DDDAF0A94DA405B858AF1D3). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 2, 2008. (subscription required) [187] Evanzz, p. 306. [188] Rickford, p. 248. [189] Perry, p. 371. [190] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", pp. 305–306. [191] Perry, p. 372. [192] Kondo, pp. 7–39. [193] Lomax, To Kill a Black Man, p. 198. [194] Evanzz, p. 294. [195] Bush, Roderick (1999). We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century. New York: Press. p. 179. ISBN 978-0-8147-1317-4. [196] Friedly, Michael (1992). Malcolm X: The Assassination. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 978-0-88184-922-6. [197] Gardell, Mattias (1996). In the Name of Elijah Muhammad: Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam. Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-0-8223-1845-3. [198] Rickford, pp. 437, 492–495. [199] Evanzz, pp. 298–299. [200] Kondo, pp. 182–183, 193–194. [201] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", p. 305. [202] Rickford, p. 492.

[203] Wartofsky, Alona (February 17, 1995). "'Brother Minister: The Martyrdom of Malcolm X'" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-srv/

style/ longterm/ movies/ videos/ brotherministerthemartyrdomofmalcolmx_c0098f. htm). . . Retrieved August 1, 2008.

[204] "Farrakhan Admission on Malcolm X" (http:/ / www. cbsnews. com/ stories/ 2000/ 05/ 10/ 60minutes/ main194051. shtml). 60 Minutes. CBS News. May 14, 2000. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[205] "Farrakhan Responds to Media Attacks" (http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ columns/ mlf/ 2000/ mlf-60minutes05-15-2000. html). The Final Call. May 15, 2000. . Retrieved August 2, 2008. [206] Natambu, pp. 315–316. [207] Kelley, Robin D. G. (1999). "Malcolm X". Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books. p. 1233. [208] Terrill, pp. 15–16. [209] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 80–81. [210] Terrill, p. 184. [211] Lomax. When the Word Is Given. p. 91. "'I'll be honest with you,' Malcolm X said to me. 'Everybody is talking about differences between the Messenger and me. It is absolutely impossible for us to differ.'" [212] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 67. [213] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 171. [214] Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 24, 137–138. [215] Malcolm X, Speeches at Harvard, p. 119. [216] DeCaro, pp. 166–167. [217] Malcolm X told Lewis Lomax that "The Messenger is the Prophet of Allah" (Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 80). On another occasion, he said "We never refer to the Honorable Elijah Muhammad as a prophet" (Malcolm X, Last Speeches, p. 46). [218] Lincoln, p. 95. [219] Lincoln, p. 96. [220] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 33–35. [221] Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, pp. 43, 47. [222] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, p. 90. [223] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, p. 117. [224] Cone, p. 284. [225] Perry, p. 277. [226] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 38–41. [227] Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 212–213. [228] Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 391. [229] Parks, Gordon, "Malcolm X: The Minutes of Our Last Meeting", Clarke, p. 122. [230] Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amhert, N.Y.: Prometheus Books. p. 333. ISBN 978-1-57392-963-9. [231] Marable, Manning; Nishani Frazier, John Campbell McMillian (2003). Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Documentary History of the African American Experience. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 251. ISBN 978-0-231-10890-4.

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[232] Salley, Columbus (1999). The Black 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential African-Americans, Past and Present. New York: Citadel Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-0-8065-2048-3. [233] Cone, pp. 291–292. [234] Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (2002). The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity. New York: HarperCollins. p. 97. ISBN 978-0-06-073064-2. [235] Perry, p. 379. [236] Turner, Richard Brent (2004). "Islam in the African-American Experience". In Bobo, Jacqueline; Hudley, Cynthia; Michel, Claudine. The Black Studies Reader. New York: Routledge. p. 445. ISBN 978-0-415-94554-7. [237] Perry, p. 380. [238] Sales, p. 187 [239] Woodard, Komozi (1999). A Nation Within a Nation: Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones) & Black Power Politics. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-8078-4761-9. [240] Cone, p. 291. [241] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", pp. 301–302. [242] Sales, p. 5. [243] Sales, p. 3. [244] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", p. 302. [245] Sales, p. 4.

[246] "Malcolm X" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0104797/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

[247] Anderson, Jeffrey M. "The Best Films of the 1990s" (http:/ / www. combustiblecelluloid. com/ bestof90s. shtml). Combustible Celluloid. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[248] Rich, Frank (July 15, 1981). "The Stage: Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad" (http:/ / theater2. nytimes. com/ mem/ theater/ treview. html?res=9D0CE5DA1F38F936A25754C0A967948260). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

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[250] "King" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0077038/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

[251] Goodman, Walter (May 3, 1989). "An Imaginary Meeting of Dr. King and Malcolm X" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=950DEED91E31F930A35756C0A96F948260). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[252] "Roots: The Next Generations" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0078678/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

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[254] Henahan, Donal (September 29, 1986). "Opera: Anthony Davis's 'X (The Life and Times of Malcolm X)'" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/

gst/ fullpage. html?res=9A0DE3DE1631F93AA1575AC0A960948260). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 9, 2008.

[255] "King of the World" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0219857/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

[256] "Ali: An American Hero" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0229973/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

[257] "Ali" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0248667/ ). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved February 26, 2009.

[258] McMorris, Robert (March 11, 1989). "Empty Lot Holds Dreams for Rowena Moore" (http:/ / www. brothermalcolm. net/ 2002/ omaha/

jpeg/ moore1. jpg). Omaha World-Herald. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[259] "National Register of Historic Places – Nebraska, Douglas County" (http:/ / www. nationalregisterofhistoricplaces. com/ ne/ Douglas/

state2. html). National Register of Historic Places. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[260] "More Nebraska National Register Sites in Douglas County" (http:/ / www. nebraskahistory. org/ histpres/ nebraska/ douglas2. htm). Nebraska State Historical Society. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[261] "Nebraska Historical Marker" (http:/ / www. brothermalcolm. net/ 2002/ omaha/ jpeg/ marker1. jpg). Malcolm X: A Research Site. . Retrieved August 2, 2008.

[262] "Malcolm X Homesite" (http:/ / www. michmarkers. com/ startup. asp?startpage=S0455. htm). Michigan Historical Markers. . Retrieved August 30, 2009. [263] Yancey, Patty (2000). "We Hold on to Our Kids, We Hold on Tight: Tandem Charters in Michigan". In Fuller, Bruce. Inside Charter Schools: The Paradox of Radical Decentralization. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-674-00325-5. [264] Gay, Kathlyn (2007). African-American Holidays, Festivals and Celebrations. Detroit: Omnigraphics. p. 284. ISBN 978-0-7808-0779-2.

[265] Thaai, Walker (May 20, 2005). "Berkeley Honors Controversial Civil Rights Figure" (http:/ / www. accessmylibrary. com/ coms2/ summary_0286-6597411_ITM). San Jose Mercury News. . Retrieved August 28, 2009. (subscription required) [266] Rickford, p. 443. [267] Rickford, p. 419.

[268] Scoville, Jen (December 1997). "The Big Beat" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20041229062251/ http:/ / www. texasmonthly. com/ ranch/

bigbeat/ beat. edec. 97. php). Texas Monthly. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. texasmonthly. com/ ranch/ bigbeat/ beat. edec. 97. php) on December 29, 2004. . Retrieved October 5, 2009.

[269] Vela, Susan (September 14, 2010). "Malcolm X, Cesar Chavez Get Nods for Lansing Street, Plaza Names" (http:/ / pqasb. pqarchiver. com/

lansingstatejournal/ access/ 2137367801. html?FMT=ABS& date=Sep+ 14,+ 2010). Lansing State Journal. . Retrieved April 23, 2011. (subscription required)

[270] Lee, Felicia R. (May 15, 1993). "Newark Students, Both Good and Bad, Make Do" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9F0CEFDC153CF936A25756C0A965958260). The New York Times. . Retrieved August 8, 2008.

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[271] Hunt, Lori Bona (February 26, 1991). "Malcolm X's Widow Sees Signs of Hope" (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?nid=1499&

dat=19910226& id=F6AaAAAAIBAJ& sjid=ZiwEAAAAIBAJ& pg=6890,3084158). Milwaukee Journal. . Retrieved March 21, 2010.

[272] Witkowsky, Kathy (Spring 2000). "A Day in the Life" (http:/ / www. highereducation. org/ crosstalk/ ct0500/ news0500-citycollege1. shtml). National CrossTalk. . Retrieved August 8, 2008.

[273] Flynn, Pat (January 7, 1996). "Big Crowd Welcomes New Library Warmly" (http:/ / pqasb. pqarchiver. com/ sandiego/ access/

1242579811. html?dids=1242579811:1242579811& FMT=ABS& FMTS=ABS:FT). The San Diego Union-Tribune. . Retrieved August 25, 2010. (subscription required) [274] Marable, "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life", pp. 303–304.

[275] "Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center Launches" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ news/ 05/ 05/ malcolm. html). Columbia University. May 17, 2005. . Retrieved August 8, 2008.

Works cited • Carson, Clayborne (1991). Malcolm X: The FBI File. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 978-0-88184-758-1. • Clarke, John Henrik, ed (1990) [1969]. Malcolm X: The Man and His Times. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 978-0-86543-201-7. • Clegg III, Claude Andrew (1997). An Original Man: The Life and Times of Elijah Muhammad. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. ISBN 978-0-312-18153-6. • Cone, James H. (1991). Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. ISBN 978-0-88344-721-5. • DeCaro, Jr., Louis A. (1996). On the Side of My People: A Religious Life of Malcolm X. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-1864-3. • Dyson, Michael Eric (1995). Making Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-509235-6. • Evanzz, Karl (1992). The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 978-1-56025-049-4. • Karim, Benjamin; with Peter Skutches and David Gallen (1992). Remembering Malcolm. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 978-0-88184-881-6. • Kondo, Zak A. (1993). Conspiracys: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X. Washington, D.C.: Nubia Press. OCLC 28837295. • Lincoln, C. Eric (1961). The Black Muslims in America. Boston: Beacon Press. OCLC 422580. • Lomax, Louis E. (1987) [1968]. To Kill a Black Man: The Shocking Parallel in the Lives of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. Los Angeles: Holloway House. ISBN 978-0-87067-731-1. • Lomax, Louis E. (1963). When the Word Is Given: A Report on Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, and the Black Muslim World. Cleveland: World Publishing. OCLC 1071204. • Malcolm X; with the assistance of Alex Haley (1992) [1965]. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. New York: One World. ISBN 978-0-345-37671-8. • Malcolm X (1989) [1970]. By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews, and a Letter by Malcolm X. George Breitman, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press. ISBN 978-0-87348-150-2. • Malcolm X (1989) [1971]. The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. Benjamin Karim, ed. New York: Arcade. ISBN 978-1-55970-006-1. • Malcolm X (1990) [1965]. Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. George Breitman, ed. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. ISBN 978-0-8021-3213-0. • Malcolm X (1991) [1968]. The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard. Archie Epps, ed. New York: Paragon House. ISBN 978-1-55778-479-7. • Marable, Manning (2011). Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. New York: Viking. ISBN 978-0-670-02220-5. • Marable, Manning (2009). "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life: A Historian's Adventures in Living History". In Marable, Manning; Aidi, Hishaam D. Black Routes to Islam. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-8400-5. • Natambu, Kofi (2002). The Life and Work of Malcolm X. Indianapolis: Alpha Books. ISBN 978-0-02-864218-5.

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• Perry, Bruce (1991). Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Barrytown, N.Y.: Station Hill. ISBN 978-0-88268-103-0. • Rickford, Russell J. (2003). Betty Shabazz: A Remarkable Story of Survival and Faith Before and After Malcolm X. Naperville, Ill.: Sourcebooks. ISBN 978-1-4022-0171-4. • Sales, Jr., William W. (1994). From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Boston: South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-480-3. • Terrill, Robert (2004). Malcolm X: Inventing Radical Judgment. Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Press. ISBN 978-0-87013-730-3. • Wood, Joe, ed (1992). Malcolm X: In Our Image. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-06609-3.

Further reading • Baldwin, James (2007) [1973]. One Day, When I Was Lost: A Scenario Based on Alex Haley's "The Autobiography of Malcolm X". New York: Vintage. ISBN 978-0-307-27594-3. • Breitman, George (1967). The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary. New York: Pathfinder Press. ISBN 978-0-87348-004-8. • Breitman, George; Porter, Herman; Smith, Baxter (1991) [1976]. The Assassination of Malcolm X. New York: Pathfinder Press. ISBN 978-0-87348-632-3. • Cleage, Albert B.; Breitman, George (1968). Myths About Malcolm X: Two Views. New York: Merit. OCLC 615819. • Collins, Rodnell P. (1998). Seventh Child: A Family Memoir of Malcolm X. Secaucus, N.J.: Birch Lane Press. ISBN 978-1-55972-491-3. • Conyers, Jr., James L.; Smallwood, Andrew P., eds (2008). Malcolm X: A Historical Reader. Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-89089-228-2. • DeCaro, Louis A. (1998). Malcolm and the Cross: The Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, and Christianity. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-1932-9. • Friedly, Michael (1995). Malcolm X: The Assassination. New York: One World. ISBN 978-0-345-40010-9. • Gallen, David, ed (1992). Malcolm X: As They Knew Him. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 978-0-88184-850-2. • Goldman, Peter (1979) [1973]. The Death and Life of Malcolm X. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-00774-3. • Jamal, Hakim A. (1972). From The Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-46234-9. • Jenkins, Robert L. (2002). The Malcolm X Encyclopedia. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-29264-4. • Kly, Yussuf Naim, ed (1986). The Black Book: The True Political Philosophy of Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik El Shabazz). Atlanta: Clarity Press. ISBN 978-0-932863-03-4. • Leader, Edward Roland (1993). Understanding Malcolm X: The Controversial Changes in His Political Philosophy. New York: Vantage Press. ISBN 978-0-533-09520-9. • Lee, Spike; with Ralph Wiley (1992). By Any Means Necessary: The Trials and Tribulations of the Making of Malcolm X. New York: Hyperion. ISBN 978-1-56282-913-1. • Shabazz, Ilyasah; with Kim McLarin (2002). : A Memoir by the Daughter of Malcolm X. New York: One World. ISBN 978-0-345-44495-0. • Strickland, William; et al. (1994). Malcolm X: Make It Plain. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-017713-8. • Terrill, Robert, ed (2010). The Cambridge Companion to Malcolm X. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-73157-7. • T'Shaka, Oba (1983). The Political Legacy of Malcolm X. Richmond, Calif.: Pan Afrikan Publications. ISBN 978-1-878557-01-8.

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• Wolfenstein, Eugene Victor (1989). The Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution. London: Free Association Books. ISBN 978-1-85343-111-1.

External links

• The Official Web Site of Malcolm X (http:/ / www. malcolmx. com)

• Malcolm X: Make It Plain (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ malcolmx/ index. html)

• malcolm-x.org (http:/ / www. malcolm-x. org/ )

• Malcolm X: A Profile (http:/ / www. koranselskab. dk/ profiler/ malcolmx. htm)

• The Malcolm X Project at Columbia University (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ ccbh/ mxp/ index. html)

• Malcolm X Reference Archive (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ archive/ malcolm-x/ index. htm)

• Malcolm X: A Research Site (http:/ / www. brothermalcolm. net/ )

• Works by or about Malcolm X (http:/ / worldcat. org/ identities/ lccn-n79-148296) in libraries (WorldCat catalog) Interviews

• Interview with Dr. Kenneth Clark, Spring 1963 (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ mlk/ sfeature/

sf_video_pop_03_tr_qry. html)

• Playboy interview with Alex Haley, May 1963 (http:/ / www. playboy. com/ articles/ malcolm-x-interview / )

• Video interview with Herman Blake, October 1963 (http:/ / sunsite. berkeley. edu/ videodir/ asx2/ malcolm. asx)

• Interview with Louis Lomax, from When the Word Is Given (December 1963) (http:/ / teachingamericanhistory.

org/ library/ index. asp?document=539)

• Interview with A.B. Spellman, May 1964 (http:/ / monthlyreview. org/ 564mx. htm)

• CBC television interview, January 1965 (http:/ / archives. cbc. ca/ on_this_day/ 02/ 21/ 13070/ ) Speeches

• "By Any Means Necessary", June 1964 (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2010/ 2/ 22/ malcolm_x_by_any_means_necessary) (Video) Other links

• Malcolm X's FBI file: Part 1 (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ Malcolm X), Part 2 (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ malcolm-little-malcolm-x)

• The Smoking Gun: The Malcolm X Files (http:/ / www. thesmokinggun. com/ malcolmx/ malcolmx. html)

• Malcolm X's gravesite (http:/ / www. findagrave. com/ cgi-bin/ fg. cgi?page=gr& GRid=1134)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black nationalism 93 Black nationalism

Black nationalism (BN) advocates a racial definition (or redefinition) of indigenous national identity, as opposed to multiculturalism. There are different indigenous nationalist philosophies but the principles of all African nationalist ideologies are unity, and self-determination or independence from European society. Martin Delany is considered to be the grandfather of African nationalism.[1] Inspired by the apparent success of the Haitian Revolution, the origins of African indigenous nationalism in political thought lie in the 19th century with people like Marcus Garvey, Henry McNeal Turner, Martin Delany, Henry Highland Garnet, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Paul Cuffe, etc. The repatriation of African American slaves to Liberia or Sierra Leone was a common African nationalist theme in the 19th century. Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association of the 1910s and 1920s was the most powerful black nationalist movement to date, claiming 11 million members. According to Wilson Jeremiah Moses in his famous work Classical Black Nationalism, African nationalism as a philosophy can be examined from three different periods giving rise to various ideological perspectives for what we can today consider what African nationalism really is. The first period was pre-Classical African nationalism beginning from the time the Africans were brought ashore in the Americas up to the Revolutionary period. The second period began after the Revolutionary War, when a sizable number of Africans in the colonies, particularly in New England and Pennsylvania, were literate and had become disgusted with the social conditions that arose out of Enlightenment ideas. We find in such historical personalities as Prince Hall, Richard Allen, and Absalom Jones a need to found certain organizations as the Free African Society, African Masonic lodges and Church Institutions. These institutions would serve as early foundations to developing independent and separate organizations. The third period of African nationalism arose during the Post-Reconstruction Era, especially among various African-American clergy circles. Separate circles had already been established and were accepted by African-Americans because of the overt oppression that had existed since the inception of the United States. This latter phenomenon led to the birth of modern African nationalism which stresses the need to separate and build separate communities that promote strong racial pride and which collectivize resources. This ideology has become the philosophy of groups like the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation of Islam. Although, the Sixties brought on a heightened period of religious, cultural and political nationalism, African nationalism would later influence afrocentricity.

Background

Marcus Garvey Marcus Garvey encouraged African people the world around to be proud of their race and to see beauty in their own kind. A central idea to Garveyism was that African people in every part of the world were one people and they would never advance if they did not put aside their cultural and ethnic differences and contrast. Although Garvey was a supporter of racial separatism, he made it clear that he held no hostility towards whites and believed in the equality of all human beings. Garvey set the precedent for subsequent African nationalist and pan-Africanist thought including that of Kwame Nkrumah (and several other African leaders) the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X and most notably, Carlos Cooks (who is considered the ideological son of Marcus Garvey) and his African Nationalist Pioneer Movement as manzi maringo prove it. Marcus Garvey's beliefs are articulated in The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey as well as Message To The People: The Course of African Philosophy.

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Malcolm X Between 1953 and 1965, while most African leaders worked in the civil rights movement to integrate African people into mainstream American life, Malcolm X preached independence, so strongly that he became known as "King of the Black People". He maintained that Western culture, and the Judeo-Christian religious traditions on which it is based, was inherently racist. Constantly ridiculing mainstream civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X declared that nonviolence was the "philosophy of the fool," and that to achieve anything, the black man must rise. In response to Reverend King's famous "I Have a Dream" speech, Malcolm X quipped, "While King was having a dream, the rest of us Negroes are having a nightmare." Malcolm X believed that African people must develop their own society and ethical values, including the self-help, community-based enterprises, such as the Alcoholics Anonymous, that the black Muslims supported. He also thought that African Americans should reject integration or cooperation with European Americans until they could achieve cooperation among themselves. Malcolm called for a "black revolution." He declared there "would be bloodshed" if the racism problem in America remained ignored, and he renounced any sort of "compromise" with whites. After taking part in a Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), he recanted extremist opinions in favor of mainstream Islam and ["true brotherhood"], and was soon after assassinated during a speech held at The Audubon Ballroom, NYC. Upon his return from Mecca, Malcolm X abandoned his commitment to racial separatism; however, he was still in favour of African nationalism and advocated that African people in the U.S. be self-reliant. The beliefs of post-Mecca Malcolm X are articulated in the charter of his Organization of Afro-American Unity (an African nationalist group patterned after the Organization of African Unity), and his inspiration of the Black Panther movement.

Frantz Fanon While in France Frantz Fanon wrote his first book, Black Skin, White Mask, an analysis of the impact of colonial subjugation on the African psyche. This book was a very personal account of Fanon’s experience being black: as a man, an intellectual, and a party to a French education. Although Fanon wrote the book while still in France, most of his other work was written while in North Africa (in particular Algeria). It was during this time that he produced his greatest works, A Dying Colonialism and perhaps the most important work on decolonization yet written, The Wretched of the Earth.. In it, Fanon lucidly analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for national liberation. In this seminal work Fanon expounded his views on the liberating role of violence for the colonized, as well as the general necessity of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. Both books firmly established Fanon in the eyes of much of the Third World as the leading anti-colonial thinker of the 20th century. In 1959 he compiled his essays on Algeria in a book called L'An Cinq: De la Révolution Algérienne.

Black Power Black Power was a political movement expressing a new racial consciousness among African people in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. The slogan, "Black Power", was coined and popularized by Kwame Ture, formerly known as Stokely Carmichael. Black Power represented both a conclusion to the decade's civil rights movement and an alternative means of combating the racism that persisted despite the efforts of African activists during the early 1960s. The meaning of Black Power was debated vigorously while the movement was in progress. To some it represented African-Americans' insistence on racial dignity and self-reliance, which was usually interpreted as economic and political independence, as well as freedom from White authority. These themes had been advanced most forcefully in the early 1960s by Malcolm X. He argued that African people should focus on improving their own communities, rather than striving for complete integration, and that black

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people had a duty to defend themselves against violent assaults. The publication of The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965) created further support for the idea of African-American self-determination and had a strong influence on the emerging leaders of the Black Power movement. Other interpreters of Black Power emphasized the cultural heritage of black people, especially the African roots of their identity. This view encouraged study and celebration of African history and culture. In the late 1960s African American college students requested curricula in African-American studies that explored their distinctive culture and history. Still another view of Black Power likened it to Anti-imperialism which called for a revolutionary political struggle to reject racism, economic exploitation and colonialism globally. This interpretation encouraged the alliance of non-whites, including Hispanics and Asians, to improve the quality of their lives.

Uhuru Movement The Uhuru Movement is the largest contemporary African American movement advocating African nationalism and was founded in the 1980s in St. Petersburg, Florida. Composed mainly of the African People's Socialist Party, the Uhuru Movement also includes other organizations based in both Africa and the United States. These organizations are in the process of establishing a broader organization called the African Socialist International. "Uhuru" is the Swahili word for freedom.

Criticism Critics charge that African nationalism is simply black in disguise, and some argue that the implication of inherent cultures or unity based on race (a central idea of African nationalism) is itself racist. Norm R. Allen, Jr., former executive director of Council for Secular Humanism, calls African nationalism a "strange mixture of profound thought and patent nonsense". On the one hand, Reactionary African Nationalists (RBNs) advocate self-love, self-respect, self-acceptance, self-help, pride, unity, and so forth - much like the right-wingers who promote "traditional family values." But - also like the holier-than-thou right-wingers - RBNs promote bigotry, intolerance, hatred, sexism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, pseudo-science, irrationality, dogmatic historical revisionism, violence, and so forth.[2] Allen further criticizes black nationalists' strong "attraction for hardened prisoners and ex-cons", their encouragement of African American-on-African American violence when African American individuals or groups are branded as "Toms", traitors, or "sellouts", the blatantly sexist stance and the similarities to white supremacist ideologies: Many RBNs routinely preach hate. Just as white supremacists have referred to African Americans as "devils," so have many RBNs referred to whites. White supremacists have verbally attacked gays, as have RBNs. White supremacists embrace paranoid conspiracy theories, as do their African counterparts. Many white supremacists and RBNs consistently deny that they are preaching hate and blame the mainstream media for misrepresenting them. (A striking exception is the NOI's Khallid Muhammad, who, according to Gates, admitted in a taped speech titled "No Love for the Other Side," "Never will I say I am not anti-Semitic. I pray that God will kill my enemy and take him off the face of the planet.") Rather, they claim they are teaching "truth" and advocating the love of their own people, as though love of self and hatred of others are mutually exclusive positions. On the contrary, RBNs preach love of self and hatred of their enemies. (Indeed, it often seems that these groups are motivated more by hatred of their enemies than love of their people.)[2] Nigerian-born professor of History and Director of the African American Studies program at the University of Montana, Tunde Adeleke, argues in his book "UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century African Nationalists and

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the Civilizing Mission" that 19th-century African American nationalism embodied the racist and paternalistic values of Euro-American culture and that African nationalist plans were not designed for the immediate benefit of Africans but to enhance their own fortunes.[3] Adeleke further criticizes the imperial motives and the concept of a "civilizing mission" operating within the African nationalist thought which aided in "shaping and legitimizing European imperialism of Africa".

References

[1] Libraries.wvu.edu (http:/ / www. libraries. wvu. edu/ delany/ home. htm)

[2] Document sans titre (http:/ / perso. orange. fr/ centralparkattacks/ ref11. html)

[3] University Press of Kentucky (http:/ / www. kentuckypress. com/ viewbook. cfm?Category_ID=1& Group=2& ID=644)

Further reading • Moses, Wilson. Classical Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey (1996) excerpt

and text search (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ Classical-Black-Nationalism-American-Revolution/ dp/

081475533X/ ) • Price, Melanye T. Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion (2009) excerpt

and a text search (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ Dreaming-Blackness-Nationalism-African-American/ dp/

0814767451/ ) • Taylor, James Lance. Black Nationalism in the United States: From Malcolm X to Barack Obama (Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2011) 414 pages • Van Deburg, William. Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan (1996)

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) ( /ˈsnɪk/) was one of the principal organizations of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. It emerged from a series of student meetings led by held at Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina in April 1960. SNCC grew into a large organization with many supporters in the North who helped raise funds to support SNCC's work in the South, allowing full-time SNCC workers to have a $10 a week salary. Many unpaid volunteers also worked with SNCC on projects in Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Arkansas, and Maryland. SNCC played a major role in the sit-ins and freedom rides, a leading role in the 1963 March on Washington, Mississippi , and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party over the next few years. SNCC's major contribution was in its field work, organizing voter registration drives all over the South, especially in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. A final SNCC legacy is the destruction of the psychological shackles which had kept black southerners in physical and mental peonage; SNCC helped break those chains forever. It demonstrated that ordinary women and men, young and old, could perform extraordinary tasks. —Julian Bond[1]

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In the later 1960s, led by fiery leaders such as Stokely Carmichael, SNCC focused on "black power", and then protesting against the Vietnam War. As early as 1965, James Forman said he didn’t know “how much longer we can stay nonviolent” and in 1969, SNCC officially changed its name to the Student National Coordinating Committee to reflect the broadening of its strategies. It passed out of existence in the 1970s.

History

Founding and early years Inspired by the Greensboro sit-ins, independent student-led groups began direct-action protests against segregation in dozens of southern communities. The most common action of these groups was organizing sit-ins at racially segregated lunch counters to protest the pervasiveness of Jim Crow and other forms of racism. In addition to sitting in at lunch counters, the groups also organized and carried out protests at segregated public libraries, public parks, and public swimming pools. At that time, all those public facilities financed by taxes were closed to blacks. The white response was often to close the facility, rather than integrate it. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, as an organization, began with an $800.00 grant from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) for a conference where student activists could share experiences and coordinate activities. Held at Shaw University from April 15 to 17, 1960,[2] the conference was attended by 126 student delegates from 58 sit-in centers in 12 states, along with delegates from 19 northern colleges, the SCLC, Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), National Student Association (NSA), and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Out of this conference the SNCC (SNCC) was formed.[3] [4] Ella Baker, who organized the Shaw conference, had been the SCLC director before helping to form SNCC, but SNCC was not a branch of SCLC. Instead of being closely tied to SCLC or the NAACP as a "youth division", SNCC sought to stand on its own. Among important SNCC leaders attending the conference were Stokely Carmichael from ; Charles F. McDew, who led student protests at South Carolina State University; J. Charles Jones, who organized 200 students to participate in sit-ins at department stores throughout Charlotte, North Carolina; Julian Bond from Atlanta, Diane Nash; James Lawson; John Lewis; Bernard Lafayette; James Bevel; and Marion Barry from the Nashville Student Movement. SNCC's first chairman was Marion Barry, who later became the mayor of Washington DC. Barry served as chairman for one year. The second chairman was Charles F. McDew, who served as the chairman from 1961 to 1963, when he was succeeded by John Lewis.[5] SNCC's executive secretary, James Forman, played a major role in running the organization. In the years that followed, SNCC members were referred to as “shock troops of the revolution."[6] SNCC took on greater risks in 1961, after a mob of Ku Klux Klan members and other whites attacked integrated groups of bus passengers who defied local segregation laws as part of the Freedom Rides organized by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Rather than allowing mob violence to stop them, CORE and SNCC "Freedom Riders," including Diane Nash, James Bevel, Marion Barry, Angeline Butler, and John Lewis, put themselves at great personal risk by traveling in racially-integrated groups through the deep South. At least 436 people took part in these Freedom Rides during the spring and summer of 1961.[7] Robert Parris Moses (also known as Robert Parris or ) played a central role in transforming SNCC from a coordinating committee of student protest groups to an organization of organizers dedicated to building community-based political organizations of the rural poor. The voter registration project he initiated in McComb, Mississippi in 1961 became the seed for most of SNCC's activities from 1962-1966. After the Freedom Rides, SNCC worked primarily on voter registration, along with local protests about segregated public facilities. Registering to vote was extremely difficult and dangerous, as blacks who attempted to register often lost their jobs and their homes. SNCC workers lived with local families and often the homes providing such hospitality were firebombed.

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The actions of SNCC, CORE, and SCLC forced the Kennedy Administration to briefly provide federal protection to temporarily abate mob violence. Local FBI offices were usually staffed by Southern whites (there were no black FBI agents at that time) who refused to intervene to protect civil rights workers or local blacks who were attempting to register to vote. One of the ways in which SNCC was unusual among civil rights groups was the way in which decisions were made. Instead of "top down" control, as was the case with most organizations at that time, decisions in SNCC were made by consensus. Group meetings would be convened in which every participant could speak for as long as they wanted and the meeting would continue until everyone was in agreement with the decision. Because activities were often very dangerous and could lead to prison or death, SNCC wanted all participants to support each activity. By 1965, SNCC fielded the largest staff of any civil rights organization in the South. It had organized nonviolent direct action against segregated facilities, as well as voter-registration projects, in Alabama, Arkansas, Maryland, Missouri, Louisiana, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Illinois, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi; built two independent political parties and organized labor unions and agricultural cooperatives; and given the movement for women's liberation new energy. It inspired and trained the activists who began the "." It helped expand the limits of political debate within black America, and broadened the focus of the civil rights movement. Unlike mainstream civil rights groups, which merely sought integration of blacks into the existing order, SNCC sought structural changes in American society itself. —Julian Bond[1]

March on Washington SNCC played a signal role in the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. While many speakers applauded the Kennedy Administration for the efforts it had made toward obtaining new, more effective civil rights legislation protecting the right to vote and outlawing segregation, John Lewis took the administration to task for how little it had done to protect Southern blacks and civil rights workers under attack in the Deep South. Although he was forced to tone down his speech under pressure from the representatives of other civil rights organizations on the march organization committee, his words still stung. The version of the speech leaked to the press went as follows: "We march today for jobs and freedom, but we have nothing to be proud of, for hundreds and thousands of our brothers are not here — for they have no money for their transportation, for they are receiving starvation wages...or no wages at all. In good conscience, we cannot support the administration's civil rights bill. This bill will not protect young children and old women from police dogs and fire hoses when engaging in peaceful demonstrations. This bill will not protect the citizens of Danville, Virginia who must live in constant fear in a police state. This bill will not protect the hundreds of people who have been arrested on trumped-up charges like those in Americus, Georgia, where four young men are in jail, facing a death penalty, for engaging in peaceful protest. I want to know, which side is the federal government on? The revolution is a serious one. Mr. Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it in the courts. Listen Mr. Kennedy, the black masses are on the march for jobs and for freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a 'cooling-off period.'"[8] However, under pressure from the representatives of other groups many changes were made to the speech as it was delivered that day.[9] According to James Forman, the most important of these was the change of "we cannot support" the Kennedy Civil Rights Bill to "we support with reservations". Forman wrote of the following explanation of this: "Somewhere along the line, the church and labor people had been told that this was a march to support the administration's Civil Rights Bill, which was passed in 1964, after Kennedy's death. Who did this and how it happened, I do not know. But people all over the country thought they were marching for jobs and freedom

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when in actuality the sellout leadership of the March on Washington was playing patsy with the Kennedy administration as part of the whole liberal-labor politics of Rustin, Wilkins, Randolph, Reuther, King, the Catholic and Protestant hierarchy. If people had known they had come to Washington to aid the Kennedy administration, they would not have come in the numbers they did."[10] Forman's and SNCC's anger came in part from the failure of the federal government, FBI and Justice Department to protect SNCC civil rights workers in the South at this time. Indeed, the federal government at that time was instrumental in indicting SNCC workers and other civil rights activists.[11]

Voting rights In 1961 SNCC began expanding its activities from direct-action protests against segregation into other forms of organizing, most notably voter registration. Under the leadership of Bob Moses, SNCC's first voter-registration project was in McComb, Mississippi, an effort suppressed with arrests and savage white violence, resulting in the murder of local activist Herbert Lee. With funding from the Voter Education Project, SNCC expanded its voter registration efforts into the Mississippi Delta around Greenwood, Southwest Georgia around Albany, and the Alabama Black Belt around Selma. All of these projects endured police harassment and arrests; KKK violence including shootings, bombings, and assassinations; and economic terrorism against those blacks who dared to try to register.[12] In the fall of 1963, SNCC conducted the Freedom Ballot, a parallel election in which black Mississippians came out to show their willingness to vote — a right they had been denied for decades, despite the provisions of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, due to a combination of state laws and constitutional provisions, economic reprisals and violence by white authorities and private citizens. SNCC followed up on the Freedom Ballot with the Mississippi Summer Project, also known as Freedom Summer, which focused on voter registration and Freedom Schools. The Summer Project brought hundreds of white Northern students to the South where they volunteered as teachers and organizers. Their presence brought national press attention to SNCC's work in the south. SNCC organized black Mississippians to register to vote, almost always without success. White authorities either rejected their applications on any pretexts available or, failing that, simply refused to accept their applications. Mississippi Summer got national attention when three civil rights workers involved in the project, , Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were lynched after having been released from police custody. Their bodies were eventually found after a reluctant J. Edgar Hoover directed the FBI to search for them. In the process the FBI also found corpses of several other missing black Mississippians, whose disappearances had not attracted public attention outside the Delta. SNCC also established Freedom Schools to teach children to read and to educate them to stand up for their rights. As in the struggle to desegregate public accommodations led by Martin Luther King, Jr. in Birmingham, Alabama the year before, the bolder attitudes of the children helped shake their parents out of the fear that had paralyzed many of them. The goal of the Mississippi Summer Project was to organize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), an integrated party, to win seats at the 1964 Democratic National Convention for a slate of delegates elected by disfranchised black Mississippians and white sympathizers. The MFDP was, however, tremendously inconvenient for the Johnson Administration. It had wanted to minimize the inroads that Barry Goldwater’s campaign was making into what had previously been the Democratic stronghold of the “Solid South” and the support that George Wallace received during the Democratic primaries in the North. When the MFDP started to organize a fight over credentials, Johnson originally would not budge. When Fannie Lou Hamer, the leader of the MFDP, was in the midst of testifying about the police beatings of her and others for attempting to exercise their right to vote, Johnson preempted television coverage of the credentials fight. Even so, her testimony created enough uproar that Johnson offered the MFDP a "compromise": they would receive two

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non-voting seats, while the delegation sent by the official Democratic Party would take its seats. Johnson used all of his resources, mobilizing Walter Reuther, one of his key supporters within the liberal wing of the Democratic Party, and his Vice-Presidential nominee Hubert Humphrey, to pressure King and other mainstream civil rights leaders to bring the MFDP around, while directing Hoover to put the delegation under surveillance. The MFDP rejected both the compromise and the pressure to accept it, and walked out. That experience destroyed what little faith SNCC activists had in the federal government, even though Johnson had obtained a broad Civil Rights Act barring discrimination in public accommodations, employment and private education in 1964 and would go on to obtain an equally broad Voting Rights Act in 1965. It also estranged SNCC leaders from many of the mainstream leaders of the civil rights movement. Those differences carried over into the voting rights struggle that centered on Selma, Alabama in 1965. SNCC had begun organizing black citizens to register to vote in Selma in 1963,[13] but made little headway against the adamant resistance of Sheriff Jim Clark and the White Citizens' Council. In early 1965, local Selma activists asked the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for help, and the two organizations formed an uneasy alliance. They disagreed over tactical and strategic issues, including the SCLC's decision not to attempt to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge a second time after county sheriffs and state troopers attacked them on "Bloody Sunday" on March 7, 1965. The civil rights activists crossed the bridge on the third attempt, with the aid of a federal court order barring authorities from interfering with the march. It was part of a five-day march to Montgomery, Alabama that helped dramatize the need for a Voting Rights Act. During this period, SNCC activists became more and more disenchanted with nonviolence, integration as a strategic goal, and cooperation with white liberals or the Federal government.

Change in strategy and dissolution Many within the organization had grown skeptical about the tactics of nonviolence. After the Democratic convention of 1964, the group began to split into two factions – one favoring a continuation of nonviolent, integration-oriented, redress of grievances within the existing political system, and the other moving towards Black Power and revolutionary ideologies. In 1965 the white members were expelled. These differences continued to grow during the Selma Voting Rights campaign. After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, some SNCC members sought to break their ties with the mainstream civil rights movement and the liberal organizations that supported it. They argued instead that blacks needed to build power of their own rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place. Eventually, the leader of the militant branch, Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture), replaced John Lewis as head of SNCC in May 1966. Carmichael first argued that blacks should be free to use violence in self-defense, then later he advocated revolutionary violence to overthrow oppression. Carmichael rejected the civil rights legislation that the movement had fought so hard to achieve as mere palliatives. The Department of Defense stated in 1967: SNCC can no longer be considered a civil rights group. It has become a racist organization with black supremacy ideals and an expressed hatred for whites. It employs violent and militant measures which may be defined as extreme when compared with those of more moderate groups. [14] Carmichael raised the banner of Black Power in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi in June 1966. As the mainstream civil rights movement distanced itself from SNCC, SNCC expelled white staff and volunteers, and denounced the whites who had supported it in the past. By early 1967, SNCC was approaching bankruptcy and close to disappearing. Carmichael left SNCC in June 1967 to join the Black Panther Party. H. Rap Brown, later known as Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin, replaced him as the head of SNCC. Brown renamed the group the Student National Coordinating Committee and supported violence, which he described "as American as cherry pie". He resigned from SNCC in 1968, after being indicted for inciting to riot in Cambridge, Maryland in 1967. Brown then became Minister of Justice of the Black Panther Party.

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Brown also proposed violence against violence if the power structure in the US did not change its racist actions against Blacks. He was targeted by the FBI and incarcerated without legal representation during 1968-1969. The government indicted Brown to make an example of him, despite a lack of proper evidence. By then, SNCC was no longer an effective organization. It largely disappeared in the early 1970s, although chapters in communities such as San Antonio, Texas continued for several more years. Mario Marcel Salas, field secretary of the SNCC chapter in San Antonio operated until 1976. The San Antonio SNCC chapter was part Black Panther Party and part SNCC. Dr. Charles Jones of Atlanta State University termed it a "hybrid organization" because it had panther-style survival programs. Salas also worked closely with La Raza Unida Party, running for political office and organizing demonstrations to expose discrimination against Blacks and Latinos. Salas later helped in the liberation of the island of Grenada from the dictator Eric Gairy in 1979, and became the chairman of the Free Nelson Mandela Movement in San Antonio Texas. SNCC has begun again at the University of Louisville in Louisville, Kentucky.[15]

SNCC and SNCC activist Bernice Johnson Reagon described the Civil Rights Movement as the "borning movement" of the 1960s.[16] The Women's' Liberation Movement was one of the many movements born out of and inspired by the Civil Rights Movement. SNCC consisted of mostly college-age activists, and therefore provided opportunities for young women. Participation in organizations such as SNCC essentially marked the beginning of second-wave feminism in the US, which focused on changing social inequalities as opposed to the previous focus on legal issues in first-wave feminism. The influence of the Civil Rights movement also introduced mass protests and awareness campaigns as the main methods to obtain sexual equality. Many black women held prominent positions in the movement as a result of their participation in SNCC. Some of these women include Ruby Doris Smith Robinson, Donna Richards, Fay Bellamy, Gwen Patton, Cynthia Washington, Jean Wiley, Muriel Tillinghast, Fannie Lou Hamer, Annie Pearl Avery, Diane Nash, Ella Baker, Victoria Gray, Unita Blackwell, Bettie Mae Fikes, Joyce Ladner, Dorie Ladner, Gloria Richardson, Bernice Reagon, Prathia Hall, Judy Richardson, Martha Prescod Norman Noonan, Ruby Sales, Endesha Ida Mae Holland, Eleanor Holmes Norton and Anne Moody. Anne Moody published her autobiography, Coming of Age in Mississippi, in 1970, detailing her decision to participate in SNCC and later CORE, and her experience as a woman in the movement. She described the widespread trend of black women to become involved with SNCC at their educational institutions. As young college students or teachers, these black women were often heavily involved in grassroots campaign by teaching Freedom Schools and promoting voter registration.[17] Young white women also became very involved with SNCC, particularly after the Freedom Summer of 1964. Many northern white women were inspired by the ideology of racial equality. The book Deep in Our Hearts details the experiences of nine white women in SNCC. Some white women, such as Mary King, Constance W. Curry, and Casey Hayden, and Latino women such as Mary Varela and Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez, were able to obtain status and leadership within SNCC.[18] [19] Through organizations like SNCC, women of both races were becoming more politically active than at any time in American history since the Women's suffrage movement. A group of women in SNCC who were later identified as Mary King and Casey Hayden openly challenged the way women were treated when they issued the “SNCC Position Paper (Women in the Movement).”[20] The paper was published anonymously, helping King and Hayden to avoid unwanted attention.[18] The paper listed 11 events in which women were treated as subordinate to men. According to the paper, women in SNCC did not have a chance to become the face of the organization, the top leaders, because they were assigned to clerical and housekeeping duties, whereas men were involved in decision-making. The degree and significance of male-domination and women's subordination was hotly debated within SNCC; many of SNCC's black women disputed the premise that women were denied leadership roles.[21]

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When Stokely Carmichael took over the leadership of SNCC from John Lewis, he essentially reoriented the path of SNCC towards Black Power. He famously said in a speech, “it is a call for black people to define their own goals, to lead their own organizations.”[22] Thus, white women lost their influence and power in SNCC; Mary King and Casey Hayden left SNCC to become active in pursuing equality for women. They co-authored Sex and Caste: A Kind of Memo, which later became an influential piece in feminism.[23] As SNCC turned its focus to Black Power, black women also lost their voice and became subject to the already-existing patriarchal structure of the organization. The limited opportunities for women from the original community-building ideology were erased by the usurping Black Power movement, in which power was more centralized in the hands of the male-dominated top leadership. Former SNCC member played a key role in the central committee of the Black Panther Party as communications secretary (1968). Her position in this "male dominated" leadership was both effective and influential to Brown, Red and Yellow Power groups of the late 1960s and early 1970s. In 2010 the Atlanta City Council renamed Raymond Street "SNCC Way".[24]

Fiftieth Anniversary Conference A conference marking the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of SNCC was held at Shaw University on 15–18 April 2010.[25]

References

[1] Bond, Julian (October 2000). "SNCC: What We Did" (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1132/ is_5_52/ ai_66937932/ print?tag=artBody;col1). Monthly Review: p. "legacy".

[2] "Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in Alabama (SNCC)" (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofalabama. org/ face/ Article. jsp?id=h-1847). Encyclopedia of Alabama. Auburn University. . Retrieved 14 April 2011. [3] Clayborne Carson, In Struggle, SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s: Harvard University Press, 1981

[4] Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Founded (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ timhis60. htm#1960sncc) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans [5] Lewis, John (1998). Walking With the Wind. Simon & Schuster. [6] Bruce J. Dierenfield, The Civil Rights Movement, Harlow, England: Pearson Education Limited, 2004.

[7] Freedom Rides (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ timhis61. htm#1961frides) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[8] March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ tim63b. htm#1963mow) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans. [N.B. this text must be from a different source; at least three versions of the speech were written, and this is the earliest of those three, before "we cannot support" was changed to "we cannot wholeheartedly support" and then later "we support with reservations". See James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (1971; 1997), pp.334-337.] [9] The version of the speech that was delivered by Lewis to the march can be found in Forman's autobiographical history of SNCC, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (1971), pp.336-337. [10] James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (1971; 1997), p.335 [11] James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (1971; 1997), p.341

[12] History & Timeline (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ timhome. htm) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[13] Selma – Cracking the Wall of Fear (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ timhis63. htm1963selma1) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[14] Stokely Carmichael and SNCC - Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) (http:/ / www. aavw. org/ protest/

carmichael_sncc_abstract06_full. html)

[15] Society of Porter Scholars Homepage; University of Louisville (http:/ / louisville. edu/ provost/ diversity/ multicultural/ sncc. htm) [16] Payne, Charles (1995). I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. University of California Press. [17] Coming of Age in Mississippi, Anne Moody [18] Personal Politics, Sara Evans [19] Curry et al., Constance (2002). Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement. University of Georgia Press.

[20] SNCC position paper: Women in the Movement, Anonymous (http:/ / www2. iath. virginia. edu/ sixties/ HTML_docs/ Resources/ Primary/

Manifestos/ SNCC_women. html)

[21] Women & Men in the Freedom Movement (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ disc/ women1. htm) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans [22] Stokely Carmichael, 1967

[23] Mary King, Casey Hayden, Sex and Caste: A Kind of Memo (http:/ / www. feministezine. com/ feminist/ modern/ Sex-and-Caste. html)

[24] http:/ / citycouncil. atlantaga. gov/ 2010/ images/ proposed/ 10O0135. pdf

[25] SNCC 50th Anniversary Conference - Program (http:/ / www. sncc50thanniversary. org/ program. html)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 103

External links

• SNCC 1960 - 1966: Six years of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (http:/ / www. ibiblio. org/

sncc/ index. html). Retrieved 2 May 2005.

• Civil Rights Movement Veterans (http:/ / www. crmvet. org)

• Stokely Carmichael - Leader of SNCC's militant branch (http:/ / stokely-carmichael. com)

Further reading Archives

• Ellin (Joseph and Nancy) Freedom Summer Collection (http:/ / www. lib. usm. edu/ ~archives/ m323. htm). Collection Number: M323. Dates: 1963 - 1988. Volume: 1.7 ft³ (48 L) The University of Southern Mississippi

Libraries Special Collections (http:/ / www. lib. usm. edu/ ~spcol/ index. php). Retrieved 2 May 2005. Books • Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). Scribner. 2005. 848 pages. ISBN 0-684-85004-4 • Carson, Claybourne. In Struggle, SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1981. ISBN 0-674-44727-1 • Forman, James. The Making of Black Revolutionaries, 1985 and 1997, Open Hand Publishing, Washington D.C. ISBN 0-295-97659-4 and ISBN 0-940880-10-5 • Greenberg, Cheryl Lynn, ed. A Circle of Trust: Remembering SNCC. Rutgers University Press. 1998. 274 pages. ISBN 0-8135-2477-6 • Halberstam, David. The Children, Ballantine Books. 1999. ISBN 0-449-00439-2 • Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement, Univ of Georgia Press, 2002. ISBN 0-8203-2419-1

• Holsaert, Faith (and 5 others) Hands on the Freedom Plow Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC (http:/ / www.

press. uillinois. edu/ books/ catalog/ 54yed3wd9780252035579. html). University of Illinois Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0-252-03557-9. • Hogan, Wesley C. How democracy travels: SNCC, Swarthmore students, and the growth of the student movement in the North, 1961-1964. • Hogan, Wesley C. Many Minds, One Heart: SNCC's Dream for a New America, University of North Carolina Press. 2007. • Holsaert et al. Hands on the Freedom Plow: Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC. University of Illinois Press. 2010. • King, Mary. "Freedom Song: A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement". 1987. • Lewis, John. Walking With the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement. New York: Simon & Schuster. 1998. • Pardun, Robert. Prairie Radical: A Journey Through the Sixties. California: Shire Press. 2001. 376 pages. ISBN 0-918828-20-1 • Salas, Mario Marcel. Masters Thesis: "Patterns of Persistence: Paternal Colonialist Structures and the Radical Opposition in the African American Community in San Antonio, Texas,1937–2001, by Mario Marcel Salas, University of Texas at San Antonio, John Peace Library 6900 Loop 1604, San Antonio, Texas, 2002. Other SNCC material located in historical records at the Institute of Texan Cultures, University of Texas at San Antonio as part of the Mario Marcel Salas historical record. • Sellers, Cleveland and Robert Terrell. The River of No Return: The Autobiography of a Black Militant and the Life and Death of SNCC. University Press of Mississippi; Reprint edition. 1990. 289 pages. ISBN 0-87805-474-X • Zinn, Howard. SNCC: The New Abolitionists. Boston: Beacon Press. 1964. ISBN 0-89608-679-8 Video

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• SNCC 50th Anniversary Conference (http:/ / newsreel. org/ video/ SNCC-50TH-ANNIVERSARY) 38 DVD collection documenting the formal addresses, panel discussions and programs that took place at the 50th anniversary conference at Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina. Interviews

• Transcript: An Oral History with Terri Shaw (http:/ / www. lib. usm. edu/ ~spcol/ crda/ oh/ shaw. htm). SNCC member and Freedom Summer participant. The University of Southern Mississippi Libraries Special Collections

(http:/ / www. lib. usm. edu/ ~spcol/ index. php). Retrieved 2 May 2005. • Interviews with civil rights workers from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Stanford University Project South oral history collection. Microfilming Corp. of America. 1975. ISBN 0-88455-990-4. SNCC publications and documents

• Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Founding Statement (http:/ / lists. village. virginia. edu/ sixties/

HTML_docs/ Resources/ Primary/ Manifestos/ SNCC_founding. html).

• Memorandum: on the SNCC Mississippi Summer Project Transcript (http:/ / anna. lib. usm. edu/ ~spcol/ crda/

ellin/ ellin062. html). Oxford, Ohio: General Materials (ca. June 1964). Retrieved 2 May 2005.

Black Power

Black Power is a political slogan espoused by black racialists and a name for various associated ideologies.[1] It is used in the movement among people of Black African descent throughout the world, though primarily by African Americans in the United States.[2] The movement was prominent in the late 1960s and early 1970s, emphasizing racial pride and the creation of black political and cultural institutions to nurture and promote black collective interests[3] and advance black values. "Black Power" expresses a range of political goals, from defense against racial oppression, to the establishment of separate social institutions and a self-sufficient economy.The earliest known usage of the term is found in a 1954 book by Richard Wright titled Black Power.[4] New York politician Adam Clayton Powell Jr. used the term on May 29, 1966 during a baccalaureate address at Howard University: "To demand these God-given rights is to seek black power."[5]

Origin as a political slogan The first popular use of the term "Black Power" as a social and political slogan was by Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Toure) and Willie Ricks (later known as Mukasa Dada), both organizers and spokespersons for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). On June 16, 1966, after the shooting of James Meredith during the March Against Fear, Stokely Carmichael said: "This is the twenty-seventh time I have been arrested and I ain't going to jail no more! The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin' us is to take over. What we gonna start sayin' now is Black Power!" Stokely Carmichael saw the concept of "Black Power" as a means of solidarity between individuals within the movement. With his conception and articulation of the word, he felt this movement was not just a movement for

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racial desegregation, but rather a movement to help combat America's crippling racism. He was quoted in saying: "For the last time, 'Black Power' means black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak their needs."[6]

A range of ideology Some Black Power adherents believe in Black autonomy, with a variety of tendencies such as black nationalism, and black separatism. Often Black Power advocates are open to use violence as a means of achieving their aims, but this openness to violence was nearly always coupled with community organizing work. Such positions were for the most part in direct conflict with those of leaders of the mainstream Civil Rights Movement, and thus the two movements have often been viewed as inherently antagonistic. However, certain groups and individuals participated in both civil rights and black power activism. Not all Black Power advocates were in favor of black nationalism and black separatism. While Stokely Carmichael and SNCC were in favor of black nationalism, organizations such as the Black Panther Party for Self Defense were not. Though they considered themselves to be at war with a power structure that was indeed all white, they were not at war with all Whites, merely the individuals in the existing power structure, who happened to be all white. , Chairman and Co-Founder of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, was outspoken about this. His stand was that the oppression of black people was more of a result of economic exploitation than anything innately racist. In his book , he states that "In our view it is a class struggle between the massive proletarian working class and the small, minority ruling class. Working-class people of all colors must unite against the exploitative, oppressive ruling class. So let me emphasize again -- we believe our fight is a class struggle and not a race struggle."[7] Bayard Rustin, an elder statesman of the Civil Rights Movement, was a harsh critic of Black Power in its earliest days. Writing in 1966, shortly after the March Against Fear, Rustin said that Black Power “not only lacks any real value for the civil rights movement, but [...] its propagation is positively harmful. It diverts the movement from a meaningful debate over strategy and tactics, it isolates the Negro community, and it encourages the growth of anti-Negro forces.” He particularly criticized the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and SNCC for their turn toward Black Power, arguing that these two organizations once “awakened the country, but now they emerge isolated and demoralized, shouting a slogan that may afford a momentary satisfaction but that is calculated to destroy them and their movement.”[8] Internationalist offshoots of black power include African Internationalism, pan-Africanism, black nationalism, and black supremacy.

Background The movement for Black Power in the U.S. came during the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. Many members of SNCC, among them Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture), were becoming critical of the nonviolent approach to confronting racism and inequality—articulated and practiced by Martin Luther King, Jr., the NAACP and other moderates—and rejected desegregation as a primary objective. SNCC's membership was generally younger than that of the other "Big Five"[9] civil rights organizations and became increasingly more militant and outspoken over time. From SNCC's point of view, racist people had no qualms about the use of violence against black people in the U.S. who would not "stay in their place," and "accommodationist" civil rights strategies had failed to secure sufficient concessions for black people. As a result, as the Civil Rights Movement progressed, increasingly radical, more militant voices came to the fore to aggressively challenge white hegemony. Increasing numbers of black youth, particularly, rejected their elders' moderate path of cooperation, racial integration and assimilation. They rejected the notion of appealing to the public's conscience and religious creeds and took the tack articulated by another black activist more than a century before. Abolitionist Frederick Douglass wrote:

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Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. ...Power concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never will.[10] Civil Rights leaders also believed in agitation, but most did not believe in physically violent retaliation. During the March Against Fear, there was a division between those aligned with Martin Luther King, Jr. and those aligned with Carmichael, marked by their respective slogans, "Freedom Now" and "Black Power."[11] While King never endorsed the slogan, his rhetoric sometimes came close to it. In his 1967 book Where Do We Go From Here?, King wrote that "power is not the white man's birthright; it will not be legislated for us and delivered in neat government packages."[12]

Impact Although the concept remained imprecise and contested and the people, who used the slogan ranged from businesspeople who used it to push black capitalism to revolutionaries who sought an end to capitalism, the idea of Black Power exerted a significant influence. It helped organize scores of community self-help groups and institutions that did not depend on Whites. It was used to force black studies programs at colleges, to mobilize black voters to elect black candidates, and to encourage greater racial pride and self-esteem.

Impact on Black Politics Though the Black Power movement did not immediately remedy the political problems faced by African Americans in the 1960s and '70s, the movement did contribute to the development of black politics both directly and indirectly. As a contemporary of and successor to the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power movement created, what sociologist Herbert H. Haines refers to as a “positive radical flank effect” on political affairs of the 1960s. Though the nature of the relationship between the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power movement is contested, Haines’ study of the relationship between black radicals and the mainstream civil rights movement indicates that Black Power generated a “crisis in American institutions which made the legislative agenda of ‘polite, realistic, and businesslike’ mainstream organizations” more appealing to politicians. In this way, it can be argued that the more strident and oppositional messages of the Black Power movement indirectly enhanced the bargaining position of more moderate activists.[13] Black Power activists approached politics with vitality, variety, wit, and creativity that shaped the way future generations approached dealing with America’s societal problems (McCartney 188). These activists capitalized on the nation’s recent awareness of the political nature of oppression, a primary focus of the Civil Rights Movement, developing numerous political action caucuses and grass roots community associations to remedy the situation [13] The National Black Political Convention, held March 10–12, 1972, was a significant milestone in black politics of the Black Power era. Held in Gary, Indiana, a majority black city, the convention included a diverse group of black activists, although it completely excluded whites. The convention was criticized for its racial exclusivity by Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, a group that supported integration. The delegates created a National Black Political Agenda with stated goals including the election of a proportionate number of black representatives to Congress, community control of schools, national health insurance, etc. Though the convention did not result in any direct policy, the convention advanced goals of the Black Power movement and left participants buoyed by a spirit of possibility and themes of unity and self-determination. A concluding note to the convention, addressing its supposed idealism, read: “At every critical moment of our struggle in America we have had to press relentlessly against the limits of the ‘realistic’ to create new realities for the life of our people. This is our challenge at Gary and beyond, for a new Black politics demands new vision, new hope and new definitions of the possible. Our time has come. These things are necessary. All things are possible.”[14] Though such political activism may not have resulted in direct policy, they provided political models for later movements, advanced a pro-black political agenda, and brought sensitive issues to

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the forefront of American politics. In its confrontational and often oppositional nature, the Black Power movement, started a debate within the black community and America as a nation over issues of racial progress, citizenship, and democracy, namely “the nature of American society and the place of the African American in it.”.[15] The continued intensity of debate over these same social and political issues is a tribute to the impact of the Black Power movement in arousing the political awareness and passions of citizens.[16]

Impact on other movements Though the aims of the Black Power movement were racially specific, much of the movement’s impact has been its influence on the development and strategies of later political and social movements. By igniting and sustaining debate on the nature of American society, the Black Power movement created what other multiracial and minority groups interpreted to be a viable template for the overall restructuring of society.[17] By opening up discussion on issues of democracy and equality, the Black Power movement paved the way for a diverse plurality of social justice movements, including black feminism, environmental movements, affirmative action, and gay and lesbian rights. Central to these movements were the issues of identity politics and structural inequality, features emerging from the Black Power movement [18] Because the Black Power movement emphasized and explored a black identity, movement activists were forced to confront issues of gender, class and as well. Many activists in the Black Power movement became active in related movements. This is seen in the case of the “second wave” of women’s right activism, a movement supported and orchestrated to a certain degree by women working from within the coalition ranks of the Black Power movement.[19] The boundaries between social movements became increasingly unclear at the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s; where the Black Power movement ends and where these other social movements begin is often unclear. “It is pertinent to note that as the movement expanded the variables of gender, class, and only compounded issues of strategy and methodology in black protest thought.”[20]

Impact on African American identity Due to the negative and militant reputation of such auxiliaries like that of the Black Panther Party, many people felt that this movement of "insurrection" would soon serve to cause discord, and disharmony through the entire U.S. Even Stokely Carmichael stated, "When you talk of Black Power, you talk of building a movement that will smash everything Western civilization has created."[21] Though Black Power at the most basic level refers to a political movement, the psychological and cultural messages of the Black Power movement, though less tangible, have had perhaps a longer lasting impact on American society than concrete political changes. Indeed, “fixation on the ‘political’ hinders appreciation of the movement’s cultural manifestations and unnecessarily obscures black culture’s role in promoting the psychological well being of the Afro-American people.”.[22] States William L. Van Deburg, author of A New Day in Babylon, “movement leaders never were as successful in winning power for the people as they were in convincing people that they had sufficient power within themselves to escape ‘the prison of self-deprecation’” [23] Primarily, the liberation and empowerment experienced by African Americans occurred in the psychological realm. The movement uplifted the black community as a whole by cultivating feelings of racial solidarity, often in opposition to the world of white Americans, a world that had physically and psychologically oppressed Blacks for generations. Through the movement, Blacks came to understand themselves and their culture by exploring and debating the question, “who are we?” in order to establish a unified and viable identity.[24] Throughout the Civil Rights Movement and black history a tension has existing between those wishing to minimize and maximize racial difference. W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr. often attempted to deemphasize race in their quest for equality, while those advocating for separatism and colonization emphasized an extreme and irreconcilable difference between races. The Black Power movement largely achieved an equilibrium of “balanced and humane ethnocentrism.”[24] The impact of the Black Power movement in generating valuable discussion about ethnic identity and black consciousness manifests itself in the relatively recent proliferation of academic fields such as American studies, Black Studies, and Africana studies in both national and international institutions.[25] The respect and attention accorded to African Americans’ history and culture in both formal and informal settings today

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is largely a product of the movement for Black Power in the 1960s and '70s.

Black is beautiful The cultivation of pride in the African American race was often summarized in the phrase "Black is Beautiful". The phrase is rooted in its historical context, yet the relationship to it has changed in contemporary times. “I don’t think it’s ‘Black is beautiful’ anymore. It’s ‘I am beautiful and I’m black.’ It’s not the symbolic thing, the afro, power sign… That phase is over and it succeeded. My children feel better about themselves and they know that they’re black,” stated a respondent in Bob Blauner’s longitudinal oral history of U.S. race relations in 1986.[26] The outward manifestations of an appreciation and celebration of blackness abound: black dolls, natural hair, black Santas, models and celebrities that were once rare and symbolic have become commonplace. The "Black is beautiful" cultural movement aimed to dispel the notion that black people's natural features such as skin color, facial features and hair are inherently ugly.[27] John Sweat Rock was the first to coin the phrase "Black is Beautiful", in the slavery era. The movement asked that men and women stop straightening their hair and attempting to lighten or bleach their skin.[28] The prevailing idea in American culture was that black features are less attractive or desirable than white features. The movement is largely responsible for the popularity of the Afro. Most importantly, it gave a generation of African Americans the courage to feel good about who they are and how they look.

Impact on arts and culture The Black Power movement produced artistic and cultural products that both embodied and generated pride in “blackness” and further defined an African American identity that remains contemporary. Black Power is often seen as a cultural revolution as much as a political revolution, with the goal of celebrating and emphasizing the distinctive group culture of African Americans to an American society that had previously been dominated by white artistic and cultural expressions. Black power utilized all available forms of folk, literary, and dramatic expression based in a common ancestral past to promote a message of self-actualization and cultural self-definition.[29] The emphasis on a distinctive black culture during the Black Power movement publicized and legitimized a culture gap between Blacks and Whites that had previously been ignored and denigrated. More generally, in recognizing the legitimacy of another culture and challenging the idea of white cultural superiority, the Black Power movement paved the way for the celebration of multiculturalism in America today. The cultural concept of “soul” was fundamental to the image of African American culture embodied by the Black Power movement. Soul, a type of “in-group cultural cachet,” was closely tied to black America’s need for individual and group self-identification.[30] A central expression of the “soulfulness” of the Black Power generation was a cultivation of aloofness and detachment, the creation of an “aura or emotional invulnerability,” a persona that challenged their position of relative powerlessness in greater society. The nonverbal expressions of this attitude, including everything from posture to handshakes, were developed as a counterpoint to the rigid, “up-tight” mannerisms of white people. Though the iconic symbol of black power, the arms raised with biceps flexed and clenched fists, is temporally specific, variants of the multitude of handshakes, or “giving and getting skin,” in the 1960s and 70s as a mark of communal solidarity continue to exist as a part of black culture.[31] Clothing style also became an expression of Black Power in the 1960s and '70s. Though many of the popular trends of the movement remained confined to the decade, the movement redefined standards of beauty that were historically influenced by Whites and instead celebrated a natural “blackness.” As Stokely Carmichael said in 1966, “We have to stop being ashamed of being black. A broad nose, thick lip and nappy hair is us and we are going to call that beautiful whether they like it or not.”[32] “Natural” hair styles, such as the Afro, became a socially acceptable tribute to group unity and a highly visible celebration of black heritage. Though the same social messages may no longer consciously influence individual hair or clothing styles in today’s society, the Black Power movement was influential in diversifying standards of beauty and aesthetic choices. The Black Power movement raised the idea of a black aesthetic that revealed the worth and beauty of all black people.[33]

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In developing a powerful identity from the most elemental aspects of African American folk life, the Black Power movement generated attention to the concept of “,” a fresh, authentic, and natural style of cooking that originated in Africa. The flavor and solid nourishment of the food was credited with sustaining African Americans through centuries of oppression in America and became an important aid in nurturing contemporary racial pride.[34] Black Power advocates used the concept of “soul food” to further distinguish between white and black culture; though the basic elements of soul food were not specific to African American food, Blacks believed in the distinctive quality, if not superiority, of foods prepared by Blacks. No longer racially specific, traditional “soul foods” such as yams, collard greens, and deep-fried chicken continue to hold a place in contemporary culinary life.

Black Arts Movement The Black Arts Movement or BAM, founded in Harlem by writer and activist Amiri Baraka (born Everett LeRoy Jones) can be seen as the artistic branch of the Black Power movement.[35] This movement inspired black people to establish ownership of publishing houses, magazines, journals and art institutions. Other well-known writers who were involved with this movement included Nikki Giovanni; Don L. Lee, later known as Haki Madhubuti; Sonia Sanchez; Maya Angelou; Dudley Randall; Sterling Plumpp; Larry Neal; Ted Joans; Ahmos Zu-Bolton; and Etheridge Knight. Several black-owned publishing houses and publications sprang from the BAM, including Madhubuti's Third World Press, Broadside Press, Zu-Bolton's Energy Black South Press, and the periodicals Callaloo and Yardbird Reader. Although not strictly involved with the Movement, other notable African American writers such as novelists Ishmael Reed and Toni Morrison and poet Gwendolyn Brooks can be considered to share some of its artistic and thematic concerns. BAM sought “to link, in a highly conscious manner, art and politics in order to assist in the liberation of black people”, and produced an increase in the quantity and visibility of African American artistic production.[36] Though many elements of the Black Arts movement are separate from the Black Power movement, many goals, themes, and activists overlapped. Literature, drama, and music of Blacks “served as an oppositional and defensive mechanism through which creative artists could confirm their identity while articulating their own unique impressions of social reality.”[37] In addition to acting as highly visible and unifying representations of “blackness,” the artistic products of the Black Power movement also utilized themes of black empowerment and liberation.[38] For instance, black recording artists not only transmitted messages of racial unity through their music, they also became significant role models for a younger generation of African Americans.[39] Updated protest songs not only bemoaned oppression and societal wrongs, but utilized adversity as a reference point and tool to lead others to activism. Some Black Power era artists conducted brief mini-courses in the techniques of empowerment. In the tradition of cultural nationalists, these artists taught that in order to alter social conditions, Blacks first had to change the way they viewed themselves; they had to break free of white norms and strive to be more natural, a common theme of African American art and music.[40] Musicians such as the Temptations sang lyrics such as “I have one single desire, just like you / So move over, son, ‘cause I’m comin’ through” in their song “Message From a Black Man,” they expressed the revolutionary sentiments of the Black Power movement.[41] Ishmael Reed, who is considered neither a movement apologist nor advocate said "I wasn't invited to participate because I was considered an integrationist" but he went on to explain the positive aspects of the Black Arts Movement and the Black Power movement: I think what Black Arts did was inspire a whole lot of Black people to write. Moreover, there would be no multiculturalism movement without Black Arts. Latinos, Asian Americans, and others all say they began writing as a result of the example of the 1960s. Blacks gave the example that you don't have to assimilate. You could do your own thing, get into your own background, your own history, your own tradition and your own culture. I think the challenge is for cultural sovereignty and Black Arts struck a blow for that.[42]

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By breaking into a field typically reserved for white Americans, artists of the Black Power era expanded opportunities for current African Americans. “Today’s writers and performers,” writes William L. Van Deburg, “recognize that they owe a great deal to Black Power’s explosion of cultural orthodoxy”.[43]

Notes

[1] This is advanced by three groups: nihilists, integrationists, and separatists. For more see, Scott, James. Wilson. (1976). The black revolts: racial stratification in the U.S.A. : the politics of estate, caste, and class in the American society. Cambridge, Mass: Schenkman Pub. [2] Ogbar, J. O. G. (2005). Black power: radical politics and African American identity. Reconfiguring American political history. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. Page 2. [3] Appiah, A., & Gates, H. L. (1999). Africana: the encyclopedia of the African and African American experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books. Page 262. [4] Yale Book of Quotations (2006) Yale University Press, edited by Fred R. Shapiro [5] Yale Book of Quotations (2006), edited by Fred R. Shapiro [6] "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006. [7] Seale, Bobby. Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton. New York: Black Classic P, 1996, p. 72.

[8] Rustin, Bayard (1965). ""Black Power" and Coalition Politics" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ pov/ pov2002/ brotheroutsider/ power. html). Commentary. PBS. . [9] In addition to SNCC, the other "Big Five" organizations of the civil rights movement were the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Urban League, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and the Congress on Racial Equality. [10] Douglass, Frederick. Letter to an abolitionist associate (1857). In Organizing for Social Change: A Mandate For Activity In The 1990s. Bobo, K.; Randall, J.; and Max, S., eds. Cabin John, Maryland: Seven Locks Press (1991). [11] Scott Saul, "On the Lower Frequencies: Rethinking the Black Power Movement" p.92-98 in Harper's, December 2006. p. 94 [12] Cited in Scott Saul, "On the Lower Frequencies", p.95 [13] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago P, 1992. p. 306. [14] "American Experience | Eyes on the Prize | Milestones |." PBS. 05 Apr. 2009 . [15] McCartney, John T. Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. [16] McCartney, John T. Black, Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. [17] Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006.p.xiv. [18] Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. p.294 [19] Williams, Hettie V. We Shall Overcome to We Shall Overrun: The Collapse of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Revolt (1962-1968). Lanham, MA: University Press of America, 2009. p. 92 [20] Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. p.92 [21] Stephen, Curtis. "Life of A Party." Crisis; Sep/Oct2006, Vol. 113 Issue 5, p. 30-37, 8p [22] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago P, 1992. p.304 [23] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.306 [24] McCormack, Donald J. Black Power: Political Ideology? Diss. University of New York at Albany, 1970. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1984. p.394 [25] Williams, Hettie V. We Shall Overcome to We Shall Overrun: The Collapse of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Revolt (1962-1968). Lanham, MA: University Press of America, 2009. p.92 [26] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago P, 1992. p.307

[27] Some notes on the BLACK CULTURAL MOVEMENT (http:/ / www. bucks. edu/ ~docarmos/ BCMnotes. html)

[28] Jamaica Says Black Is Beautiful (http:/ / www. rastafarispeaks. com/ cgi-bin/ forum/ config. pl?noframes;read=79921) [29] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.192. [30] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.195.

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[31] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.197. [32] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.201. [33] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.194. [34] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago P, 1992. p.204.

[35] The Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School (http:/ / www. umich. edu/ ~eng499/ orgs/ barts. html) [36] Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. p.256. [37] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.p.249. [38] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p. 280. [39] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.p.208. [40] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.213. [41] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.212.

[42] Black Arts Movement (http:/ / aalbc. com/ authors/ blackartsmovement. htm) [43] Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.p.308.

Further reading • Carmichael, Stokely/ Hamilton, Charles V.: Black Power. The Politics of Liberation in America, Vintage, New York, 1967.

• Breitman, George. In Defense of Black Power (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ etol/ document/ swp-us/

bpower. htm). International Socialist Review Jan-Feb 1967, from Tamiment Library (http:/ / www. nyu. edu/

library/ bobst/ research/ tam/ ) microfilm archives. Transcribed & marked up by Andrew Pollack for the

Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ etol/ index. htm). Retrieved May 2, 2005. • Salas, Mario Marcel. Masters Thesis: Patterns of Persistence: Paternal Colonialist Structures and the Radical Opposition in the African American Community in San Antonio, 1937–2001, University of Texas at San Antonio. • Brown, Scot, Fighting for US: Maulana Karenga, the US Organization, and Black Cultural Nationalism, NYU Press, New York, 2003. • Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2004.

External links

• Website of Dr. Christian Davenport (http:/ / web. mac. com/ christiandavenport/ Christian_Davenport/ Archiving. html), Director of the Radical Information Project and Professor of Peace Studies, Political Science and Sociology - University of Notre Dame

• Website of Dr. Peniel E. Joseph (http:/ / www. penielejoseph. com), Professor of African-American Studies - Scholar of African American history and frequent commentator on civil rights, race and democracy issues

• The Immortal Birth Book, Gods & Earths (http:/ / www. immortalbirth. com)

• Stokely-Carmichael.com - Focus on Carmichael's life and rhetoric (http:/ / stokely-carmichael. com)

• The official website of the (http:/ / www. newblackpanther. com/ ).

• Black Youth Empowerment (http:/ / www. byempowerment. blogspot. com)

• Hubert Harrison (http:/ / www. iww. org/ culture/ biography/ HubertHarrison1. shtml)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Power 112

• Ben Fletcher (http:/ / www. iww. org/ culture/ biography/ BenFletcher1. shtml)

• A History of Harlem CORE (http:/ / harlemcore. com)

• The Black Power Mixtape (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2011/ 1/ 24/ the_black_power_mixtape_danny_glover) – New Documentary Featuring , Huey P. Newton, & Stokely Carmichael - video report by Democracy Now!

Stokely Carmichael

Kwame Ture (June 29, 1941 – November 15, 1998), also known as Stokely Carmichael, was a Trinidadian-American black activist active in the 1960s American Civil Rights Movement. He rose to prominence first as a leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced "snick") and later as the "Honorary Prime Minister" of the Black Panther Party. Initially an integrationist, Carmichael later became affiliated with black nationalist and Pan-Africanist movements.[1] He popularized the term "Black Power".[2]

Early life and education Born in Port of Spain, Trinidad, Stokely Carmichael moved to Harlem, New York City in 1952 at age eleven to rejoin his parents,[2] who had left him with his grandmother and two aunts to emigrate when he was two. He attended the elite[3] Tranquility School in Trinidad until his parents were able to send for him.[4] His mother, Mabel R. Carmichael,[3] was a stewardess for a steamship line, and his father Adolphus was a carpenter who also worked as a taxi driver.[2] The reunited Carmichael family eventually left Harlem to live in Morris Park in the East Bronx, at that time an aging Jewish and Italian neighborhood. According to a 1967 interview he gave to LIFE Magazine, he was the only black member of the Morris Park Dukes, a youth gang involved in alcohol and petty theft.[2] He attended the Bronx High School of Science. In 1960, Carmichael went on to attend Howard University, a historically-black univesity in Washington, D.C.. His professors included Sterling Brown,[5] [6] Nathan Hare[7] and Toni Morrison.[8] Carmichael and a white student and civil-rights activist, Tom Kahn, helped to fund a five-day run of the Three Penny Opera, by Berthold Brecht and Kurt Weill: "Tom Kahn—very shrewdly—had captured the position of Treasurer of the Liberal Arts Student Council and the infinitely charismatic and popular Carmichael as floor whip was good at lining up the votes. Before they knew what hit them the Student Council had become a patron of the arts, having voted to buy out the remaining performances. It was a classic win/win. Members of the Council got patronage packets of tickets for distribution to friends and constituents".[5] His apartment on Euclid

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Street was a gathering place for his activist classmates.[3] He graduated with a degree in philosophy in 1964.[2] He joined the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG), the Howard campus affiliate of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).[1] Tom Kahn introduced Carmichael and the other SNCC activists to Bayard Rustin, who became an influential adviser to SNCC.[9] Carmichael became inspired by the sit-ins to become more active in the Civil Rights Movement. In his first year at the university, he participated in the Freedom Rides of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and was frequently arrested, spending time in jail. In 1961, he served 49 days at the infamous Parchman Farm in Sunflower County, Mississippi.[2] [10] He was arrested many times for his activism. He lost count of his many arrests, sometimes giving the estimate of at least 29 or 32, and telling the Washington Post in 1998 he believed the total number was fewer than 36.[3]

Freedom Rides In his first year at the Howard University, the nineteen-year-old Carmichael participated in the Freedom Rides of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Along with eight other riders, on June 4, 1961 Carmichael made the trip by train from New Orleans, LA to Jackson, MS.[11] Before getting on the train in New Orleans, there were white protestors blocking the way. Carmichael says that “They were shouting. Throwing cans and lit cigarettes at us. Spitting on us.”.[12] Eventually, they were able to board the train. When the group arrived in Jackson, Carmichael and the eight other riders entered a “white” cafeteria; however, they were convicted of disturbing the peace and were sent straight to the jail (D). Eventually Carmichael was transferred to Parchman State Prison Farm where he gained notoriety for being a witty and hard nosed leader among the prisoners.[13] At nineteen years old, Carmichael became the youngest detainee in the summer of 1961.[14] He spent 53 days at Parchman Farm in “a six-by-nine cell. Twice a week to shower. No books, nothing to do. They would isolate us. Maximum security.”.[14] Carmichael said about the Parchman Farm sheriff that “The sheriff acted like he was scared of black folks and he came up with some beautiful things. One night he opened up all the windows, put on ten big fans and an air conditioner and dropped the temperature to 38 degrees. All we had on was T-shirts and shorts.”.[14] While being hurt one time, Carmichael began to the guards, “I’m gonna tell God how you treat me” to which the rest of the prisoners joined in.[15] Carmichael kept the groups morale up while in prison, often telling jokes with Steve Green and the other Freedom Riders, and making light of their situation. While he joked around quite a bit, Carmichael knew this was serious. “What with the range of ideology, religious belief, political commitment and background, age, and experience, something interesting was always going on. Because no matter our differences, this group had one thing in common, moral stubbornness. Whatever we believed, we really believed and were not at all shy about advancing. We were where we were only because of our willingness to affirm our beliefs even at the risk of physical injury. So it was never dull on death row.”.[12]

SNCC In 1965, working as a SNCC activist in Lowndes County, Alabama, Carmichael helped to increase the number of registered black voters from 70 to 2,600 — 300 more than the number of registered white voters.[2] Black residents and voters organized and widely supported the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, a party that had the black panther as its mascot, over the white dominated local Democratic Party, whose mascot was a white rooster. Although black residents and voters outnumber whites in Lowndes, they lost the county wide election of 1965. Carmichael became chairman of SNCC later in 1966, taking over from John Lewis. A few weeks after Carmichael took office, James Meredith was attacked with a shotgun during his solitary "March Against Fear". Carmichael joined Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Floyd McKissick, Cleveland Sellers and others to continue Meredith's march. He was arrested once again during the march and, upon his release, he gave his first "Black Power" speech, using the

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phrase to urge black pride and socio-economic independence:

It is a call for black people in this country to unite, to recognize their heritage, to build a sense of community. It is a call for black people to “define their own goals, to lead their own organizations. ”

While Black Power was not a new concept, Carmichael's speech brought it into the spotlight and it became a rallying cry for young African Americans across the country. Everywhere that Black Power spread, if accepted, credit was given to Carmichael. If the concept was condemned, he was again responsible and given the blame.[16] According to Carmichael: "Black Power meant black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak their needs [rather than relying on established parties]".[17] Heavily influenced by the work of Frantz Fanon and his landmark book Wretched of the Earth, along with others such as Malcolm X, under Carmichael's leadership SNCC gradually became more radical and focused on Black Power as its core goal and ideology. This became most evident during the controversial Atlanta Project in 1966. SNCC, under the local leadership of Bill Ware, engaged in a voter drive to promote the candidacy of Julian Bond for the Georgia State Legislature in an Atlanta district. However, unlike previous SNCC activities — like the 1961 Freedom Rides or the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer — Ware excluded Northern white SNCC members from the drive. Initially, Carmichael opposed this move and voted it down, but he eventually changed his mind.[18] When, at the urging of the Atlanta Project, the issue of whites in SNCC came up for a vote, Carmichael ultimately sided with those calling for the expulsion of whites, reportedly to encourage whites to begin organizing poor white southern communities while SNCC would continue to focus on promoting African American self reliance through Black Power.[19] Carmichael saw nonviolence as a tactic as opposed to a principle, which separated him from moderate civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King, Jr.. Carmichael became critical of civil rights leaders who simply called for the integration of African Americans into existing institutions of the middle class mainstream.

Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a “subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some Negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone. ”

[20]

According to Bearing the Cross (1986), David J. Garrow's Pulitzer Prize winning book about the Civil Rights movement, a few days after Carmichael used the "Black Power" slogan at the "Meredith March Against Fear," he reportedly told King, "Martin, I deliberately decided to raise this issue on the march in order to give it a national forum and force you to take a stand for Black Power." King responded, "I have been used before. One more time won't hurt."

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In 1967, Carmichael stepped down as chairman of SNCC and was replaced by H. Rap Brown. The SNCC, which was a collective and, in keeping with the spirit of the times, worked by group consensus rather than hierarchically, was displeased with Carmichael's celebrity status. SNCC leaders had begun to refer to him as "Stokely Starmichael" and criticize his habit of making policy announcements independently, before achieving internal agreement, and gave him a formal letter of expulsion in 1967.[3] There is some speculation around Carmichael’s reasoning for stepping down from the chairman position of SNCC. According to his personal narratives, Carmichael witnessed African American demonstrators being beaten and shocked with cattle prods by the police. Witnessing the helplessness of people so fully committed to the non-violent approach gave Carmichael a new perspective, one which condoned the use of violent techniques against the brutality of the racist police force. Carmichael’s new tactics sought to reciprocate the fear instilled in African Americans by the police force,[21] which led to the creation of the militant social group known as “The Black Panthers.” After his time with the SNCC, Carmichael attempted to clarify his politics by writing the book Black Power (1967) with Charles V. Hamilton and became a strong critic of the Vietnam War. During this period he traveled and lectured extensively throughout the world; visiting Guinea, North Vietnam, China, and Cuba. After his expulsion from the SNCC, Carmichael became more clearly identified with the Black Panther Party as its "Honorary Prime Minister."[3] During this period he became more of a speaker than an organizer, traveling throughout the country and internationally advocating for his vision of Black Power.[22] Carmichael also lamented the 1967 execution of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara, professing:

The death of Che Guevara places a responsibility on all revolutionaries of the World to redouble their decision to fight on to the final defeat [23] “of Imperialism. That is why in essence Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us. ”

Vietnam Carmichael joined Martin Luther King Jr. in New York on April 15, 1967 to share his views with protesters on race in terms of the war in Vietnam. It is known that the pair shared very similar viewpoints on this issue because Carmichael is largely responsible for teaching Martin Luther King Jr. much of the history of Vietnam.[24]

The draft exemplifies as much as racism the totalitarianism which prevails in this nation in the disguise of consensus democracy. The “President has conducted war in Vietnam without the consent of Congress or the American people, without the consent of anybody except maybe Lady Bird. ”

[25]

Self-imposed exile However, Carmichael soon began to distance himself from the Panthers. The Panthers and Carmichael disagreed on whether white activists should be allowed to help the Panthers. The Panthers believed that white activists could help the movement, while Carmichael thought as Malcolm X, saying that the white activists needed to organize their own communities first. In 1969, he and his then-wife, the South African singer Miriam Makeba, moved to Guinea-Conakry where he became an aide to Guinean prime minister Ahmed Sékou Touré and the student of exiled Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah.[26] Makeba was appointed Guinea's official delegate to the United Nations.[27] Three months after his arrival in Africa, in July 1969, he published a formal rejection of the Black Panthers, condemning the Panthers for not being separatist enough and their "dogmatic party line favoring alliances with white

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radicals".[2] It was at this stage in his life that Carmichael changed his name to Kwame Ture to honor the African leaders Nkrumah and Touré who had become his patrons. At the end of his life, friends still referred to him interchangeably by both names, "and he doesn't seem to mind."[3] Carmichael remained in Guinea after separation from the Black Panther Party. He continued to travel, write, and speak out in support of international leftist movements and in 1971 collected his work in a second book Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. This book expounds an explicitly socialist, Pan-African vision, which he seemingly retained for the rest of his life. From the late 1970s until the day he died, he answered his phone by announcing "Ready for the revolution!"[2] While in Guinea, he was arrested one more time. Two years after Touré's death in 1984, the military regime which took his place arrested Carmichael and jailed him for three days on suspicion of attempting to overthrow the government. Despite common knowledge that President Touré engaged in torture of his political opponents, Carmichael had never criticized his namesake.[2] Carmichael and Makeba separated in 1973. After they divorced, he entered a second marriage with Marlyatou Barry, a Guinean doctor whom he also divorced. By 1998, his second wife and their son, Bokar, born in 1982, were living in Arlington County, Virginia. Relying on a statement from the All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party, his 1998 obituary in The New York Times referenced two sons, three sisters, and his mother as survivors but without further details.[2]

Death and legacy After two years of treatment at the Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center in New York, he died of prostate cancer at the age of 57 in Conakry, Guinea. He claimed that his cancer "was given to me by forces of American imperialism and others who conspired with them."[2] He claimed that the FBI had introduced the cancer to his body as an attempt at assassination.[28] After his diagnosis in 1996, he was treated in Cuba for his illness while receiving money from the Nation of Islam.[29] Benefit concerts were held in Denver; New York; Atlanta;[4] and Washington, D.C.,[3] to help defray his medical expenses; and the government of Trinidad and Tobago, where he was born, awarded him a grant of $1,000 a month for the same purpose.[4] In 2007, the publication of previously secret Central Intelligence Agency documents revealed that Carmichael had been tracked by the CIA as part of their surveillance of black activists abroad, which began in 1968 and continued for years.[30] In a final interview given to the Washington Post, he spoke with contempt for the economic and electoral progress made during the past thirty years. He acknowledged that blacks had won election to major mayorships, but stated that the power of mayoralty had been diminished and that such progress was essentially meaningless.[31] Stokely Carmichael, along with Charles Hamilton,[32] are credited with coining the phrase "", which is defined as a form of racism that occurs through institutions such as public bodies and corporations, including universities. In the late 1960s Carmichael defined "institutional racism" as "the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin".[33] Civil rights leader Jesse Jackson gave a speech celebrating Carmichael's life, stating: "He was one of our generation who was determined to give his life to transforming America and Africa. He was committed to ending racial apartheid in our country. He helped to bring those walls down".[34] In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Stokely Carmichael on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[35]

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References

[1] Stokely Carmichael (http:/ / www. stanford. edu/ group/ King/ about_king/ encyclopedia/ carmichael_stokely. html), King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006.

[2] "Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9E0CE5DC1131F935A25752C1A96E958260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all) November 16, 1998, New York Times. Accessed

March 27, 2008. (alternate url) (http:/ / www. interchange. org/ Kwameture/ nytimes111698. html) [3] "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for interracial relationships. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life," by Paula Spahn, April 8, 1998, Washington Post p. D 1. Accessed via online cache June 27, 2007.

[4] "Stokely Carmichael Biography" (http:/ / www. answers. com/ topic/ stokely-carmichael) Accessed June 27, 2007.

[5] Thelwell, Ekwueme Michael (1999–2000). "The professor and the activists: A memoir of Sterling Brown" (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 25091592). The Massachusetts Review 40 (Winter): 634-636. JSTOR 25091592. . [6] Stuckey, Sterling. Going Through the Storm: The Influence of African American Art in History. Oxford University Press, 1994, p 142, ISBN 0-19-508604-X, 9780195086041. [7] Safire, William Safire's Political Dictionary. Oxford University Press, 2008, p 58, ISBN 0-19-534334-4, 9780195343342. [8] Haskins, Jim. Toni Morrison: Telling a Tale Untold. Twenty-First Century Books, 2002, p 44, ISBN 0-7613-1852-6, 9780761318521.

[9] Smethurst, James (2010). "The Black arts movement and historically Black colleges and universities" (http:/ / books. google. com/

books?lr=& id=nwq1Pq9BRmQC& q="Tom+ Kahn"#v=snippet& q="Tom Kahn"& f=false). {African-American poets: 1950s to the present. 2. Chelsea House. pp. 112–113. . [10] Carmichael, Stokely and Michael Thelwell. Ready for Revolution: The life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). Simon and

Schuster, 2003. 201 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=LpW9QV0MKC4C& pg=PA201& lpg=PA201& dq="Stokely+ Carmichael"+

Parchman& source=bl& ots=t3FIpI1HtD& sig=zoOBtKBMw-xgKwjvE3lBp5SuEGg& hl=en& ei=kSlJTKm6EIL48AbGtu3WDg& sa=X&

oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=3& ved=0CB0Q6AEwAg#v=onepage& q="Stokely Carmichael" Parchman& f=false). Retrieved from Google Books on July 23, 2010. ISBN 0-684-85003-6, 9780684850030. [11] Carmichael, Stokely (2003). Ready For Revolution. New York, New York: Scribner. pp. 171–215. [12] Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 362–363. ISBN 978-0-19-513674-6.

[13] PBS. "Stokely Carmichael Biography" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ americanexperience/ freedomriders/ people/ stokely-carmichael). PBS. . Retrieved 8 April 2011.

[14] "Freedom Rides and White Backlash" (http:/ / stokely-carmichael. com/ stokely-carmichael-part-6-freedom-rides-and-white-backlash/ ). . Retrieved 8 April 2011. [15] Cwiklik, Robert (1993). Stokely Carmichael and Black Power. Brookfield, Connecticut: The Millbrook Press. pp. 14–15. [16] Bennet Jr., Lerone (Sept. 1966). "Stokely Carmichael Architect of Black Power". Ebony Magazine. [17] Stokely Carmichael, King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006

[18] Atlanta in the Civil Rights Movement (http:/ / www. atlantahighered. org/ civilrights/ essay_detail. asp?phase=4)

[19] (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Y2RIhBEy7dEC& pg=PP16& lpg=PP16& dq=sncc+ expulsion+ of+ whites& source=web&

ots=kQWEr8lbss& sig=qal9cfxnU9U01uivL-mAJrraj2k& hl=en& sa=X& oi=book_result& resnum=3& ct=result), James Forman, "The Making of Black Revolutionaries" xvi - xv (2d ed. 1997). Accessed 17 March 2007.

[20] (http:/ / www. americanrhetoric. com/ speeches/ stokelycarmichaelblackpower. html), Stokely Carmichael, "Black Power" speech. Accessed 17 March 2007. [21] , Stokely Carmichael, King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006,

[22] (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 473. html), Charlie Cobb, From Stokely Carmichael to Kwame Ture. Accessed 17 March 2007. [23] Viva Che!: The Strange Death and Life of Che Guevara, by Andrew Sinclair, 1968/re-released in 2006, Sutton publishing, ISBN 0-7509-4310-6, pg 67 [24] Lukman (2009). The Black Muslim Manifesto: From Inside the belly of the Beast. Bloomington Indiana: AuthorHouse. pp. 158.

[25] "Protests - Events of 1967 - Year in Review" (http:/ / www. upi. com/ Audio/ Year_in_Review/ Events-of-1967/ Protests/

12303074818188-15/ ). United Press International. 1967. pp. 15. . Retrieved 2009-03-26.

[26] (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9903E6DD1438F930A15752C1A9659C8B63& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all), NY Times "Ready for Revolution" Book review. Accessed 17 March 2007.

[27] "Miriam Makeba" (http:/ / www. answers. com/ topic/ miriam-makeba?cat=entertainment) undated biography at Answers.Com. Accessed June 27, 2007.

[28] Statement of Kwame Ture (http:/ / www. kwameture. com/ ) undated between 1996 diagnosis and 1998 death. Accessed June 27, 2007. [29] Schaefer, Richard T. (2008). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity and Society. Thousand Oaks California: SAGE Publications. pp. 523.

[30] "Some Examples of CIA Misconduct" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2007/ 06/ 26/ AR2007062601831.

html), June 26, 2007 report published in the Washington Post. AP report also published same date here (http:/ / www.

nytimes. com/ aponline/ us/ AP-CIA-Family-Jewels-Glance. html) in the New York Times. Accessed June 27, 2007.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Stokely Carmichael 119

[31] Span, Paula (8 Apr.). "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life". The Washington Post: pp. D01. [32] Bhavnani, Mirza, Meetoo, Reena, Heidi, Veena (2005). Tackling the Roots of Racism: Lessons for Success. Bristol, England: The Policy Press. pp. 235.

[33] Richard W. Race, Analyzing ethnic education policy-making in England and Wales (http:/ / www. shef. ac. uk/ socst/ Shop/ race_article. pdf) (PDF), Sheffield Online Papers in Social Research, University of Sheffield, p.12. Accessed 20 June 2006.

[34] Black Panther Leader Dies (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ world/ americas/ 215245. stm), BBC, November 16, 1998. Accessed 20 June 2006. [35] Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York. Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.

Further reading • Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). Scribner 2005, 848 pages. ISBN 0-684-85004-4. • Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. Vintage; Reissue edition 1992, 256 pages. ISBN 0-679-74313-8. • Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. Random House 1971, 292 pages. ISBN 0-394-46879-1. • Joseph, Peniel E., Waiting 'Til The Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. 399 pages. ISBN 0-8050-8335-9

External links

• Stokely Carmichael - Life, Politics and Rhetoric (http:/ / stokely-carmichael. com)

• Stokely Carmichael (http:/ / www. spartacus. schoolnet. co. uk/ USAcarmichael. htm)

• Stokely Carmichael Page (http:/ / courses. washington. edu/ spcmu/ carmichael/ ). Stokely Carmichael spoke to an enthusiastic crowd at Garfield High School in Seattle, Washington on April 19, 1967. Audio and slideshow. Retrieved May 3, 2005.

• Stokely Carmichael FBI FOIA (http:/ / foia. fbi. gov/ foiaindex/ carmichael_stokely. htm)

• A final interview with Kwame Ture in the Washington Post published April 8, 1998 (http:/ / www. interchange.

org/ kwameture/ washpoststory. html)

Research resources

• Stokely Carmichael-Lorna D. Smith Collection, 1964-1972 (http:/ / www. oac. cdlib. org/ findaid/ ark:/ 13030/

tf9x0nb46h) (5 linear ft.) is housed in the Department of Special Collections and University Archives (http:/ /

library. stanford. edu/ depts/ spc/ spc. html) at Stanford University Libraries (http:/ / library. stanford. edu/ )

Videos

• Kwame Ture on Zionism (http:/ / www. panafricanperspective. com/ zionism. html)

• Feb 17 1968 (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ hueypnewton/ people/ people_carmichael. html) on PBS.org

• consciousness and unconsciousness (http:/ / www. blackconsciousness. com/ media/ CONVERT_TURE. ram)

• With H. Rap Brown, Oakland, 1968 (longer version of PBS clip) (http:/ / diva. sfsu. edu/ bundles/ 189468)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer H. Rap Brown 120 H. Rap Brown

.born October 4, 1943, as Hubert Gerold Brown), also known as H ;ﺟﻤﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻻﻣﻴﻦ) Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin Rap Brown, was chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s, and later the Justice Minister of the Black Panther Party. He is perhaps most famous for his proclamation during that period that "violence is as American as cherry pie", as well as once stating that "If America don't come around, we're gonna burn it down". He is also known for his autobiography Die Nigger Die!. He is currently serving a life sentence for a homicide committed in 2000.

Activism Brown was born in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. He became known as H. Rap Brown during the early 1960s. His activism in the civil rights movement included involvement with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), of which he was named chairman in 1967. That same year, he was arrested in Cambridge, Maryland, and charged with inciting to riot as a result of a speech he gave there. He left the SNCC and joined the Black Panthers in 1968. He appeared on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted List after avoiding trial on charges of inciting riot and of carrying a gun across state lines. His attorneys in the gun violation case were civil rights advocate Murphy Bell of Baton Rouge, and the self described "radical lawyer" William Kunstler. Brown was scheduled to be tried in Cambridge, but the trial was moved to Bel Air, Maryland on a change of Venue. On March 9, 1970 two black radicals, Ralph Featherstone and William ("Che") Payne died on U.S. Route 1 south of Bel Air, Maryland when a bomb being carried between Payne's legs on the front floorboard of their car exploded, completely destroying the car and dismembering both occupants. Allegedly the bomb was intended to be used at the courthouse where Brown was to be tried. The next night the Cambridge, Maryland courthouse was bombed.[1] Brown disappeared for 18 months, and then he was arrested after a reported shootout with officers. The shootout occurred after what was said to be an attempted robbery of a bar in 1971 in New York. He spent five years (1971-1976) in Attica Prison after a robbery conviction. While in prison, Brown converted to Islam and changed his name to Jamil Abdullah al-Amin. After his release, he opened a grocery store in Atlanta, Georgia and became a Muslim spiritual leader and community activist preaching against drugs and gambling in Atlanta's West End neighborhood.

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It has since been alleged Brown’s life changed again when he allegedly became both affiliated with a Sunni militant network known as 'Dar ul-Islam'[2] and the leader of Ummah ("a group of mostly African-American converts to Islam, which seeks to establish a separate Sharia-law-governed state within the United States"). These allegations are supposedly supported with affidavits and recordings supplied by several FBI informants within a separate ongoing investigation - that makes reference to but is otherwise unrelated to Brown – and have yet to be entered into the public record via a proper court process.[3] In the meantime, the Muslim Alliance in North America (MANA) issued a statement disagreeing with the characterization of Ummah and its members using words like "shocking and inconsistent".[4]

2000 arrest and conviction On March 16, 2000, in Fulton County, Georgia, Sheriff's deputies Ricky Kinchen and Aldranon English went to al-Amin's home to execute an arrest warrant for his failing to appear in court after a citation for speeding, as well as for impersonating a police officer (al-Amin showed the officer his honorary badge from Whitehall AL). After stopping in front of al-Amin's home and determining that nobody was there, they drove away and were passed by a black Mercedes that was heading towards the home. Kinchen (the more senior deputy) watched the suspect vehicle, and turned the car around and drove up to it, stopping nose to nose. English approached the Mercedes and told the occupant to show his hands. The occupant opened fire with a .223 rifle. English ran between the two cars while returning fire from his handgun, but was hit four times. Kinchen was shot with the rifle and a 9 mm handgun. The following day, Kinchen died of his wounds at Grady Memorial Hospital. English survived his wounds, and identified al-Amin as the shooter from six photos he was shown while recovering in the hospital. Both of the police officers whom Brown was convicted of shooting were African American. Shortly after the shootout, al-Amin fled to White Hall, Alabama, where he was tracked down by U.S. marshals and arrested by law enforcement officers after a four-day manhunt. Al-Amin was wearing body armor at the time of his arrest, and near his arrest location, officers located a 9mm handgun and .223 rifle. Ballistics testing showed that both weapons were the same guns used to shoot Kinchen and English. Later, his black Mercedes, riddled with bullet holes, was located.[5] On March 9, 2002, nearly two years after the shooting took place, al-Amin was convicted of 13 criminal charges, including the murder of deputy Kinchen. Four days later, he was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole.[6] He was sent to Georgia State Prison, the state's maximum security facility near Reidsville, Georgia. At his trial, prosecutors pointed out al-Amin never provided any alibi for his whereabouts at the time of the shootout, nor any explanation as to why he fled the state afterwards. He also did not explain the bullet holes in his car, nor how the weapons used in the shootout were located near him during his arrest. In May 2004, the Supreme Court of Georgia unanimously ruled to uphold al-Amin's conviction.[7] In August 2007, he was transferred from state custody to Federal custody, as Georgia officials decided that al-Amin is too high-profile an inmate for the Georgia prison system to handle. He was moved to a Federal transfer facility in Oklahoma pending assignment to a Federal penitentiary. On October 21, 2007, al-Amin was transferred to the ADX Florence supermax prison in Florence, Colorado.[8]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer H. Rap Brown 122

Bibliography • Die Nigger Die!: A Political Autobiography, Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill Books, 1969; London: Allison & Busby, 1970. • Revolution by the Book: The Rap Is Live, 1993.

Notes

[1] Holden, Todd (March 23, 1970). "Bombing: A Way of Protest and Death" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/

0,9171,943178-1,00. html). Time. . Retrieved February 14, 2010.

[2] "Black America, Prisons, and Radical Islam" (http:/ / www. islamicpluralism. org/ documents/ black-america-prisons-radical-islam. pdf) (PDF). Center for Islamic Pluralism. 2008. . Retrieved February 14, 2010.

[3] "Mike Cox Attorney General - Report on FBI Fatal Shooting of Luqman Ameen Abdullah" (http:/ / www. michigan. gov/ documents/ ag/

AG_Report_-_FBI_Fatal_Shooting_of_L. _A. _Abdullah_333873_7. pdf) (PDF). Michigan Office of the Attorney General. 2010. . Retrieved October, 2010.

[4] The FBI Raid and Shooting Death of Imam Luqman (http:/ / www. mana-net. org/ pages. php?ID=& NUM=1165) Muslim Alliance in North America, October 29, 2009

[5] "Ex-Black Panther convicted of murder" (http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ 2002/ LAW/ 03/ 09/ al. amin. verdict/ index. html). CNN. March 19, 2002. . Retrieved January 18, 2008.

[6] "Deputy Sheriff Ricky Leon Kinchen" (http:/ / odmp. org/ officer. php?oid=15375). Officer Down Memorial Page. Officer Down Memorial Page, Inc.. 2008. . Retrieved January 8, 2008.

[7] "Georgia Justices Uphold Al-Amin Murder Verdict" (http:/ / www. law. com/ jsp/ article. jsp?id=1085416923085)

[8] Bluestein, Greg (August 3, 2007). "1960s Militant Moved to Federal Custody" (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/ US/ wireStory?id=3444097). ABC News. . Retrieved January 18, 2008.

External links

• Video with Stokely Carmichael, Oakland 1968 (http:/ / diva. sfsu. edu/ bundles/ 189468)

• Online audiorecordings and video of H. Rap Brown via UC Berkeley Black Panther site (http:/ / www. lib.

berkeley. edu/ MRC/ pacificapanthers. html)

• Bio and Sound Clip (http:/ / www. historychannel. com/ speeches/ archive/ speech_397. html), History Channel

• Video and Audio of Imam Jamil Al-Amin (H. Rap Brown) (http:/ / panafrican. tv/ index. php?cPath=21_41)

• [[Southern Poverty Law Center (http:/ / www. splcenter. org/ intel/ intelreport/ article. jsp?pid=946)] report on the murder of Ricky Leon Kenchin]

• Die Nigger Die: A Political Autobiography (http:/ / historyisaweapon. org/ defcon1/ dnd. html) by H. Rap Brown

• Imamjamil.com (http:/ / www. imamjamil. com/ articles/ default. asp) by Justice for All, Inc.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Huey P. Newton 123 Huey P. Newton

Huey Percy Newton (February 17, 1942 – August 22, 1989) was an American political and urban activist who, along with Bobby Seale, co-founded the Black Panther Party for Self Defense.

Early life Newton was born in Monroe, Louisiana, the youngest of seven children to Armelia Johnson and Walter Newton, a sharecropper and Baptist lay preacher. His parents named him after former Governor of Louisiana Huey Long. In 1945, the family settled in Oakland, California.[1] The Newton family was quite poor and often relocated throughout the San Francisco Bay Area during Newton's childhood. Despite this, he contended that his family was close-knit and that he never went without food and shelter as a child. Growing up in Oakland, Newton claimed that "[he] was made to feel ashamed of being black."[1] In his autobiography , he wrote, "During those long years in Oakland public schools, I did not have one teacher who taught me anything relevant to my own life or experience. Not one instructor ever awoke in me a desire to learn more or to question or to explore the worlds of literature, science, and history. All they did was try to rob me of the sense of my own uniqueness and worth, and in the process nearly killed my urge to inquire." Although he graduated at Oakland Technical High School in 1960, Newton was illiterate. During his course of autodidacticism, he struggled to read The Republic by Plato. He read it five times to better understand it, and it was this success that inspired him to become a political leader.[2] As a teenager, he was arrested several times for minor offenses, and by age 14, had been arrested for gun possession and vandalism.[3] Newton supported himself in college by burglarizing homes in the Oakland and Berkeley Hills areas, and committing other petty crimes. Newton once claimed he studied law to become a better criminal.

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Founding of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense As a student at Merritt College in Oakland, Newton became involved in politics in the Bay Area. He joined the Afro-American Association, became a prominent member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity, Beta Tau chapter, and played a role in getting the first African-American history course adopted as part of the college's curriculum. He read the works of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Frantz Fanon, Malcolm X, Mao Zedong, and Che Guevara. It was during his time at Merritt College[4] that Newton and Bobby Seale organized the Black Panther Party for Self Defense in October 1966. Based on a coin toss, Seale became Chairman and Newton became Minister of Defense.[5] The Black Panther Party was an African--wing organization working for the right of self-defense for African-Americans in the United States. The Party achieved national and international impact and renown through their deep involvement in the Black Power movement and in politics of the 1960s and 1970s. The intense anti-racism of the time is today considered one of the most significant social, political and cultural currents in United States history. The group's "provocative rhetoric, militant posture, and cultural and political flourishes permanently altered the contours of American Identity."[6] Newton adopted what he termed "revolutionary humanism".[7] Although he had earlier visited Nation of Islam mosques, he wrote that "I had had enough of religion and could not bring myself to adopt another one. I needed a more concrete understanding of social conditions. References to God or Allah did not satisfy my stubborn thirst for answers."[8] Later, however, he stated that "As far as I am concerned, when all of the questions are not answered, when the extraordinary is not explained, when the unknown is not known, then there is room for God because the unexplained and the unknown is God."[9] Newton and the Panthers started a number of social programs in Oakland, including founding the Oakland Community School, which provided high-level education to 150 children from impoverished urban neighborhoods. Other Panther programs included the Free Breakfast for Children Program and others that offered dances for teen-agers and training in martial arts. According to Oakland County Supervisor John George: "Huey could take street-gang types and give them a social consciousness."[10]

Fatal shooting of John Frey One of the The Black Panther Party's most influential and widely known programs was its armed citizens' patrols to evaluate the behavior of police officers and prevent police brutality.[11] Oakland Police Department officer John Frey had stopped Newton before dawn on October 28, 1967, an attempt to disarm and discourage Panther patrols. After fellow officer Herbert Heanes arrived for backup, shots were fired, and all three were wounded. Heanes testified that the shooting began after Newton was under arrest, and one witness testified that Newton shot Frey with Frey's own gun as they wrestled.[12] [13] No gun on either Frey or Newton was found.[13] Newton claimed that Frey shot him first, which made him lose consciousness during the incident.[14] Frey was shot four times and died within the hour, while Heanes was left in serious condition with three bullet wounds. With a bullet wound to the abdomen, Newton staggered into the Kaiser Hospital in Oakland. He was admitted, but was alarmed to find himself handcuffed to his bed.[15] Newton was convicted in September 1968 of voluntary manslaughter for the killing of Frey and was sentenced to 2–15 years in prison. In May 1970, the California Appellate Court reversed the conviction and ordered a new trial. After two subsequent mistrials, the California Supreme Court dropped the case.[15] In his autobiography, "Revolutionary Suicide", Newton claimed that Heanes and Frey were opposite each other and shooting in each others' direction during the shootout. According to journalist Hugh Pearson, Newton boasted to close friend and sociobiologist that he deliberately killed John Frey and never regretted it.[16]

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Writings Around this time Newton wrote several collections of essays, poems, songs and oral history, some published by the Black Panther Party (see Books, articles, and oral histories, below).

Murder of Kathleen Smith, Assault of Preston Callins On August 6, 1974, Kathleen Smith, a 17-year-old Oakland prostitute was shot; she died three months later. According to the prosecutor handling the case[17] and other sources Newton shot Smith after a casual exchange on the street during which she referred to him as "Baby", a childhood nickname he hated. He was arrested on murder charges, then released for lack of evidence. In discussion with sociobiologist Robert Trivers, Newton later referred to the killing of Kathleen Smith as "my first non-political murder," and said he felt guilty about it.[18] Similarly, Newton assaulted his tailor, Preston Callins, after Callins called him "Baby". After posting bond on an arrest for pistol whipping Callins, Newton was again arrested for the murder of Smith but was able to post an $80,000 bond and was released again. Newton and his girlfriend Gwen Fountaine, fled to Havana, Cuba to avoid prosecution for the charges, living there until 1977.[19] took over as chairperson of the Black Panther Party in his absence.[20] Newton returned to the United States in 1977 to stand trial for the murder of Smith and the assault on Callins. In October 1977 three Black Panthers attempted to assassinate Crystal Gray, one of the prostitutes present the day of Kathleen Smith’s murder and a key prosecution witness in Newton's upcoming trial. Unbeknownst to the assailants, they attacked the wrong house and the occupant returned fire. During the shootout one of the Panthers, Louis Johnson, was killed and the other two assailants escaped.[21] One of the two surviving assassins, Flores Forbes, fled to Las Vegas Nevada with the help of Panther paramedic Nelson Malloy. Fearing that Malloy would discover the truth behind the botched assassination attempt, Newton allegedly ordered a “house cleaning”, and Malloy was shot in the desert and buried alive. Malloy miraculously recovered from the assault and told police that fellow Panthers Rollin Reid and Allen Lewis were behind his murder attempt.[22] Newton denied any involvement or knowledge and claimed the events “might have been the result of overzealous party members”.[17] During the assault trial Preston Callins changed his testimony several times and eventually told the jury that he did not know who assaulted him. Newton was acquitted of the assault in September 1978 but convicted on two counts of firearm possession. After two trials and two deadlocked juries, the prosecution decided not to retry Newton for Smith’s murder.

People’s Temple In January 1977, Peoples Temple leader Jim Jones visited Newton in Havana.[23] After Jones fled to Jonestown, Guyana, Newton spoke to Temple members in Jonestown via telephone patch supporting Jones during one of the Temple's earliest "White Nights."[24] Newton's cousin, Stanley Clayton, was one of the few residents of Jonestown to escape the 1978 tragedy, during which more than 900 Temple members were ordered by Jones to commit suicide.[24]

Academic achievements Newton earned a bachelor's degree from UC Santa Cruz in 1974. He was enrolled as a graduate student in History of Consciousness at UC Santa Cruz in 1978, when he arranged to take a reading course from famed evolutionary biologist Robert Trivers, while in prison. He and Trivers became close friends. Trivers and Newton published an influential analysis of the role of flight crew self-deception in the crash of Air Florida Flight 90.[25] Newton earned a Ph.D. in social philosophy at the University of California at Santa Cruz in 1980.[26] His doctoral dissertation was entitled War Against the Panthers: A Study of Repression in America.[27] Later, Newton's widow, Frederika Newton, would discuss her husband's often-ignored academic leanings on C-SPAN's "American Perspectives" program on February 18, 2006.

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Death Relations between Newton and factions within the Black Guerilla Family had been strained for nearly two decades. Former Black Panther members who became BGF members in jail had become disenchanted with Newton for his perceived abandonment of imprisoned Black Panther members and allegations of Newton's fratricide within the party. Newton was addicted to crack cocaine, and his extortion of local BGF drug dealers to obtain free drugs added to their animosity.[28] On August 22, 1989, Newton was fatally shot on the 1400 block of 9th street in West Oakland by 24-year-old BGF member Tyrone Robinson, a known Oakland drug dealer, [4] during an attempt by Newton to obtain crack cocaine.[26] [29] Robinson was convicted of the murder in August 1991 and sentenced to 32 years in prison for the crime.[30] Robinson claimed that Newton pulled a gun when the two met at a street corner in the neighborhood. OPD Sergeant Mercado said, "But investigators said they found no evidence Newton had been armed." The murder occurred in a neighborhood where Newton, as minister of defense for the Black Panthers, once organized social programs that helped destitute African Americans, such as feeding poor, young children in the community before they headed off to school. Newton's last words, as he stood facing his killer, were, "You can kill my body, but you can't kill my soul. My soul will live forever!" He was then shot three times in the face by Robinson.[20] He was interred at Evergreen Cemetery in Oakland.[31]

In popular culture There are many references to Huey Newton in popular music, including in the songs "Changes" by ,[32] "Welcome To The Terrordome" by Public Enemy, "Queens Get The Money" by Nas, "Sunny Kim" by Andre Nickatina, "Just A Celebrity" by The Jacka, "Same Thing" by Flobots, "Dreams" and "911 Is A Joke(Cop Killa)" by The Game, "You Can't Murder Me" by Papoose, "Police State" by , "Propaganda" by Dead Prez "We Want Freedom" by Dead Prez, "Malcolm, Garvey, Huey" by Dead Prez, "SLR" by Lupe Fiasco, "Bill Gates Freestyle" by Fabolous feat. Paul Cain, "Huey Newton" by Wiz Khalifa & Currensy,"Hiiipower" by , "My Favorite Mutiny" by The Coup, and "Dream Team" by Spearhead. In the comic strip and cartoon show The Boondocks, the main character Huey Freeman, a ten year-old African-American revolutionary, is named after Newton; another reference comes when Freeman starts an independent newspaper, dubbing it the Free Huey World Report.[33] In 1996, A Huey P. Newton Story was performed on stage by veteran actor Roger Guenveur Smith. The one-man play later was made into an award-winning 2001 film directed by Spike Lee.[34]

Bibliography • Brown, Elaine. . (Anchor Books: 1993) ISBN 0-385-47107-6. • Foner, Philip S. (editor) The Black Panthers Speak - The Manifesto of the Party: The First Complete Documentary Record of the Panther's Program (Dial, 1970) • "People of the state of California, plaintiff & respondent, vs. Huey P. Newton, defendant and appellant: Appellant's opening brief" (ERIC reports) • Hilliard, David and Keith and Kent Zimmerman. Huey: Spirit of the Panther (Thunder's Mouth Press, 2006) • Jeffries, Judson L. Huey P. Newton, The Radical Theorist (University of Mississippi Press, 2002) • Pearson, Hugh. Shadow of the Panther: Huey P. Newton and the Price of Black |Power in America (Addison Wesley, 1994) • Seale, Bobby. Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton (Random House, 1970) • Obituary in The New York Times by Dennis Hevesi, (August 23, 1989). "Huey Newton Symbolized the Rising Black Anger of a Generation"

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Books, articles, and oral histories by or with Huey P. Newton • Huey Newton Speaks oral history by Huey P. Newton (Paredon Records, 1970) • Huey!: Listen Whitey! protest songs/spoken word by Huey P. Newton; produced by American Documentary Films; released by Folkways Records (1972) • To Die for the People: The Writings of Huey P. Newton Toni Morrison (Editor) (Random House, 1972) • Revolutionary Suicide with J. Herman Blake (Random House, 1973; republished in 1995 with introduction by Blake) • Insights and Poems by Huey P. Newton, 1975) • War Against the Panthers: A Study of Repression in America by Huey P. Newton (Harlem River Press, 1996: the published version of Newton's PhD thesis) • The Huey P. Newton Reader and Donald Weise (Editors) (Seven Stories Press, 2002) • Essays from the Minister of Defense [35] by Huey P Newton, Black Panther Party, 1968, Oakland (Pamphlet) • The Genius of Huey P. Newton [36] by Huey P. Newton, Awesome Records (June 1, 1993) • The original vision of the Black Panther Party by Huey P Newton, Black Panther Party (1973) • Huey Newton talks to the movement about the Black Panther Party, cultural nationalism, SNCC, liberals and white revolutionaries by Huey P Newton • Huey Spirit of the Panther by David Hillard with Keith and Kent Zimmerman (Thunder's Mouth Press) • To Die for the People by Huey Newton (City Lights Publishers, 2009)

References

[1] Huey P. Newton biography (http:/ / www. africawithin. com/ bios/ huey_newton. htm) (retrieved December 24, 2010)

[2] Gates, Anita (February 13, 2002). "An American Panther, In His Own Words" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2002/ 02/ 13/ arts/

television-review-an-american-panther-in-his-own-words. html). New York Times. . Retrieved 2009-04-25.

[3] Jones, Jackie (February 17, 2009). " Faces and Places: Huey P. Newton" (http:/ / www. blackamericaweb. com/

?q=articles/ life_style/ home_family_life_style/ 6917). BlackAmericaWeb.com. .

[4] Biography Resource Center (2001). "Huey P. Newton" (http:/ / www. africawithin. com/ bios/ huey_newton. htm). Gale Group Inc.. . Retrieved 2009-04-25. [5] Seale, Bobby, Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton, p 62 [6] Curtis Stephen. Life of A Party. Crisis ; Sep/Oct 2006, Vol. 113 Issue 5, p30-37, 8p

[7] Stephen C. Finley, Torin Alexander (2009). African American religious cultures (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xEEIY4Q1ZAIC& pg=PA21). ISBN 9781576074701. .

[8] Judson L. Jeffries (2006). Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_Y449Mf4XSgC& pg=PT150). ISBN 9781578068777. .

[9] Huey P. Newton, David Hilliard, Donald Weise (2002). The Huey P. Newton reader (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=pwQl_1ojLugC& pg=PA217). ISBN 9781583224670. .

[10] "Nation: The Odyssey of Huey Newton" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,946144-2,00. html#ixzz1DzApoBoV). Time. November 13, 1978. .

[11] Westneat, Danny (2005-06-01). "Reunion of Black Panthers stirs memories of aggression, activism" (http:/ / seattletimes. nwsource. com/

html/ localnews/ 2002270461_danny11. html). The Seattle Times. . Retrieved 2006-06-05. [12] "Witness Says Newton Shot Policeman", New York Times, Aug 8, 1968 [13] "State Opens Case of Black Panther", New York Times, Aug 6, 1968 [14] The Huey P. Newton Reader by Huey P. Newton, chapters "crisis: October 28, 1967" and "trial" [15] Hillard, David Huey: Spirit of the Panther Thunder's Mouth Press, 2006. [16] Pearson, pg 221

[17] Time Magazine, The Odyssey of Huey Newton (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,946144-1,00. html) [18] Pearson, Hugh, (1994) The Shadow of the Panther, p. 268

[19] Wilbur C. Rich (2007). African American perspectives on political science (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nD0dLxEhvlIC& pg=PA71). Temple University Press. ISBN 9781592131099. . [20] Pearson, Hugh, (1994) The Shadow of the Panther, p. 315 [21] Gunmen Try To Kill Witness Against Black Panther Leader . The Leader-Post. Oct 25, 1977 [22] COAST INQUIRIES PICK PANTHERS AS TARGET; Murder, Attempted Murders and Financing of Poverty Programs Under Oakland Investigation. New York Times. December 14, 1977

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Huey P. Newton 128

[23] Reiterman, Tim, Tom Reiterman, and . Raven: The Untold Story of Reverend Jim Jones and His People. Dutton, 1982. ISBN 0-525-24136-1. p. 284. [24] Reiterman, Tim, Tom Reiterman, and John Jacobs. Raven: The Untold Story of Reverend Jim Jones and His People. Dutton, 1982. ISBN 0-525-24136-1. p. 369. [25] Trivers, R.L. & Newton, H.P. Science Digest "The crash of flight 90: doomed by self-deception?" November 1982.

[26] "Suspect Admits Shooting Newton, Police Say" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=950DE6D8153EF934A1575BC0A96F948260). Associated Press in New York Times. August 27, 1989. . Retrieved 2008-05-12. "The police said late Friday that an admitted drug dealer had acknowledged killing Huey P. Newton, co-founder of the Black Panther Party."

[27] Newton, Huey P. (June 1, 1980). War Against The Panthers: A Study Of Repression In America (http:/ / www. mindfully. org/ Reform/

War-Against-Panthers-Newton1jun80. htm). University of California, Santa Cruz. . [28] Pearson, p. 6

[29] "Newton Death Suspect Linked to Drug World" (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=8vNDAAAAIBAJ& sjid=ErAMAAAAIBAJ& pg=1162,5145861). Durant (OK) Daily Democrat. AP: p. 7. August 27, 1989. . Retrieved February 1, 2011. [30] Los Angeles Times, 10-10-91, pA22; 12-5-91, pA19.

[31] (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=BJT_n7Xl6JwC& pg=PA325& lpg=PA325& dq="huey+ newton"+ "evergreen+ cemetery"&

source=bl& ots=OWz2gO5fta& sig=ihUavfQNtPNohIaOfhWPawGcxfs& hl=en& ei=bEwNTvPAOIf6sAP9vr2bDg& sa=X&

oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& sqi=2& ved=0CB8Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q="huey newton" "evergreen cemetery"& f=false)

[32] Lazerow, Jama; Yohuru R. Williams (2006). In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement (http:/ /

books. google. com/ ?id=mi2G28ZcmvsC). Duke University: Duke University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0822338904. .

[33] Datcher, Michael (October 2003). "Free Huey: Aaron McGruder's Outer Child is Taking on America" (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/

mi_qa4081/ is_200309/ ai_n9297778/ ). Crisis: pp. 41–43. .

[34] "Awards for A Huey P. Newton Story" (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0278490/ awards). Internet Movie Database. . Retrieved 2008-06-24.

[35] http:/ / archive. lib. msu. edu/ DMC/ AmRad/ essaysministerdefense. pdf

[36] http:/ / archive. lib. msu. edu/ DMC/ AmRad/ geniushueynewton. pdf

External links

• Video interview on African American History Channel (http:/ / www. africanamericanhistory. tv/ videos/ playlist/ 4639-huey-newton)

• Online audiorecordings and video of Huey Newton via UC Berkeley Black Panther site (http:/ / www. lib.

berkeley. edu/ MRC/ pacificapanthers. html)

• 1968 interview with Newton (http:/ / www. hippy. com/ php/ article. php?sid=76)

• Newton Discography on Folkways (http:/ / www. folkways. si. edu/ searchresults. aspx?sPhrase=Huey P.

Newton& sType='phrase'/ )

• A Huey P. Newton Story (http:/ / www. ahueypnewtonstory. com/ ), Official Film Site

• A Huey P. Newton Story (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ hueypnewton/ index. html), directed by Spike Lee, as shown on PBS

• Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation (http:/ / www. blackpanther. org/ )

• Black Panther Tours (http:/ / www. blackpanthertours. com/ )

• Huey P. Newton's doctoral dissertation (http:/ / www. mindfully. org/ Reform/

War-Against-Panthers-Newton1jun80. htm)

• The Women's Liberation and Gay Liberation Movements: Speech given by Huey Newton (http:/ /

historyisaweapon. org/ defcon1/ newtonq. html)

• Newton's 2009 publication from City Lights, To Die for the People (http:/ / www. citylights. com/ book/ ?GCOI=87286100230650)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Panther Party 129 Black Panther Party

The Black Panther Party (originally the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense) was an African-American revolutionary leftist organization. It was active in the United States from 1966 until 1982. The Black Panther Party achieved national and international notoriety through its involvement in the Black Power movement and in U.S. politics of the 1960s and 70s. The anti-racism of that time is today considered one of the most significant social, political and cultural currents in U.S. history. The group's "provocative rhetoric, militant posture, and cultural and political flourishes permanently altered the contours of American Identity."[1] Founded in Oakland, California, by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale on October 15, 1966, the organization initially set forth a doctrine calling primarily for the protection of African American neighborhoods from police brutality.[2] The organization's leaders espoused socialist and communist (largely Maoist) doctrines, however the Party's early black nationalist reputation attracted a diverse membership.[3] Black Panther Party objectives and philosophy expanded and evolved rapidly during the party's existence, so ideological consensus within the party was difficult to achieve, and some prominent members openly disagreed with the views of the leaders. The organization's official newspaper, The Black Panther, was first circulated in 1967. Also that year, the Black Panther Party marched on the California State Capitol in Sacramento in protest of a selective ban on weapons. By 1968, the party had expanded into many cities throughout the United States, among them New Orleans, Chicago, Los Angeles, Detroit, San Diego, Denver, Newark, New York City, Kansas City, Boston, Dallas, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Seattle, Washington, D.C., Baltimore, San Francisco and Omaha. Peak membership neared 10,000 by 1969, and their newspaper, under the editorial leadership of , had a circulation of 250,000.[4] The group created a Ten-Point Program, a document that called for "Land, Bread, Housing, Education, Clothing, Justice and Peace", as well as exemption from conscription for African-American men, among other demands.[5] With the Ten-Point program, “What We Want, What We Believe”, the Black Panther Party expressed its economic and political grievances.[6] Gaining national prominence, the Black Panther Party became an icon of the counterculture of the 1960s.[7] Ultimately, the Panthers condemned black nationalism as "black racism" and became more focused on socialism without racial exclusivity.[8] They instituted a variety of community social programs designed to alleviate poverty and improve health among inner city black communities as well as soften its public image.[9] The Black Panther

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Party's most widely known programs were its armed citizens' patrols to evaluate behavior of police officers and its Free Breakfast for Children program. However, the group's political goals were often overshadowed by their confrontational, militant, and violent tactics against police.[10] Federal Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover called the party “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country,”[11] and he supervised an extensive program (COINTELPRO) of surveillance, infiltration, perjury, police harassment, assassination, and many other tactics designed to undermine Panther leadership, incriminate party members and drain the organization of resources and manpower. Through these tactics, Hoover hoped to diminish the Party's threat to the general power structure of the U.S., or even maintain its influence as a strong undercurrent.[12] Angela Davis, Ward Churchill, and others have alleged that federal, state and local law enforcement officials went to great lengths to discredit and destroy the organization, including assassination.[13] [14] [15] Black Panther Party membership reached a peak of 10,000 by early 1969, then suffered a series of contractions due to legal troubles, incarcerations, internal splits, expulsions and defections. Popular support for the Party declined further after reports appeared detailing the group's involvement in activities such as drug dealing and extortion schemes directed against Oakland merchants[16] By 1972 most Panther activity centered around the national headquarters and a school in Oakland, CA, where the Party continued to influence local politics. Party contractions continued throughout the 1970s; by 1980 the Black Panther Party comprised just 27 members.[17]

Origins

In 1966, Huey P. Newton was released from jail. With his friend Bobby Seale from Oakland City College, he joined a black power group called the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM). RAM had a chapter in Oakland and followed the writings of Robert F. Williams. Williams had been the president of the Monroe, North Carolina branch of the NAACP and later published a newsletter called The Crusader from Cuba, where he fled to escape kidnapping charges.[18]

They worked at the North Oakland Neighborhood Anti-Poverty Center, where they also served on the advisory board. To combat police brutality, the advisory board Original six members of the Black Panther Party (November, 1966) Top left to right: Elbert "Big Man" Howard; Huey P. Newton (Defense Minister), Sherman obtained 5,000 signatures in support of the Forte, Bobby Seale (Chairman). Bottom: Reggie Forte and Little City Council's setting up a police review (Treasurer) board to review complaints. Newton was also taking classes at the City College and at San Francisco Law School. Both institutions were active in the North Oakland Center. Thus the pair had numerous connections with whom they talked about a new organization. Inspired by the success of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization and Stokely Carmichael's calls for separate black political organizations,[19] they wrote their initial platform statement, the Ten-Point Program. With the help of Huey's brother Melvin, they decided on a uniform of blue shirts, black pants, black leather jackets, black berets, and openly displayed loaded shotguns (in his studies, Newton had discovered a California law that allowed carrying a loaded rifle or shotgun in public, as long as it was publicly displayed and pointed at no one).[20]

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What became standard Black Panther discourse emerged from a long history of urban activism, social criticism and political struggle by African Americans. “As inheritors of the discipline, pride, and calm self-assurance preached by Malcolm X, the Panthers became national heroes in African American communities by infusing abstract nationalism with street toughness—by joining the rhythms of black working-class youth culture to the interracial élan and effervescence of Bay Area New Left politics."[12] There is often debate about the impact that the Black Panther Party had on the greater society, or even their local environment. Some feel as though their only impact was one of contention against law enforcement, as facilitators of violence, and outspoken misguided radicals. “Beyond their immediate and material impact, though, the survival programs aimed at deeper spiritual and ideological transformations among neighborhood men and women whom the Party hoped to mobilize. As models of black self-determination and pride, the programs combined self-help and education in revolutionary diction with the free-spirited, animated public displays of political commitment that had become the sine qua non of Left culture in the Bay Area.”[12] “In 1966, the Panthers defined Oakland’s as a territory, the police as interlopers, and the Panther mission as the defense of community. The Panthers' famous “policing the police” drew attention to the spatial remove that White Americans enjoyed from the state violence that had come to characterize life in black urban communities.”[12]

Evolving ideology, widening support

Awareness of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense grow rapidly after after their May 2, 1967 protest at the California State Assembly. In May 1967, the Panthers invaded the State Assembly Chamber in Sacramento, guns in hand, in what appears to have been a publicity stunt. Still, they scared a lot of important people that day. At the time, the Panthers had almost no following. Now, (a year later) however, their leaders speak on invitation almost anywhere radicals gather, and many whites wear "Honkeys for Huey" buttons, supporting the fight to free Newton, who has been in jail since last Oct. 28 (1967) on the charge that he killed a policeman..."[21]

In October 1967, Huey Newton was arrested for the murder of Oakland Police Officer John Frey, a murder he later admitted and pointed to with pride.[22] At the time, Newton claimed that he had been falsely accused, leading to the "Free Huey" campaign. On February 17, 1968, at the "Free Huey" birthday rally in the Oakland Auditorium, several

Black Panther Party leaders spoke. H. Rap Brown, Black Panther Party Black Panther convention, Lincoln Memorial, Minister of Justice, declared: June 19, 1970

Huey Newton is our only living revolutionary in this country today...He has paid his dues. He has paid his dues. How many white folks did you kill today?[9] The mostly black crowd erupted in applause. James Forman, Black Panther Party Minister of Foreign Affairs, followed with an even more incendiary speech: We must serve notice on our oppressors that we as a people are not going to be frightened by the attempted assassination of our leaders. For my assassination—and I'm the low man on the totem pole—I want 30 police stations blown up, one southern governor, two mayors, and 500 cops, dead. If they assassinate Brother Carmichael, Brother Brown...Brother Seale, this price is tripled. And if Huey is not set free and dies, the sky is the limit![23]

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Referring to the 1967–68 period, black historian Curtis Austin states: "During this period of development, black nationalism became part of the party's philosophy."[24] During the months following the "Free Huey" birthday rallies, one in Oakland and another in Los Angeles, the Party's violent, anti-white rhetoric attracted a huge following and Black Panther Party membership exploded. Two days after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., on April 6, 1968, seventeen-year-old Bobby Hutton joined Eldridge Cleaver, Black Panther Party Minister of Information, in what Cleaver later admitted was "an ambush" of the Oakland police. Two officers were wounded, and Bobby Hutton became another martyr when officers opened fire, killing Hutton and wounding Cleaver. Almost all black people, and many white liberals, believed Cleaver's initial claim that the police had initiated the violence.[25] [26] After Hutton's death, Black Panther Party Chairman Bobby Seale and Kathleen Cleaver (Eldridge's wife) held a rally in New York City at the Fillmore East in support of Hutton and Cleaver. Playwright LeRoi Jones (later Amiri Baraka) joined them on stage before a mixed crowd of 2,000: We want to become masters of our own destiny...we want to build a black nation to benefit black people...The white people who killed Bobby Hutton are the same white people sitting here.[27] The crowd, including many whites, gave LeRoi Jones a standing ovation. In 1968, the group shortened its name to the Black Panther Party and sought to focus directly on political action. Members were encouraged to carry guns and to defend themselves against violence. An influx of college students joined the group, which had consisted chiefly of "brothers off the block." This created some tension in the group. Some members were more interested in supporting the Panthers social programs, while others wanted to maintain their "street mentality". For many Panthers, the group was little more than a type of gang.[28] Curtis Austin states that by late 1968, Black Panther Party ideology had evolved to the point where they began to reject black nationalism and became more a "revolutionary internationalist movement": (The Party) dropped its wholesale attacks against whites and began to emphasize more of a class analysis of society. Its emphasis on Marxist-Leninist doctrine and its repeated espousal of Maoist statements signaled the group's transition from a revolutionary nationalist to a revolutionary internationalist movement. Every Party member had to study Mao Tse-tung's "Little Red Book" to advance his or her knowledge of peoples' struggle and the revolutionary process.[29] Panther slogans and iconography spread. At the 1968 Summer Olympics, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, two American medalists, gave the black power salute during the playing of the American national anthem. The International Olympic Committee banned them from the Olympic Games for life. Hollywood celebrity Jane Fonda publicly supported Huey Newton and the Black Panthers during the early 1970s. She and other Hollywood celebrities became involved in the Panthers' leftist programs. The Panthers attracted a wide variety of left-wing revolutionaries and political activists, including writer Jean Genet, former Ramparts magazine editor David Horowitz (who later became a major critic of what he describes as Panther criminality)[30] and left-wing lawyer Charles R. Garry, who acted as counsel in the Panthers' many legal battles. Survival committees and coalitions were organized with several groups across the United States. Chief among these was the Rainbow Coalition formed by and the Chicago Black Panthers. The Rainbow Coalition included the , a Latino youth gang turned political under the leadership of Jose Cha Cha Jimenez.[31] It also included the Young Patriots, which was organized to support young, white migrants from the Appalachia region.[32]

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Rules The Black Panther Party had a list of 26 rules that dictated their daily party work. They regulated their participant's use of drugs, alcohol, and their actions while they were working. Almost all of the rules had to do with only the actions of members while they were in an event or a meeting of the Black Panthers. The rules also said that members had to follow the Ten Point Program, and had to know it by heart. The final section of rules had to do with more of the leader's responsibilities, such as providing a first aid center for members of the Black Panthers.[33] [34] [35]

The Ten Point Program The Ten Point Program was as follows: 1. WE WANT FREEDOM. WE WANT POWER TO DETERMINE THE DESTINY OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES. We believe that Black and oppressed people will not be free until we are able to determine our destinies in our own communities ourselves, by fully controlling all the institutions which exist in our communities. 2. WE WANT FULL EMPLOYMENT FOR OUR PEOPLE. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every person employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the American businessmen will not give full employment, then the technology and means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. 3. WE WANT AN END TO THE ROBBERY BY THE CAPITALISTS OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES. We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules were promised 100 years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of Black people. We will accept the payment in currency which will be distributed to our many communities. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter of our fifty million Black people. Therefore, we feel this is a modest demand that we make. 4. WE WANT DECENT HOUSING, FIT FOR THE SHELTER OF HUMAN BEINGS. We believe that if the landlords will not give decent housing to our Black and oppressed communities, then housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that the people in our communities, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for the people. 5. WE WANT DECENT EDUCATION FOR OUR PEOPLE THAT EXPOSES THE TRUE NATURE OF THIS DECADENT AMERICAN SOCIETY. WE WANT EDUCATION THAT TEACHES US OUR TRUE HISTORY AND OUR ROLE IN THE PRESENT-DAY SOCIETY. We believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of the self. If you do not have knowledge of yourself and your position in the society and in the world, then you will have little chance to know anything else. 6. WE WANT COMPLETELY FREE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE. We believe that the government must provide, free of charge, for the people, health facilities which will not only treat our illnesses, most of which have come about as a result of our oppression, but which will also develop preventive medical programs to guarantee our future survival. We believe that mass health education and research programs must be developed to give all Black and oppressed people access to advanced scientific and medical information, so we may provide our selves with proper medical attention and care. 7. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO POLICE BRUTALITY AND MURDER OF BLACK PEOPLE, OTHER PEOPLE OF COLOR, ALL OPPRESSED PEOPLE INSIDE THE UNITED STATES. We believe that the racist and fascist government of the United States uses its domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its program of oppression against black people, other people of color and poor people inside the United States. We believe it is our right, therefore, to defend ourselves against such armed forces and that all Black and oppressed people should be armed for self defense of our homes and communities against these fascist police forces.

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8. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO ALL WARS OF AGGRESSION. We believe that the various conflicts which exist around the world stem directly from the aggressive desire of the United States ruling circle and government to force its domination upon the oppressed people of the world. We believe that if the United States government or its lackeys do not cease these aggressive wars it is the right of the people to defend themselves by any means necessary against their aggressors. 9. WE WANT FREEDOM FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE NOW HELD IN U.S. FEDERAL, STATE, COUNTY, CITY, AND MILITARY PRISONS AND JAILS. WE WANT TRIALS BY A JURY OF PEERS FOR ALL PERSONS CHARGED WITH SO-CALLED CRIMES UNDER THE LAWS OF THIS COUNTRY. We believe that the many Black and poor oppressed people now held in United States prisons and jails have not received fair and impartial trials under a racist and fascist judicial system and should be free from incarceration. We believe in the ultimate elimination of all wretched, inhuman penal institutions, because the masses of men and women imprisoned inside the United States or by the United States military are the victims of oppressive conditions which are the real cause of their imprisonment. We believe that when persons are brought to trial they must be guaranteed, by the United States, juries of their peers, attorneys of their choice and freedom from imprisonment while awaiting trial. 10. WE WANT LAND, BREAD, HOUSING, EDUCATION, CLOTHING, JUSTICE, PEACE AND PEOPLE'S COMMUNITY CONTROL OF MODERN TECHNOLOGY. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are most disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpation, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. 11. [36]

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Action

"This country is a nation of thieves. It stole everything it has, beginning with black people. The U.S. cannot justify its existence as the policeman of the world any longer. I do not want to be a part of the American pie. The American pie means raping South Africa, beating Vietnam, beating South America, raping the Philippines, raping every country you’ve been in. I don’t want any of your blood money. I don’t want to be part of that system. We must question whether or not we want this country to continue being the wealthiest country in the world at the price of raping everybody else."

— Stokely Carmichael, Honorary Prime Minister[37]

Survival programs

Inspired by Mao Zedong's advice to revolutionaries in The Little Red Book, Newton called on the Panthers to "serve the people" and to make "survival programs" a priority within its branches. The most famous of their programs was the Free Breakfast for Children Program, initially 1970 BPP pamphlet combining an anti-drug message with revolutionary politics run out of an Oakland church.

Other survival programs were free services such as clothing distribution, classes on politics and economics, free medical clinics, lessons on self-defense and first aid, transportation to upstate prisons for family members of inmates, an emergency-response ambulance program, drug and alcohol rehabilitation, and testing for sickle-cell disease.[38] The BPP also founded the "Intercommunal Youth Institute" in January 1971,[39] with the intent of demonstrating how black youth ought to be educated. Ericka Huggins was the director of the school and Regina Davis was an administrator.[40] The school was unique in that it didn't have grade levels but instead had different skill levels so an 11 year old could be in second-level English and fifth-level science.[41] Elaine Brown taught reading and writing to a group of 10 to 11 year olds deemed "uneducable" by the system.[42] At the school children were given free busing; breakfast, lunch, and dinner; books and school supplies; children were taken to have medical checkups; and many children were given free clothes.[43]

Political activities The Party briefly merged with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, headed by Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture). In 1967, the party organized a march on the California state capitol to protest the state's attempt to outlaw carrying loaded weapons in public after the Panthers had begun exercising that right. Participants in the march carried rifles. In 1968, BPP Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver ran for Presidential office on the Peace and Freedom Party ticket. They were a big influence on the , that was tied to the Detroit/Ann Arbor band MC5 and their manager , author of the book Army that also promulgated a ten-point program.

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Conflict with law enforcement

One of the central aims of the BPP was to stop abuse by local police departments. When the party was founded in 1966, only 16 of Oakland's 661 police officers were African American.[44] Accordingly, many members questioned the Department's objectivity and impartiality. This situation was not unique to Oakland, as most police departments in major cities did not have proportional membership by African Americans. Throughout the 1960s, race riots and civil unrest broke out in impoverished African-American communities subject to policing by disproportionately white police departments. The work and writings of Robert F. Williams, Monroe, North Carolina NAACP chapter president and author of Negroes with Guns, also influenced the

BPP's tactics. Black Panther Party members standing in the street, armed with a Colt .45 and a shotgun The BPP sought to oppose police brutality through neighborhood patrols (an approach since adopted by groups such as Copwatch). Police officers were often followed by armed Black Panthers who sought at times to aid African-Americans who were victims of police brutality and racial prejudice. Both Panthers and police died as a result of violent confrontations. By 1970, 34 Panthers had died as a result of police raids, shoot-outs and internal conflict.[45] Various police organizations claim the Black Panthers were responsible for the deaths of at least 15 law enforcement officers and the injuries of dozens more. During those years, juries found several BPP members guilty of violent crimes.[46] From 1966 to 1972, when the party was most active, several departments hired significantly more African-American police officers. During this time period, many African American police officers started to form organizations of their own to become more protective of the African American citizenry and to increase black representation on police forces.[47] On October 17, 1967, Oakland police officer John Frey was shot to death in an altercation with Huey P. Newton during a traffic stop. In the stop, Newton and backup officer Herbert Heanes also suffered gunshot wounds. Newton was arrested and charged with murder, which sparked a "free Huey" campaign, organized by Eldridge Cleaver to help Newton's legal defense. Newton was convicted of voluntary manslaughter, though after three years in prison he was released when his conviction was reversed on appeal. During later years Newton would boast to friend and sociobiologist Robert Trivers (one of the few whites who became a Party member during its waning years) that he had in fact murdered officer John Frey.[22]

In April 1968, the party was involved in a gun battle, in which Bobby Hutton, a Panther, was killed. Cleaver later said that he had led the Panther group on a deliberate ambush of the police officers, thus provoking the shoot-out.[25] In Chicago, two Panthers were killed in a police raid.[4] One of the most notorious incidents was the Chicago Police raid of the home of Panther leader Fred Hampton on December 4, 1969. The raid had been orchestrated by the police in conjunction with the FBI. The FBI was complicit in many of the actions. Hampton was shot and killed, as was the guard, . Cook County State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan, his assistant and eight Chicago police officers were indicted by a federal grand jury over the raid but the charges were later dismissed.[48] Prominent member H. Rap Brown is serving life imprisonment for the 2000 murder of Ricky Leon Kinchen, a Fulton County, Georgia sheriff's deputy, and the wounding of another officer in a gunbattle. Both officers were black.[49]

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Conflict with COINTELPRO

In August 1967, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) instructed its program "COINTELPRO" to "neutralize" what the FBI called "black nationalist hate groups" and other dissident groups. In September 1968, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover described the Black Panthers as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the country."[50] By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized "Black Nationalist" COINTELPRO actions. The goals of the program were to prevent the unification of militant black nationalist groups and to weaken the power of their leaders, as well as to discredit the groups to reduce their support and growth. The initial targets included the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Revolutionary

Action Movement and the Nation of Islam. Leaders who were targeted COINTELPRO document outlining the FBI's included the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., Stokely Carmichael, H. Rap plans to 'neutralize' Jean Seberg for her support Brown, Maxwell Stanford and Elijah Muhammad. for the Black Panther Party, by attempting to publicly "cause her embarassment" and "tarnish Part of the FBI COINTELPRO actions were directed at creating and her image" exploiting existing rivalries between black nationalist factions. One such attempt was to "intensify the degree of animosity" between the Black Panthers and the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago street gang. They sent an anonymous letter to the Ranger’s gang leader claiming that the Panthers were threatening his life, a letter whose intent was to induce "reprisals" against Panther leadership. In Southern California similar actions were taken to exacerbate a "gang war" between the Black Panther Party and a group called the US Organization. Violent conflict between these two groups, including shootings and beatings, led to the deaths of at least four Black Panther Party members. FBI agents claimed credit for instigating some of the violence between the two groups.[51]

On January 17, 1969, Los Angeles Panther Captain and Deputy Minister were killed in Campbell Hall on the UCLA campus, in a gun battle with members of US Organization stemming from a dispute over who would control UCLA's black studies program. Another shootout between the two groups on March 17 led to further injuries. It was alleged that the FBI had sent a provocative letter to US Organization in an attempt to create antagonism between US and the Panthers.[52]

Controversy

Violence From the beginning the Black Panther Party's focus on militancy came with a reputation for violence. They employed a California law which permitted carrying a loaded rifle or shotgun as long as it was publicly displayed and pointed at no one.[53] Carrying weapons openly and making threats against police officers, for example, chants like "The Revolution has co-ome, it's time to pick up the gu-un. Off the pigs!",[54] helped create the Panthers' reputation as a violent organization. On May 2, 1967, the California State Assembly Committee on Criminal Procedure was scheduled to convene to discuss what was known as the "Mulford Act", which would ban public displays of loaded firearms. Cleaver and Newton put together a plan to send a group of about 30 Panthers led by Seale from Oakland to Sacramento to protest the bill. The group entered the assembly carrying their weapons, an incident which was widely publicized, and which prompted police to arrest Seale and five others. The group pled guilty to misdemeanor charges of disrupting a

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legislative session.[55] On October 17, 1967, Oakland police officer John Frey was shot to death in an altercation with Huey P. Newton during a traffic stop. In the stop, Newton and backup officer Herbert Heanes also suffered gunshot wounds. Newton was convicted of voluntary manslaughter at trial. This incident gained the party even wider recognition by the radical American left, and a "Free Huey" campaign ensued.[56] Newton was released after three years, when his conviction was reversed on appeal. During later years Newton would boast to sociobiologist Bob Trivors (one of the few whites who became a Party member during its waning years) that he had in fact murdered officer John Frey.[22] On April 7, 1968, Panther Bobby Hutton was killed, and Cleaver was wounded in a shootout with the Oakland police. Two police officers were also shot. Although at the time Cleaver claimed that the police had ambushed them, Cleaver later admitted that he had led the Panther group on a deliberate ambush of the police officers, thus provoking the shoot-out.[25] [26] From the fall of 1967 through the end of 1970, nine police officers were killed and 56 were wounded, and ten Panther deaths and an unknown number of injuries resulted from confrontations. In 1969 alone, 348 Panthers were arrested for a variety of crimes.[57] On February 18, 1970 Albert Wayne Williams was shot by the Portland Police Bureau outside the Black Panther party headquarters in Portland, Oregon. Though his wounds put him in a critical condition, he made a full recovery.[58] In May 1969, party members tortured and murdered , a 19-year-old member of the New York chapter of the Black Panther party, because they suspected him of being a police informant. Three party officers — , George Sams, Jr., and Lonnie McLucas — later admitted taking part. Sams, who gave the order to shoot Rackley at the murder scene, turned state's evidence and testified that he had received orders personally from Bobby Seale to carry out the execution. After this betrayal, party supporters alleged that Sams was himself the informant and an agent provocateur employed by the FBI.[59] The case resulted in the New Haven, Connecticut Black Panther trials of 1970, memorialized in the courtroom sketches of Robert Templeton. The trial ended with a hung jury, and the prosecution chose not to seek another trial.

Murder of Betty van Patter Black Panther bookkeeper Betty van Patter was murdered in 1974, and although this crime was never solved, the Panthers, according to magazine, were “almost universally believed to be responsible”.[60] David Horowitz became certain that Black Panther members were responsible and denounced the Panthers. When Huey Newton was shot to death 15 years later, Horowitz characterized Newton as a killer.[61] When Art Goldberg, a former colleague at Ramparts, alleged that Horowitz himself was responsible for the death of van Patter by recommending her for the position of Black Panther accountant, Horowitz counter-alleged that "the Panthers had killed more than a dozen people in the course of conducting extortion, prostitution and drug rackets in the Oakland ghetto." He said further that the organization was committed "to doctrines that are false and to causes that are demonstrably wrongheaded and even evil."[62] Former chairperson Elaine Brown also questioned Horowitz's motives in recommending van Patter to the Panthers; she suspected espionage.[63]

Decline While part of the organization was already participating in local government and social services, another group was in constant conflict with the police. For some of the Party's supporters, the separation between political action, criminal activity, social services, access to power, and grass-roots identity became confusing and contradictory as the Panthers' political momentum was bogged down in the criminal justice system. Disagreements among the Party's leaders over how to confront these challenges led to a significant split in the Party. Some Panther leaders, such as Huey Newton and David Hilliard, favored a focus on community service coupled with self-defense; others, such as Eldridge Cleaver, embraced a more confrontational strategy. Eldridge Cleaver deepened the schism in the party when he publicly criticized the Party for adopting a "reformist" rather than "revolutionary" agenda and called for

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Hilliard's removal. Cleaver was expelled from the Central Committee but went on to lead a splinter group, the Black Liberation Army, which had previously existed as an underground paramilitary wing of the Party.[64] The Party eventually fell apart due to rising legal costs and internal disputes. In 1974, Huey Newton appointed Elaine Brown as the first Chairwoman of the Party. Under Brown's leadership, the Party became involved in organizing for more radical electoral campaigns, including Brown's 1975 unsuccessful run for Oakland City Council and Lionel Wilson's successful election as the first black mayor of Oakland.[65] In addition to changing the Party's direction towards more involvement in the electoral arena, Brown also increased the influence of women Panthers by placing them in more visible roles within the male-dominated organization. Brown claims this attempt to battle previously pervasive sexism within the Party was very stressful for her and led to her dependence on Thorazine as a way to escape the pressures of leading the Party.[66] In 1977, after Newton returned from Cuba and ordered the beating of a female Panther who organized many of the Party's social programs, Brown left the Party.[67] Although many scholars and activists date the Party's downfall to the period before Brown became the leader, an increasingly smaller cadre of Panthers continued to exist through the 1970s. By 1980, Panther membership had dwindled to 27, and the Panther-sponsored school finally closed in 1982 after it had become known that Newton was embezzling funds from the school to pay for his drug addiction.[65] [68]

Aftermath

Some critics have written that the Panthers’ "romance with the gun" and their promotion of “gang mentality” was likely associated with the enormous increase in both black-on-black and black-on-white crime observed during later decades.[9] [69] This increase occurred in the Panthers’ home town, Oakland California, and in cities nationwide.[70] [71] [72] [73] [74] Interviewed after he left the Black Panther Party, former Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver lamented that the legacy of the Panthers was at least partly one of disrespect for the law and indiscriminate violence. He acknowledged that, had his promotion of violent black militantism prevailed, it would have resulted in "a total Black Panther 40th Reunion 2006 bloodbath." Cleaver also lamented the abandonment of poor blacks by the black bourgeoisie and felt that black youth had been left without appropriate role models who could teach them to properly channel their militant spirit and their desire for justice.[75] [76] [77] [78] [79]

In October 2006, the Black Panther Party held a 40-year reunion in Oakland.[80] In January 2007, a joint California state and Federal task force charged eight men with the August 29, 1971 murder of California police officer Sgt. John Young.[81] The defendants have been identified as former members of the Black Liberation Army. Two have been linked to the Black Panthers.[82] In 1975 a similar case was dismissed when a judge ruled that police gathered evidence through the use of torture.[83] On June 29, 2009 Herman Bell pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter in the death of Sgt. Young. In July 2009, charges were dropped against four of the accused: Ray Boudreaux, Henry W. Jones, Richard Brown and Harold Taylor. Also that month Jalil Muntaquim pleaded no contest to conspiracy to commit voluntary manslaughter becoming the second person to be convicted in this case.[84] Since the 1990s, former Panther chief of staff David Hilliard has offered tours of sites in Oakland historically significant to the Black Panther Party.[85]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Panther Party 140

New Black Panther Party In 1989, a group calling itself the "New Black Panther Party" was formed in Dallas, Texas. Ten years later, the NBPP became home to many former Nation of Islam members when the chairmanship was taken by Khalid Abdul Muhammad. The Anti-Defamation League and The Southern Poverty Law Center consider the New Black Panthers as a .[86] Members of the original Black Panther Party have insisted that this New Black Panther Party is illegitimate and have strongly objected that there "is no new Black Panther Party".[87]

The National Alliance of Black Panthers The National Alliance of Black Panthers was formed on July 31, 2004. It was inspired by the grassroots activism of the original organization but not otherwise related. Its chairwoman is Shazza Nzingha.[88]

Notes

[1] , Curtis. Life of A Party. Crisis ; Sep/Oct2006, Vol. 113 Issue 5, p30-37, 8p

[2] "Black Panther Party" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-9015498/ Black-Panther-Party). Encyclopædia Britannica. . Retrieved March 27, 2008. [3] Jessica Christina Harris. Revolutionary Black Nationalism: The Black Panther Party." Journal of Negro History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (Summer, 2000), pp. 162–174 [4] Asante, Molefi K. (2005). Encyclopedia of Black Studies. Sage Publications Inc.. pp. 135–137. ISBN 076192762X.

[5] Newton, Huey (October 15, 1966). "The Ten-Point Program" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ usa/ workers/ black-panthers/ 1966/ 10/

15. htm). War Against the Panthers. Marxist.org. . Retrieved June 5, 2006. [6] Lazerow, Jama; Yohuru R. Williams (2006). In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement. Duke University: Duke University Press.pg. 46

[7] [ |Da Costa, Francisco (http:/ / www. franciscodacosta. com)]. "The Black Panther Party" (http:/ / www. franciscodacosta. com/ articles/ BPP. html). . Retrieved June 5, 2006. [8] Seale, Bobby (September 1997). Seize the Time (Reprint ed.). Black Classic Press. pp. 23, 256, 383. [9] Pearson, Hugh (1994). In the Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Perseus Books. pp. 152. ISBN 978-0-201-48341-3.

[10] Westneat, Danny (June 1, 2005). "Reunion of Black Panthers stirs memories of aggression, activism" (http:/ / seattletimes. nwsource. com/

html/ localnews/ 2002270461_danny11. html). The Seattle Times. . Retrieved June 5, 2006.

[11] Black Panthers Facts (http:/ / channel. nationalgeographic. com/ series/ inside/ 3952/ Overview#tab-facts) [12] Lazerow, Jama; Yohuru R. Williams (2006). In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement. Duke University: Duke University Press. [13] The Angela Y. Davis Reader, p.11, "[P]olice, assisted by federal agents, had killed or assassinated over twenty black revolutionaries in the Black Panther Party." She cites on page 23 (citation # 26) Joanne Grant, Ward Churchill and Jim Van der Wall (see below), and Clayborne Carson. (Davis, Angela Y. The Angela Y. Davis Reader Blackwell Publishers (1998)) [14] Ellis, Catherine; Smith, Stephen Drury, eds (2010). Say It Loud!: Great Speeches on Civil Rights and African American Identity. New York: The New Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-1-59598-113-6. "FBI director J. Edgar Hoover ordered a wide-ranging counterintelligence program designed to 'expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize' the Black Panther Party and other black liberation groups. Enlisting local law enforcement agencies nationwide, the FBI 'declared war on the Panthers.'" [15] Pearson, Hugh (1994). In the Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Perseus Books. pp. 180–181. ISBN 978-0-201-48341-3. [16] Phillip Forner. The Black Panthers speak. 2002 [17] Up Against the Wall, Curtis Austin, University of Arkansas Press, Fayettevill, 2006, p. 331

[18] http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 2717599

[19] Lowndes County Freedom Organization | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed (http:/ / www. blackpast. org/ ?q=aah/ lowndes-county-freedom-organization) [20] For more on this, see Pearson 1994, page 109

[21] Black Panthers: A Taut, Violent Drama (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=ix0MAAAAIBAJ& sjid=0FwDAAAAIBAJ&

pg=7188,187226& dq=& hl=en) St. Petersburg Times, Sunday, July 21, 1968 Special to the St. Petersburg Times from the New York Times [22] Pearson 1994, pp. 3–4, 283–91 [23] Pearson, Hugh (1994). In the Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Perseus Books. p. 152. ISBN 978-0-201-48341-3. [24] Up Against the Wall, Curtis Austin, University of Arkansas Press, Fayettevill, 2006, p. 80

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Panther Party 141

[25] Kate Coleman, 1980, "Souled Out: Eldridge Cleaver Admits He Ambushed Those Cops." (http:/ / colemantruth. net/ kate1. pdf) New West Magazine. [26] A discussion of the event can be found in Epstein, Edward Jay. The Black Panthers and the Police: A Pattern of Genocide? The New

Yorker, (February 13, 1971) page 4 (Accessed here (http:/ / www. edwardjayepstein. com/ archived/ panthers4. htm) June 8, 2007) [27] Pearson, Hugh (1994). In the Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Perseus Books. pp. 152–158. ISBN 978-0-201-48341-3. [28] Pearson 1994, page 175 [29] Up Against the Wall, Curtis Austin, University of Arkansas Press, Fayettevill, 2006, p.170

[30] http:/ / archive. frontpagemag. com/ readArticle. aspx?ARTID=22186 [31] Lilia Fernandez, Latina/o Migration and Community Formation in Postwar Chicago: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Gender and Politics, 1945-1975 (PhD Dissertation:2005)

[32] Chuck Armsbury with the Patriot Party (http:/ / www. itsabouttimebpp. com/ home/ pdf/ ItsAboutTime_V6N2_fall_2002. pdf)

[33] http:/ / leeblockman. tripod. com/ blackpantherparty/ id9. html

[34] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ usa/ workers/ black-panthers/ unknown-date/ party-rules. htm

[35] http:/ / www. historyisaweapon. com/ defcon1/ bpp. html

[36] "The Foundation" (http:/ / www. blackpanther. org/ foundation. htm). Blackpanther.org. . Retrieved August 27, 2010. [37] Contemporary American Voices: Significant Speeches in American History: 1945 – present, by James Robertson Andrews & David Zarefsky, Longman, 1992, pg 105

[38] Reunion of Black Panthers stirs memories of aggression, activism (http:/ / seattletimes. nwsource. com/ html/ localnews/

2002270461_danny11. html) [39] Jones, Charles Earl. The Black Panther Reconsidered . Black Classic Press, 1998. Pg. 186 [40] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. 1st ed. New York: Pantheon Books, 1992. Pg.391 [41] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. 1st ed. New York: Pantheon Books, 1992. Pg. 391 [42] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. 1st ed.. New York: Pantheon Books, 1992. Pg.392 [43] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. 1st ed.. New York: Pantheon Books, 1992. Pg.393

[44] The Black Panthers by Jessica McElrath, published as a part of afroamhistory.about.com (http:/ / afroamhistory. about. com/ od/

blackpanthers/ a/ blackpanthers. htm). Retrieved December 17, 2005. [45] from an interview with Kathleen Cleaver on May 7, 2002 published by the PBS program P.O.V. and being published in Introduction to

Black Panther 1968: Photographs by Ruth-Marion Baruch and Pirkle Jones, (Greybull Press). Black Panthers 1968 (http:/ / www. pbs. org/

pov/ pov2004/ apantherinafrica/ special_photo. html)

[46] The Officer Down Memorial (http:/ / www. odmp. org/ officer. php?oid=4764)

[47] The Anguish of Blacks in Blue (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,943306,00. html) [48] Michael Newton The encyclopedia of American law enforcement. 2007

[49] End of Watch (http:/ / www. splcenter. org/ intel/ intelreport/ article. jsp?pid=946), Southern Poverty Law Center [50] Stohl, Michael. The Politics of Terrorism CRC Press. Page 249 [51] Gentry, Curt, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets. W. W. Norton & Company (2001) page 622

[52] "Black Panther Party Pieces of History: 1966 – 1969" (http:/ / www. itsabouttimebpp. com/ Chapter_History/ BPP_Pieces_of_History. html). Itsabouttimebpp.com. . Retrieved August 27, 2010. [53] Pearson 1994, page 109 [54] David Farber. The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s. p. 207. [55] Pearson 1994, 129 [56] Pearson 1994, page 3 [57] Pearson 1994, page 206 discusses many of these events, including a partial list from the summer of 1968 through the end of 1970 [58] The Oregonian Vol CX-34175

[59] Edward Jay Epstein, The Black Panthers and the Police: A Pattern of Genocide?. New Yorker (February 13, 1971) (http:/ / www.

edwardjayepstein. com/ archived/ panthers. htm) [60] Frank Browning. The Strange Journey of David Horowitz. Mother Jones Magazine. May 1987, pg 34 [61] David Horowitz's claim about van Patten's death is often discussed on blogs. It is mentioned in an American Enterprise Institute for Public

Policy Research book review of Horowitz's Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey called All's Left in the World (http:/ / www. aei. org/

publications/ pubID. 7387,filter. all/ pub_detail. asp). Horowitz's credibility as a critic of the left and especially of the Black Panther Party is called into question in Elaine Brown's The Condemnation of Little B: New Age Racism in America. Beacon Press (February 15, 2003) pg. 250–251.

[62] Horowitz, David. "Who Killed Betty Van Patter?" December 13, 1999. Salon.com. (http:/ / www. salon. com/ news/ col/ horo/ 1999/ 12/ 13/

betty/ index. html) [63] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story. (New York: Doubleday, 1992).

[64] Marxist Internet Archive: The Black Panther Party (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ usa/ workers/ black-panthers/ ) [65] Perkins, Margo V. Autobiography As Activism: Three Black Women of the Sixties. University Press of Mississippi. Jackson,2000. p. 5. [66] Perkins, Margo V. Autobiography As Activism: Three Black Women of the Sixties. University Press of Mississippi. Jackson,2000. p. 5, 13. [67] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. Double Day. New York, 1992. pp. 444–450.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Panther Party 142

[68] Pearson 1994, pp. 299

[69] nytimes.com (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1997/ 11/ 14/ opinion/ l-black-panther-legacy-includes-crime-and-terror-130281. html) [70] name=urbanstrategies> Urban Strategies Council. Homicides In Oakland. 2006 Homicide Report: An Analysis of Homicides in Oakland

from January through December, 2006. February 8, 2007. Accessed August 9, 2008. (http:/ / www. urbanstrategies. org/ documents/

2006HomicideReport. pdf)

[71] Racially Correct Definition of Overrepresented (http:/ / www. adversity. net/ Terms_Definitions/ TERMS/ Overrepresented. htm) [72] Pacific News Service. Earl Ofari Hutchinson, August 13, 2002. Black on Black—Why Inner-City Murder Rates Are Soaring. Accessed

August 9, 2008. (http:/ / news. pacificnews. org/ news/ view_article. html?article_id=dfc7a4c9f9085ab71cef03852c92ce66)

[73] http:/ / www. ojp. usdoj. gov/ bjs/ homicide/ race. htm

[74] The Breaking Point » Bill Cosby: Race man, pariah, hero (http:/ / www. diamondsuite. net/ index. php/ ?p=420)

[75] http:/ / undercoverblackman. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 02/ q-eldridge-cleaver-pt-1. html

[76] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=XVauOkdg7v0& feature=related

[77] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=T0TUUpXFx6E

[78] http:/ / reason. com/ archives/ 1986/ 02/ 01/ an-interview-with-eldridge-cle

[79] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ pages/ frontline/ shows/ race/ interviews/ ecleaver. html

[80] Photos of the Black Panther Party, Oakland 2006 (http:/ / www. jetcityorange. com/ BlackPanther40thReunion/ )

[81] Ex-militants charged in S.F. police officer's '71 slaying at station (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?file=/ c/ a/ 2007/ 01/ 24/

MNGDONO11G1. DTL) (via SFGate)

[82] Black Liberation Army tied to 1971 slaying (http:/ / blogs. usatoday. com/ ondeadline/ 2007/ 01/ black_liberatio. html) (via USA Today)

[83] 8 arrested in 1971 cop-killing tied to Black Panthers (http:/ / www. latimes. com/ news/ local/ la-012307police,1,7612402.

story?coll=la-default-underdog& ctrack=1& cset=true) (via Los Angeles Times)

[84] 2nd guilty plea in 1971 killing of S.F. officer (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2009/ 07/ 07/ BAKJ18JUNS. DTL) (via SFGate)

[85] DelVecchio, Rick (Oct 25, 1997). "Tour of Black Panther Sites: Former member shows how party grew in Oakland" (http:/ / www. sfgate.

com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 1997/ 10/ 25/ MN32268. DTL). San Francisco Chronicle. . Retrieved June 15, 2011.

[86] "Hate Map | Southern Poverty Law Center" (http:/ / www. splcenter. org/ intel/ map/ type. jsp?DT=3). Splcenter.org. . Retrieved August 27, 2010. [87] Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation. "There Is No New Black Panther Party: An Open Letter From the Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation" (http:/

/ www. blackpanther. org/ newsalert. htm). .

[88] http:/ / www. blackhistory. com/ cgi-bin/ blog. cgi?blog_id=60995& cid=57

References

Bibliography • Austin, Curtis J. (2006). Up Against the Wall: Violence in the Making and Unmaking of the Black Panther Party. University of Arkansas Press. ISBN 1-55728-827-5 • Alkebulan, Paul. "Survival Pending Revolution: The History of the Black Panther Party," (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2007) • Brown, Elaine. (1993). A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. Anchor Books. ISBN 0-679-41944-6 • Churchill, Ward and Vander Wall, Jim (1988). Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret War Against the Black Panther Party and the . South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-294-6 • Dooley, Brian. (1998). Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland and Black America. Pluto Press. • Forbes, Flores A. (2006). Will You Die With Me? My Life and the Black Panther Party. Atria Books. ISBN 0-7434-8266-2 • Hilliard, David, and Cole, Lewis. (1993). This Side of Glory: The Autobiography of David Hilliard and the Story of the Black Panther Party. Little, Brown and Co. ISBN 0-316-36421-5 • Hughey, Matthew W. (2009). “Black Aesthetics and Panther Rhetoric – A Critical Decoding of Black Masculinity in The Black Panther, 1967–1980.” Critical Sociology, 35(1): 29–56. • Hughey, Matthew W. (2007). “The Pedagogy of Huey P. Newton: Critical Reflections on Education in his Writings and Speeches.” Journal of Black Studies, 38(2): 209–231. • Hughey, Matthew W. (2005).“The Sociology, Pedagogy, and Theology of Huey P. Newton: Toward a Radical Democratic Utopia.” Western Journal of Black Studies, 29(3): 639–655.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Panther Party 143

• Joseph, Peniel E. (2006). Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 0-8050-7539-9 • Lewis, John. (1998). Walking with the Wind. Simon and Schuster, p. 353. ISBN 0-684-81065-4 • Murch, Donna. "Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California," University of North Carolina, 2010 ISBN 978-0807871133 • Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. (2004). Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity. The Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0801882753 • Pearson, Hugh. (1994) The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America De Capo Pres. ISBN 0-201-48341-6 • Phu, T. N. (2008). "Shooting the Movement: Black Panther Party Photography and African American Protest Traditions". Canadian Review of American Studies 38 (1): 165–189. doi:10.3138/cras.38.1.165. • Rhodes, Jane. "Framing the Black Panthers: The Spectacular Rise of a Black Power Icon," (New York: The New Press, 2007). • Shames, Stephen. "The Black Panthers," Aperture, 2006. A photographic essay of the organization, allegedly suppressed due to Spiro Agnew's intervention in 1970. • Street, Joe, “The Historiography of the Black Panther Party,” Journal of American Studies (Cambridge), 44 (May 2010), 351–75. • Williams, Yohuru, “‘Some Abstract Thing Called Freedom’: Civil Rights, Black Power, and the Legacy of the Black Panther Party,” OAH Magazine of History, 22 (July 2008), 16–21. • Williams, Yohuru, “A Red Black and Green Liberation Jumpsuit, Roy Wilkins and the Conundrum of Black Power” in Joseph, "The Black Power Movement," 169–191. • Williams, Yohuru, "The Black Panther Party: A Short Historiography for Teachers,"Organization of American History Magazine's Special Black Power Issue-- Volume 22, No 3 • July 2008 • Williams,Yohuru. "Black Politics White Power, Civil Rights, Black Power and the Black Panthers in New Haven," Blackwell Press, January, 2008. (originally published by Brandywine Press, 2000) ISBN 978-1881089605 • Williams, Yohuru and Lazerow, Jama, Eds. Liberated Territory: Toward a local history of the Black Panther Party," Duke University Press, 2009.ISBN 978-0822343264 • Williams, Yohuru and Lazerow, Jama Eds,. In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement," Duke University Press, 2006.ISBN 978-0822338901 • Samson, Labobuha, The Time, Sonntagsausgabe, 2003,5,22 (c)

External links

• BlackPanther.org (http:/ / www. blackpanther. org/ ) official website according to the Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation.

• FBI file on the BPP (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ Black Panther Party)

• Incidents attributed to the Black Panthers at the START database (http:/ / www. start. umd. edu/ gtd/ search/

Results. aspx?page=1& casualties_type=& casualties_max=& perpetrator=4659& count=100& charttype=line&

chart=overtime& ob=GTDID& od=desc& expanded=yes#results-table) Archives

• UC Berkeley Social Activism Online Sound Recordings: The Black Panther Party (http:/ / www. lib. berkeley.

edu/ MRC/ pacificapanthers. html)

• Hartford Web Publishing collection of BPP documents (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ index-be. html) • The Black Panther Party Newspaper, Electronic Archive, Published in Black Thought and Culture, Alexander

Street Press, Alexandria, VA 2005. (http:/ / bltc. alexanderstreet. com)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mumia Abu-Jamal 144 Mumia Abu-Jamal

Mumia Abu-Jamal (born Wesley Cook on April 24, 1954) was convicted of the 1981 murder of Philadelphia police officer Daniel Faulkner and sentenced to death.[1] He has been described as "perhaps the world's best known death-row inmate", and his sentence is one of the most debated today.[2] Before his arrest, he was an activist and radio journalist who became President of the Philadelphia Association of Black Journalists. He was a member of the Black Panther Party until October 1970. Since his conviction, his case has become an international cause célèbre,[3] and he has become a controversial cultural icon. Supporters and opponents disagree on the appropriateness of the death penalty, whether he is guilty, or whether he received a fair trial.[4] [5] [6] During his imprisonment he has published several books and other commentaries, notably Live from Death Row (1995). Since 1995, Abu-Jamal, Pennsylvania Department of Corrections #AM8335, has been incarcerated at Pennsylvania's SCI Greene,[7] where most of the state's capital case inmates are held.[8] In 2008, a three-judge panel of the U.S. 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the murder conviction, but ordered a new capital sentencing hearing over concerns that the jury was improperly instructed.[9] Subsequently, the United States Supreme Court allowed his July 1982 conviction to stand,[9] and ordered the appeals court to reconsider its decision to rescind the death sentence.[10] On April 26, 2011, the Third Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed his conviction as well as its decision to vacate the death sentence. The issue of the sentence was remanded for a new hearing. The death penalty may be imposed again or Abu-Jamal may receive a sentence of life without parole.[11]

Early life and activism Abu-Jamal's father died when Abu-Jamal was nine years old.[12] Abu-Jamal was given the name Mumia in 1968 by his high school teacher, a Kenyan instructing a class on African cultures in which students took African classroom names.[13] According to Abu-Jamal, 'Mumia' means "Prince" and was the name of anti-colonial African nationalists conducting warfare against the British in Kenya at the time of its independence movement.[14] He adopted the surname Abu-Jamal ("father of Jamal" in Arabic) after the birth of his son Jamal on July 18, 1971.[13] [15] His first marriage at age 19, to Jamal's mother, Biba, was short-lived.[16] Their daughter, Lateefa, was born shortly after the wedding.[17] Mazi, Abu-Jamal's son by his second wife, Marilyn (known as "Peachie"),[15] was born in early 1978.[18] Abu-Jamal separated from Marilyn and commenced living with his third and current wife, Wadiya, shortly before the events that led to his incarceration.[19]

Involvement with the Black Panthers In his own writings, Abu-Jamal describes his adolescent experience of being "kicked ... into the Black Panther Party" after suffering a beating from "white racists" and a policeman for his efforts to disrupt a George Wallace for President rally in 1968.[20] The following year, at the age of 15, he helped form the Philadelphia branch of the Black Panther Party,[21] taking appointment, in his own words, as the chapter's "Lieutenant of Information", exercising a responsibility for writing information and news communications. In one of the interviews he gave at the time he quoted Mao Zedong, saying that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun".[22] That same year, he dropped out of Benjamin Franklin High School and took up residence in the branch's headquarters.[21] He spent late 1969 in New York City and early 1970 in Oakland, living and working with BPP colleagues in those cities.[23] He was a party member from May 1969 until October 1970 and was subject to Federal Bureau of Investigation COINTELPRO surveillance from then until about 1974.[24]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mumia Abu-Jamal 145

Education and journalism career After leaving the Panthers he returned to his old high school, but was suspended for distributing literature calling for "black revolutionary student power".[25] He also led unsuccessful protests to change the school name to Malcolm X High.[25] After attaining his GED, he studied briefly at Goddard College in rural Vermont.[26] By 1975 he was pursuing a vocation in radio newscasting, first at Temple University's WRTI and then at commercial enterprises.[25] In 1975, he was employed at radio station WHAT and he became host of a weekly feature program of WCAU-FM in 1978.[27] He was also employed for brief periods at radio station WPEN, and became active in the local chapter of the Marijuana Users Association of America.[27] From 1979 he worked at National Public Radio-affiliate WUHY until 1981 when he was asked to submit his resignation after a dispute about the requirements of objective focus in his presentation of news.[27] As a radio journalist he earned the moniker "the voice of the voiceless" and was renowned for identifying with and giving exposure to the MOVE anarcho-primitivist commune in Philadelphia's Powelton Village neighborhood, including reportage of the 1979–80 trial of certain of its members (the "MOVE Nine") charged with the murder of police officer James Ramp.[27] During his broadcasting career, his high-profile interviews included Julius Erving, Bob Marley, and Alex Haley, and he was elected president of the Philadelphia Association of Black Journalists.[28] At the time of Daniel Faulkner's murder, Abu-Jamal was working as a taxicab driver in Philadelphia two nights a week to supplement his income.[28] He had been working part-time as a reporter for WDAS,[27] then an African-American-oriented and minority-owned radio station.[29]

Arrest for murder and trial

On December 9, 1981, in Philadelphia, close to the intersection at 13th and Locust Streets, Philadelphia Police Department officer Daniel Faulkner conducted a traffic stop on a vehicle belonging to William Cook, Abu-Jamal's younger brother. During the traffic stop, Abu-Jamal's taxi was parked across the street, and Abu-Jamal ran across the street towards the traffic stop. After arriving at the traffic stop, shots were fired by both Abu-Jamal and Officer Faulkner at each other. Both were wounded, and Faulkner died. Police arrived on the scene and arrested Abu-Jamal, who was found with a shoulder holster, a revolver, and spent cartridges in his revolver, in his possession. He was taken directly from the scene of the shooting to Thomas Jefferson University Hospital where he received treatment for his wounds. He was later charged with the first-degree murder of Daniel Faulkner.[30]

The case went to trial in June 1982 in Philadelphia. Judge Albert F. Sabo initially agreed to Abu-Jamal's request to represent himself, with Daniel Faulkner criminal defense attorney Anthony Jackson acting as his legal advisor. During the first day of the trial, Judge Sabo warned Abu-Jamal that he would forfeit his legal right to self-representation if he kept being intentionally disruptive in a fashion that was unbecoming under the law. Due to Abu-Jamal's continued disruptive behavior, Judge Sabo ruled that Abu-Jamal forfeited his right to self-representation.[31]

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Prosecution case at trial The prosecution presented four witnesses to the court. Robert Chobert, a cab driver who testified he was parked behind Faulkner, identified Abu-Jamal as the shooter.[32] Cynthia White, a prostitute, testified that Abu-Jamal emerged from a nearby parking lot and shot Faulkner.[33] Michael Scanlon, a motorist, testified that from two car lengths away, he saw a man, matching Abu-Jamal's description, run across the street from a parking lot and shoot Faulkner.[34] Albert Magilton, a pedestrian who did not see the actual murder, testified to witnessing Faulkner pull over Cook's car. At the point of seeing Abu-Jamal start to cross the street toward them from the parking lot, Magilton turned away and lost sight of what happened next.[35] The prosecution also presented two witnesses who were at the hospital after the altercation. Hospital security guard Priscilla Durham and Police Officer Garry Bell testified that Abu-Jamal confessed in the hospital by saying, "I shot the motherfucker, and I hope the motherfucker dies."[36] A .38 caliber Charter Arms revolver, belonging to Abu-Jamal, with five spent cartridges was retrieved beside him at the scene. He was wearing a shoulder holster, and the shell casings and rifling characteristics of the weapon were consistent with bullet fragments taken from Faulkner's body.[37] Tests to confirm that Abu-Jamal had handled and fired the weapon were not performed, as contact with arresting police and other surfaces at the scene could have compromised the forensic value of such tests.[38] [39]

Defense case at trial The defense maintained that Abu-Jamal was innocent of the charges and that the testimony of the prosecution's witnesses was unreliable. The defense presented nine character witnesses, including poet Sonia Sanchez, who testified that Abu-Jamal was "viewed by the black community as a creative, articulate, peaceful, genial man".[40] Another defense witness, Dessie Hightower, testified that he saw a man running along the street shortly after the shooting although he did not see the actual shooting itself.[41] His testimony contributed to the development of a "running man theory", based on the possibility that a "running man" may have been the actual shooter. Veronica Jones also testified for the defense, but she did not see anyone running.[42] Other potential defense witnesses refused to appear in court.[43] Abu-Jamal did not testify in his own defense. Nor did his brother, who said at the crime scene, "I ain't got nothing to do with this."[44]

Verdict and sentence The jury delivered a unanimous guilty verdict after three hours of deliberations. In the sentencing phase of the trial, Abu-Jamal read to the jury from a prepared statement. He was then cross-examined about issues relevant to the assessment of his character by Joseph McGill, the prosecuting attorney.[45] In his statement Abu-Jamal criticized his attorney as a "legal trained lawyer" who was imposed on him against his will and who "knew he was inadequate to the task and chose to follow the directions of this black-robed conspirator, [Judge] Albert Sabo, even if it meant ignoring my directions". He claimed that his rights had been "deceitfully stolen" from him by Sabo, particularly focusing on the denial of his request to receive defense assistance from non-attorney John Africa and being prevented from proceeding pro se. He quoted remarks of John Africa, and said: "Does it matter whether a white man is charged with killing a black man or a black man is charged with killing a white man? As for justice when the prosecutor represents the Commonwealth the Judge represents the Commonwealth and the court-appointed lawyer is paid and supported by the Commonwealth, who follows the wishes of the defendant, the man charged with the crime? If the court-appointed lawyer ignores, or goes against the wishes of the man he is charged with representing, whose wishes does he follow? Who does he truly represent or work for? ... I am innocent of these charges that I have been charged of and convicted of and despite the connivance of Sabo, McGill and Jackson to deny me my so-called rights to represent myself, to

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assistance of my choice, to personally select a jury who is totally of my peers, to cross-examine witnesses, and to make both opening and closing arguments, I am still innocent of these charges."[46] Abu-Jamal was subsequently sentenced to death by the unanimous decision of the jury.[47]

Appeals and review

State appeals

Direct appeal of his conviction was considered and denied by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania on March 6, 1989,[48] subsequently denying rehearing.[49] The Supreme Court of the United States denied his petition for writ of certiorari on October 1, 1990,[50] and denied his petition for rehearing twice up to June 10, 1991.[51] [52] On June 1, 1995 his death warrant was signed by Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge.[52] Its execution was suspended while Abu-Jamal pursued state post-conviction review. At the post-conviction review hearings, new witnesses were called. William "Dales" Singletary testified that he saw the shooting and that the gunman was the passenger in Cook's car.[53] Singletary's account contained discrepancies which rendered it "not credible" in the opinion of the Governor of Pennsylvania Tom court.[52] [54] William Harmon, a convicted fraudster, testified that Faulkner's Ridge signed the death warrant in murderer fled in a car which pulled up at the crime scene, and could not have 1995. been Abu-Jamal.[55] However, Robert Harkins testified that he had witnessed a man stand over Faulkner as the latter lay wounded on the ground, who shot him point-blank in the face and then "walked and sat down on the curb".[56] [57]

The six judges of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania ruled unanimously that all issues raised by Abu-Jamal, including the claim of ineffective assistance of counsel, were without merit.[58] The Supreme Court of the United States denied a petition for certiorari against that decision on October 4, 1999, enabling Ridge to sign a second death warrant on October 13, 1999. Its execution in turn was stayed as Abu-Jamal commenced his pursuit of federal habeas corpus review.[52] In 1999, Arnold Beverly claimed that he and an unnamed assailant, not Mumia Abu-Jamal, shot Daniel Faulkner as part of a contract killing because Faulkner was interfering with graft and payoff to corrupt police.[59] The Beverly affidavit became an item of division for Mumia's defense team, as some thought it usable and others rejected Beverly's story as "not credible".[60] Private investigator George Newman claimed in 2001 that Chobert had recanted his testimony.[61] Commentators also noted that police and news photographs of the crime scene did not show Chobert's taxi, and that Cynthia White, the only witness at the trial to testify to seeing the taxi, had previously provided crime scene descriptions that omitted it.[62] Cynthia White was declared to be dead by the state of New Jersey in 1992 although Pamela Jenkins claimed that she saw White alive as late as 1997.[63] Mumia supporters often claim that White was a police informant and that she falsified her testimony against Abu-Jamal.[64] Priscilla Durham's step-brother, Kenneth Pate, who was imprisoned with Abu-Jamal on other charges, has since claimed that Durham admitted to not hearing the hospital .[65] The hospital doctors have stated that Abu-Jamal was not capable of making such a dramatic bedside confession at that time.[12] In 2008, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania rejected a further request from Abu-Jamal for a hearing into claims that the trial witnesses perjured themselves on the grounds that he had waited too long before filing the appeal.[66]

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Federal ruling directing resentencing Abu-Jamal did not make any public statements about Faulkner's murder until May 3, 2001. In his version of events, he claimed that he was sitting in his cab across the street when he heard shouting, then saw a police vehicle, then heard the sound of gunshots. Upon seeing his brother appearing disoriented across the street, Abu-Jamal ran to him from the parking lot and was shot by a police officer.[67] The driver originally stopped by police officer Faulkner, Abu-Jamal's brother William Cook, did not testify or make any statement until April 29, 2001, when he claimed that he had not seen who had shot Faulkner.[68] Judge William H. Yohn Jr. of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania upheld the conviction but voided the sentence of death on December 18, 2001, citing irregularities in the original process of sentencing.[52] Particularly, ...the jury instructions and verdict sheet in this case involved an unreasonable application of federal law. The charge and verdict form created a reasonable likelihood that the jury believed it was precluded from considering any mitigating circumstance that had not been found unanimously to exist.[52] He ordered the State of Pennsylvania to commence new sentencing proceedings within 180 days[69] and ruled that it was unconstitutional to require that a jury's finding of circumstances mitigating against determining a sentence of death be unanimous.[70] Eliot Grossman and Marlene Kamish, attorneys for Abu-Jamal, criticized the ruling on the grounds that it denied the possibility of a trial de novo at which they could introduce evidence that their client had been framed.[71] Prosecutors also criticized the ruling; Officer Faulkner's widow Maureen described Abu-Jamal as a "remorseless, hate-filled killer" who would "be permitted to enjoy the pleasures that come from simply being alive" on the basis of the judgment.[72] Both parties appealed.

Federal appeal On December 6, 2005, the Third Circuit Court admitted four issues for appeal of the ruling of the District Court:[73] 1) in relation to sentencing, whether the jury verdict form had been flawed and the judge's instructions to the jury had been confusing; 2) in relation to conviction and sentencing, whether racial bias in jury selection existed to an extent tending to produce an inherently biased jury and therefore an unfair trial (the Batson claim); 3) in relation to conviction, whether the prosecutor improperly attempted to reduce jurors' sense of responsibility by telling them that a guilty verdict would be subsequently vetted and subject to appeal; 4) in relation to post-conviction review hearings in 1995–6, whether the presiding judge, who had also presided at the trial, demonstrated unacceptable bias in his conduct. The Third Circuit Court heard oral arguments in the appeals on May 17, 2007, at the United States Courthouse in Philadelphia. The appeal panel consisted of Chief Judge Anthony Joseph Scirica, Judge Thomas Ambro, and Judge . The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania sought to reinstate the sentence of death, on the basis that Yohn's ruling was flawed, as he should have deferred to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court which had already ruled on the issue of sentencing, and the Batson claim was invalid because Abu-Jamal made no complaints during the original jury selection. Abu-Jamal's counsel told the Third Circuit Court that Abu-Jamal did not get a fair trial because the jury was both racially-biased and misinformed, and the judge was a racist.[74] The last of those claims was made based on the statement by a Philadelphia court stenographer named Terri Maurer-Carter who, in a 2001 affidavit, stated that Judge Sabo had said "Yeah, and I'm going to help them fry the nigger." in the course of a conversation regarding Abu-Jamal's case.[75] Sabo denied having made any such comment.[76] On March 27, 2008, the three-judge panel issued a majority 2–1 opinion upholding Yohn's 2001 opinion but rejecting the bias and Batson claims, with Judge Ambro dissenting on the Batson issue. On July 22, 2008, Abu-Jamal's formal petition seeking reconsideration of the decision by the full Third Circuit panel of 12 judges was denied.[77] On April 6, 2009, the United States Supreme Court also refused to hear Abu-Jamal's appeal.[9] On January 19, 2010, the Supreme Court ordered the appeals court to reconsider its decision to rescind the death penalty,[10] [78] with the same three-judge panel convening in Philadelphia on November 9, 2010, to hear oral

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argument.[79] [80] On April 26, 2011, the Third Circuit Court of Appeals reaffirmed its prior decision to vacate the death sentence on the grounds that the jury instructions and verdict form were ambiguous and confusing.

Life as a prisoner In 1991 Abu-Jamal published an essay in the Yale Law Journal, on the death penalty and his Death Row experience.[81] In May 1994, Abu-Jamal was engaged by National Public Radio's All Things Considered program to deliver a series of monthly three-minute commentaries on crime and punishment.[82] The broadcast plans and commercial arrangement were canceled following condemnations from, among others, the Fraternal Order of Police[83] and US Senator Bob Dole (R-KS).[84] Abu-Jamal sued NPR for not airing his work, but a federal judge dismissed the suit.[85] The commentaries later appeared in print in May 1995 as part of Live from Death Row.[86] In 1999, he was invited to record a keynote address for the graduating class at The Evergreen State College. The event was protested heavily.[87] In 2000, he recorded a commencement address for Antioch College.[88] The now defunct New College of California School of Law presented him with an honorary degree "for his struggle to resist the death penalty".[89] With occasional interruptions due to prison disciplinary actions, Abu-Jamal has for many years been a regular commentator on an online broadcast, sponsored by Prison Radio,[90] as well as a regular columnist for Junge Welt, a Marxist newspaper in Germany. In 1995, he was punished with solitary confinement for engaging in entrepreneurship contrary to prison regulations. Subsequent to the airing of the 1996 HBO documentary Mumia Abu-Jamal: A Case For Reasonable Doubt?, which included footage from visitation interviews conducted with him, the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections acted to ban outsiders from using any recording equipment in state prisons.[26] In litigation before the US Court of Appeals in 1998 he successfully established his right to write for financial gain in prison. The same litigation also established that the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections had illegally opened his mail in an attempt to establish whether he was writing for financial gain.[91] When, for a brief time in August 1999, he began delivering his radio commentaries live on the Pacifica Network's Democracy Now! weekday radio newsmagazine, prison staff severed the connecting wires of his telephone from their mounting in mid-performance.[26] His publications include Death Blossoms: Reflections from a Prisoner of Conscience, in which he explores religious themes, All Things Censored, a political critique examining issues of crime and punishment, Live From Death Row, a diary of life on Pennsylvania's death row, and We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party, which is a history of the Black Panthers drawing on autobiographical material.

Popular support and opposition

Abu-Jamal's supporters protest at perceived injustice or deplore the death penalty in his and other cases. Labor unions,[92] [93] [94] [95] US and foreign city governments,[96] politicians,[6] [97] advocates,[98] educators,[99] the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund,[25] and human rights advocacy organizations such as Human Rights Watch[100] and Amnesty International have expressed concern about his case.[4] They are opposed by the family of Daniel Faulkner, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and the Fraternal Order of Police.[101] In August 1999, the Fraternal Order of Police called for an economic boycott against all individuals and organizations that support Concert at a Free Mumia demonstration in Germany, 2007 Abu-Jamal.[102]

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Abu-Jamal has been made an honorary citizen of about 25 cities around the world, including Paris, Montreal, Palermo and Copenhagen.[103] [104] In 2001, he received the sixth biennial Erich Mühsam Prize, which recognizes outstanding activism on behalf of a liberatory vision of human society in keeping with that of its anarchist namesake;[105] in particular, most of its awardees have been activists in the cause of social justice for persecuted minorities.[106] In October 2002, he was awarded honorary membership of the Berlin-based Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime – Federation of Antifascists and Antifascist Groups (VVN-BdA).[107] On April 29, 2006, a newly-paved road in the Parisian suburb of Saint-Denis was named Rue Mumia Abu-Jamal in his honor.[108] In protest of the street-naming, US Congressman Michael Fitzpatrick (R-PA) and Senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) introduced resolutions in both Houses of Congress condemning the decision.[109] [110] The House of Representatives voted 368–31 in favor of the resolution.[111] In December 2006, the 25th anniversary of the murder, the executive committee of the Republican Party for the 59th Ward of the City of Philadelphia—covering approximately Germantown, Philadelphia—filed two criminal complaints in the French legal system against the city of Paris and the city of Saint-Denis, accusing the municipalities of "glorifying" Abu-Jamal and alleging the offense "apology or denial of crime" in respect of their actions.[103] [112] In 2007, the widow of Officer Faulkner coauthored a book with Philadelphia radio journalist Michael Smerconish entitled Murdered by Mumia: A Life Sentence of Pain, Loss, and Injustice.[114] The book was part memoir of Faulkner's widow, part discussion in which they chronicled Abu-Jamal's trial and discussed evidence for his conviction, and part discussion on supporting the death penalty.[115] J. Patrick O'Connor, editor and publisher of crimemagazine.com, argues in his book The Framing of Mumia Abu-Jamal that the preponderance of evidence establishes that it was not Abu-Jamal but a passenger in Anti-Abu-Jamal T-shirt sold in the Philadelphia [113] Abu-Jamal's brother's car, Kenneth Freeman, who killed Faulkner, and area that the Philadelphia Police Department and District Attorney's Office framed Abu-Jamal.[116]

In 2010, investigative journalists performed a series of tests that produced results inconsistent with the case against Abu-Jamal. Dave Lindorff and Linn Washington reproduced the shooting and showed that the shots which missed should have produced marks visible on the pavement. An expert photo analyst found no such marks visible in the highest-available-quality photo of the part of the crime scene where the body was found.[62] A ballistics expert medical examiner said that the idea that police could have failed to recognise such marks at the crime scene was "absolute nonsense".[62] Abu-Jamal's lawyer said that the results constituted "extraordinarily important new evidence that establishes clearly that the prosecutor and the Philadelphia Police Department were engaged in presenting knowingly false testimony".[62]

References

[1] Commonwealth v. Abu-Jamal, Pennsylvania Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District, Philadelphia, Case Nos. 1357-59.

[2] Rimer, Sara (December 19, 2001). "Death Sentence Overturned In 1981 Killing of Officer" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2001/ 12/ 19/ us/

death-sentence-overturned-in-1981-killing-of-officer. html?pagewanted=all). The New York Times: p. 1. . Retrieved July 6, 2011.

[3] Associated Press (November 9, 2010). "Mumia Abu-Jamal Case Back in Court Today" (http:/ / www. nbcphiladelphia. com/ news/ local/

Mumia-Abu-Jamal-Case-Back-in-Court-Today-106957074. html). NBC Philadelphia. . Retrieved April 3, 2011.

[4] "A Life in the Balance: The Case of Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071211192158/ http:/ / www. amnesty. org/ en/

report/ info/ AMR51/ 001/ 2000). Amnesty International. February 17, 2000. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. amnesty. org/ en/

report/ info/ AMR51/ 001/ 2000) on December 11, 2007. . Retrieved 2007-10-18.

[5] Taylor Jr., Stuart (December 1995). "Guilty and Framed" (http:/ / www. courttv. com/ archive/ casefiles/ mumia/ guilty. html). The American Lawyer. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[6] "European Parliament resolution 9(f) B4-1170/95 (p. 39 of original, 49 of pdf)" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071013154736/ http:/ /

www. europarl. europa. eu/ calendar/ calendar?APP=PDF& TYPE=PV2& FILE=19950921EN. pdf& LANGUE=EN) (PDF). European

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mumia Abu-Jamal 151

Parliament. September 21, 1995. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. europarl. europa. eu/ calendar/ calendar?APP=PDF&

TYPE=PV2& FILE=19950921EN. pdf& LANGUE=EN) on October 13, 2007. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[7] " Pennsylvania Inmate Locator (http:/ / www. portal. state. pa. us/ portal/ server. pt/ community/ inmate_information/ 7278/ inmate_locator/ 513574)." Pennsylvania Department of Corrections. Retrieved on July 29, 2010. Search with the name or AM8335.

[8] " SCI Greene (http:/ / www. portal. state. pa. us/ portal/ server. pt/ community/ hide_greene/ 11373)." Pennsylvania Department of Corrections. Retrieved on May 23, 2010.

[9] "Supreme Court lets Mumia Abu-Jamal's conviction stand" (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ 2009/ CRIME/ 04/ 06/ mumia. supreme. court/ ). CNN. April 6, 2009. . Retrieved 2009-04-06.

[10] "U.S. court sends back Abu-Jamal death penalty case" (http:/ / www. reuters. com/ article/ idUSTRE60I3GL20100119). Reuters.com. January 19, 2010. .

[11] "Mumia Abu-Jamal Granted New Sentencing Hearing" (http:/ / www. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 42764686). CNN. April 6, 2009. . Retrieved 2011-04-26.

[12] Smith, Laura (October 27, 2007). "'I spend my days preparing for life, not for death'" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ usa/ story/

0,,2198557,00. html). The Guardian. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[13] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Prologue: Joining the Party" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ index. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[14] Abu-Jamal, Mumia (February 7, 2003). "Question for Mumia: Tell Me About Your Name" (http:/ / www. prisonradio. org/ maj/

maj_2_7_name. html). Mumia Abu-Jamal Radio Broadcast. Prison Radio. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[15] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Part IV: Leaving the Party" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ parrt4. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[16] Bisson, p.119 quoted at "The Religious Affiliation of Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ / www. adherents. com/ people/ pa/ Mumia_AbuJamal. html). Adherents.com. September 3, 2005. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [17] Burroughs, Todd Steven (December 2001). "Mumia Abu-Jamal’s Family Faces Future While Fighting Fear 20th Anniversary of 1981

Shooting Approaches" (http:/ / whosemedia. com/ drums/ 2006/ 12/ 01/ remembering-13th-and-locust-25-years-later/ ). NNPA News Service. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[18] See ages given in: Vann, Bill (April 27, 1999). "Tens of thousands rally in Philadelphia for political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ /

www. wsws. org/ articles/ 1999/ apr1999/ maj-a27. shtml). World Socialist Web Site news. International Committee of the Fourth

International. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. and Erard, Michael (July 4, 2003). "A Radical in the Family" (http:/ / www. michaelerard. com/ fulltext/

2006/ 08/ a_radical_in_the_family_texas. html). The Texas Observer. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[19] Hill, Craig (November 6, 1993). "The fight to save Mumia Abd-Jamal: Wadiya Jamal at NYC Rally" (http:/ / www. highbeam. com/ doc/

1P1-2221398. html). The Michigan Citizen. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [20] Abu-Jamal, Mumia (1996). Live From Death Row. New York: Harper Perennial. p. 151. ISBN 978-0-380-72766-7.

[21] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Part I: "Do Something, Nigger!"" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ part1. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[22] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Epilogue: The Barrel of a Gun" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ part5. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[23] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Part II: The Party in Philadelphia" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ part2. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[24] Burroughs, Todd Steven (2004). "Part III: 'Armed and Dangerous': Tracked by the FBI" (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~kpearson/ Mumia/ part3. htm). Ready to Party: Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Black Panther Party. The College of New Jersey. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[25] Shaw, Theodore M.; Chachkin, Norman J.; Swarns, Christina A. (July 27, 2007). "Brief of amicus curiae" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/

20071202082956/ http:/ / www. naacpldf. org/ content/ pdf/ jury/ Abu-Jamal_v_Horn_amicus_brief. pdf) (PDF). Mumia Abu-Jamal v. Martin

Horn, Pennsylvania Director of Corrections, et al.. NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. Archived from the original (http:/ / www.

naacpldf. org/ content/ pdf/ jury/ Abu-Jamal_v_Horn_amicus_brief. pdf) on December 2, 2007. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [26] Burroughs, Todd Steven (September 1, 2004). "Mumia's voice: confined to Pennsylvania's death row, Mumia Abu-Jamal remains at the

center of debate as he continues to write and options to appeal his police murder conviction dwindle" (http:/ / www. thefreelibrary. com/

Mumia's+ voice:+ confined+ to+ Pennsylvania's+ death+ row,+ Mumia+ Abu-Jamal. . . -a0121572304). Black Issues Book Review. . Retrieved 2011-06-18.

[27] "The Suspect – One Who Raised His Voice" (http:/ / www. fortunecity. com/ meltingpot/ botswana/ 509/ inqarticles/ 12-10a. htm). The Philadelphia Inquirer. December 10, 1981. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [28] O'Connor, The Framing of Mumia Abu-Jamal, pp. 54–55

[29] "Philadelphia AM Radio History" (http:/ / www. angelfire. com/ nj2/ piratejim/ phillyamhistory. html). Radio-History.com. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[30] "Trial and Post-Conviction Relief Act (PCRA) hearing transcripts" (http:/ / www. danielfaulkner. com/ docs/

MumiaTrialandPCRAAppealsTranscripts. pdf) (PDF). Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[31] "Trial transcript §1.72–§1.73" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-17-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 17, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[32] "Trial transcript §3.210–§3.211" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-19-82. html#chobert). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 19, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

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[33] "Trial transcript pp.94–95" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-21-82. html#white). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 21, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[34] "Trial transcript pp.5–75" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-25-82. html#scanlan). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 25, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[35] "Trial transcript pp.75 ff." (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-25-82. html#magilton). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 25, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[36] "Trial transcript pp.29, 31, 34, 137, 162 and 164" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-24-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 24, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[37] "Trial transcript p.169" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-23-82. html#paul). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 23, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [38] Prosecution expert witness Charles Tumosa said such tests were "unreliable...It doesn't work if you grab a piece of metal like this or put your hand on a car or touch a firearm or touch a person who has touched a firearm or if you put your hand on the clean city streets or whatever."

"Trial transcript, pp.57–61" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-26-82. html#tumosa). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. June 26, 1982. . Retrieved 2010-06-15. [39] Defence expert witness George Fassnacht said "I don't know where he was grasped, but if you are saying that they had contacted his hands, particularly where a great deal of pressure was applied, they could have very well destroyed traces of powder residue if in fact such did exist.

That is a possibility." "PCRA hearing transcript, pp.118–122" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 95-08-02. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. August 2, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[40] "Trial transcript p.19" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-30-82. html#sanchez). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 30, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[41] "Trial transcript p.127" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-28-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 28, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[42] "Trial transcript pp.99–100" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 6-29-82. html#jones). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia County, Criminal Trial Division. June 29, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[43] "Post-Trial Motions transcript p.29" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 5-25-83. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. May 25, 1983. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[44] Lopez, Steve (July 23, 2000). "Wrong Guy, Good Cause" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,50613,00. html). Time Magazine. . Retrieved 2007-11-23.

[45] "Trial transcript, pp.3–34" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 7-3-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia Criminal Trial Division. July 3, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[46] "Trial transcript, pp.10–16" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 7-3-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia Criminal Trial Division. July 3, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[47] "Trial transcript, pp.100–103" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ Days/ 7-3-82. html). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia Criminal Trial Division. July 3, 1982. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [48] Pennsylvania v. Abu-Jamal, 555 A.2d 846 (1989). [49] Pennsylvania v. Abu-Jamal, 569 A.2d 915 (1990). [50] Abu-Jamal v. Pennsylvania, 498 U.S. 881 (1990). [51] Abu-Jamal v. Pennsylvania, 501 U.S. 1214 (1991).

[52] Yohn, William H., Jr. (December 2001). "Memorandum and Order" (http:/ / www. paed. uscourts. gov/ documents/ opinions/ 01D0951P. pdf) (PDF). Mumia Abu-Jamal, Petitioner, vs. Martin Horn, Commissioner, Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, et al., Respondents. US District Court for the Eastern District of Philadelphia. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[53] "PCRA hearing transcript pp.204 ff." (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 95-08-11. html#singletary). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. August 11, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[54] "PCRA hearing transcript pp.16 ff." (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 95-08-14. html#jones). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. August 14, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-02-02.

[55] "PCRA hearing transcript pp.45 ff." (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 95-08-10. html#harmon). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. August 10, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[56] "PCRA hearing transcript" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 95-08-02. html#harkins). Commonwealth vs. Mumia Abu-Jamal aka Wesley Cook. Court of the Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trials Division. August 2, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[57] Faulkner, Maureen (December 8–14, 1999). "Running From The Truth" (http:/ / www. prodeathpenalty. com/ running. htm). The Village Voice. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

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[58] Pennsylvania v. Abu-Jamal, 720 A.2d 79 (1998).

[59] Beverly, Arnold (June 8, 1999). "Affidavit of Arnold Beverly" (http:/ / www. freemumia. com/ beverlydeclaration. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

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[61] Newman, George Michael (September 25, 2001). Affidavit of George Michael Newman (http:/ / www. freemumia. com/ newmandeclaration. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [62] Dave Lindorff and Linn Washington, Jr, CounterPunch, 20 September 2010, Sidewalk Murder Scene Should Have Displayed Vivid Bullet

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[63] "PCRA hearing transcript p.144" (http:/ / www. justice4danielfaulkner. com/ pcra/ 97-06-26. html). Court of Common Pleas, First Judicial District of Pennsylvania, Criminal Trial Division. June 26, 1997. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[64] Williams, Yvette (January 28, 2002). Declaration of Yvette Williams (http:/ / www. mumia. de/ doc/ aktuell/ 20020227mde01en. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[65] Pate, Kenneth (April 18, 2003). "Declaration of Kenneth Pate" (http:/ / www. mumia. de/ doc/ aktuell/ 20030510mde00en. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [66] Lounsberry, Emilie (February 20, 2008). "Pa. court rebuffs Abu-Jamal on bid for perjury hearing". The Philadelphia Inquirer: B03.

[67] Abu-Jamal, Mumia (May 3, 2001). "Declaration of Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ / www. chicagofreemumia. org/ mumiadecl. html). Chicago Committee to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[68] Cook, William (April 29, 2001). "Declaration of William Cook" (http:/ / www. freemumia. com/ cookdeclaration. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[69] "Abu-Jamal's death sentence overturned" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ world/ americas/ 1718274. stm). BBC News. December 18, 2001. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [70] See p.70 of the July 2006 appeal brief for Abu-Jamal before the US Court of Appeal citing Yohn's ruling in the US District Court, the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, and the United States Supreme Court precedent of Mills v. Maryland, 486 U.S. 367 (1988)

[71] Piette, Betsey (March 6, 2003). "Mumia still waiting for due process" (http:/ / www. mumia2000. org/ alerts/ legalupdate3-03. html). International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[72] Rimer, Sara (December 19, 2001). "Death sentence overturned in 1981 killing of officer" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9902E5DC123EF93AA25751C1A9679C8B63& n=Top/ Reference/ Times Topics/ People/ A/ Abu-Jamal, Mumia). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[73] Lindorff, Dave (December 8, 2005). "A victory for Mumia" (http:/ / dir. salon. com/ story/ news/ feature/ 2005/ 12/ 08/ mumia/ index. html). Salon.com. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[74] Duffy, Shannon P. (May 18, 2007). "Spectators Pack Courtroom as 3rd Circuit Hears Appeal in Mumia Abu-Jamal Case" (http:/ / www.

law. com/ jsp/ article. jsp?id=1179392702456). The Legal Intelligencer. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[75] Maurer-Carter, Terri (August 21, 2001). "Declaration of Terri Maurer-Carter" (http:/ / www. mumia. de/ doc/ aktuell/ 20010903mde02en. html). Free Mumia Coalition. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [76] Conroy, Theresa (September 4, 2001). "She's 'scared' by impact of her allegation – Says Mumia judge made a racist remark". Philadelphia Daily News.

[77] "Sur Petition for Rehearing Abu-Jamal v. Horn et al." (http:/ / www. ca3. uscourts. gov/ casesofinterest/ mumia/ 019014o. pdf) (PDF). United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. July 22, 2008. . Retrieved 2008-09-02.

[78] Jeffrey A. Beard, Secretary, Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, et al. v. Mumia Abu-Jamal, case no. 01-9014 (http:/ / www.

supremecourt. gov/ Search. aspx?FileName=/ docketfiles/ 08-652. htm)

[79] Lindorff, Dave (November 10, 2010). "Mumia: New Lawyer, New Round" (http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ lindorff11102010. html). Counterpunch.org. . Retrieved 2010-12-27. [80] Audio recording of oral arguments in Abu-Jamal v Beard before US 3rd Circuit Court of Appeal at Philadelphia on 9 November 2010.

(http:/ / www. ca3. uscourts. gov/ oralargument/ audio/ 01-9014MumiaAbuJamalvBeardetal. wma) [81] 100 Yale L.J. 993 (1990-1991), "Teetering on the Brink: Between Death and Life"; Abu-Jamal, Mumia

[82] Carter, Kevin L (May 16, 1994). "A voice of Death Row to be heard on NPR" (http:/ / www. fortunecity. com/ meltingpot/ botswana/ 509/

inqarticles/ 5-16-94. htm). The Philadelphia Inquirer. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[83] Carter, Kevin L (May 17, 1994). "Inmate's broadcasts canceled" (http:/ / www. fortunecity. com/ meltingpot/ botswana/ 509/ inqarticles/

5-17-94. htm). The Philadelphia Inquirer. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[84] "Mumia Abu-Jamal Sues NPR, Claiming Censorship" (http:/ / www. courttv. com/ archive/ casefiles/ mumia/ npr. html). Court TV. March 26, 1996. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [85] "Judge Dismisses Inmate's Suit Against NPR". The Washington Post. 22 August 1997.

[86] "Inmate's commentaries, dropped by NPR, will appear in print" (http:/ / www. fortunecity. com/ meltingpot/ botswana/ 509/ inqarticles/

3-6-95. htm). The Philadelphia Inquirer. March 6, 1995. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [87] Peter Bohmer of Evergreen State College, Washington (May 26, 1999). "Mumia Abu-Jamal to Speak at College Graduation Ceremonies"

(http:/ / academic. evergreen. edu/ b/ bohmerp/ znetmay99. htm). Press release. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mumia Abu-Jamal 154

[88] Reynolds, Mark (June 2, 2004). "Whatever Happened to Mumia Abu-Jamal?" (http:/ / www. popmatters. com/ columns/ reynolds/ 040602. shtml). PopMatters. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[89] "Honorary Degrees" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070928062033/ http:/ / www. newcollege. edu/ law/ honorary_degrees. cfm). New

College of California School of Law. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. newcollege. edu/ law/ honorary_degrees. cfm) on September 28, 2007. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[90] Abu-Jamal, Mumia. "Mumia Abu-Jamal's Radio Broadcasts – essay transcripts and archived mp3" (http:/ / www. PrisonRadio. org/ mumia. htm). PrisonRadio.org. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [91] United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit (August 25, 1998) (txt). Opinion in Mumia Abu-Jamal v. James Price, Martin Horn, and

Thomas Fulcomer, No. 96-3756 (http:/ / vls. law. vill. edu/ locator/ 3d/ Aug1998/ 98a1947p. txt). Villanova University School of Law. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[92] ILWU (February 9, 1999). "San Francisco [[ILWU (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ query?url=http:/ / www. geocities. com/ capitolhill/

8425/ unionmumia. htm& date=2009-10-25+ 16:55:22)] Local 10 Executive Board Resolution – Support for April 24, 1999 demonstrations in favor of the cause of Mumia Abu-Jamal (also describing support of other named labor union groups)"]. Press release. Archived from the

original (http:/ / www. geocities. com/ capitolhill/ 8425/ unionmumia. htm) on 2009-10-25. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [93] International Convention of the SEIU (1999). "Service Employees International Union (SEIU) voted without dissent to demand justice for

Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ / www. iacenter. org/ polprisoners/ maj_seiu. htm). Press release. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[94] APWU (July 26, 2000). "Formal resolution "support(ing) a new, fair trial for activist Mumia Abu-Jamal"" (http:/ / www. apwu. org/ news/

nsb/ 2000/ nsb13-conv03-2000-072600. htm). Press release. . Retrieved 2007-10-18. [95] California Labor Federation, AFL-CIO (July 18, 2000). "California Labor Federation defends Mumia – support for the "Labor for Mumia"

Campaign" (http:/ / www. agrnews. org/ issues/ 80/ nationalnews. html). Press release. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[96] San Francisco Board of Supervisors (January 11, 2005). "Resolution urging a new trial for Mumia Abu-Jamal" (http:/ / www. sfgov. org/

site/ uploadedfiles/ bdsupvrs/ resolutions05/ r0052-05. pdf) (PDF). Press release. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[97] Cynthia McKinney (June 19, 2009). "Mumia Abu-Jamal: Grave injustice" (http:/ / www. globalresearch. ca/ index. php?context=va& aid=14031). GlobalResearch.ca. . Retrieved June 26, 2009.

[98] Elijah, Jill Soffiyah (July 26, 2006) (PDF). Brief of [[Amicus Curiae|Amici Curiae (http:/ / awesome. nlg. org/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2010/

03/ mumia_final. pdf)] National Lawyers Guild, National Conference of Black Lawyers, International Association of Democratic Lawyers et al. in support of Mumia Abu-Jamal in the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit]. National Lawyers Guild. . Retrieved 2011-02-15.

[99] "Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal website" (http:/ / www. emajonline. com/ ). Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [100] Human Rights Watch (1996). United States 1996 country report – citing advocacy on behalf of Mumia Abu-Jamal to the Governor of

Pennsylvania and the Superintendent of Waynesburg State Correctional Institution in 1995 (http:/ / www. hrw. org/ reports/ 1996/ WR96/

Back. htm). From World Report 1996. Human Rights Watch. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[101] "The Danny Faulkner Story – Related Information" (http:/ / www. fop. net/ causes/ faulkner/ info. shtml). Fraternal Order of Police. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[102] Fraternal Order of Police (August 11, 1999). "FOP attacks supporters of convicted cop killer" (http:/ / www. fop. net/ servlet/ display/

news_article?id=177& XSL=xsl_pages/ public_news_individual. xsl). Press release. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [103] Ceïbe, Cathy; Patrick Bolland (translator) (November 13, 2006). "USA Sues Paris: From Death Row, Mumia Stirs Up More Controversy"

(http:/ / www. humaniteinenglish. com/ article423. html). L'Humanité. Archived (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5hLh6Qh1I) from the original on 2009-06-07. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [104] O'Connor, J. Patrick, The Framing of Mumia Abu-Jamal, page 199

[105] Chief page for the prize at the Web site of the Erich Mühsam Society (in German) (http:/ / www. erich-muehsam-gesellschaft. de/ ?cat=empreis)

[106] Auxiliary commentary about the prize at the Web site of the Erich Mühsam Society (in German) (http:/ / www. erich-muehsam. de/ ?cat=empreis)

[107] "With United Power Forward" (http:/ / www. mumia. de/ doc/ aktuell/ 20021031mde00de. html) (in German). junge Welt. October 7, 2002. . Retrieved 2011-02-15.

[108] Simons, Stefan (June 29, 2006). "Paris Street for Mumia Abu-Jamal Sparks Trans-Atlantic Row" (http:/ / www. spiegel. de/ international/

spiegel/ 0,1518,423872,00. html). Der Spiegel. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[109] "HR 407, [[109th US Congress (http:/ / www. govtrack. us/ congress/ bill. xpd?bill=hc109-407)]"]. GovTrack.us. May 19, 2006. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[110] "SR 102, 109th US Congress" (http:/ / www. govtrack. us/ congress/ bill. xpd?bill=sc109-102). GovTrack.us. June 15, 2006. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[111] "HR 1082, 109th US Congress" (http:/ / www. govtrack. us/ congress/ bill. xpd?bill=hr109-1082). GovTrack.us. December 6, 2006. . Retrieved 2008-01-22. [112] "59th Republican Ward Executive Committee Files Criminal Charges Against Cities of Paris and Suburb for 'Glorifying' Infamous

Philadelphia Cop-Killer" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070928011555/ http:/ / www. politicspa. com/ pressreleasedetailed. asp?id=7501).

59th Republican Ward Executive Committee – City of Philadelphia. December 11, 2006. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. politicspa.

com/ pressreleasedetailed. asp?id=7501) on 28 September 2007. . Retrieved 2008-10-26.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mumia Abu-Jamal 155

[113] "Justice For Daniel Faulkner T-Shirts" (http:/ / www. danielfaulkner. com/ original/ Tshirt. html). danielfaulkner.com. . Retrieved 2008-01-22.

[114] Celizic, Mike (December 6, 2007). "Officer’s widow speaks out on Mumia case" (http:/ / today. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 22129850/ ns/

today-today_people/ t/ officers-widow-speaks-out-mumia-case/ ). Today. MSNBC. . Retrieved July 18, 2011. [115] Faulkner, Maureen; Smerconish, Michael A. (2007). Murdered by Mumia: A Life Sentence of Loss, Pain, and Injustice. Lyons Press. ISBN 1599213761.

[116] Review in Independent Publishers Group of The Framing of Mumia Abu-Jamal (http:/ / www. ipgbook. com/ showbook. cfm?bookid=1556527446) May, 2008.

External links

Video

• 1996 video of death row visitation interview with Mumia Abu-Jamal (http:/ / www. workers. org/ 2007/ us/ pvn/ )

• Competing Films Offer Differing Views (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2010/ 9/ 22/ as_competing_films_offer_differing_views) - video report by Democracy Now!

Audio

• Mumia Abu-Jamal's Radio Broadcasts (http:/ / www. prisonradio. org/ mumia. htm)

Supporter groups

• Free Mumia Abu-Jamal Coalition (http:/ / www. freemumia. com) (New York City)

• Partisan Defense Committee (http:/ / www. partisandefense. org/ campaigns/ index. html)

• The Mobilization To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal (http:/ / www. freemumia. org) (San Francisco)

• Journalists for Mumia (http:/ / abu-jamal-news. com)

• Educators for Mumia Abu-Jamal (http:/ / www. emajonline. com)

Opponent groups

• Summary of the prosecution 's case (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 1599215586)

• Fraternal Order of Police news, press releases, and communications relating to Mumia Abu-Jamal (http:/ / www.

fop. net/ causes/ faulkner/ info. shtml)

• Justice For Daniel Faulkner (http:/ / danielfaulkner. com/ )

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Liberation Army 156 Black Liberation Army

The Black Liberation Army (BLA) was an underground, black nationalist-Marxist militant organization that operated in the United States from 1970 to 1981. Composed largely of former Black Panthers (BPP), the organization's program was one of "armed struggle" and its stated goal was to "take up arms for the liberation and self-determination of black people in the United States."[1] The BLA carried out a series of bombings, robberies (what participants termed "expropriations"), and prison breaks. Logo of the Black Liberation Army

Formation The Black Liberation Army gained strength as Black Panther Party membership declined. By 1970, police and FBI pressure (see COINTELPRO), infiltration, sectarianism, the criminalization of the Black Power movement (including long prison sentences and the deaths of key members, among them Fred Hampton, at the hands of police) had crippled the Black Panther Party. This convinced many former party members of the desirability of an underground existence, including the assumption that a new period of violent repression was at hand. BLA members operated under the belief that only through covert means, including but not limited to violent acts, could the movement be continued until such a time when an above-ground existence was possible. In this sense, the BLA's reasoning was similar to that of the . The conditions under which the Black Liberation Army formed are not entirely clear. It is commonly believed that the organization was founded by those who left the Black Panther Party after Eldridge Cleaver was expelled from the party's Central Committee.[2] A fallout was inevitable between Cleaver and other Panther leaders after he publicly criticized the BPP, among other things accusing Panther social programs of being reformist rather than revolutionary. Others, including black revolutionary Geronimo Pratt (AKA Geronimo ji Jaga), assert that the BLA "as a movement concept pre-dated and was broader than the BPP," suggesting that it was a refuge for ex-Panthers rather than a new organization formed through schism.[3] Some accounts of the Black Liberation Army argue that the BLA grew out of the BPP and its original founders were members of the Party. The organization is often presented as a result of the repression on the BPP and the split within the Panthers. It is said to have formed after the collaboration of several Black revolutionary organizations and consisted of the Black underground which came to be collectively known as the Black Liberation Army.[4] Assata Shakur, in her autobiography, asserts “… the Black Liberation Army was not a centralized, organized group with a common leadership and chain of command. Instead there were various organizations and collectives working together and simultaneously independent of each other.” [5] The newly formed BLA believed that "the character of reformism is based on unprincipled class collaboration with our enemy"[6] and asserted the following principles: 1. That we are anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-racist, and anti-sexist. 2. That we must of necessity strive for the abolishment of these systems and for the institution of Socialistic relationships in which Black people have total and absolute control over their own destiny as a people. 3. That in order to abolish our systems of oppression, we must utilize the science of class struggle, develop this science as it relates to our unique national condition.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Liberation Army 157

Activities According to a Justice Department report on BLA activity, the Black Liberation Army is suspected of involvement in over 60 incidents of violence between 1970 and 1976.[7] The Fraternal Order of Police blames the BLA for the murders of 13 police officers.[8] On October 22, 1970, the BLA is believed to have planted a bomb in St. Brendan's Church in San Francisco while it was full of mourners attending the funeral of San Francisco police officer Harold Hamilton, who had been killed in the line of duty while responding to a bank robbery. The bomb was detonated, but no one in the church suffered serious injuries.[9] On May 21, 1971, as many as five men participated in the shootings of two New York City police officers, Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones. Those arrested and brought to trial for the shootings include Anthony Bottom (aka ), Albert Washington, Francisco Torres, Gabriel Torres, and Herman Bell. On August 29, 1971, three armed men murdered 51-year old San Francisco police officer John Victor Young while he was working at a desk in his police station, which was almost empty at the time due to a bombing attack on a bank that took place earlier - only one other officer and a civilian clerk were there. Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack. In January 2007, eight men, labeled the San Francisco 8 were charged by a joint state and federal task force with Young's murder.[10] The defendants have been identified as former members of the Black Liberation Army.[11] A similar case was dismissed in 1975 when a judge ruled that police gathered evidence through the use of torture.[12] On June 29, 2009 Herman Bell pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter in the death of Sgt. Young. In July 2009, charges were dropped against four of the accused: Ray Boudreaux, Henry W. Jones, Richard Brown and Harold Taylor. Also that month Jalil Muntaquim pleaded no contest to conspiracy to commit voluntary manslaughter becoming the second person to be convicted in this case.[13] It is also true that Jalil Muntaquim and Herman Bell decided to accept a guilty plea due to their being already incarcerated for almost 40 years. The case against the other San Francisco 8 defendants have been dismissed by the US Government with the exception of Francisco Torres who is free on bond and awaiting a court ruling. On the 3 November 1971, Officer James R. Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station. His wallet, badge, and weapon were taken, and the evidence at the scene pointed to two suspects. The first was Twymon Meyers, who was killed in a police shootout in 1973, and the second was Freddie Hilton (aka Kamau Sadiki), who evaded capture until 2002, when he was arrested in New York on a separate charge, and was recognized as one of the men wanted in the Greene murder. Apparently, the two men had attacked the officer to gain standing with their compatriots within Black Liberation Army.[14] In another high-profile incident, Assata Shakur, Zayd Shakur and were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight. Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange. Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials. According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons. The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery. Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in 1979 and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum. Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison. The BLA was active in the US until at least 1981 when a Brinks truck robbery, conducted with support from Weather Underground members and , left a guard and two police officers dead. Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested.[15] Following the collapse of the BLA, some members - including , Donald Weems (aka ) and Ojore N. Lutalo- became outspoken proponents of anarchism. Weems died in prison of an AIDS-related disease in 1986. Alston remains active in prison support and other activist circles.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Liberation Army 158

Members and associates BLA members who remain in prison (as of January 2006), include the following: • Clark Edward Squire (aka Sundiata Acoli), convicted along with Assata Shakur of the murder of a New Jersey state trooper in 1973. • Jeral Wayne Williams (aka Mutulu Shakur), charged in part with conspiracy in 1979 BLA prison break of Chesimard (Assata Shakur), FBI's top ten Fugitive #380. Captured in 1986 and convicted of participating in the 1981 Brinks robbery, he received a 60-year sentence in a federal prison. • Herman Bell and Anthony Bottom (aka Jalil Muntaqim), convicted of the murder of two New York City police officers in 1971. • Joseph Bowen • Robert Seth Hayes, convicted of the murder of a NYC Transit Police Officer. • William Turk (aka Sekou Kambui), convicted of two murders in Alabama. • Ojore N. Lutalo, convicted following a shootout with a drug dealer (released August 2009). • Anthony LaBorde (aka Abdul Majid) and James D. York (aka ), convicted of the murder of a police officer in 1981. • Nathaniel Burns (aka Sekou Odinga), convicted of six counts of attempted murder for his participation in the 1981 Brinks robbery and other incidents. • Grailing Brown (aka Kojo Bomani Sababu), convicted of bank robbery. • Freddie Hilton (aka Kamau Sadiki), convicted of the murder of an Atlanta police officer in 1971. • Russel "Maroon" Shoatz, convicted of the murder of a police officer in 1972. Other high-profile BLA members and associates: • Arthur Lee Washington, Jr., FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitive #427, wanted for 1989 attempted murder of a New Jersey state trooper. {Removed from list in December 2000 as no longer meeting criteria} • Assata Shakur, fugitive from justice and currently in Havana, Cuba.

References

[1] MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Base (http:/ / www. tkb. org/ Group. jsp?groupID=3708)

[2] Le Monde diplomatique, Caged panthers, 2005. (http:/ / mondediplo. com/ 2005/ 10/ 14blackpanthers) [3] Liberation, Imagination and the Black Panther Party, 2001. [4] Umoja, Akinyele Omowale. “Repression Breeds Resistance: The Black Liberation Army and the Radical Legacy of the Black Panther Party.” New Political Science 21.2 (1999): 131-154. [5] Umoja, Akinyele Omowale. “Repression Breeds Resistance: The Black Liberation Army and the Radical Legacy of the Black Panther Party.” New Political Science 21.2 (1999): 131-154.

[6] The BLA Coordinating Committee, Message to the Black Movement: A Political Statement from the Black Underground. (http:/ / archive. lib.

msu. edu/ AFS/ dmc/ radicalism/ public/ all/ messageblackmovement/ AAL. pdf?CFID=327481& CFTOKEN=39064116)

[7] Blast from the Past, 1979 (http:/ / www. assatashakur. org/ forum/ / showpost. php?p=37245& postcount=101)

[8] New York State FOP, New York State Fraternal Order of Police Criticizes Judge's Decision on the release of Kathy Boudin. (http:/ / www.

nysfop. org/ events/ kathy_boudin. htm)

[9] Van Derbeken and Lagos. Ex-militants charged in S.F. police officer's '71 slaying at station (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article.

cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2007/ 01/ 23/ BAGRKNNFV04. DTL), San Francisco Chronicle (January 23, 2007)

[10] Ex-militants charged in S.F. police officer's '71 slaying at station (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?file=/ c/ a/ 2007/ 01/ 24/

MNGDONO11G1. DTL) (via SFGate)

[11] Black Liberation Army tied to 1971 slaying (http:/ / blogs. usatoday. com/ ondeadline/ 2007/ 01/ black_liberatio. html) (via USA Today)

[12] 8 arrested in 1971 cop-killing tied to Black Panthers (http:/ / www. latimes. com/ news/ local/ la-012307police,1,7612402.

story?coll=la-default-underdog& ctrack=1& cset=true) (via Los Angeles Times)

[13] 2nd guilty plea in 1971 killing of S.F. officer (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2009/ 07/ 07/ BAKJ18JUNS. DTL) (via SFGate)

[14] Fulton Co. District Attorney Report (http:/ / www. fultonda. org/ featuredarticle/ 30years. htm)

[15] CourtTV Crime Library, Ambush: The Brinks Robbery of 1981 (http:/ / www. crimelibrary. com/ terrorists_spies/ terrorists/ brinks/ 1. html)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Liberation Army 159

External links

• Incidents attributed to the BLA on the START database (http:/ / www. start. umd. edu/ gtd/ search/ Results.

aspx?page=1& casualties_type=& casualties_max=& perpetrator=3497& count=100& charttype=line&

chart=overtime& ob=GTDID& od=desc& expanded=yes#results-table)

Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad

Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad (born Richard Moore, 1945) is an American writer and activist, who is a former prisoner, Black Panther Party leader, and co-founder of the Black Liberation Army.

The shooting On May 19, 1971, Thomas Curry and Nicholas Binetti, two NYPD officers who were guarding the home of Frank S. Hogan, the Manhattan district attorney, were fired upon in a drive-by shooting, with a machine-gun.[1] The officers survived, but were seriously injured, sustaining shots to the head, neck, chest, and abdomen. The shootings took place during a period of intense violence between black activist organizations and the New York City police department. Two days later, NYPD officers Waverly Jones and Joseph Piagentini were shot and killed outside a housing project in Harlem.[2] [3] Wahad was arrested and initially charged with robbing a South Bronx social club, and then was later charged with the attempted murders of Curry and Binetti. The "Passin' It On" documentary by Jon Valadez on Dhoruba's case revealed, through FBI documents and eye witness accounts that The South Bronx Social Club was running and illegal drug ring and was a known place where Police took bribes. Dhoruba and other BLA members attempted to stop the drugs being pushed into their neighborhood. Wahad's first trial ended in a hung jury; his second in a mistrial. Two years later, in 1973, his third trial resulted in a guilty verdict; he was sentenced to twenty-five years to life.[4]

Prison and release Wahad spent a total of nineteen years in prison. While incarcerated, he learned about Congressional hearings that disclosed the existence of a covert F.B.I. operation known as COINTELPRO. In December 1975 he filed a lawsuit against the F.B.I. and the police department of the City of New York. As a direct result of his lawsuit, over the next fifteen years the F.B.I. released more than 300,000 pages of documents regarding COINTELPRO. The COINTELPRO documents were the basis on which Wahad appealed his conviction, and on March 15, 1990, Justice Peter J. McQuillan, a Supreme Court justice in Manhattan, reversed it, ruling that the prosecution had failed to disclose evidence that could have helped Mr. Wahad's defense.[5] While Manhattan District Attorney Robert M. Morgenthau stated that he planned to appeal the ruling, and would obtain a retrial if his appeal failed, Wahad was freed and released without bail. Morgenthau's attempt to appeal was rejected by the Appellate Division of State Supreme Court,[6] and on January 20, 1995, the Manhattan district attorney's office stated there would be no retrial, indicating that the current condition of the evidence would make this impossible.[7]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad 160

Lawsuits In 1995, the F.B.I. settled with Wahad; the U.S. government paid him $400,000 dollars.[8] On December 4, 2000, Dhoruba's suit against the New York Police Department, seeking $15 million in damages was scheduled to begin.[9] On December 8, 2000, the city of New York laid to rest a 25 year legal battle, and agreed to pay Wahad an additional $490,000 in damages.[1]

Aftermath Wahad lived in Accra, Ghana where he organized on Pan-Africanism and the prison system. Using the funds from his settlements for personal damages from the FBI and City of New York, he established the Campaign to Free Black and New African Political Prisoners (formerly the Campaign to Free Black Political Prisoners and Prisoners-of-War) and founded the Institute for the Development of Pan-African policy in Ghana. He currently lives in New York City and continues his work.

Bibliography

Books • Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad, Mumia Abu-Jamal, and Assata Shakur, Still Black, Still Strong (1993) (ISBN 0-93-675674-8)

Essays • The Siege of Fallujah, Iraq: Another Page in the West’s Long Running War with Islam [10] (2004), Dhoruba al-Mujahid Bin-Wahad • The Ethics Of Black Atonement In Racist America: The Execution Of [[Stanley Tookie Williams [11]]] (2005), Dhoruba al-Mujahid Bin-Wahad.

References

Books • Nelson Blackstock, Cointelpro: The FBI's Secret War on Political Freedom (1988) (ISBN 0-87348-877-6) • Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad, Mumia Abu-Jamal, and Assata Shakur, Still Black, Still Strong (1993) (ISBN 0-93-675674-8) • Joy James, Imprisoned Intellectuals: America's Political Prisoners Write on Life, Liberation, and Rebellion (2003) (ISBN 0-74-252027-7) • T.J. English, "The Savage City: Race, Murder, And A Generation On The Edge" (2011) (ISBN 978-0-06-182455-5) • Seestah Imahkus (One Africa): "ABABIO: A 21st Century Anthology Of African Diasporan Returnees To Ghana" (2011) (ISBN 9988-8089-3-3)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad 161

Magazines and newspapers • New York Times, Ronald Sullivan (1990), After 17 Years, Panther Conviction Is Upset [12] • New York Times, Robert D. Mcfadden (1991), State Appeals Court Narrows Right to a New Trial When Evidence Is Withheld [13] • New York Times, Alan Feuer (2000), Defiant Ex-Black Panther Sues Defiant New York Police [14] • New York Times, Benjamin Weiser (2000), City Agrees to Settle Suit By Former Panther Leader [15] • Democracy Now, Amy Goodman (2000), Cointel Pro 25 Years Later: New York Settles with Former Black Panther who was Wrongly Imprisoned [16]

Film • Jon Valadez (1992) Passin' it On iMDB [17] "Framing the Panthers In Black and White", documentary on Dhoruba Bin-Wahad, by Chris Bratton and Annie Goldson

Music • Resist and Exist (2001) Human, Earth, Animal Liberation (HEAL), features the track: Documentary on Dhoruba Bin-Wahad, "FRAMING THE PANTHERS, In Black and White", by Chris Bratton, and Annie Goldson

External links • An excerpt from Mr. Wahad's book, Still Black, Still Strong, Toward Rethinking Self-Defense in a Racist Culture: Black Survival in a United States in Transition [18] • Hip-Hop Fridays: COINTELPRO - The Untold American Story (Part 1) [19] • Hip-Hop Fridays: COINTELPRO - The Untold American Story (Part 2) [20]

Notes

[1] City Agrees to Settle Suit By Former Panther Leader (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9D00E5DC1E3CF93BA35751C1A9669C8B63) [2] The Badge of the Assassin, Robert K. Tanenbaum (ISBN 0-52-506070-7)

[3] Joseph Piagentini And Waverly Jones (http:/ / www. nleomf. com/ TheMemorial/ tributes/ stories/ stories_jones. htm)

[4] Rush Transcript (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2000/ 12/ 8/ cointel_pro_25_years_later_new)

[5] Court Erupts As Judge Frees An Ex-Panther (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9C0CE0DF1031F930A15750C0A966958260)

[6] State Appeals Court Narrows Right to a New Trial When Evidence Is Withheld (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9D0CE5DB1F3BF933A15751C1A967958260& scp=9& sq=dhoruba+ bin+ wahad& st=nyt)

[7] No Retrial in Shootings (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=990CEEDF1330F933A15752C0A963958260&

partner=rssnyt& emc=rss) [8] Imprisoned Intellectuals: America's Political Prisoners Write on Life, Liberation, and Rebellion, Page 95 (ISBN 0-74-252027-7)

[9] Defiant Ex-Black Panther Sues Defiant New York Police (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9505E1DE173CF937A35751C1A9669C8B63& scp=1& sq=dhoruba+ bin+ wahad& st=nyt)

[10] http:/ / tbwt. org/ index2. php?option=content& do_pdf=1& id=194

[11] https:/ / blythe-systems. com/ pipermail/ nytr/ Week-of-Mon-20051212/ 028537. html

[12] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9C0CE1D81E39F935A25750C0A966958260& scp=10& sq=dhoruba+ bin+ wahad& st=nyt

[13] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9D0CE5DB1F3BF933A15751C1A967958260& scp=9& sq=dhoruba+ bin+ wahad& st=nyt

[14] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9505E1DE173CF937A35751C1A9669C8B63& scp=1& sq=dhoruba+ bin+ wahad& st=nyt

[15] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9D00E5DC1E3CF93BA35751C1A9669C8B63

[16] http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2000/ 12/ 8/ cointel_pro_25_years_later_new

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad 162

[17] http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0107787/

[18] http:/ / users. rcn. com/ beecee. interport/ dhoruba1. htm

[19] http:/ / www. blackelectorate. com/ articles. asp?ID=622

[20] http:/ / www. blackelectorate. com/ articles. asp?ID=626

Geronimo Pratt

Geronimo Ji Jaga aka: Geronimo Ji Jaga Pratt Born: Elmer Pratt Born September 13, 1947Morgan City, Louisiana

Died June 3, 2011 (aged 63)Tanzania

Cause of death Heart attack

Residence Tanzania

Nationality American

Other names Geronimo ji-Jaga Pratt, Elmer Pratt

Ethnicity African

Citizenship Tanzania

Education UCLA

Occupation High ranking member of the Black Panther Party

Known for spending 27 years in prison

Home town Morgan City, Louisiana

Political party Black Panther Party

Political movement Black liberation

Criminal charge Murder

Criminal penalty 27 years in prison

Criminal status Released (conviction vacated)

Geronimo Ji Jaga (September 13, 1947 – June 3, 2011), also known as Geronimo ji-Jaga Pratt born: Elmer Pratt, was a high ranking member of the Black Panther Party. The Federal Bureau of Investigation targeted him in a COINTELPRO operation, which aimed to "neutralize Pratt as an effective BPP functionary."[1] Pratt was falsely accused, tried and convicted of the kidnap and murder of Caroline Olsen in 1972, and spent 27 years in prison, eight of which were in solitary confinement. Pratt was freed in 1997 when his conviction was vacated. He was working as a human rights activist up until the time of his death. Pratt was also the godfather of the late rapper Tupac Shakur.[2] He died of a heart attack in his adopted country, Tanzania, on June 3, 2011.[3]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Geronimo Pratt 163

Early years Geronimo Ji Jaga was born in Morgan City, Louisiana and was a high school quarterback. His father was in the scrap metal business. He served two combat tours in the Vietnam War, reaching the rank of sergeant and earning two Bronze Stars, a Silver Star, and two Purple Hearts.[4] [5] He later moved to Los Angeles. After he served his two tours, Geronimo Ji Jaga studied political science at UCLA,[4] using the GI Bill. Geronimo Ji Jaga was recruited into the Panthers by Bunchy Carter and John Huggins.[6] When Pratt joined the Black Panthers, his years in the army proved useful. He rose to be Minister of Defense of the local organization, after two of its officers were killed. In 1971, Geronimo Ji Jaga's wife Saundra was killed while 8 months pregnant and left in a ditch. The murder was blamed on a Party schism between supporters of Huey Newton and those of Eldridge Cleaver, with Geronimo Ji Jaga and his wife belonging to the Cleaver faction.Geronimo later understood this to be an F.B.I. lie.Saundra's murder was unrelated to the Black Panther Party. [7] "Slaying May Herald Panther Showdown". The Los Angeles Times (November 13, 1971).[8] By January 1970, the Los Angeles FBI office had sought permission from headquarters for a counterintelligence effort "designed to challenge the legitimacy of the authority exercised" by Pratt in the local Panthers. Another FBI memo dated five months later noted that the Bureau was constantly considering counterintelligence measures designed to neutralize Pratt "as an effective (Panther) functionary."[6]

Murder charges In 1968, Caroline Olsen, a 27-year-old elementary school teacher, was murdered by gunshot during a robbery on a Santa Monica tennis court. Olsen's husband, Kenneth, who was also shot but survived, initially identified another man as the killer. Julius Butler, a Black Panther and police informant, fingered Geronimo Pratt as the killer. In 1970, Geronimo Ji Jaga was arrested and charged with murder and kidnapping. His attorney, Johnnie L. Cochran Jr., assured his client that the charges would be dropped, given that Geronimo Ji Jaga had been 350 miles away on the night of the murder and could prove it. But, according to and alleged by journalist and author Jack Olsen, they were met with setbacks, from lying prosecution witnesses trooped to exculpatory evidence disappearing at police stations and the L.A. District Attorney’s office. According to Olsen, it was later revealed that FBI "moles" had infiltrated defense sessions and monitored Cochran’s phone calls.[9]

Prison Geronimo Ji Jaga always maintained his innocence. During his incarceration he studied law and steadfastly built a defense. Geronimo Ji Jaga was represented by attorneys Stuart Hanlon and Johnnie Cochran in his original trial. Together with William Paparian, Hanlon contributed much to the appeals that later led to Pratt's conviction being vacated.

Murder conviction vacated Geronimo Ji Jaga's conviction was vacated on June 10, 1997, on the grounds that the prosecution had concealed evidence that might have exonerated the defendant. In particular, the government had not disclosed that a key witness against Pratt, Julius Butler, was an informant for both the FBI and the Los Angeles Police Department. An appeals court ruled this fact to be "'favorable' to the defendant, 'suppressed' by a law enforcement agency, and 'material' to the jury's decision to convict."[10] Geronimo Ji Jaga eventually received $4.5 million as settlement for false imprisonment. A federal judge approved the settlement of the civil suit: The city of L.A. paid $2.75 million of the settlement with the U.S. Department of Justice paying the $1.75 million remainder.[11]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Geronimo Pratt 164

Later years Geronimo Ji Jaga continued to work on behalf of men and women believed to be wrongfully incarcerated until his death, including participation in rallies in support of Mumia Abu-Jamal, whom he had met when both were active as Black Panthers. Geronimo Ji Jaga was living in Tanzania at the time of his death.[4]

References

[1] LA 157-3436 (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ / doc156. gif), the partially redacted COINTELPRO file on Geronimo Pratt

[2] Interview with Geronimo Pratt (http:/ / www. allhiphop. com/ stories/ features/ archive/ 2011/ 06/ 03/ 22780303. aspx/ AllHipHop)

[3] Death of Elmer "Geronomo" Pratt (http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ 2011/ US/ 06/ 03/ california. pratt. death/ )

[4] Douglas Martin, "Elmer G. Pratt, Jailed Panther Leader, Dies at 63" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2011/ 06/ 04/ us/ 04pratt. html) The New York Times (June 3, 2011). Retrieved June 4, 2011.

[5] Robert J. Lopez, Geronimo Ji Jaga dies at 63; former Black Panther whose murder conviction was overturned (http:/ / www. latimes. com/

news/ obituaries/ la-me-geronimo-pratt-20110603,0,6307630. story) LA Times (June 3, 2011). Retrieved June 5, 2011. [6] Edward J. Boyer, "Past Haunts Ex-Panther in New Life : Julius Butler's testimony helped convict Geronimo Pratt of murder. Now, the First

A.M.E. Church official's prominence upsets some who say Butler was an FBI informant—a claim he denies." (http:/ / articles. latimes. com/

1994-05-24/ news/ mn-61623_1_julio-butler/ 4) The Los Angeles Times (May 24, 1994). Retrieved June 4, 2011. [7] "Last Man Standing" Geronimo Ji Jaga [8] Hugh Pearson, The Shadow of the Panther, p. 444.

[9] Jack Olsen, "Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt" (http:/ / www. jackolsen. com/ pratt. htm) Description of book. Retrieved June 4, 2011

[10] "The COINTELPRO Casebook: In re Pratt, 82 Cal.Rptr.2d 260 (Cal.App. 2 Dist.1999)" (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/

law/ inrepratt82CalRptr2d260. htm) Paul Wolf, Attorney at Law. Retrieved June 4, 2011

[11] "Falsely Imprisoned Ex-Black Panther 'Geronimo' Pratt To Get $4.5 Mil. In Settlement" (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1355/

is_23_97/ ai_62298402/ ) republished from Jet (May 15, 2000). Retrieved June 4, 2011

Bibliography • Olsen, Jack. Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group (2000) ISBN 0-38549-367-3

External links • 2000 radio interview of Geronimo Pratt on Democracy Now! with his attorneys Johnnie Cochran Jr. and Stuart

Hanlon (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2000/ 10/ 5/ last_man_standing_the_tragedy_and)

• Framed Black Panther leader Geronimo Pratt wins appeal wsws.org (http:/ / www. wsws. org/ articles/ 1999/

feb1999/ prat-f18. shtml)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Assata Shakur 165 Assata Shakur

Assata Olugbala Shakur (born July 16, 1947[1] as JoAnne Deborah Byron, married name Chesimard[2] ) is an African-American activist and escaped convict who was a member of the Black Panther Party (BPP) and Black Liberation Army (BLA). Between 1971 and 1973, Shakur was accused of several crimes and made the subject of a multi-state manhunt.[3] [4] In May 1973 Shakur was involved in a shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike, during which New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster and BLA member Zayd Malik Shakur were killed and Shakur and Trooper James Harper were wounded.[5] Between 1973 and 1977, Shakur was indicted in relation to six other alleged criminal incidents—charged with murder, attempted murder, armed robbery, bank robbery, and kidnapping—resulting in three acquittals and three dismissals. In 1977, she was convicted of the first-degree murder of Foerster and of seven other felonies related to the shootout.[6] Shakur was then incarcerated in several prisons, where her treatment drew criticism from some human rights groups. She escaped from prison in 1979 and has been living in Cuba in political asylum since 1984. Since May 2, 2005, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has classified her as a "domestic terrorist" and offered a $1 million reward for assistance in her capture. Attempts to extradite her have resulted in letters to the Pope and a Congressional resolution. Shakur is the step-aunt of the deceased hip hop icon Tupac Shakur (the sister of his stepfather, Mutulu Shakur). Her life has been portrayed in literature, film and song.[7]

Early life Shakur was born in Jamaica, Queens, New York City on July 16, 1947 [1] where she lived for three years with her parents and grandparents, Lula and Frank Hill.[8] After her parents divorced in 1950, she spent most of her childhood in Wilmington, North Carolina, with her grandmother until her family relocated to Queens when she was a teenager.[8] [9] For a time, she ran away from home and lived with strangers until she was taken in by her aunt, Evelyn Williams, later her lawyer.[10] She dropped out of high school, but later earned a General Educational Development (GED) with her aunt's help.[10] She attended Borough of Manhattan Community College and then the City College of New York (CCNY) in the mid-1960s, where she was involved in many political activities, protests, and sit-ins.[10] Shakur was arrested for the first time in 1967 with 100 other Manhattan Community College students, on charges of trespassing. The students had chained and locked the entrance to a college building to protest a curriculum deficient in Black Studies and a lack of Black faculty.[11] She married Louis Chesimard, a fellow student-activist at CCNY, in April 1967, divorcing him in December 1970. Shakur devotes only one paragraph of her autobiography to her marriage, attributing its termination to disagreements related to gender roles.[12] After graduation from CCNY at 23, Shakur became involved in the Black Panther Party (BPP), eventually becoming a leading member of the Harlem branch.[8] [13] Prior to joining the BPP, Shakur had met several of its members on a 1970 trip to Oakland, California.[10] One of Shakur's main activities with the Panthers was coordinating a school breakfast program. However, she soon left the Party, charging macho behavior of males in these organizations,[14] but did not go as far as other female Panthers like Regina Jennings who left the organization over sexual harassment.[15] Instead, Shakur's main criticism of the Black Panther Party was its alleged lack of focus on black history: "The basic problem stemmed from the fact that the BPP had no systematic approach to political education. They were reading the Red Book but didn't know who Harriet Tubman, Marcus Garvey, and Nat Turner were. They talked about intercommunalism but still really believed that the Civil War was fought to free the slaves. A whole lot of them barely understood any kind of history, Black, African or otherwise. [...] That was the main reason many Party members, in my opinion, underestimated the need to unite with other Black organizations

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Assata Shakur 166

and to struggle around various community issues."[16] That same year she changed her name to Assata Shakur[10] and joined the Black Liberation Army (BLA), “a politico-military organization, whose primary objective (was) to fight for the independence and self-determination of Afrikan people in the United States.” [17] In 1971, Shakur joined the Republic of New Afrika,[18] an organization formed to create an independent Black majority nation composed of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.[19]

Allegations and manhunt On April 6, 1971, Shakur was shot in the stomach during a struggle with a guest at the Statler Hilton Hotel in Midtown Manhattan and was arrested on a string of charges. According to police, Shakur knocked on the door of a room occupied by an out-of-town guest and asked "Is there a party going on here?" to which the occupant responded in the negative.[20] Shakur then allegedly displayed a revolver and a struggle ensued, during which she was shot.[20] She was booked on charges of attempted robbery, felonious assault, reckless endangerment, and possession of a deadly weapon, then released on bail.[21] Shakur is alleged to have said that she was glad that she had been shot since now that she had experienced what it was like she was no longer afraid to be shot again.[22] Following an August 23, 1971, bank robbery in Queens, Shakur was sought for questioning, and a photograph of a woman (who was later alleged to be Shakur) with thick rimmed black glasses, a high hairdo pulled tightly over her head, and a steadily pointed gun became ubiquitous in banks and full page print ads paid for by the New York Clearing House Association.[23] On December 21, 1971, Shakur was named as one of four suspects by New York City police in a hand grenade attack that destroyed a police car and slightly injured two patrolmen in Maspeth, Queens; a 13 state alarm was issued three days after the attack when a witness identified Shakur and Andrew Jackson from FBI photographs.[24] [25] [26] [27] Atlanta law enforcement officials said that Shakur and Jackson had lived together for several months in Atlanta, Georgia, in the summer of 1971.[28] [29] [30] Shakur was one of those wanted for questioning for wounding a police officer attempting to serve a traffic summons in Brooklyn on January 26, 1972 .[31] After a March 1, 1972 $89,000 Brooklyn bank robbery, a Daily News headline asked: "Was that JoAnne?"; Shakur was also wanted for questioning after a further September 1, 1972 Bronx bank robbery.[31] Msgr. John Powis alleged that Shakur was involved in an armed robbery at his Our Lady of the Presentation church in Brownsville, Brooklyn, on September 14, 1972, based on FBI photographs.[32] In 1972, Shakur was the subject of a nationwide manhunt after the FBI alleged that she was the "revolutionary mother hen" of a Black Liberation Army cell that had conducted a "series of cold-blooded murders of New York City police officers",[3] including the "execution style murders" of New York Police Officers Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones on May 21, 1971 and Gregory Foster and Rocco Laurie on January 28, 1972.[33] [34] Shakur was alleged to have been directly involved with the Foster and Laurie murders, and involved with the Piagentini and Jones murders.[35] Some sources go further, identifying Shakur as the de facto leader and the "soul of the Black Liberation Army" after the arrest of cofounder Dhoruba Moore.[36] Robert Daley, Deputy Commissioner of the New York City Police, for example, described Shakur as "the final wanted fugitive, the soul of the gang, the mother hen who kept them together, kept them moving, kept them shooting".[37] As of February 17, 1972, when Shakur was identified as one of four BLA members on a short trip to Chattanooga, Tennessee, Shakur was wanted for questioning (along with Robert Vickers, Twyman Meyers, Samuel Cooper, and Paul Stewart) in relation to police killings, a Mug shots of the six suspects in the ambushing of Queens bank robbery, and the grenade attack.[38] [39] [40] Shakur was four New York City police officers announced as one of six suspects (pictured left) in the ambushing of four policemen—two in Jamaica, Queens, and two in Brooklyn—on January 28, 1973, despite the fact that the assailants were identified as male.[41]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Assata Shakur 167

By June 1973, an apparatus that would become the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF)[42] was issuing near daily briefings on Shakur's status and the allegations against her.[43] [44] According to Cleaver and Katsiaficas, the FBI and local police "initiated a national search-and-destroy mission for suspected BLA members, collaborating in stakeouts that were the products of intensive political repression and counterintelligence campaigns like NEWKILL" and "attempted to tie Assata to every suspected action of the BLA involving a woman".[45] The JTTF would later serve as the "coordinating body in the search for Assata and the renewed campaign to smash the BLA", after her escape from prison.[44] After her capture, however, Shakur was not charged with any of the crimes that had made her the subject of the manhunt.[3] [4] Shakur and others[3] [4] [46] claim that she was targeted by the FBI's COINTELPRO as a result of her involvement with these organizations.[13] Specifically, documentary evidence suggests that Shakur was targeted by an investigation named CHESROB, which "attempted to hook former New York Panther Joanne Chesimard (Assata Shakur) to virtually every bank robbery or violent crime involving a black woman on the East Coast".[47] Although named after Shakur, CHESROB (like its predecessor, NEWKILL) was not limited to Shakur.[48]

New Jersey Turnpike shootout

On May 2, 1973, at about 12:45 a.m.,[5] Assata Shakur, along with Zayd Malik Shakur (born James F. Costan) and Sundiata Acoli (born Clark Squire), was stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike in East Brunswick by State Trooper James Harper, backed up by Trooper Werner Foerster in a second patrol vehicle (Car 820), for driving with a broken tail light.[49] According to Col. David B. Kelly, the vehicle was also "slightly" exceeding the speed limit.[5] Recordings of Trooper Harper calling the dispatcher were played at the trials of both Acoli and Assata Shakur. After reporting his plans to stop the vehicle which he had been following, Harper can later be heard to say: "Hold on—two black males, one female."[49] [50] The stop occurred 200 yards (183 m) south of the Turnpike Authority administration building at exit 9, the headquarters of Troop D.[5] [50] [51] Zayd Shakur was driving the two-door vehicle, Assata Shakur was seated in the right front seat, and Acoli was in the right rear seat.[52] Trooper Harper asked the driver for identification, noticed a discrepancy, asked him to get out of the car, Mug shot of Shakur, taken on May 2, 1973 and questioned him at the rear of the vehicle.[5]

It is at this point, with the questioning of Zayd Shakur, that the accounts of the confrontation begin to differ (see the witnesses section below).[53] However, in the ensuing shootout, Trooper Foerster was shot twice in the head with his own gun and killed,[49] [53] Zayd Shakur was killed, and Assata Shakur and Trooper Harper were wounded. According to initial police statements, at this point one or more of the suspects began firing with automatic handguns and Trooper Foerster fired four times before falling mortally wounded.[5] At Acoli's trial, Harper testified that the shootout started "seconds" after Foerster arrived at the scene.[52] At this trial, Harper said that Foerster reached into the vehicle, pulled out and held up an automatic pistol and ammunition clip, and said "Jim, look what I found,"[52] while facing Harper at the rear of the vehicle.[54] At this point, Assata Shakur and Acoli were ordered to put their hands on their laps and not to move; Harper said that Assata Shakur then reached down to the right of her right leg, pulled out a pistol, and shot him in the shoulder, after which he retreated to behind his vehicle.[52] Questioned by prosecutor C. Judson Hamlin, Harper said he saw Foerster shot just as Assata Shakur was felled by bullets from Harper's gun.[52] Harper testified that Acoli shot Foerster with a .38 caliber automatic pistol and then used Foerster's own gun to "execute him".[55] According to the testimony of State Police investigators, two jammed automatic

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pistols were discovered near Foerster's body.[56] Acoli then drove the car (a white Pontiac LeMans with Vermont license plates)[51] —which contained Assata Shakur, who was wounded, and Zayd Shakur, who was dead or dying—5 miles (8 km) down the road at milepost 78 across from Service Area 8-N (the Joyce Kilmer Service Area),[49] [57] where Assata Shakur was apprehended.[5] The vehicle was chased by three patrol cars and the booths down the turnpike were alerted.[5] Acoli then exited the car and—after being ordered to halt by Trooper Robert Palentchar (Car 817),[49] the first on the scene[5] —fled into the woods as Palentchar emptied his gun.[5] According to Palentchar, Assata Shakur then walked towards him from 50 feet (15 m) away with her bloody arms raised in surrender.[5] Acoli was captured after a 36-hour manhunt—involving 400 people, state police helicopters, and bloodhounds from the Ocean County Sheriff's Department[5] —the following day.[58] [59] Zayd Shakur's body was found in a nearby gully along the road.[5] Trooper Werner Foerster At the time of the shootout, Assata Shakur was a member of the Black Liberation Army (BLA) and no longer a member of the Black Panther Party.[51] According to a New Jersey Police spokesperson, Assata Shakur was on her way to a "new hideout in Philadelphia" and "heading ultimately for Washington" and a book in the vehicle contained a list of potential BLA targets.[5] Assata Shakur, however, testified that she was on her way to Baltimore for a job as a bar waitress.[60] Assata Shakur, with gunshot wounds in both arms and a shoulder was moved to Middlesex General Hospital, under "heavy guard", and was reported to be in "serious condition"; Trooper Harper was wounded in the left shoulder, in "good" condition, and given a protective guard at the hospital.[5] [58] Assata Shakur was interrogated and arraigned from her hospital bed,[61] and her medical care during this period is often alleged to be "substandard".[10] [62] [63] [64] Assata Shakur was transferred from Middlesex General Hospital in New Brunswick to Roosevelt Hospital in Edison after her lawyers obtained a court order from Judge John Bachman,[65] and then transferred to Middlesex County Workhouse a few weeks later.[66] The Pontiac LeMans and Trooper Harper's patrol car were taken to a state police garage in East Brunswick.[5] Following the incident, on May 11, the State Police instituted two-man night patrols on the turnpike and Garden State Parkway, although the change was not made public until June.[67]

Criminal charges and dispositions Between 1973 and 1977, in New York and New Jersey, Shakur was indicted ten times, resulting in seven different criminal trials. Shakur was charged with two bank robberies, the kidnapping of a Brooklyn heroin dealer, attempted murder of two Queens police officers stemming from a January 23, 1973 failed ambush, and eight other felonies related to the Turnpike shootout.[3] [68] Of these trials, three resulted in acquittals, one in a hung jury, one in a change of venue, one in a mistrial, and one in a conviction; three indictments were dismissed without trial.[68]

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Criminal charge Court Arraignment Trial Disposition

Attempted armed robbery at Statler Hilton Hotel N.Y. Supreme Court, November 22, None Dismissed April 5, 1971 New York County 1977

Bank robbery in Queens United States District July 20, 1973 January 5, 1976 – Acquitted August 23, 1971 Court for the Eastern January 16, 1976 District of New York

Bank robbery in Bronx: Conspiracy, robbery, and assault with a United States District August 1, 1973 December 3, Hung jury deadly weapon Court for the Southern 1973 – December September 1, 1972 District of New York 14, 1973

December 19, Acquitted 1973 – December 28, 1973

Kidnapping of James E. Freeman N.Y. Supreme Court, May 30, 1974 September 6, Acquitted December 28, 1972 Kings County 1975 – December 19, 1975

Murder of Richard Nelson N.Y. Supreme Court, May 29, 1974 None Dismissed January 2, 1973 New York County

Attempted murder of policemen Michael O'Reilly and Roy Polliana N.Y. Supreme Court, May 11, 1974 None Dismissed January 23, 1973 Queens County

Turnpike shootout: First-degree murder, second-degree murder, N.J. Superior Court, May 3, 1973 October 9, 1973 Change of atrocious assault and battery, assault and battery against a police Middlesex County – October 23, venue officer, assault with a dangerous weapon, assault with intent to kill, 1973 illegal possession of a weapon, and armed robbery January 1, 1974 – Mistrial due to May 2, 1973 February 1, 1974 pregnancy

February 15, Convicted 1977 – March 25, 1977

Source: Shakur, 1987, p. xiv.

Bronx bank robbery trials In her 1973 trial for a September 29, 1972 $3,700 robbery of the Manufacturer's Hanover Trust Company in the Bronx, Shakur and her co-defendant Kamau Sadiki (born Fred Hilton) represented themselves while their lawyers stayed mute, in protest of Judge Gagliardi allotting them what they perceived to be insufficient time for a proper defense.[69] [70] Seven other BLA members were indicted by District Attorney Eugene Gold in connection with the series of holdups and shootings on the same day,[71] who—according to Gold—represented the "top echelon" of the BLA as determined by a year long investigation.[72] The state's case rested largely on the testimony of two men who had pleaded guilty to participating in the holdup.[73] The prosecution called four witnesses: Avon White and John Rivers (both of whom had already been convicted of the robbery) and the manager and teller of the bank.[74] White and Rivers, although convicted, had not yet been sentenced for the robbery and were promised that the charges would be dropped in exchange for their testimony.[74] White and Rivers testified that Shakur had guarded one of the doors with a .357 magnum pistol and that Sadiki had served as a lookout and drove the getaway truck during the robbery; neither White nor Rivers was cross-examined due to the defense attorney's refusal to participate in the trial.[74] Shakur's aunt and lawyer, Evelyn Williams, was also cited for contempt after walking out of the courtroom after many of her attempted motions were denied.[69] The trial was delayed for a few days after Shakur was diagnosed with pleurisy.[75]

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During the trial, the defendants were escorted to a "holding pen" outside the courtroom several times after shouting complaints and epithets at Judge Gagliardi.[76] While in the holding pen, they listened to the proceedings over loudspeakers.[77] Both defendants were repeatedly cited for contempt of court and eventually barred from the courtroom, where the trial continued in their absence.[69] A contemporary New York Times editorial criticized Williams for failing to maintain courtroom "decorum", comparing her actions to William Kunstler's recent contempt conviction for his actions during the "Chicago Seven" trial.[78] Sadiki's lawyer, Robert Bloom, attempted to have the trial dismissed and then postponed due to new "revelations" regarding the credibility of White, a former co-defendant working for the prosecution.[79] Bloom had been assigned to defend Hilton over the summer, but White was not disclosed as a government witness until right before the trial.[80] Judge Gagliardi instructed both the prosecution and the defense not to bring up Shakur or Sadiki's connections to the BLA, saying they were "not relevant".[79] Gagliardi denied requests by the jurors to pose questions to the witnesses—either directly or through him—and declined to provide the jury with information they requested about how long the defense had been given to prepare, saying it was "none of their concern".[81] This trial resulted in a hung jury and then a mistrial when the jury reported to Gagliardi that they were hopelessly deadlocked for the fourth time.[80] Although none of the jurors spoke publicly about the deliberations, the jury was reportedly deadlocked at 11 to 1 for conviction.[80] [82]

Retrial The retrial was delayed for one day to give the defendants more time to prepare.[83] The new jury selection was marked by attempts by Williams to be relieved of her duties due to disagreements with Shakur as well as Hilton's attorney.[84] Judge Arnold Bauman denied the application, but directed another lawyer, Howard Jacobs, to defend Shakur while Williams remained the attorney of record.[84] Shakur was ejected following an argument with Williams, and Hilton left with her as jury selection continued.[85] After the selection of twelve jurors (60 were excused), Williams was allowed to retire from the case, with Shakur officially representing herself, assisted by lawyer Florynce Kennedy.[86] In the retrial, White testified that the six alleged robbers had saved their hair clippings to create disguises, and identified a partially obscured head and shoulder in a photo taken from a surveillance camera as Shakur's.[87] Kennedy objected to this identification on the grounds that the prosecutor, assistant United States attorney Peter Truebner, had offered to stipulate that Shakur was not depicted in any of the photographs.[87] Although both White and Rivers testified that Shakur was wearing overalls during the robbery, the person identified as Shakur in the photograph was wearing a jacket.[82] The defense attempted to discredit White on the grounds that he had spent eight months in Matteawan Hospital for the Criminally Insane in 1968, and White countered that he had faked insanity (by claiming to be Allah in front of three psychiatrists) to get transferred out of prison.[88] Shakur personally cross-examined the witnesses, getting White to admit that he had once been in love with her; the same day, one juror (who had been frequently napping during the trial) was replaced with an alternate.[89] Like the first trial, the retrial was marked by the defendants leaving and/or being thrown out of the court room for periods of varying lengths.[90] Both defendants were acquitted in the retrial; six jurors interviewed after the trial stated that they did not believe the two key prosecution witnesses.[82] Shakur was immediately returned to Morristown, New Jersey, under a heavy guard following the trial.[82] Louis Chesimard (Shakur's ex-husband) and Paul Stewart, the other two alleged robbers, had been acquitted in June.[91]

Attempted murder dismissal Shakur and four others (including Fred Hilton, Avon White, and Andrew Jackson) were indicted in the State Supreme Court in Bronx on December 31, 1973 on charges of attempting to shoot and kill two policemen—Michael O'Reilly and Roy Polliana, who were wounded but had since returned to duty—in a January 28, 1973, ambush in St. Albans, Queens.[92] On March 5, 1974, two new defendants (Jeannette Jefferson and Robert Hayes) were named in an indictment involving the same charges.[93] On April 26, while Shakur was pregnant,[94] New Jersey Governor Brendan Byrne signed an extradition order to move Shakur to New York to face two counts of attempted murder,

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attempted assault, and possession of dangerous weapons related to the alleged ambush; however, Shakur declined to waive her right to an extradition hearing, and asked for a full hearing before Middlesex County Court Judge John E. Bachman.[95] Shakur was extradited to New York City on May 6,[96] arraigned on May 11 (pleading innocent), and remanded to jail by Justice Albert S. McGrover of the State Supreme Court, pending a pretrial hearing on July 2.[97] In November 1974, New York State Superior Court Justice Peter Farrell dismissed the attempted murder indictment because of insufficient evidence, declaring "The court can only note with disapproval that virtually a year has passed before counsel made an application for the most basic relief permitted by law, namely an attack on the sufficiency of the evidence submitted by the grand jury."[98]

Kidnapping trial Shakur was indicted on May 30, 1974 on the charge of having robbed a Brooklyn bar and kidnapping bartender James E. Freeman for ransom.[97] Shakur and co-defendant Ronald Myers were accused of entering the bar with pistols and shotguns, taking $50 from the register, kidnapping the bartender, leaving a note demanding a $20,000 ransom from the bar owner, and fleeing in a rented truck.[99] Freeman was said to have later escaped unhurt.[99] The text of Shakur's opening statement in the trial is reproduced in her autobiography.[100] Shakur and co-defendant Ronald Myers were acquitted on December 19, 1975 after seven hours of jury deliberation, ending a three month trial in front of Judge William Thompson.[99]

Queens bank robbery trial In July 1973, after being indicted by a grand jury, Shakur pleaded not guilty in Federal Court in Brooklyn to an indictment related to an August 31, 1971 $7,700 robbery of the Bankers Trust Company bank in Queens.[101] Judge Jacob Mishlerset set a tentative trial date of November 5 that year.[102] [103] The trial was delayed until 1976,[101] when Shakur was represented by Stanley Cohen and Evelyn Williams.[104] In this trial, Shakur acted as her own co-counsel and told the jury in her opening testimony: "i have decided to act as co-counsel, and to make this opening statement, not because i have any illusions about my legal abilities, but, rather, because there are things that i must say to you. i have spent many days and nights behind bars thinking about this trial, this outrage. And in my own mind, only someone who has been so intimately a victim of this madness as i have can do justice to what i have to say."[105] One bank employee testified that Shakur was one of the bank robbers, but three other bank employees (including two tellers) testified that they were uncertain.[104] The prosecution showed surveillance photos of four of the six alleged robbers, contending that one of them was Shakur wearing a wig. Shakur was forcibly subdued and photographed by the FBI on the judge's order, after having refused to cooperate, believing that the FBI would use photo manipulation; a subsequent judge determined that the manners in which the photos were obtained violated Shakur's rights and ruled the new photos inadmissible.[69] In her autobiography, Shakur recounts being beaten, choked, and kicked on the courtroom floor by five marshals, as Williams narrated the events to ensure they would appear on the court record.[106] Shortly after deliberation began, the jury asked to see all the photographic exhibits taken from the surveillance footage.[104] The jury determined that a widely circulated FBI photo allegedly showing Shakur participating in the robbery was not her.[107] Shakur was acquitted after seven hours of jury deliberation on January 16, 1976,[104] and Shakur was immediately remanded back to New Jersey for the Turnpike trial.[108] The actual transfer took place on January 29.[109] She was the only one of the six suspects in the robbery to be brought to trial.[104] Andrew Jackson and two others indicted for the same robbery pleaded guilty; Jackson was sentenced to five years in prison and five years' probation; another was shot and killed in a gun fight in Florida on December 31, 1971, and the last remained at large at the time of Shakur's acquittal.[101] [104]

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Turnpike trial

For Shakur's trial related to the New Jersey Turnpike shootout, Superior Court Judge Leon Gerofsky ordered a change of venue in 1973 from Middlesex to Morris County, New Jersey, saying "it was almost impossible to obtain a jury here comprised of people willing to accept the responsibility of impartiality so that defendants will be protected from transitory passion and prejudice".[110] Polls of residents in Middlesex County, where Acoli had been convicted less than three years prior,[111] showed that 83% knew her identity and 70% said she was guilty.[51] The trial continued with Judge John E. Bachman in Middlesex County, but a new jury was chosen from Morris County.[112] Shakur was originally slated to be tried with Acoli, but the trials were separated (before jury selection was complete) due to Shakur's pregnancy,[94] and hers resulted in a mistrial in 1974 because of the possibility of miscarriage; Shakur was then hospitalized on February 1.[113] [114] By the time she was retried in 1977, Acoli had already been convicted of firing the bullets that killed Foerster,[3] and a total of 289 articles had been published in the local press, most portraying Shakur as dangerous and mentioning her alleged involvement in the various violent crimes for which she had not been convicted.[51] Shakur's trial, along with Acoli's, cost Shakur's murder trial for the Turnpike Middlesex County an estimated $1 million combined.[115] shootout took place in New Brunswick, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The nine-week trial was widely publicized, and was even reported on by the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS).[51] [116] On March 25, 1977, back in Middlesex County, Shakur was convicted as an accomplice in the murders of New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster and Zayd Shakur and possession of weapons, as well as of assault and attempted murder of Harper.[6] During the trial, hundreds of civil rights campaigners demonstrated outside of the Middlesex County courthouse each day.[51]

Following the 13-minute opening statement by Edward J. Barone, the first assistant Middlesex County prosecutor (directing the case for the state), William Kunstler (the chief of Shakur's defense staff) moved immediately for a mistrial, calling the eight-count grand jury indictment "adversary proceeding solely and exclusively under the control of the prosecutor", whom Kunstler accused of "improper prejudicial remarks"; Judge Appleby, noting the frequent defense interruptions which had characterized the previous days' jury selection, denied the motion.[117] The prosecution contended that Shakur shot and killed her companion, Zayd Shakur, and "executed" Trooper Foerster with his own weapon.[117] The next day the jury listened to State Police radio tapes while being provided with a printed transcript, an arrangement which was the result of "hours of haggling" between the defense and prosecution.[49] The "climax" of the tape came when Trooper Ronald Foster, the State Police radio operator, shouted into his microphone "They just shot Harper! Be on the lookout for this car!" and "It is a Pontiac. It's got one tail light" after the wounded Harper entered into the administration building near the site of the shootout.[49] As the tapes were played, Shakur was seated "calmly and without apparent concern" wearing a yellow turban and brightly colored floor-length dress over a white turtleneck sweater.[49] Shakur's attorneys had successfully asked a 10-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit to order that sessions for her murder trial not be held on Fridays because of Black Muslim Sabbath, although the Appeals Court for the Third Circuit rejected her plea to move the murder trial to a federal court.[49] [118] [119] [120] On February 23, Shakur's attorneys filed papers asking Judge Appleby to subpoena FBI Director Clarence Kelley, Senator Frank Church and other federal and New York law enforcement officials to testify about the Counter

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Intelligence Program, which they alleged was designed to harass and disrupt black activist organizations.[56] Kunstler had previously been successful in subpoenaing Kelley and Church for the trials of American Indian Movement (AIM) members charged with murdering FBI agents.[56] The motion (argued March 2)—which also asked the court to require the production of memos, tapes, documents, and photographs of alleged COINTELPRO involvement from 1970 to 1973—was denied.[56] [121] Shakur herself was called as a witness on March 15, the first witness called by the defense; she denied shooting either Harper or Foerster, and also denied handling a weapon during the incident. She was questioned by her own attorney, Stuart Ball, for under 40 minutes, and then cross-examined by Barone for less than two hours (see the Witnesses section below).[60] Ball's questioning ended with the following exchange: "On that night of May 2[n]d, did you shoot, kill, execute or have anything to do with the death of Trooper Werner Foerster?" "No." "Did you shoot or assault Trooper James Harper?" "No."[60] Under cross-examination, Shakur was unable to explain how three clips of ammunition and 16 live shells had gotten into her shoulder bag; she also admitted to knowing that Zayd Shakur carried a gun at times, and specifically to seeing a gun sticking out of Acoli's pocket while stopping for supper at a Howard Johnson's restaurant shortly before the shooting.[60] Shakur admitted to carrying an identification card with the name "Justine Henderson" in her billfold the night of the shootout, but denied using any of the aliases on the long list that Barone proceeded to read.[60]

Defense attorneys

Shakur's defense attorneys were William Kunstler (the chief of Shakur's defense staff),[117] Stuart Ball, Robert Bloom, Raymond A. Brown,[122] Stanley Cohen (who died of unknown causes early on in the Turnpike trial), Lennox Hinds, Florynce Kennedy, Louis Myers, Laurence Stern, and Evelyn Williams, Shakur's aunt.[68] [117] [123] Of these attorneys, Kunstler, Ball, Cohen, Myers, Stern and Williams appeared in court for the turnpike trial.[6] [124] Kunstler became involved in Shakur's trials in 1975, when contacted by Williams, and commuted from New York City to New Brunswick every day with Stern.[125]

Her attorneys, in particular Lennox Hinds, were often held in contempt of court, which the National Conference of Black Lawyers cited as an example of systemic bias in the judicial system.[126] The New Jersey Legal Ethics Committee also investigated complaints against Hinds for comparing Shakur's murder trial to "legalized lynching"[127] Lawyer William Kunstler was the chief of undertaken by a "kangaroo court".[51] [128] According to Kunstler's Shakur's defense staff. autobiography, the sizeable contingent of New Jersey State Troopers guarding the courthouse were under strict orders from their commander, Col. Clinton Pagano, to completely shun Shakur's defense attorneys.[129]

Judge Appleby also threatened Kunstler with dismissal and contempt of court after he delivered an October 21, 1976 speech at nearby Rutgers University that in part discussed the upcoming trial,[130] but later ruled that Kunstler could represent Shakur.[131] Until obtaining a court order, Williams was forced to strip naked and undergo a body search before each of her visits with Shakur—during which Shakur was shackled to a bed by both ankles.[51] Judge Appleby also refused to investigate a burglary of her defense counsel's office that resulted in the disappearance of trial

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documents,[121] amounting to half of the legal papers related to her case.[132] Her lawyers also claimed that their offices were bugged.[69] Tensions and dissention existed among the members of the defense team. Evelyn Williams felt that she was a victim of male prejudice stating that “for the second time in (her) legal career (she) became aware of the disdain with which men perceive women”. She expressed “amazement and contempt” for the actions of her fellow lawyers as she watched their “infighting for center stage” during the trial. Other members of the team were concerned that Williams was overly aggressive during her sole cross-examination to the point of passing her notes which read in part, “You’re antagonizing the jury” and “Shut up and sit down.”[133]

Witnesses Sundiata Acoli, Assata Shakur, Trooper Harper, and a New Jersey Turnpike driver who saw part of the incident were the only surviving witnesses.[134] Acoli did not testify or make any pre-trial statements, nor did he testify in his own trial or give a statement to the police.[135] The driver traveling north on the turnpike testified that he had seen a State Trooper struggling with a Black man between a white vehicle and a State Trooper car, whose revolving lights illuminated the area.[134] Shakur testified that Trooper Harper shot her after she raised her arms to comply with his demand, the second shot hitting her in the back as she was turning to avoid it, and that she fell onto the road for the duration of the gunfight before crawling back into the backseat of the Pontiac which Acoli drove 5 miles (8 km) down the road and parked, and remained there until State Troopers dragged her onto the road.[53] [134] Trooper Harper's three official reports state that after he stopped the Pontiac, he ordered Acoli to the back of the vehicle for Trooper Foerster—who had arrived on the scene—to examine his driver's license.[134] The reports then state that after Acoli complied and as Harper was looking inside the vehicle to examine the registration, Trooper Foerster yelled and held up an ammunition clip, as Shakur simultaneously reached into her red pocketbook, pulled out a nine-millimeter weapon and fired at him.[134] Trooper Harper's reports then state that he ran to the rear of his car and shot at Shakur who had exited the vehicle and was firing from a crouched position next to the vehicle.[134] Under cross-examination at both Acoli and Shakur's trials, Trooper Harper admitted to having lied in these reports and in his Grand Jury testimony about Trooper Foerster yelling and showing him an ammunition clip, about seeing Shakur holding a pocketbook or a gun inside the vehicle, and about Shakur shooting at him from the car.[51] [107] Trooper Harper retracted his previous statements and said that he had never seen Shakur with a gun, and that she did not shoot him.[136]

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Jury

A total of 408 potential jurors were questioned during the voir dire, which concluded on February 14.[117] All of the 15 jurors—ten women and five men—were white, and most were under thirty years old.[117] [139] Five jurors had personal ties to State Troopers (one girlfriend, two nephews, and two friends).[121] [140] A sixteenth female juror was removed before the trial formally opened when it was determined that Sheriff Joseph DeMarino of Middlesex County, while a private detective several years earlier, had worked for a lawyer who represented the juror's husband.[117] Judge Appleby repeatedly denied Kunstler's requests for DeMarino to be removed from his responsibilities for the duration of the trial "because he did not divulge his association with the juror".[117]

One prospective juror was dismissed for reading Target Blue,[141] a book by Robert Daley, a former New York City Deputy Police Commander, which dealt in part with Shakur and had been left in the jury assembly room.[142] Before the jury entered the courtroom, Judge Appleby ordered Shakur's lawyers to remove a copy of Roots: The Saga of an American Family by Alex Haley from a position on the defense counsel table easily visible to jurors.[117] Shakur's second trial for the Turnpike The Roots TV miniseries adapted from the book and shown shortly before the shootout, which ended in a mistrial due [94] trial was believed to have evoked feelings of "guilt and sympathy" with many to her pregnancy, had a "foreign white viewers.[117] jury" drawn from Morris County, which had a far smaller black population than [137] [138] Shakur's attorneys sought a new trial on the grounds that one jury member, Middlesex. John McGovern, had violated the jury's sequestration order.[143] McGovern later sued Kunstler for defamation[144] after Judge Appleby rejected Kunstler's claim that the juror had violated the order.[145] Kunstler eventually publicly apologized to McGovern and paid him a small settlement.[146] Additionally, in his autobiography, Kunstler alleged that he later learned from a law enforcement agent that a New Jersey State Assembly member had addressed the jury at the hotel where they were sequestered, urging them to convict Shakur.[146] Due to the high security of the trial and the sequestration, Shakur's trial, along with Acoli's, cost Middlesex County an estimated $1 million combined.[115] In September 1977, New Jersey Governor Brendan Byrne vetoed a bill to give the Morris County sheriff $7,491 for overtime expenses incurred in guarding Shakur's jury.[147]

Medical evidence A key element of Shakur's defense was medical testimony meant to demonstrate that she was shot with her hands up and that she would have been subsequently unable to fire a weapon. A neurologist testified that the median nerve in Shakur's right arm was severed by the second bullet, making her unable to pull a trigger.[114] Neurosurgeon Dr. Arthur Turner Davidson, Associate Professor of Surgery at Albert Einstein College of Medicine, testified that the wounds in her upper arms, armpit and chest, and severed median nerve that instantly paralyzed her right arm, would only have been caused if both arms were raised, and that to sustain such injuries while crouching and firing a weapon (as described in Trooper Harper's testimony) "would be anatomically impossible".[51] [148] Davidson based his testimony on an August 4, 1976 examination of Shakur and on X-rays taken immediately after the shootout at Middlesex General Hospital.[148] Prosecutor Barone questioned whether Davidson was qualified to make such a judgment 39 months after the injury; Barone proceeded to suggest (while a female Sheriff's attendant acted out his suggestion) that Shakur was struck in the right arm and collar bone and "then spun around by the impact of the bullet so an immediate second shot entered the fleshy part of her upper left arm" to which Davidson replied "Impossible."[148]

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Dr. David Spain, a pathologist from Brookdale Community College, testified that her bullet scars as well as X-rays supported her claim that her arms were raised, and that there was "no conceivable way" the first bullet could have hit Shakur's clavicle if her arm was down.[149] [150] Judge Appleby eventually cut off funds for any further expert defense testimony.[51] Shakur, in her autobiography, and Williams, in Inadmissible Evidence, both claim that it was difficult to find expert witnesses for the trial, not only because of the financial expense, but

also because most forensic and ballistic specialists declined on the Shakur's broken clavicle was a key element of her grounds of a conflict of interest when approached because they defense, and the implications of her injury for the routinely performed such work for law enforcement officials.[151] differing accounts of the shootout were points of contention.

Other evidence Neutron activation analysis administered after the shootout showed no gun powder residue on Shakur's fingers; her fingerprints were not found on any weapon at the scene, according to forensic analysis performed at the Trenton, New Jersey crime lab and the FBI crime labs in Washington, D.C.[152] According to tape recordings and police reports made several hours after the shoot-out, when Harper returned on foot to the administration building 200 yards (183 m) away, he did not report Foerster's presence at the scene; no one at headquarters knew of Foerster's involvement in the shoot-out until his body was discovered beside his patrol car, more than an hour later.[51]

Conviction and sentencing On March 24, the jurors listened for 45 minutes to a rereading of testimony of the State Police chemist regarding the blood found at the scene, on the LeMans, and Shakur's clothing.[53] That night, the second night of jury deliberation, the jury asked Judge Appleby to repeat his instructions regarding the four assault charges 30 minutes before retiring for the night, which lead to speculation that the jury had decided in Shakur's favor on the remaining charges, especially the two counts of murder.[53] Appleby reiterated that the jury must consider separately the four assault charges (atrocious assault and battery, assault on a police officer acting in the line of duty, assault with a deadly weapon, and assault with intent to kill), each of which carried a total maximum penalty of 33 years in prison.[53] The other charges were: first-degree murder (of Foerster), second-degree murder (of Zayd Shakur), illegal possession of a weapon, and armed robbery (related to Foerster's service revolver).[6] The jury also asked Appleby to repeat the definitions of "intent" and "reasonable doubt".[53] Shakur was convicted on all eight counts: two murder charges, and six assault charges.[6] The prosecution did not need to prove that Shakur fired the shots that killed either Trooper Foerster or Zayd Shakur: being an accomplice to murder carries an equivalent life sentence under New Jersey law.[51] Upon hearing the verdict, Shakur said—in a "barely audible voice"—that she was "ashamed that I have even taken part in this trial" and that the jury was "racist" and had "convicted a woman with her hands up".[6] Judge Appleby told the court attendants to "remove the prisoner" and Shakur replied: "the prisoner will walk away on her own feet".[6] After Joseph W. Lewis, the jury foreman, read the verdict, Kunstler asked that the jury be removed before alleging that one juror had violated the sequestration order (see above).[6] At the post trial press conference Kunstler blamed the verdict on racism stating that “the white element was there to destroy her.” When asked by a reporter that if that were the case why did it take the jury 24 hours to reach a verdict Kunstler replied, “That was just a pretense.” A few minutes later the prosecutor Barone disagreed with Kunstler’s assessment saying the trial’s outcome was decided “completely on the facts.”[6]

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At Shakur's sentencing hearing on April 25, Appleby sentenced her to 26 to 33 years in state prison (10 to 12 for the four counts of assault, 12 to 15 for robbery, 2 to 3 for armed robbery, plus 2 to 3 for aiding and abetting the murder of Foerster) which was to be served consecutively with her mandatory life sentence; however, Appleby dismissed the second-degree murder of Zayd Shakur, as the New Jersey Supreme Court had recently narrowed the application of the law.[153] Appleby finally sentenced Shakur to 30 days in the Middlesex County Workhouse for contempt of court, concurrent with the other sentences, for refusing to rise when he entered the courtroom.[153] To become eligible for parole, Shakur would have had to serve a minimum of 25 years, which would have included her four years in custody during the trials.[153]

Murder dismissal In October 1977, New York State Superior Court Justice John Starkey dismissed murder and robbery charges against Shakur related to the death of Richard Nelson during a December 28, 1972, hold-up of a Brooklyn social club, ruling that the state had delayed too long in bringing her to trial, saying "People have constitutional rights, and you can't shuffle them around."[154] The case was delayed in being brought to trial as a result of an agreement between the Governors of New York and New Jersey as to the priority of the various charges against Shakur.[154] Three other defendants were indicted in relation to the same holdup: Melvin Kearney, who died in 1976 from an eight-floor fall while trying to escape from the Brooklyn House of Detention, Twymon Myers, who was killed by police while a fugitive, and Andrew Jackson, the charges against whom were dismissed when two prosecution witnesses could not identify him in a lineup.[154]

Attempted robbery dismissal On November 22, 1977, Shakur pleaded not guilty to an attempted armed robbery indictment stemming from the 1971 incident at the Statler Hilton Hotel.[155] Shakur was accused of attempting to rob a Michigan man staying at the hotel of $250 of cash and personal property.[155] During the incident Shakur was shot in the stomach and subsequently arrested, booked, and released on bail.[155] The prosecutor was C. Richard Gibbons.[155] The charges were dismissed without trial.[156]

Imprisonment

After the Turnpike shootings, Shakur was imprisoned in New Jersey State Reception and Correction center[158] in Yardville, Mercer County, New Jersey and later moved to Rikers Island Correctional Institution for Women in New York City[9] where she was kept in [159] [160] [8] Shakur was kept in solitary confinement on solitary confinement for 21 months. Shakur's only daughter, [157] Rikers Island for 21 months. (Larger ) Kakuya Shakur, was conceived during her trial[94] and born on September 11, 1974 in the "fortified psychiatric ward" at Elmhurst General Hospital in Queens,[104] [161] where Shakur stayed for a few days before being returned to Rikers Island.[8] In her autobiography, Shakur claims that she was beaten and restrained by several large female officers after refusing a medical exam from a prison doctor shortly after giving birth.[106]

After a bomb threat was made against Judge Appleby, Sheriff Joseph DeMarino lied to the press about the exact date of her transfer to Clinton Correctional Facility for Women for security reasons.[162] She was also transferred from the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women to a special area staffed by women guards at the Yardville Youth Correction and Reception Center in New Jersey, where she was the only female inmate,[163] for "security reasons".[164] When Kunstler first took on Shakur's case (before meeting her), he described her basement cell as "adequate", which nearly resulted in his dismissal as her attorney.[129] On May 6, 1977, Trenton Federal District Court Judge Clarkson Fisher denied Shakur's request for a transfer from the all-male facility to Clinton Correctional Facility for Women.[160] [165] [166]

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On April 8, 1978, Shakur was transferred to Alderson Federal Prison Camp in Alderson, West Virginia where she met Puerto Rican nationalist Lolita Lebrón[9] and Mary Alice, a Catholic nun, who introduced Shakur to the concept of liberation theology.[167] At Alderson, Shakur was housed in the Maximum Security Unit, which also contained several members of the Aryan Sisterhood as well as Sandra Good and Lynette "Squeaky" Fromme, followers of Charles Manson.[168] On March 31, 1978,[169] after the Maximum Security Unit at Alderson was closed,[167] Shakur was transferred to the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey.[9] According to her attorney Lennox Hinds, Shakur "understates the awfulness of the condition in which she was incarcerated", which included vaginal and anal searches.[170] Hinds argues that "in the history of New Jersey, no woman pretrial detainee or prisoner has ever been treated as she was, continuously confined in a men's prison, under twenty-four hour surveillance of her most intimate functions, without intellectual sustenance, adequate medical attention, and exercise, and without the company of other women for all the years she was in custody."[116] Shakur was identified as a political prisoner as early as October 8, 1973 by Angela Davis,[171] and in a April 3, 1977 New York Times advertisement purchased by the Easter Coalition for Human Rights.[172] An international panel of seven jurists representing the United Nations Commission on Human Rights concluded in 1979 that her treatment was "totally unbefitting any prisoner".[116] Their investigation, which focused on alleged human rights abuses of political prisoners, cited Shakur as "one of the worst cases" of such abuses and including her in a "a class of victims of FBI misconduct through the COINTELPRO strategy and other forms of illegal government conduct who as political activists have been selectively targeted for provocation, false arrests, entrapment, fabrication of evidence, and spurious criminal prosecutions".[51] [173] Amnesty International, however, did not regard Shakur as a former political prisoner.[174]

Escape On November 2, 1979 she escaped the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey, when three members of the Black Liberation Army visiting her drew concealed .45-caliber pistols, seized two guards as hostages and commandeered a prison van.[175] The van escaped through an unfenced section of the prison into the parking lot of a state school for the handicapped, 1.5 miles (2 km) away, where a blue-and-white Lincoln and a blue Mercury Comet were waiting.[176] No one, including the guards-turned-hostages left in the parking lot, was injured during the prison break.[3] Her brother, Mutulu Shakur, Silvia Baraldini, former Panther Sekou Odinga, and Marilyn Buck were charged with assisting in her escape; Ronald Boyd Hill was also held on charges related to the escape.[177] [178] In part for his role in the event, Mutulu was named on July 23, 1982 as the 380th addition to the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list, where he remained for the next four years until his capture in 1986. State correction officials disclosed in November 1979 that they had not run identity checks on Shakur's visitors[179] and that the three men and one woman who assisted in her escape had presented false identification to enter the prison's visitor room,[180] before which they were not searched.[51] Mutulu Shakur and Marilyn Buck were later convicted in 1998 of several robberies as well as the prison escape.[181]

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At the time of the escape, Kunstler had just started to prepare her appeal.[146] After her escape, Assata lived as a fugitive for several years. The FBI circulated wanted posters throughout the New York – New Jersey area; her supporters hung "Assata Shakur is Welcome Here" posters in response.[182] In New York, three days after her escape, more than 5,000 demonstrators organized by the National Black Human Rights Coalition carried signs with the same slogan.[178] The ubiquitous image of Shakur propagated by the wanted posters featured a wig and blurred black-and-white features (pictured right).[183]

For years after Shakur's escape, the movements, activities, and phone calls of her friends and relatives—including her daughter walking to school in upper Manhattan—were monitored by investigators in an attempt to ascertain her whereabouts.[184] In July 1980, FBI director

William Webster said that the search for Shakur had been frustrated by Shakur in a 1982 photo issued by the FBI residents' refusal to cooperate, and a New York Times editorial opined that the department's commitment to "enforce the law with vigor—but also with sensitivity for civil rights and civil liberties" had been "clouded" by an "apparently crude sweep" through a Harlem building in search of Shakur.[185] In particular, one pre-dawn April 20, 1980 raid on 92 Morningside Avenue, during which FBI agents armed with shotguns and machine guns broke down doors, and searched through the building for several hours, while preventing residents from leaving, was seen by residents as having "racist overtones".[186] In October 1980, New Jersey and New York City Police denied published reports that they had declined to raid a Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn building where Shakur was suspected to be hiding for fear of provoking a racial incident.[187]

Political asylum in Cuba

Shakur fled to Cuba by 1984; in that year she was granted political asylum in that country.[182] The Cuban government pays approximately $13 a day toward her living expenses.[184] [188] In 1985 she was reunited with her daughter, Kakuya, who had previously been raised by Shakur's mother in New York.[9] She published Assata: An Autobiography, which was written in Cuba, in 1987. Her autobiography has been cited in relation to critical legal studies[189] and critical race theory.[190] The book does not give a detailed account of the events on the New Jersey Turnpike, except saying that the jury "Convicted a woman with her hands up!"[68] The book was published by Lawrence Hill & Company in the United States and Canada but the copyright is held by Zed Books Ltd. of London due to so-called Son of Sam laws, which restrict who can receive profits from a book.[191] In the six months prior to the publications of the book, Evelyn Williams, Shakur's aunt and attorney, made several trips to Cuba and served as a go-between with Hill.[192] Shakur's autobiography is one of only two by a female Black Panther, along with Elaine Brown's A Taste of Power.[193] Assata: An Autobiography (1987), written while Shakur was in Cuba

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In 1993, she published a second book, Still Black, Still Strong, with Dhoruba bin Wahad and Mumia Abu-Jamal.[8] Shakur's writings have been widely circulated on the Internet.[194] For example, the largely Internet-based "Hands Off Assata!" campaign is coordinated by Chicago-area Black Radical Congress activists.[195] As early as 1998, Shakur has referred to herself as a "20th century escaped slave".[196] In the same open letter, Shakur calls Cuba "One of the Largest, Most Resistant and Most Courageous Palenques (Maroon Camps) that has ever existed on the Face of this Planet".[196] Shakur is also known to have worked as an English-language editor for Radio Havana Cuba.[197]

Extradition attempts In 1997, Carl Williams, the superintendent of the New Jersey State Police wrote a letter to Pope John Paul II asking him to raise the issue of Shakur's extradition during his talks with President Fidel Castro.[198] During the pope's visit to Cuba in 1998, Shakur agreed to an interview with NBC journalist Ralph Penza.[199] Shakur later published an extensive criticism of the NBC segment, which inter-spliced footage of Trooper Foerster's grieving widow with an FBI photo connected to a bank robbery of which Shakur had been acquitted.[200] On March 10, 1998[201] New Jersey Governor Christine Todd Whitman asked Attorney General Janet Reno to do whatever it takes to return Shakur from Cuba.[202] Later in 1998, U.S. media widely reported claims that the United States State Department had offered to lift the Cuban embargo in exchange for the return of 90 U.S. political exiles, including Shakur.[203] In September 1998, the United States Congress passed a non-binding resolution asking Cuba for the return of Shakur as well as 90 fugitives believed by Congress to be residing in Cuba; House Concurrent Resolution 254 passed 371–0 in the House and by unanimous consent in the Senate.[204] [205] The Resolution was due in no small part to the lobbying efforts of Governor Whitman and New Jersey Representative Bob Franks.[105] Before the passage of the Resolution, Franks stated: "This escaped murderer now lives a comfortable life in Cuba and has launched a public relations campaign in which she attempts to portray herself as an innocent victim rather than a cold-blooded murderer."[105] In an open letter to Castro, chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Representative Maxine Waters of California later explained that many members of the Caucus (including herself) were against Shakur's extradition but had mistakenly voted for the bill, which was placed on the accelerated suspension calendar, generally reserved for non-controversial legislation.[206] In the letter, Waters explained her opposition, calling COINTELPRO "illegal, clandestine political persecution".[206] On May 2, 2005, the 32nd anniversary of the Turnpike shootings, the FBI classified her as a "domestic terrorist", increasing the reward for assistance in her capture to $1 million,[182] [207] the largest reward placed on an individual in the history of New Jersey.[7] New Jersey State Police superintendent Rick Fuentes said "she is now 120 pounds of money".[7] The bounty announcement reportedly caused Shakur to "drop out of sight" after having previously lived relatively openly (including having her home telephone number listed in her local telephone directory).[208] New York City Councilman , a former Black Panther, has called for the bounty to be rescinded.[209] The New Jersey State Police and Federal Bureau of Investigation each still have an agent officially assigned to her case.[210] Calls for Shakur's extradition increased following Fidel Castro's transfer of presidential duties;[208] in a May 2005 television address, Castro had called Shakur a victim of racial persecution, saying "they wanted to portray her as a terrorist, something that was an injustice, a brutality, an infamous lie".[211]

Cultural impact A documentary film about Shakur, Eyes of the Rainbow, written and directed by Cuban filmmaker Gloria Rolando, appeared in 1997.[9] The official premier of the film in Havana in 2004 was promoted by Casa de las Américas, the main cultural forum of the Cuban government.[197] The National Conference of Black Lawyers and Mos Def are among the professional organizations and entertainers to support Assata Shakur; The "Hands Off Assata" campaign is organized by Dream Hampton.[7] Hip-hop artist Common recorded a tribute to Shakur, "A Song for Assata", on his album Like Water for Chocolate, after traveling to Havana to meet with Shakur personally.[212] Digable Planets,

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Paris ("Assata's Song"), Public Enemy, and X-Clan have recorded similar songs about Shakur.[178] Due to her support in the hip-hop culture, Shakur has been alternately termed a "rap music legend"[208] or a "minor cause celebre".[213] On December 12, 2006 the Chancellor of the City University of New York, Matthew Goldstein, directed City College's president, Gregory H. Williams, to remove the "unauthorized and inappropriate" designation of the "Guillermo Morales/Assata Shakur Community and Student Center", which was named by students in 1989, when a student group won the right to use the lounge after a campus shutdown over proposed tuition increases.[214] The decision resulted in a lawsuit from student and alumni groups.[215] As of April 7, 2010, the presiding judge has ruled that the issues of students' free speech and administrators' immunity from suit "deserve a trial."[216] In 1995 Manhattan Community College renamed a scholarship which had previously been named for Shakur, following controversy.[217] In 2008, Shakur was featured in a course on "African-American heroes"—along with figures such as Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, John Henry, Malcolm X, and Angela Davis—at Bucknell University.[218] Rutgers University professor H. Bruce Franklin, who excerpts Shakur's book in a class on Crime and Punishment in American Literature, calls her a "revolutionary fighter against imperialism".[219] Shakur is still a notorious figure among New Jersey law enforcement officials. For example, black (now ex-)Trooper Anthony Reed sued the force, among other things, over posters of Shakur, altered to include Reed's badge number, being hung in Newark barracks, an incident that Reed considered "racist in nature".[220] In contrast, according to Dylan Rodriguez, to many "U.S. radicals and revolutionaries" Shakur represents a "venerated (if sometimes fetishized) signification of liberatory desire and possibility".[221]

Notes

[1] According to the FBI, Shakur has also used August 19, 1952 as a birthdate. See Mueller, Robert S., III. " Federal Bureau of Investigation –

Wanted by the FBI – Fugitive – Joanne Deborah Chesimard (http:/ / www. fbi. gov/ wanted/ fugitives/ dt/ chesimard_jd. htm)." Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved on 2008-06-06. [2] As early as 1973, Shakur referred to Joanne Chesimard as her "slave name". See William L. Van Deburg. (1997). Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan. NYU Press. ISBN 0-8147-8789-4. p. 269. "Assata Olugbala Shakur" means "she who

struggles—love for the people—the thankful one" in Arabic. See Riley, Lisa. (March 26, 2008). " Assata Shakur (http:/ / media. www.

lugazette. com/ media/ storage/ paper816/ news/ 2008/ 03/ 26/ Entertainment/ Assata. Shakur-3284339. shtml)". The Langston University Gazette. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [3] Churchill and Vander Wall, 2002, p. 308. [4] Marable, Manning, and Mullings, Leith. (2003). Let Nobody Turn Us Around: Voices of Resistance, Reform, and Renewal: an African American Anthology. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-8476-8346-X. pp. 529–530.

[5] Sullivan, Joseph F. (May 3, 1973). " Panther, Trooper Slain in Shoot-Out (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=FB0E11F93E54137A93C1A9178ED85F478785F9)". The New York Times, p. 1.

[6] Waggoner, Walter H. March 26, 1977. " Joanne Chesimard Convicted in Killing Of Jersey Trooper (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F70710FC3A5F167493C4AB1788D85F438785F9)". The New York Times. Retrieved on 2007-10-18.

[7] Williams, . (May 2, 2005). " U.S. Government Declares $1 Million Bounty For Assata Shakur, Tupac's Godmother (http:/ / allhiphop.

com/ blogs/ news/ archive/ 2005/ 05/ 02/ 18129965. aspx)". All Hip Hop News. Retrieved on 2008-05-09.

[8] Riley, Lisa. (March 26, 2008). " Assata Shakur (http:/ / media. www. lugazette. com/ media/ storage/ paper816/ news/ 2008/ 03/ 26/

Entertainment/ Assata. Shakur-3284339. shtml)". The Langston University Gazette. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [9] Scheffler, 2002, p. 203. [10] Gates, Henry Louis, and Appiah, Anthony. (1999). Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. Basic Civitas Books. ISBN 0-465-00071-1. pp. 1697–1698. [11] Williams, 1993, p. 7. [12] Perkins, 2000, p. 103. [13] James, Matthew Thomas. Joy James (Ed.). (2005). The New Abolitionists: (Neo)slave Narratives And Contemporary Prison Writings. SUNY Press. ISBN 0-7914-6485-7. p. 77. [14] Shakur, 1987, pp. 223–224. [15] Jones, 1998, p. 52. [16] Shakur, 1987, p. 221. [17] James, Joy. (2003). Imprisoned intellectuals: America's political prisoners write on life, liberation, and rebellion. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-2027-7. pp. 104. [18] Browder, 2006, p. 158.

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[19] http:/ / socialjustice. ccnmtl. columbia. edu/ index. php/ Republic_of_New_Afrika Republic of New Africa

[20] Waggoner, Walter H. 1971, April 7. " Woman Shot in Struggle With Her Alleged Victim (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F30A1FF93A5F127A93C5A9178FD85F458785F9)". The New York Times, p. 40. Retrieved on 2008-06-12. [21] The New York Times. (November 23, 1977). "Plea by Joanne Chesimard". p. 23. [22] Seedman, Albert and Peter Hellman. (1975) Chief!. Avon ISBN 0-380-00358-9. p. 451-452. [23] Williams, 1993, pp. 4–5.

[24] The New York Times. (December 22, 1971). 2 Suspects Named In Grenade Attack (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F60910FF3C591A7493C0AB1789D95F458785F9) p. 23. [25] Pace, Eric. (December 27, 1971). "Police See More Military Arms in Use". The New York Times, p. 10. [26] The New York Times. (January 1, 1972). "A Suspect in Panther's Death Here Is Slain by F.B.I. in South". p. 6. [27] Kaufman, Michael T. (February 9, 1972). "9 in Black 'Army' Are Hunted in Police Assassinations". The New York Times, p. 1. [28] Kaufman, Michael T. (January 30, 1973). "Police by Hundreds Comb 2 Boroughs for 6 Suspects in Ambush Shootings". [29] The New York Times, p. 43. [30] Kaufman, Michael T. (May 3, 1973). "Seized Woman Called Black Militants' 'Soul'". The New York Times, p. 47. [31] Williams, 1993, p. 5. [32] Daly, Michael. (December 13, 2006). "The Msgr. & the Militant". New York Daily News. [33] Churchill and Vander Wall, 2002, p. 409. [34] Seedman, Albert A. (1975). Chief!. New York: Avon Books. [35] Jones, Robert A. (May 3, 1973). "2 Die in Shootout; Militant Seized". Los Angeles Times, p. 22. [36] Camisa, Harry. (2003). Inside Out: Fifty Years Behind the Walls of New Jersey's Trenton State Prison. Windsor Press and Publishing. ISBN 0-9726473-0-9. p. 197. [37] Williams, 1993, p. 6. [38] Kaufman, Michael T. (February 17, 1972). "Evidence of 'Liberation Army' Said to Rise". The New York Times, p. 1. [39] McFadden, Robert D. (February 19, 1972). "Warrant Issued In Police Slaying". The New York Times, p. 1. [40] Montgomery, Paul L. (February 20, 1972). "3D Suspect Linked To Police Slayings". The New York Times, p. 43. [41] Perlmutter, Emanuel. (January 29, 1973). "Extra Duty Tours For Police Set Up After 2D Ambush". The New York Times, p. 61. [42] According to Churchill and Vander Wall (2002): "What had emerged in the 1980s was a formal amalgamation of FBI COINTELPRO specialists and New York City red squad detectives known as the Joint Terrorist Task Force (JTTF), consolidating the more ad hoc models of such an apparatus which had materialized in cities like Chicago and Los Angeles during the late '60s" (p. 309); "JTTF: The Joint Terrorist Task Force, created in the late 1970s as an interlock between the FBI and New York City red squads to engage in COINTELPRO-type activities" (p. xiii). [43] Williams, 1993, p. 3. "It was the spring of 1973 and for the last two years the nationwide dragnet for her capture had intensified each time a young African American identified as a member of the BLA was arrested or wounded or killed. The Joint Terrorist Task Force, made up of the FBI and local police agencies across the country, issued daily bulletins predicting her imminent apprehension each time another bank had been robbed or another cop had been killed. Whenever there was a lull in such occurrences, they leaked information, allegedly classified as 'confidential,' to the media, repeating past accusations and flashing her face across television screens and newspapers with heartbeat regularity, lest the public forget." [44] Cleaver and Katsiaficas, 2001, p. 16. [45] Cleaver and Katsiaficas, 2001, p. 13. [46] Zinn, Howard, and Arnove, Anthony. (2004). Voices of a People's History of the United States. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-58322-628-1. p. 470. [47] O'Reilly, Kenneth. (1989). Racial Matters: The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960–1972. Collier Macmillan. ISBN 0-02-923681-9.

[48] Wolf, Paul. (September 1, 2001). " COINTELPRO: The Untold American Story (http:/ / www. zogsnightmare. com/ books/

NEWBOOKS2_4_08/ COINTELPRO. pdf)". Presented to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson at the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa. Retrieved on 2008-06-06.

[49] Waggoner, Walter H. (February 14, 1977). " Jury in Chesimard Murder Trial Listens to State Police Radio Tapes (http:/ / select. nytimes.

com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F50B12F63E5D167493C5A81789D85F438785F9)". The New York Times, p. 83. [50] Johnston, Richard J. (February 20, 1974). "Squires Jurors Hear Chase Tape". The New York Times, p. 78. [51] Kirsta, Alix. (May 29, 1999). "A black and white case – Investigation – Joanne Chesimard". The Times.

[52] Johnston, Richard J. (February 14, 1974). " Trooper Recalls Shooting on Pike (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10E14FB3D541A7493C6A81789D85F408785F9)". The New York Times, p. 86. Retrieved 2008-06-17.

[53] Sullivan, Joseph E. (March 25, 1977). " Chesimard Jury Asks Clarification of Assault Charges (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10C11FB385D167493C7AB1788D85F438785F9)". The New York Times, p. 50. [54] Johnston, Richard J. H. (March 9, 1974). "Jury Deliberations Begin in Murder Trial of Squire". The New York Times, p. 64. [55] Johnston, Richard H. (February 13, 1974). "Squire Charged With 'Execution'". The New York Times, p. 84. [56] Sullivan, Joseph F. (February 24, 1977). "Chesimard Attorney Acts to Call Kelley; Wants F.B.I. Director and Others to Testify on Program Aimed at Harassing Activists". The New York Times, p. 76, column 1.

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[57] "Kilmer Service Area" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080801012944/ http:/ / www. state. nj. us/ turnpike/ nj-vcenter-kilmer. htm).

NJTA. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. state. nj. us/ turnpike/ nj-vcenter-kilmer. htm) on August 1, 2008. . Retrieved 2009-03-03. [58] Sullivan, Joseph F. (May 4, 1973). "Gunfight Suspect Caught in Jersey". The New York Times, p. 41.

[59] Kupendua, Marpessa. (January 28, 1998). " Sundiatta Acoli (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 090. html)". Revolutionary Worker. No. 94. Retrieved on 2008-05-09.

[60] Sullivan, Joseph F. (March 16, 1977). " Mrs. Chesimard, on Stand, Denies Having Weapon in Turnpike Shooting (http:/ / select. nytimes.

com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F0071EFE385D167493C4A81788D85F438785F9)". The New York Times, p. 57. [61] Tomlinson, 1994, p. 144. [62] Jones, 1998, p. 397. [63] Davis, Angela Yvonne. 2003. Are Prisons Obsolete?. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-58322-581-1. p. 62. [64] Dandridge, Rita B. 1992. Black Women's : A Literary Anthology, 1934–1988 . Maxwell Macmillan International. ISBN 0-8161-9084-4. p. 113. [65] The New York Times. (May 15, 1973). "Miss Chesimard Transferred". p. 83. [66] The New York Times. (June 5, 1973). "Black Militant Transferred". p. 88. [67] Sullivan, Joseph F. (June 17, 1973). "Toll Road Patrol Setup Is Revised". The New York Times, p. 69. [68] Nelson, Jim. (February 29, 1988). The Soul Survivor; Assata Shakur on the Making of a Radical". The Washington Post, p. B6. [69] Perkins, 2000, p. 81. [70] The New York Times. (December 14, 1973). "Chesimard Verdict Still Awaited Here". p. 31. [71] Los Angeles Times. (August 23, 1973). "9 'Black Liberation' Suspects Indicted". p. 2. [72] Butler, Vincent. (August 24, 1973). "Black Liberation leaders indicted". Chicago Tribune, p. A16. [73] The New York Times. (December 30, 1973). "Chesimard Acquitted". p. 104. [74] Prial, Frank J. (December 12, 1973). "Prosecution Rests Case on Chesimard Robbery Trial; Defendant Ejected". The New York Times, p. 54. [75] The New York Times. (December 7, 1973). "Miss Chesimard Ill; Trial Here Delayed". p. 55.

[76] Lichtenstein, Grace. 1973-12-06. " New Outbursts Mark Chesimard Trial (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F7091EFA395D127A93C4A91789D95F478785F9)". The New York Times. Retrieved on 2008-06-12.

[77] Dugan, George. 1974-01-27. " Mrs. Chesimard Expects a Child (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10D10F9385A1B778DDDAE0A94D9405B848BF1D3)". The New York Times. Retrieved on 2008-06-12. [78] The New York Times. (December 8, 1973). "Order in Court". p. 34. [79] Lichtenstein, Grace. (December 11, 1973). "Judge and Defendants Clash Again as Chesimard Jury Is Chosen". The New York Times, p. 31. [80] Prial, Frank J. (December 15, 1973). "Mistrial Declared in Chesimard Case as Jury Splits 11-1". The New York Times, p. 28. [81] Prial, Frank J. (December 13, 1973). "Chesimard Trial Goes To The Jury". The New York Times, p. 42.

[82] Chambers, Marcia. (December 29, 1973). " Mrs. Chesimard Wins Acquittal (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10A10FB3B5D127A93CBAB1789D95F478785F9)". The New York Times, p. 16. [83] The New York Times. (December 18, 1973). "2d Chesimard Trial Delayed". p. 45. [84] The New York Times. (December 19, 1973). "Second Chesimard Jury Being Picked". p. 47. [85] The Hartford Courant. (December 19, 1973). "Court Ejects Defendant Again". p. 74B. [86] The New York Times. (December 20, 1973). "Jury Picked for New Chesimard Trial". p. 43. [87] Prial, Frank J. (December 21, 1973). "Mrs. Chesimard Is Ousted Again as 2d Trial for Robbery Begins". The New York Times, p. 8. [88] The New York Times. (December 22, 1973). "U.S. Witness Tells Of Faking Insanity". p. 29. [89] The New York Times. (December 25, 1973). "Robbery Defendant Questions Witness". p. 19. [90] Chambers, Marcia. (December 27, 1973). "Mrs. Chesimard, in Summation, Terms Holdup Case Contrived". The New York Times, p. 41. [91] Chambers, Marcia. (December 28, 1973). "2d Jury Here Begins Weighing Chesimard Bank-Robbery Case". The New York Times, p. 24. [92] The New York Times. (January 1, 1974). "Chesimard And Four Named In Shootings". p. 16. [93] The New York Times. (March 6, 1974). "2 More Named in Attempt On Police Officers' Lives". p. 16. [94] Kamau Sadiki (born Fred W. X. Hilton), a co-defendant who shared a cell with Shakur during their trial for armed robbery in the Bronx (of which both were acquitted), is believed to be the father. See Kirsta, Alix. (May 29, 1999). "A black and white case – Investigation – Joanne Chesimard". The Times. [95] The Hartford Courant. (May 1, 1974). "Woman Balks At Extradition". p. 16. [96] The New York Times. (May 7, 1974). "Joanne Chesimard Is Extradited". p. 96, column 5. [97] The Hartford Courant. (May 30, 1974). "Accused Police Slayer Arraigned in 2 Cases". p. 29D. [98] The New York Times. (November 2, 1974). "Judge Quashes Indictment Against Joanne Chesimard". p. 36, column 4.

[99] The New York Times. (December 20, 1975). " Acquittal Is Won By Miss Chesimard" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F2091EF83A5F1B7493C2AB1789D95F418785F9). p. 54. [100] Christol, 2001, p. 140. Her other texts in the book are a July 4, 1973 speech ("To My People"), which was broadcast on many radio stations, an exposition on the theory of "armed revolutionary struggle", and many poems. [101] The New York Times. (January 7, 1976). "Miss Chesimard Goes on Trial". p. 36. [102] The New York Times. (July 21, 1973). "Miss Chesimard Pleads Not Guilty". p. 60. [103] Gupte, Pranay. (July 21, 1973). "Joanne Chesimard Pleads Not Guilty in Holdup Here". The New York Times, p. 56.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Assata Shakur 184

[104] The New York Times. (January 17, 1976). " Joanne Chesimard Is Acquitted In Robbery of a Bank in Queens (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/

gst/ abstract. html?res=F30910F8395A1A7493C5A8178AD85F428785F9)". p. 18. [105] Rodriguez, 2006, p. 63. [106] Shakur, 1987, p. 161.

[107] Taylor, Mark Lewis. (January 17, 1999). " Soapbox; Flight From Justice (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9C07EFDB1031F934A25752C0A96F958260)". The New York Times. Retrieved on 2007-10-18. [108] Los Angeles Times. (January 17, 1976). "Woman Cleared In Bank Robbery". p. A3. [109] The New York Times. (January 30, 1976). "Joanne Chesimard Moved for Trial". p. 63. [110] Hershberger, James. (March 24, 2006). "Assata Shakur: Case of oppression in U.S". Daily Toreador. [111] The New York Times. (March 12, 1974). "News Summary and Index; The Major Events of the Day". p. 39. [112] Smothers, Ronald. (October 24, 1973). "Chesimard Case Gets A Jury Shift". The New York Times, p. 98. [113] The New York Times. (February 2, 1974). "Chesimard Pregnancy Leads to Mistrial". p. 63, column 6.

[114] Hinds, Lennox. (October 26, 1998). " The injustice of the trial (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 097. html)". Covert Action Quarterly. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [115] AP. (December 18, 2003). "News in brief from around New Jersey". [116] Browder, 2006, p. 159.

[117] Waggoner, Walter H. (February 16, 1977). " Chesimard Murder Trial Opens in New Brunswick (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10713FB3D5A177B8EDDAF0994DA405B878BF1D3)". The New York Times, p. 46. [118] Janson, Donald. (February 19, 1977). "Mrs. Chesimard Bids U.S. Court Bar Trial Sessions on Her Sabbath". The New York Times p. 51, column 1. [119] The New York Times. (January 27, 1977). "Chesimard Plea Rejected". p. 76, column 2. [120] United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. (January 25, 1977, argued; February 18, 1977, reargued in banc; March 9, 1977, filed). "STATE OF NEW JERSEY v. CHESIMARD, JOANNE D., (a/k/a) Assata Shakur), Appellant". No. 77-1104. 555 F.2d 63; 1977 U.S. App. LEXIS 14385. [121] James, Joy. p. 144.

[122] Berger, Joseph. "Raymond A. Brown, Civil Rights Lawyer, Dies at 94" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2009/ 10/ 12/ nyregion/ 12brown. html), The New York Times, October 11, 2009. Accessed October 12, 2009. [123] Shakur, 1987, p. 247. [124] Williams, 1993, p. 162-163. [125] Kunstler, 1994, pp. 275–276. [126] The New York Times. (May 9, 1977). "Black Legal Group Assails U.S. Courts; Lawyers at Conference Find Bias Still Exists Against Blacks Despite Constitutional Bans". p. 67, column 6. [127] The New York Times. (March 2, 1977). "Complaint on Lawyer". Section 2, p. 21, column 2. [128] Supreme Court of New Jersey. (February 9, 1982, argued; August 4, 1982, decided). In the Matter of Lennox S. Hinds, an Attorney at Law". D-16. 90 N.J. 604; 449 A.2d 483; 1982 N.J. LEXIS 2184. [129] Kunstler, 1994, p. 276. [130] Waldron, Martin. (December 3, 1976). "Kunstler and the Courts in a Battle On Right to Discuss Pending Trial". The New York Times, Section 2, p. 21, column 1. [131] The New York Times. (December 15, 1976). "Judge Approves Kunstler". Section 2, p. 53, column 1. [132] Christol, 2001, p. 139. [133] Williams, 1993, p. 158-163.

[134] Williams, Evelyn A. (June 25, 2005). " Statement of Facts in the New Jersey trial of Assata Shakur (http:/ / assatashakur. org/

appeal_case_facts_2005. htm)". The Talking Drum Collective. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [135] Schuppe, Jonathan. (February 8, 2004). "In parole bid, Chesimard cohort denies killing trooper". The Star-Ledger. [136] James, Joy. (1996). Transcending the Talented Tenth: Black Leaders and American Intellectuals. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-91763-8. pp. 202–203. [137] United States District Court for the District of New Jersey. (February 7, 1974). "Joanne Deborah CHESIMARD and Clark Edward Squire, Petitioners, v. Hon. John S. KUHLTHAU, County Prosecutor, Middlesex County, Respondent". Crim. No. 74-18. 370 F. Supp. 473; 1974 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12349. [138] Joy, James. (1999). Shadowboxing: Representations of Black Feminist Politics. Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-29449-2. p. 118. [139] The New York Times. (February 15, 1977). "Chesimard Jury Chosen". p. 67, column 5. [140] Browder, 2006, p. 157. [141] Daley, Robert. 1973. Target Blue: An Insider's View of the N.Y.P.D.. Delacorte Press. ISBN 978-0-440-08489-1. [142] The New York Times. (January 25, 1974). "Chesimard Panelist Out For Reading Daley Book". p. 71, column 7. [143] The New York Times. (April 20, 1977). "Chesimard Retrial Asked". Section 2, p. 23, column 3. [144] Krebs, Alan. (February 3, 1978). "Notes on People". The New York Times, p. 16, column 5. [145] The New York Times. May 10, 1977. "Law Group Urges Grand Jury Change". p. 71, column 2. [146] Kunstler, 1994, p. 277.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Assata Shakur 185

[147] Waldron, Martin. (September 5, 1977). "Trenton Topics; Byrne and Bateman Stepping Up Campaigns as the Summer Fades". The New York Times, p. 35, column 2. [148] Waggoner, Walter H. (March 17, 1977). "Neurosurgeon's Testimony Backs Mrs. Chesimard". The New York Times, Section 2, p. 20, column 3.

[149] Sullivan, Joseph F. (March 18, 1977). " Doctor Testifies On Bullet Scars in Chesimard Trial (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F1091EFC385D167493CAA81788D85F438785F9)". The New York Times, Section 2, p. 24, column 1. [150] James, Joy, and Sharpley-Whiting, T. Denean. (2000). The Black Feminist Reader. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-21007-5. p. 279. [151] Perkins, 2000, pp. 80–81. [152] Howell, Ron. (June 7, 1998). "Revolutionary on Ice: Assata Shakur's Cuban Exile". Newsday.

[153] Sullivan, Joseph F. (April 26, 1977). " Assault Charges Add 26 Years To Mrs. Chesimard's Life Term (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/

abstract. html?res=F00A1FFD3B5B167493C4AB178FD85F438785F9)". The New York Times, p. 83, column 4. Retrieved on 2008-06-16.

[154] Seigel, Max H. (October 26, 1977). " Chesimard Murder Case Dropped Because of Delay in Holding Trial (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/

gst/ abstract. html?res=F10610FE355E16738DDDAF0A94D8415B878BF1D3& scp=1& sq=Chesimard+ Murder+ Case+ Dropped+

Because& st=p)". The New York Times, p. 25, column 5. [155] Chicago Tribune. (November 24, 1977). "Black lib army 'chief' denies 1971 robbery". p. C23. [156] Shakur, 1987, p. xiv.

[157] http:/ / upload. wikimedia. org/ wikipedia/ commons/ 8/ 8e/ Rikers_Island. jpg [158] Churchill and Vander Wal, 2002, p. 410.

[159] Muhammad, Nisa Islam. (May 16, 2005). " Assata: The stakes are raised (http:/ / www. finalcall. com/ artman/ publish/ article_1990. shtml)". Final Call News. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [160] The New York Times. (April 12, 1977). "Suit Seeks Transfer For Mrs. Chesimard". p. 71, column 2. [161] The New York Times. (September 1, 1974). "Heavy Security for Mrs. Chesimard". p. 40. [162] The New York Times. (March 31, 1977). "Sheriff Says He Lied About Transfer Of Mrs. Chesimard to Aid Security". Section 2, p. 6, column 3.

[163] Krebs, Albin. (April 8, 1978). " Notes on People (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F5081FF93F5513728DDDA10894DC405B888BF1D3)". The New York Times, p. 21, column 3. Retrieved on 2008-06-15.

[164] Waggoner, Walter H. (April 8, 1977]. " Trenton Topics; Court Absolves Felons in Killings Of Accomplices by Their Victims" (http:/ /

select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F40A17FB3B5D167493CAA9178FD85F438785F9). The New York Times, Section 2, p. 13, column 4. [165] The New York Times. (May 6, 1977). "Mrs. Chesimard's Bid to Transfer To Another Prison Denied by Judge". Section 2, p. 4, column 3. [166] United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. (January 5, 1978, argued; February 3, 1987, filed). "Joanne CHESIMARD (Assata Shakur), Appellant, v. Robert MULCAHY, Commissioner, Department of Corrections, and William FAUVER, Deputy Commissioner, Department of Corrections, and Richard SEIDL, Supervising Superintendent, State Prison Complex, Department of Corrections and Thomas LYNCH, Superintendent, Yardville Youth Reception and Correction Center". No. 77-1684. 570 F.2d 1184; 1978 U.S. App. LEXIS 12765. [167] Scheffler, 2002, p. 206. [168] Scheffler, 2002, p. 204. [169] The New York Times. (March 31, 1978). "Returned to Prison". Section 2, p. 17, column 3. [170] Jones, 1998, p. 379. [171] Cummings, Judith. (October 8, 1973). "Angela Davis Asks Support for 'Political Prisoners'". The New York Times, p. 70. [172] The New York Times. (April 3, 1977). "Display Ad 68 – No Title". p. 46.

[173] Covert Action Quarterly. (October 26, 1998). " The U.N. Petition (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 093. html)". Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [174] Friedly, Jock. (January 13, 1999). "Waters seeks asylum for cop killer". The Hill, p. 1.

[175] Hanley, Robert. (November 3, 1979). " Miss Chesimard Flees Jersey Prison, Helped By 3 Armed 'Visitors' (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/

gst/ abstract. html?res=FB061FFD3C5C12728DDDAA0894D9415B898BF1D3)." The New York Times Retrieved on 2007-10-19. [176] Tomlinson, 1994, p. 146. [177] The New York Times. (November 29, 1979). "Bail Set at $2,500 In Chesimard Case". Section 2, p. 4, column 4. [178] Jones, 1998, p. 425. [179] Hanley, Robert. (November 6, 1979). "No Checking Was Done On Chesimard 'Visitors'; Identification Required of Visitors Security Review Ordered". The New York Times. Section 2, p. 2, column 1. [180] Hanley, Robert. (November 4, 1979). "F.B.I. to Aid Search for Miss Chesimard; Jersey Authorities Tell Magistrate She Apparently Fled the State After Her Prison Escape Visitors Were Not Searched Drove Across a Field Visitation Policies Under Review Official Account of Escape". The New York Times, p. 31, column 6.

[181] Lubasch, Arnold H. (May 12, 1988). " 2 Ex-Fugitives Convicted of Roles In Fatal Armored-Truck Robbery (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/

gst/ fullpage. html?res=940DEED61E3AF931A25756C0A96E948260)." The New York Times. Retrieved on 2008-05-26. [182] Cleaver, Kathleen. (August 2005). "The Fugitive". Essence. [183] Christol, 2001, p. 134. [184] Sterling, Guy, and Forero, Juan. (May 7, 1998). "On the lam, Chesimard is hardly on her own". The Star-Ledger, p. 31.

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[185] The New York Times Editorial Board. (July 2, 1980). " A Cloud Over the New F.B.I. (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ mem/ archive/ pdf?res=F0061EFE385C11728DDDAB0894DF405B8084F1D3)." Retrieved on 2008-07-02. [186] Emery, Richard, and LaMarche, Gara. (June 11, 1980). "Our tinderboxes for radical violence". The New York Times, Section A, p. 30, column 4. [187] The New York Times. (October 15, 1980). "The City; Chesimard Report Called Unfounded". Section B, p. 3, column 1. [188] Davison, Phil. (May 2, 1998). "Cuba's American refugees". The Independent (London), p. 13 [189] Farley, Anthony Paul. (March 2001). "Symposium Critical Legal Histories: Lilies of the Field: A Critique of Adjudication". Cardozo Law Review 22, 1013. [190] Farley, Anthony Paul. (Fall 2005). "Going Back to Class? The Reemergence of Class in Critical Race Theory Symposium: Essay: Accumulation". Michigan Journal of Race & Law 11, 51.

[191] Ravo, Nick. (October 13, 1987). " Officials Can't Confirm Chesimard Is in Havana (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1987/ 10/ 13/ nyregion/

officials-can-t-confirm-chesimard-is-in-havana. html?pagewanted=all& src=pm)." The New York Times, Section B; Page 3, Column 5.

[192] McQuiston, John T. (October 12, 1987). " Fugitive murderer reported in Cuba (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9B0DEFDB1E3CF931A25753C1A961948260& sec=& spon=& partner=permalink& exprod=permalink)". The New York Times, Section A; Page 1, Column 1. Retrieved on 2008-06-01. [193] Jones, 1998, p. 14.

[194] Chronic Magazine. " $1 million bounty on Tupac's godmother (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20061020200710/ http:/ / www.

chronicmagazine. com/ public. php?level=1& page_id=607)". Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [195] Boyd, Herb. (2002). Race and Resistance: African Americans in the Twenty-first Century. South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-652-6. p. 116. [196] Rodriguez, 2006, p. 64. [197] Wilfredo, Cancio Isla. (December 18, 2007). "Fugitive a curiosity in Cuba". The Miami Herald. [198] Chicago Sun Times. (December 28, 1997). "N.J. cops enlist pope; Seek help in getting fugitive out of Cuba". p. 34.

[199] Shakur, Assata. " An Open Letter from Assata (http:/ / www. assatashakur. org/ escape2. htm)". The Talking Drum Collective. p. 2. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [200] Shakur, Assata, and Lewis, Ida E. (November 1, 2000). "Assata Shakur: Profiled and on the Run". New Crisis, 107(6). [201] The 85th anniversary of the death of Harriet Tubman according to Brath (1998).

[202] Brath, Elombe. (March 13, 1998). " N.J. Bloodhounds on Assata's Trail (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 100. html)". NY Daily Challenge. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [203] James, Joy. p. 115.

[204] House Concurrent Resolution 254 (http:/ / thomas. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ bdquery/ z?d105:HC00254:@@@R). THOMAS. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [205] Batista, Carlos. (March 18, 2002). "Cuba seeks deals with US to fight terror, migrant smuggling". Agence France Presse.

[206] Waters, Maxine. (September 29, 1998). " Congresswoman Waters issues statement on U.S. Freedom Fighter Assata Shakur (http:/ / www.

hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 089. html)". HYPE Information Service. Retrieved on 2008-05-09.

[207] Cleaver, Kathleen. (2005). " The Fugitive: Why has the FBI placed a million-dollar bounty on Assata Shakur? (http:/ / www. assatashakur.

org/ cleaver_k. htm)". The Talking Drum Collective. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [208] Allen-Mills, Tony. (May 27, 2007). "Bounty hunt for US cop killer on Cuba". The Sunday Times, p. 27. [209] Parry, Wayne. (May 24, 2005). "NY councilman plans rally against Chesimard bounty". AP. [210] Wood, Sam. (May 15, 2006). "Always a priority: Fugitive cop-killers: As a N.J. case shows, law officers never give up – despite even decades and foreign obstacles". Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News. [211] Windsor Star. (May 12, 2005). "Castro defends fugitive sought by United States". p. B2. Castro did not refer to Shakur by name, but did describe a woman placed on the U.S. government terrorist watch list on May 2. See: AP. (May 10, 2005). "A package of news briefs from the Caribbean". [212] Neal, Mark Anthony. (May 5, 2000). Nas also paid homage to Assata by listing her name in the booklet of his latest CD Untitled along

with other important black figures which inspired the album " Like Water for Chocolate: Common's Recipe for Progressive Hip-Hop (http:/ /

www. popmatters. com/ columns/ criticalnoire/ 000505. shtml)". Pop Matters. Retrieved on 2007-04-07. [213] Robinson, Eugene. (July 18, 2004). "Exiles; Once they considered themselves black freedom fighters. The FBI considered them armed and dangerous. After more than a generation as fugitives in Castro's Cuba, they are living pieces of unfinished business". The Washington Post, W23.

[214] Arenson, Karen W. (December 13, 2006). " CUNY Chief Orders Names Stripped From Student Center (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2006/

12/ 13/ nyregion/ 13cuny. html)". The New York Times. Retrieved on 2008-05-09. [215] Zambito, Thomas. (January 7, 2007). "CUNY sued in cop killer naming flap". New York Daily News, p. 3.

[216] Wise, Daniel. (April 8, 2010). " First Amendment Violation Claim Proceeds Against College Over Removed Plaque (http:/ / www. law.

com/ jsp/ article. jsp?id=1202447703512)". New York Law Journal. Retrieved on 2010-04-08.

[217] Honan, William H. (April 12, 1995). " Two Scholarships Given New Names After Controversy (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=990CE7D6123DF931A25757C0A963958260& sec=& spon=& partner=permalink& exprod=permalink)". The New York Times, Section B, p. 11, column 4. Retrieved on 2008-06-01. [218] US Fed News. (April 1, 2008). "Superhero Inspiration for Course on 'Black Heroes'". [219] Hepp, Rick. (October 31, 2004). "Chesimard still stirs admiration and scorn". The Star-Ledger, p. 23.

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[220] The Star-Ledger. (January 19, 1996). "Black Ex-Trooper Tells Trial of Poster of Killer Chesimard Made to Mock". [221] Rodriguez, 2006, p. 61.

References • Browder, Laura. (2006). Her Best Shot: Women and Guns in America. UNC Press. ISBN 0-8078-3050-X. • Churchill, Ward and James Vander Wall. (2002). The Cointelpro papers: documents from the FBI's secret wars against dissent in the United States. South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-648-8. • Christol, Helene. Gysin, Fritz, and Mulvey, Christopher (eds.). (2001). "Militant Autobiography: The Case of Assata Shakur" in Black Liberation in the Americas. LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster. ISBN 3-8258-5137-0. • Cleaver, Kathleen, and Katsiaficas, George N. (2001). Liberation, imagination, and the Black Panther Party: a new look at the Panthers and their Legacy. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-92783-8. • James, Joy. (2003). Imprisoned Intellectuals: America's Political Prisoners Write on Life, Liberation, and Rebellion. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-2027-7. • Jones, Charles Earl. (1998). The Black Panther Party (reconsidered). Black Classic Press. ISBN 0-933121-96-2. • Kunstler, William Moses. (1994). My life as a radical lawyer. Secaucus, New Jersey: Birch Lane Press. ISBN 1-55972-265-7. • Perkins, Margo V. (2000). Autobiography as Activism: Three Black Women of the Sixties. Univ. Press of Mississippi. ISBN 1-57806-264-0. • Rodriguez, Dylan. (2006). Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0-8166-4560-4. • Scheffler, Judith A. (2002). Wall Tappings: An International Anthology of Women's Prison Writings, 200 to the Present. Feminist Press. ISBN 1-55861-273-4. • Shakur, Assata. (1987, New edition November 1, 1999). Assata: An Autobiography. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books. ISBN 1-55652-074-3. • Tomlinson, Gerald. (1994). Murdered in Jersey. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-2078-9. • Williams, Evelyn. (1993). Inadmissible Evidence: The Story of the African-American Trial Lawyer who Defended the Black Liberation Army. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Lawrence Hill Books. ISBN 1-55652-184-7.

Further reading • Belton, Brian A. (2007). Assata Shakur: A Voice from the Palenques in Black Routes: Legacy of African Diaspora. Hansib Publications Ltd. ISBN 978-1-870518-92-5.

External links

• Assata Speaks – website in support of Shakur (http:/ / www. assatashakur. org)

• Selection of TV interviews and documentaries on Shakur (http:/ / panafrican. tv/ index. php?cPath=23_37)

• Wanted by the FBI – Joanne Deborah Chesimard (http:/ / www. fbi. gov/ wanted/ dt/ joanne-deborah-chesimard)

• New Jersey State Police Wanted Page (http:/ / www. state. nj. us/ njsp/ want/ chesimard. html)

• From the Law Enforcement Perspective (http:/ / njlawman. com/ Feature Pieces/ Joanne Chesimard. htm)

• The Eyes Of The Rainbow documentary (http:/ / www. handsoffassata. net)

• Immoral Bounty for Assata (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 45a/ 101. html) by Michael Ratner, Covert Action Quarterly, October 27, 1998

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 188 Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party

The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) was an American political party created in the state of Mississippi in 1964, during the civil rights movement. It was organized by black and white Mississippians, with assistance from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Council of Federated Organizations (COFO), to challenge the legitimacy of the white-only US Democratic Party.

Origins For generations, African-Americans had endured widespread denial of their voting rights in Mississippi, and participation in the state Democratic Party was limited to whites only. Starting in 1961, SNCC and COFO had waged courageous campaigns against great and often violent opposition to register black voters with little success. In June 1963, African-Americans attempted to cast votes in the Mississippi primary election but were prevented from doing so. Unable to vote in the official election, they organized an alternative "Freedom Ballot" to take place at the same time as the November voting. Seen as a protest action to dramatize denial of their voting rights, close to 80,000 people cast freedom ballots for an integrated slate of candidates.[1]

Building the party With participation in the regular Mississippi Democratic Party blocked by segregationists, COFO built on the success of the Freedom Ballot by formally establishing the MFDP in April 1964 as a non-discriminatory, non-exclusionary rival to the regular party organization. The MFDP hoped to replace the regulars as the officially-recognized Democratic Party organization in Mississippi by winning the Mississippi seats at the 1964 Democratic National Convention for a slate of delegates elected by disenfranchised black Mississippians and white sympathizers. Building the MFDP was a major thrust of the Freedom Summer project. After it proved to be impossible to register black voters against the opposition of state officials, Freedom Summer volunteers switched to building the MFDP using a simple, alternate, process of signing up party supporters that did not require blacks to openly defy whites by trying to register at the courthouse or take a complex and unfair literacy test. In the face of unrelenting violence and economic retaliation, the MFDP held local caucuses, county assemblies, and a state-wide convention (as prescribed by Democratic Party rules) to elect 68 delegates (including 4 whites) to the 1964 Democratic National Convention scheduled for Atlantic City, New Jersey in August.

1964 Democratic National Convention in New Jersey

The MFDP sent its elected delegates by bus to the convention. There they challenged the right of the Mississippi Democratic Party's delegation to participate in the convention, claiming that the regulars had been illegally elected in a completely segregated process that violated both party regulations and federal law, and that furthermore the regulars had no Aaron Henry reading from a document while seated before the Credentials Committee

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 189

intention of supporting Lyndon B. Johnson, the party's presidential candidate, in the November election. They therefore asked that the MFDP delegates be seated rather than the segregationist regulars.[2] The Democratic Party referred the challenge to the Convention Credentials Committee. The MFDP delegates lobbied and argued their case, and large groups of supporters and volunteers established an around-the-clock picket line on the Boardwalk just outside the convention, which garnered considerable publicity. The Credentials Committee televised its proceedings, which allowed the nation to see and hear the testimony of the MFDP delegates, particularly the testimony of Fannie Lou Hamer, whose evocative portrayal of her hard brutalized life as a sharecropper on the plantation owned by Jamie Whitten, a long time Mississippi congressman and chairman of the House Agricultural Committee, galvanized the nation. After that, most knowledgeable observers thought the majority of the delegates were ready to unseat the regulars and seat the MFDP delegates in their place. But some of the all-white delegations from other southern states threatened to leave the convention and bolt the party (as they had done in previous years) if the regular Mississippi delegation was unseated, and Johnson feared losing Southern support in the coming campaign against Republican Party candidate Barry Goldwater. To ensure his victory in November, Johnson maneuvered to prevent the MFDP from replacing the regulars. After a frantic scramble, he ordered the chairman of the Credentials Committee not to decide the matter, and not to send the issue to the convention. With the help of Vice President Hubert Humphrey and Party leader Walter Mondale, Johnson engineered a "compromise" in which the national Democratic Party offered the MFDP two at-large seats which allowed them to watch the floor proceedings but not take part. The MFDP refused this "compromise" which permitted the undemocratic, white-only, regulars to keep their seats and denied votes to the MFDP. MFDP leader and Mississippi NAACP President Aaron Henry stated: "Now, Lyndon made the typical white man's mistake: Not only did he say, 'You've got two votes,' which was too little, but he told us to whom the two votes would go. He'd give me one and Ed King one; that would satisfy. But, you see, he didn't realize that sixty-four of us came up from Mississippi on a Greyhound bus, eating cheese and crackers and bologna all the way there; we didn't have no money. Suffering the same way. We got to Atlantic City; we put up in a little hotel, three or four of us in a bed, four or five of us on the floor. You know, we suffered a common kind of experience, the whole thing. But now, what kind of fool am I, or what kind of fool would Ed have been, to accept gratuities for ourselves? You say, Ed and Aaron can get in but the other sixty-two can't. This is typical white man picking black folks' leaders, and that day is just gone." Hamer put it even more succinctly: "We didn't come all this way for no two seats, 'cause all of us is tired." Even though they were denied official recognition, the MFDP kept up their agitation within the Convention. When all but three of the "regular" Mississippi delegates left because they refused to support Johnson against Goldwater, the MFDP delegates borrowed passes from sympathetic northern delegates and took the seats vacated by the Mississippi delegates, only to be removed by the national Party. When they returned the next day to find that convention organizers had removed the empty seats that had been there yesterday, the MFDP stayed to sing freedom songs.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 190

Aftermath The 1964 Democratic Party convention disillusioned many within the MFDP. For a while, it became more radical after Atlantic City. It invited Malcolm X to speak and opposed the war in Vietnam. Many Civil Rights Movement activists felt betrayed by Johnson, Humphrey, and the liberal establishment. The movement had been promised that if they concentrated on voter registration rather than protests they would be supported by the Federal government and the liberal wing of the Democratic Party. Instead, at the decisive moment, black civil rights and justice itself had been sacrificed for the political interests of white politicians. As SNCC Chairman John Lewis later wrote: As far as I'm concerned, this was the turning point of the civil rights movement. I'm absolutely convinced of that. Until then, despite every setback and disappointment and obstacle we had faced over the years, the belief still prevailed that the system would work, the system would listen, the system would respond. Now, for the first time, we had made our way to the very center of the system. We had played by the rules, done everything we were supposed to do, had played the game exactly as required, had arrived at the doorstep and found the door slammed in our face.[3] Though the MFDP failed to unseat the regulars at the convention, they did succeed in dramatizing the violence and injustice by which the white power structure governed Mississippi and disenfranchised black citizens. The MFDP and its convention challenge eventually helped pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The MFDP continued as an alternate for several years, and many of the people associated with it continued to press for civil rights in Mississippi. After passage of the Voting Rights Act, the number of registered black voters in Mississippi grew dramatically. The regular party stopped discriminating against blacks and agreed to conform to the Democratic Party rules guaranteeing fair participation. Eventually, the MFDP merged into the regular party and many MFDP activists became Party leaders. There is only one Chapter of FDP still active, and it is located in Holmes County, Mississippi.

References

[1] Freedom Ballot in MS (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ tim/ tim63b. htm#1963msballot) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans

[2] The Mississippi Movement & the MFDP (http:/ / www. crmvet. org/ disc/ mfdp. htm) ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans [3] Lewis, John (1998). Walking With the Wind. Simon & Schuster.

External links

• Civil Rights Movement Veterans (http:/ / www. crmvet. org)

• "Democratic Debacle" (http:/ / www. americanheritage. com/ articles/ magazine/ ah/ 2004/ 3/ 2004_3_59. shtml) - American Heritage article

• "Civil Rights Betrayed" (http:/ / www. isreview. org/ issues/ 38/ MFDP. shtml) - International Socialist Review article on the 40th anniversary of the MFDP

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Fannie Lou Hamer 191 Fannie Lou Hamer

Fannie Lou Townsend Hamer

Fannie Lou Hamer in 1964 Born October 6, 1917Montgomery County, Mississippi

Died March 14, 1977 (aged 59)Mound Bayou, Mississippi

Other names Fannie Lou Hamer

Known for Civil Rights Activist; vice chair of Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party

Fannie Lou Hamer (born Fannie Lou Townsend on October 6, 1917 – March 14, 1977) was an American voting rights activist and civil rights leader. She was instrumental in organizing Mississippi Freedom Summer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and later became the Vice-Chair of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, attending the 1964 Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey, in that capacity. Her plain-spoken manner and fervent belief in the Biblical righteousness of her cause gained her a reputation as an electrifying speaker and constant activist of civil rights.

Beginnings of activism During the 1950s, Hamer attended several annual conferences of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL) in the all-black town of Mound Bayou, Mississippi. The RCNL was led by Dr. T.R.M. Howard, a civil rights leader and wealthy black entrepreneur, and was a combination civil rights and self-help organization. The annual RCNL conferences featured entertainers, such as Mahalia Jackson, speakers, such as Thurgood Marshall and Rep. Charles Diggs of Michigan, and panels on voting rights and other civil rights issues.[1] Without her knowledge or consent, she was sterilized in 1961 by a white doctor as a part of the state of Mississippi's plan to reduce the number of poor blacks in the state.[2] On August 23, 1962, Rev. James Bevel, an organizer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and an associate of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., gave a sermon in Ruleville, Mississippi and followed it with an appeal to those assembled to register to vote. Black people who registered to vote in the South faced serious hardships at that time due to institutionalized racism, including harassment, the loss of their jobs, physical beatings, and lynchings; nonetheless, Hamer was the first volunteer. She later said, "I guess if I'd had any sense, I'd have been a little scared - but what was the point of being scared? The only thing they [white people] could do was kill me, and it seemed they'd been trying to do that a little bit at a time since I could remember." On August 31, she traveled on a rented bus with other attendees of Bevel's sermon to Indianola, Mississippi to register. In what would become a signature trait of Hamer's activist career, she began singing Christian hymns, such as "Go Tell It on the Mountain" and "This Little Light of Mine," to the group in order to bolster their resolve. The hymns also reflected Hamer's belief that the civil rights struggle was a deeply spiritual one.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Fannie Lou Hamer 192

Hamer's courage and leadership in Indianola came to the attention of SNCC organizer Bob Moses, who dispatched Charles McLaurin from the organization with instructions to find "the lady who sings the hymns". McLaurin found and recruited Hamer, and though she remained based in Mississippi, she began traveling around the South doing activist work for the organization. On June 9, 1963, Hamer was on her way back from Charleston, South Carolina with other activists from a literacy workshop. Stopping in Winona, Mississippi, the group was arrested on a false charge and jailed. Once in jail, Hamer and her colleagues were beaten savagely by the police, almost to the point of death. Released on June 12, she needed more than a month to recover. Though the incident had profound physical and psychological effects, Hamer returned to Mississippi to organize voter registration drives, including the "Freedom Ballot Campaign", a mock election, in 1963, and the "Freedom Summer" initiative in 1964. She was known to the volunteers of Freedom Summer - most of whom were young, white, and from northern states - as a motherly figure who believed that the civil rights effort should be multi-racial in nature.

Hamer at the Democratic National Convention In the summer of 1964, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, or "Freedom Democrats" for short, was organized with the purpose of challenging Mississippi's all-white and anti-civil rights delegation to the Democratic National Convention of that year as not representative of all Mississippians. Hamer was elected Vice-Chair. The Freedom Democrats' efforts drew national attention to the plight of African-Americans in Mississippi, and represented a challenge to President Lyndon B. Johnson, who was seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for reelection; their success would mean that other Southern delegations, who were already leaning toward Republican challenger Barry Goldwater, would publicly break from the convention's decision to nominate Johnson — meaning in turn that he would almost certainly lose those states' electoral votes in the election. Hamer, singing her signature hymns, drew a great deal of attention from the media, enraging Johnson, who referred to her in speaking to his advisors as "that illiterate woman". Hamer was invited, along with the rest of the MFDP officers, to address the Convention's Credentials Committee. She recounted the problems she had encountered in registration, and the ordeal of the jail in Winona, and, near tears, concluded: "All of this is on account we want to register [sic], to become first-class citizens, and if the Freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hooks because our lives be threatened daily because we want to live as decent human beings - in America?" In Washington, D.C., President Johnson called an emergency press conference in an effort to divert press coverage away from Hamer's testimony; but many television networks ran the speech unedited on their late news programs. The Credentials Committee received thousands of calls and letters in support of the Freedom Democrats. Johnson then dispatched several trusted Democratic Party operatives to attempt to negotiate with the Freedom Democrats, including Senator Hubert Humphrey (who was campaigning for the Vice-Presidential nomination), Walter Mondale, Walter Reuther, and J. Edgar Hoover. They suggested a compromise which would give the MFDP two non-voting seats in exchange for other concessions, and secured the endorsement of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for the plan. But when Humphrey outlined the compromise, saying that his position on the ticket was at stake, Hamer, invoking her Christian beliefs, sharply rebuked him: "Do you mean to tell me that your position is more important than four hundred thousand black people's lives? Senator Humphrey, I know lots of people in Mississippi who have lost their jobs trying to register to vote. I had to leave the plantation where I worked in Sunflower County, Mississippi. Now if you lose this job of Vice-President because you do what is right, because you help the MFDP, everything will be all right. God will take care of you. But if you take [the nomination] this way, why, you will never be able to do any good for

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Fannie Lou Hamer 193

civil rights, for poor people, for peace, or any of those things you talk about. Senator Humphrey, I'm going to pray to Jesus for you." Future negotiations were conducted without Hamer, and the compromise was modified such that the Convention would select the two delegates to be seated, for fear the MFDP would appoint Hamer. In the end, the MFDP rejected the compromise, but had changed the debate to the point that the Democratic Party adopted a clause which demanded equality of representation from their states' delegations in 1968.

Later activism Hamer continued to work in Mississippi for the Freedom Democrats and for local civil rights causes. She ran for Congress in 1964 and 1965, and was then seated as a member of Mississippi's legitimate delegation to the Democratic National Convention of 1968, where she was an outspoken critic of the Vietnam War. She continued to work on other projects, including grassroots-level Head Start programs, the Freedom Farm Cooperative in Sunflower County, and Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Poor People's Campaign. She was also inducted as an honorary member of Delta Sigma Theta sorority. Hamer died of breast cancer on March 14, 1977, at the age of 59 at a hospital in Mound Bayou, Mississippi and is buried in her hometown of Ruleville, Mississippi. Her tombstone reads, "I am sick and tired of being sick and tired".

Compositions based on Hamer's life Sweet Honey in the Rock, the Washington DC-based African American female a capella singing group, wrote and recorded a song called "Fannie Lou Hamer."[3] Dark River, an opera about Hamer written by composer and pianist Mary D. Watkins, premiered in November 2009 in Oakland, California. 95 South's "All of the Places We've Been" by Gil Scott-Heron with Brian Jackson is a standard at any Gil Scott-Heron show. The song is his tribute to Fannie Lou Hamer, as he stated in his DVD of a 2001 concert, New Morning: The Paris Concert.

Quotes of Fannie Lou Hamer "We didn't come all the way up here to compromise for no more than we’d gotten here. We didn't come all this way for no two seats, 'cause all of us is tired." "I am sick and tired of being sick and tired." (This quote was later employed as her epitaph.) "Nobody's free until everybody's free."

References

[1] David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito, Black Maverick: T.R.M. Howard's Fight for Civil Rights and Economic Power (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 199-200. [2] Nelson, Jennifelove itr (2003). Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement. New York: NYU Press. ISBN 0814758274.

[3] "Sweet Honey Discography" (http:/ / www. sweethoneyintherock. org/ discography. php). www.sweethoneyintherock.org. . Retrieved 2010-04-22. • Asch, Chris Myers (2008). "The Senator and the Sharecropper: The Freedom Struggles of James O. Eastland and Fannie Lou Hamer." New York: The New Press. ISBN 978-1595583321 • Colman, Penny (1993). Fannie Lou Hamer and the Fight for the Vote. The Millbrook Press • Lee, Chana Kai (1999). For Freedom's Sake: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer. Athens: University of Georgia Press. ISBN 0-252-06936-6 • Marsh, Charles (1997). God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-02134-1

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Fannie Lou Hamer 194

• Mills, Kay (1993). This Little Light of Mine: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer. New York: Dutton. • Nelson, Jennifer (2003). Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement. New York: NYU Press. ISBN 0814758274. • Payne, Charles M. (1995). I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-20706-8

External links

• Oral History (http:/ / www. lib. usm. edu/ ~spcol/ crda/ oh/ hamer. htm?hamertrans. htm~mainFrame)

• National Women's Hall of Fame entry (http:/ / www. greatwomen. org/ women-of-the-hall/

search-the-hall-results/ details/ 2/ 71-Hamer)

• Ron Schuler's Parlour Tricks: Fannie Lou Hamer (http:/ / rsparlourtricks. blogspot. com/ 2005/ 10/

fannie-lou-hamer. html)

• Fannie Lou Hamer's Gravesite (http:/ / www. findagrave. com/ cgi-bin/ fg. cgi?page=gr& GRid=19859)

• Fannie Lou Hamer Collection (MUM00215) (http:/ / www. olemiss. edu/ depts/ general_library/ files/ archives/

collections/ guides/ latesthtml/ MUM00215. html) owned by the University of Mississippi, Archives and Special Collections.

• FBI file on Fannie Lou Hamer (http:/ / vault. fbi. gov/ fannie-lou-hammer)

1968 Olympics Black Power salute

The 1968 Olympics Black Power salute involved the African American athletes Tommie Smith and John Carlos giving the Black power salute at the Olympic Stadium in Mexico City. The event was one of the most overtly political statements[1] in the history of the modern Olympic Games. Tommie Smith stated in his autobiography, "Silent Gesture", that the salute was not a Black Power salute, but in fact a human rights salute.

The protest

On the morning of October 16, 1968,[2] U.S. athlete Tommie Smith won the 200 meter race in a world-record time of 19.83 seconds, with Australia's Peter Norman second with a time of 20.06 seconds, and the U.S.'s John Carlos in third place with a time of 20.10 seconds. After the race was completed, the three went to collect their medals at the podium. The two U.S. athletes received their medals shoeless, but wearing black socks, to represent black poverty.[3] Smith wore a black Gold Medallist Tommie Smith, (center) and Bronze medallist John Carlos (right) showing the scarf around his neck to represent black pride, Carlos had his tracksuit on the podium after the 200m in the top unzipped to show solidarity with all blue collar workers in the U.S. 1968 Summer Olympics wearing Olympic and wore a necklace of beads which he described "were for those Project for Human Rights badges. Silver individuals that were lynched, or killed and that no-one said a prayer medallist Peter Norman from Australia (left) joins them. for, that were hung and tarred. It was for those thrown off the side of the boats in the middle passage."[4] All three athletes wore Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR) badges after Norman, a critic of Australia's White Australia Policy, expressed

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer 1968 Olympics Black Power salute 195

empathy with their ideals.[5] Sociologist Harry Edwards, the founder of the OPHR, had urged black athletes to boycott the games; reportedly, the actions of Smith and Carlos on October 16, 1968[2] were inspired by Edwards' arguments.[6] Both U.S. athletes intended on bringing black gloves to the event, but Carlos forgot his, leaving them in the Olympic Village. It was the Australian, Peter Norman, who suggested Carlos wear Smith's left-handed glove, this being the reason behind him raising his left hand, as opposed to his right, differing from the traditional Black Power salute.[7] When "The Star-Spangled Banner" played, Smith and Carlos delivered the salute with heads bowed, a gesture which became front page news around the world. As they left the podium they were booed by the crowd.[8] Smith later said "If I win, I am American, not a black American. But if I did something bad, then they would say I am a Negro. We are black and we are proud of being black. Black America will understand what we did tonight."[3]

International Olympic Committee response International Olympic Committee (IOC) president, Avery Brundage, deemed it to be a domestic political statement, unfit for the apolitical, international forum the Olympic Games were supposed to be. In an immediate response to their actions, he ordered Smith and Carlos suspended from the U.S. team and banned from the Olympic Village. When the US Olympic Committee refused, Brundage threatened to ban the entire US track team. This threat led to the two athletes being expelled from the Games. A spokesman for the IOC said it was "a deliberate and violent breach of the fundamental principles of the Olympic spirit."[3] Brundage, who was president of the United States Olympic Committee in 1936, had made no objections against Nazi salutes during the Berlin Olympics. The Nazi salute, being a national salute at the time, was accepted in a competition of nations, while the athletes' salute was not of a nation and so was considered unacceptable.[9] The official IOC website states that "Over and above winning medals, the black American athletes made names for themselves by an act of racial protest."[10]

Aftermath Smith and Carlos were largely ostracized by the U.S. sporting establishment in the following years and, in addition, were subject to criticism of their actions. Time magazine showed the five-ring Olympic logo with the words, "Angrier, Nastier, Uglier", instead of "Faster, Higher, Stronger". Back home, they were subject to abuse and they and their families received death threats.[11] Smith continued in athletics, going on to play in the NFL with the Cincinnati Bengals, before becoming an assistant professor of Physical Education at Oberlin College. In 1995, he went on to help coach the U.S. team at the World Indoor Championships at Barcelona. In 1999 he was awarded the California Black Sportsman of the Millennium Award. He is now a public speaker. Carlos' career followed a similar path to Smith's. He initially continued in athletics, equalling the 100 yard dash world record the following year. Later, he played in the NFL with the Philadelphia Eagles, before a knee injury prematurely ended his career. He fell upon hard times in the late 1970s and, in 1977, his wife committed suicide. In 1982, Carlos was employed by the Organizing Committee for the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles to promote the games and act as liaison with the city's black community. In 1985, he became a track and field coach at Palm Springs High School, a post he still holds. Norman, who was sympathetic to his competitors' protest, was reprimanded by his country's Olympic authorities and ostracized by the Australian media.[12] He was not picked for the 1972 Summer Olympics, despite finishing third in his trials. Smith and Carlos were pallbearers at his funeral.[13] In 2005, San Jose State University honored former students Smith and Carlos with a 22-foot high statue of their protest.[14] A student, Erik Grotz, initiated the project: "One of my professors was talking about unsung heroes and he mentioned Tommie Smith and John Carlos. He said these men had done a courageous thing to advance civil

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer 1968 Olympics Black Power salute 196

rights, and, yet, they had never been honored by their own school." In January 2007, History San Jose opened a new exhibit called Speed City: From Civil Rights to Black Power, covering the San Jose State athletic program "from which many student athletes became globally recognized figures as the Civil Rights and Black Power movements reshaped American society."[15] On March 3, 2008, in the Detroit Free Press editorial section, an editorial by Orin Starn entitled "Bottom line turns to hollow gold for today's Olympians" lamented the lack of social engagement of modern sports athletes, in contrast to Smith and Carlos. Smith and Carlos received an Arthur Ashe Courage Award at the 2008 ESPY Awards honoring their action.[16]

Sydney mural In Australia, a historic airbrush mural of the trio on podium was painted in the inner-city suburb of Newtown in Sydney. In 2010 the highly visible work was under threat of demolition to make way for a rail tunnel.[17] Painted on a house wall with permission of the owner, it faces a main commuter rail line. Local government is fighting to retain [17] the monochrome tribute, captioned "THREE PROUD PEOPLE MEXICO 68", including attempts to have it heritage-listed, though this move would not guarantee its protection.[17]

Cultural influences The Sydney Film Festival in mid-2008 featured a documentary about the protest entitled Salute. The film was written, directed and produced by Matt Norman, an Australian actor and film-maker, and Peter Norman's nephew.[18] On July 9, 2008, BBC Four broadcast a documentary, Black Power Salute, by Geoff Small, about the protest and its aftermath. In an article, Small noted that the athletes of the British team attending the 2008 Olympics in Beijing had been asked to sign gagging clauses which would have restricted their right to make political statements, but that they had refused.[19] The song "Mr. John Carlos" by Nationalteatern from their 1974 album Livet är en fest is about the event and its aftermath (especially for John Carlos). The act was shown on The Simpsons when Kent Brockman looks back on the 1960s.

References

[1] Lewis, Richard (2006-10-08). "Caught in Time: Black Power salute, Mexico, 1968" (http:/ / www. timesonline. co. uk/ article/

0,,2094-2393575,00. html). London: The Sunday Times. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[2] "1968: Black athletes make silent protest" (http:/ / www. as. sjsu. edu/ legacy/ Smith-Carlos. pdf). SJSU. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[3] "1968: Black athletes make silent protest" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ onthisday/ hi/ dates/ stories/ october/ 17/ newsid_3535000/ 3535348.

stm). BBC. 1968-10-17. Archived (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5mq5SLffC) from the original on 2010-01-16. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[4] Lucas, Dean (February 11, 2007). "Black Power" (http:/ / www. famouspictures. org/ mag/ ?title=Black_Power). Famous Pictures: The Magazine. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[5] Peter Norman (http:/ / www. historylearningsite. co. uk/ peter_norman. htm)

[6] Spander, Art (2006-02-24). "A Moment In Time: Remembering an Olympic Protest" (http:/ / www. cstv. com/ sports/ c-track/ stories/

022406aas. html). CSTV. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[7] "The other man on the podium" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ magazine/ 7674157. stm). BBC. 2008-10-17. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[8] "John Carlos" (http:/ / www. freedomweekend. info/ downloads/ john_carlos. pdf) (PDF). Freedom Weekend. . Retrieved 2008-11-09. [9] "The Olympic Story", editor James E. Churchill, Jr., published 1983 by Grolier Enterprises Inc.

[10] Mexico 1968 (http:/ / www. olympic. org/ en/ content/ Olympic-Games/ All-Past-Olympic-Games/ Summer/ Mexico-City-1968/ ) (official International Olympic Committee website. Retrieved 2010-09-09.

[11] "Tommie Smith 1968 Olympic Gold Medalist" (http:/ / www. tommiesmith. com/ ). Tommie Smith. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[12] Wise, Mike (2006-10-05). "Clenched fists, helping hand" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2006/ 10/ 04/

AR2006100401753_2. html). The Washington Post. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[13] Flanagan, Martin (2006-10-06). "Olympic protest heroes praise Norman's courage" (http:/ / www. smh. com. au/ news/ sport/

olympic-protest-heroes-praise-normans-courage/ 2006/ 10/ 09/ 1160246069969. html). The Sydney Morning Herald. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer 1968 Olympics Black Power salute 197

[14] Slot, Owen (2005-10-19). "America finally honours rebels as clenched fist becomes salute" (http:/ / www. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/ sport/

article580095. ece). London: The Sunday Times. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[15] "Speed City: From Civil Rights to Black Power" (http:/ / historysanjose. org/ exhibits_collections/ current_upcoming_exhibits/ speedcity. html). History San José. 2005-07-28. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

[16] "Salute at ESPYs - Smith and Carlos to receive Arthur Ashe Courage Award" (http:/ / sports. espn. go. com/ espn/ news/ story?id=3417048).

http:/ / espn. go. com/ espn.com. 2008-05-29. Archived (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5WrY5Jx2W) from the original on 2008-04-05. . Retrieved 2009-01-17. [17] "Last stand for Newtown's 'three proud people'", Josephine Tovey, July 27 2010, Sydney Morning Herald Newtown's 'Three Proud People'

Mural To Be Demolished? | Olympics (http:/ / www. smh. com. au/ nsw/ last-stand-for-newtowns-three-proud-people-20100726-10smr. html)

[18] "2008 Program Revealed!" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20090125152931/ http:/ / www. sydneyfilmfestival. org/ content. asp?id=21&

nid=116& p=20). 2008-05-08. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. sydneyfilmfestival. org/ content. asp?id=21& nid=116& p=20) on 2009-01-25. . Retrieved 2009-01-17.

[19] Small, Geoff (2008-07-09). "Remembering the Black Power protest" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ commentisfree/ 2008/ jul/ 09/

olympicgames2008. humanrights). The Guardian. . Retrieved 2008-11-09.

External links

• "The Politics of Hypocrisy" (http:/ / iviesinchina. com/ the-politics-of-hypocrisy/ ) - includes authorized excerpt from the Harvard Crimson of Wednesday 6 November 1968.

• "Matt Norman, Director/Producer 'Salute'" (http:/ / gdayworld. thepodcastnetwork. com/ 2008/ 07/ 07/ gday-world-333-matt-norman-directorproducer-salute) (podcast: nephew of Peter Norman discusses new documentary about Peter's role in the Black Power Salute)

• "El Black Power de Mexico: 40 años después" (http:/ / www. lanacion. com. ar/ 1056987) (Diario La Nación of Buenos Aires, 10/11/08)

Deacons for Defense and Justice

The Deacons for Defense and Justice is an armed self defense African American civil rights organization in the U.S. Southern states during the 1960s. Historically, the organization practiced self-defense methods in the face of racist oppression that was carried out by ; local and state agencies; and the Ku Klux Klan. Many times the Deacons are not written about or cited when speaking of the Civil Rights Movement because their agenda of self-defense, in this case, using violence (if necessary) did not fit the image of strict non-violence agenda that leaders like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. preached about the Civil Rights Movement. Yet, there has been a recent debate over the crucial role the Deacons and other lesser known militant organizations played on local levels throughout much of the rural South. Many times in these areas the Federal government did not always have complete control over to enforce such laws like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 or Voting Rights Act of 1965. Currently, this group is "calling for arms" in black communities both mentally and physically through the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Deacons are a segment of the larger tradition of Black Power in the United States. This tradition began with the inception of African slavery in the U.S. and began with the use of Africans as chattel slaves in the Western Hemisphere. Stokely Carmichael defines Black Power as, “The goal of black self-determination and black self-identity—Black Power—is full participation in the decision-making processes affecting the lives of black people, and recognition of the virtues in themselves as black people.”[1] Those of us who advocate Black Power are quite clear in our own minds that a “non-violent” approach to civil rights is an approach black people cannot afford and a luxury white people do not deserve.[1] This refers to the idea that the traditional ideas and values of the Civil Rights Movement placated to the emotions and feelings of White liberal supporters rather than Black Americans who had to consistently live with the racism and other acts of violence that was shown towards them. The Deacons were a driving force of Black Power that Stokely Carmichael echoed. Carmichael speaks about the Deacons when he writes, “Here is a group which realized that the ‘law’ and law enforcement agencies would not

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protect people, so they had to do it themselves...The Deacons and all other blacks who resort to self-defense represent a simple answer to a simple question: what man would not defend his family and home from attack?”[1] The Deacons, according to Carmichael and many others were the protection that the Civil Rights needed on local levels, as well as, the ones who intervened in places that the state and federal government fell short.

History The Deacons were not the first champions of armed-defense during the Civil Rights Movement. Many activists and other proponents of non-violence protected themselves with guns. Fannie Lou Hamer, the eloquently blunt Mississippi militant who outraged Lyndon B. Johnson at the 1964 Democratic Convention, confessed that she kept several loaded guns under her bed.[2] Others such as Robert F. Williams also practiced self-defense. Williams transformed his local NAACP branch into an armed self-defense unit, for which transgression he was denounced by the NAACP and hounded by the federal government (he found asylum in Cuba).[2] Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was no stranger to the idea of self-defense. According to Annelieke Dirks, “Even Martin Luther King Jr.—the icon of nonviolence—employed armed bodyguards and had guns in his house during the early stages of the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1956. Glenn Smiley, an organizer of the strictly nonviolent and pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), observed during a house visit that the police did not allow King a weapon permit, but that ‘the place is an arsenal."[3] Efforts from those like Smiley convinced Dr. King that any sort of weapons or “self-defense” could not be associated with someone like him in the position that he held. Dr. King agreed. In many areas of the “Deep South” the federal and state governments had no control of local authorities and groups that did not want to follow the laws enacted. One of these groups, the Ku Klux Klan, is one of the most well-known and widely publicized organizations that openly practiced acts of violence and segregation based on race. As part of their strategy to intimidate this community [African Americans], the Ku Klux Klan initiated a “campaign of terror” that included harassment, the burning of crosses on the lawns of African-American voters, the destruction (by fire) of five churches, a Masonic hall, and a Baptist center, and murder.[4] These incidents were not isolated but a significant amount of this victimization of African-Americans occurred in Jonesboro, Louisiana in 1964. Not wanting to fall victims any longer to groups like the Klan the African-American community felt that a response of action was crucial in curbing this terrorism because of the lack of support and protection by State and Federal authorities. A group of African American men in Jonesboro, Louisiana led by Earnest "Chilly Willy" Thomas and Frederick Douglas Kirkpatrick founded the group in November of 1964 to protect civil rights workers, their communities and their families, against the violence of the Ku Klux Klan. Most of the Deacons were war veterans with combat experience from the Korean War and World War II. The Jonesboro chapter later organized a Deacons chapter in Bogalusa, Louisiana led by Charles Sims, A.Z. Young and Robert Hicks. The Jonesboro chapter initiated a regional organizing campaign and eventually formed 21 chapters in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. The militant Deacons' confrontation with the Klan in Bogalusa was instrumental in forcing the federal government to invervene on behalf of the black community and enforce the 1964 Civil Rights Act and neutralize the Klan. Ernest “Chilly Willy” Thomas was born in Jonesboro, Louisiana, on November 20, 1935. Being born in a time of extreme segregation in places like Jonesboro, Thomas understood that things were secured by force rather than moral appeal. Civil Rights organization CORE had a freedom house in Jonesboro which became the target of the Klan. The practice, referred to as “nigger knocking,” was a time honored tradition among whites in the rural South.[5] Because of repeated attacks on the Freedom House, the Black community responded. Earnest Thomas was one of the first volunteers to guard the house. According to Lance Hill, “Thomas was eager to work with CORE, but he had reservations about the nonviolent terms imposed by the young activists.”[5] Thomas, who had military training, quickly emerged as the leader of this budding defense organization that would guard the Jonesboro community in the day with their guns concealed and carried their guns openly during the cover of night to discouraged any type of Klan activity.

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There is no definitive answer on how the group obtained their name. There are many accounts but according to Lance Hill [6] the most plausible explanation is, “the name was a portmanteau that evolved over a period of time, combining the CORE staff’s first appellation of ‘deacons’ with the tentative name chosen in November 1964: ‘Justice and Defense Club’. By January 1965 the group had arrived at is permanent name, ‘Deacons for Defense and Justice.’”[5] The organization wanted to maintain a level of respectability and identify with traditionally accepted symbols of peace and moral values. As one ex- wrote in a lyric of a song, “the term ‘deacons’ was selected to beguile local whites by portraying the organization as an innocent church group...”[5] The work of the Deacons is the subject of a 2003 Television movie, Deacons for Defense. The film, produced by Showtime stars academy-award winner Forest Whitaker, Ossie Davis and Jonathan Silverman. The film is based on the actual Deacons for Defense and their struggle to fight against the Jim Crow South in a powerful area of Louisana that is controlled by the Ku Klux Klan. The film bases the story around a white-owned factory that controls the economy of the local society and the effects of racism and intimidation on the lives of the African-American community. The film follows the psychological transition of a family and community members from ones that believe in a strict non-violent stance to ones that believe in self-defense.[7]

Role The Deacons were very instrumental in many campaigns led by the Civil Rights Movement. A good example of this is The June 1966 March Against Fear, which went from Memphis, Tennessee to Jackson, Mississippi. The March Against Fear signified a shift in character and power in the southern civil rights movement and was an event that the Deacons participated in. Scholar Akinyele O. Umoja speaks about the group’s effort more specifically. According to Umoja it was the urging of Stokely Carmichael that the Deacons were to be used as security for the march. Many times protection from the federal or state government was either inadequate of not given, even while knowing that groups like the Klan would commit violent acts against civil rights workers. An example of this was the Freedom Ride where many non-violent activists became the targets of assault for angry White mobs. After some debate and discussion many of the civil rights leaders comprised their strict non-violent beliefs and allowed the Deacons to be used. One such person was Dr. King. Umoja states, “Finally, though expressing reservations, King conceded to Carmichael’s proposals to maintain unity in the march and the movement. The involvement and association of the Deacons with the march signified a shift in the civil rights movement, which had been popularly projected as a ‘nonviolent movement.”‘[8] Umoja suggests that ideological shifts in the movement were becoming apparent even before the March Against Fear. By 1965, both SNCC and CORE supported armed self-defense. National CORE leadership, including James Farmer, publicly acknowledged a relationship between CORE and the Deacons for Defense in Louisana.[8] This alliance between to the two organizations highlighted the support and concept of armed self-defense many southern-born Black people embraced. A significant portion of SNCC’s southern-born leadership and staff also supported armed self-defense.[8] The Deacons had a relationship with other civil rights groups that advocated and practiced non-violence: the willingness of the Deacons to provide low-key armed guards facilitated the ability of groups such as the NAACP and CORE to stay, at least formally, within their own parameters of non-violence.[9] Although many local chapters felt it was necessary to maintain a level of security by either practicing self-defense as some CORE, SNCC, and NAACP local chapters did, the national level of all these organizations still maintained the idea of non-violence to achieve civil rights. Nonetheless,in some cases,their willingness to respond to violence with violence, led to tension between the Deacons and the nonviolent civil rights workers whom they sought to protect.Organizations like SNCC, CORE, and SCLC all had major roles in exposing the brutal tactics that were being used against Black people in America, particularly to Southern Blacks. This was seen as crucial to getting legislation passed that would protect African-Americans from this oppression and help develop their status of equality in America. However, according to Lance Hill, author of, The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, “the hard truth is

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that these organizations produced few victories in their local projects in the Deep South—if success is measured by the ability to force changes in local government policy and create self-governing and sustainable local organizations that could survive when the national organizations departed...The Deacons’ campaigns frequently resulted in substantial and unprecedented victories at the local level, producing real power and self-sustaining organizations.”[10] According to Hill, this is the true resistance that enforced civil rights in areas of the Deep South. Many times it was local (armed) communities that laid the foundation of equal opportunities for African-Americans. National organizations played their role of exposing the problems but it was local organizations and individuals who implemented these rights and were not fearful of reactionary Whites who wanted to keep segregation alive. Without these local organizations pushing for their rights, and many times, using self-defense tactics not much would have changed according to scholars like Hill. An example of this type of force needed that made substantial change in the Deep South took place in early 1965. Black students picketing the local high school were confronted by hostile police and fire trucks with hoses. A car of four Deacons emerged and in view of the police calmly loaded their shotguns. The police ordered the fire truck to withdraw. This was the first time in the twentieth century, as Lance Hill observes, “an armed black organization had successfully used weapons go defend a lawful protest against an attack by law enforcement.”[2] Another example as Hill writes is, “In Jonesboro, the Deacons made history when they compelled Louisiana governor John McKeithen to intervene in the city’s civil rights crisis and require a compromise with city leaders—the first capitulation to the civil rights movement by a Deep South governor.”[11] Not much history of the Civil Rights Movement is focused on organizations like the Deacons because of a number of reasons. First, the dominant ideology of the Civil Rights Movement is one of practicing non-violence and this overarching view has been the only accepted way to think about the Civil Rights Movement. Second, the threats to the livelihood of the members required secrecy to be maintained. The Deacons kept their membership secret to avoid terrorist attacks on their supporters, and they recruited mature and male members, contrasting with informal self-defense efforts in which women and teenagers also played a role.[3] Finally, with the shift to more Northern Black plight and the idea of Black Power emerging in major cities across America the Deacons became the news of yesterday and organizations like The Black Panther Party gained notoriety and became the publicized militant Black organization. The tactics of the Deacons attracted the attention and concern of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which commenced an investigation of the group. In the years to follow, the bureau produced more than 1,500 pages of comprehensive and relatively accurate records on the Deacon’s activities, largely through numerous informants close to or even inside the organization.[12] Members of the Deacons repeatedly were questioned and intimidated by F.B.I. agents. One member Harvey Johnson was “interviewed” by two agents who asked only about the idea of how the Deacons obtained their weapons. No such questions about Klan activity or police brutality were ever asked.[12] In February 1965 after a New York Times article was produced about the Deacons J. Edgar Hoover became interested in the group. Lance Hill offers Hoover’s reaction which was sent to the field offices of the Bureau in Louisiana, “Because of the potential for violence indicated, you are instructed to immediately initiate an investigation of the DDJ [Deacons for Defense and Justice].”[12] Since being exposed in the late 1970’s the FBI under its COINTELPRO program became involved in many illegal activities that monitored organizations that it deemed “a threat to the American way”. The Deacons, opposing White dominance, clearly became an organization that would have fell under this category for the FBI to monitor.However, with the advent of other militant Black Power organizations and the Black Power Movement becoming the more visible movement towards the later part of the 1960’s and early 1970’s, the involvement of the Deacons in the civil rights movement declined, with the presence of the Deacons all but vanishing by 1968.[1] Roy Innis has said of the Deacons that they "forced the Klan to re-evaluate their actions and often change their undergarments", according to Ken Blackwell.[13]

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Deacons for Defense and Justice 201

References

[1] Carmichael, Stokely (1967), "Blackpower" (http:/ / us. history. wisc. edu/ hist102/ pdocs/ carmichael_blackpower. pdf), in Hamilton, Charles V., Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, pp. 44–56,

[2] "By Any Means Necessary" (http:/ / www. thenation. com/ doc/ 20040705/ marqusee). Thenation.com. . Retrieved 2010-04-12. [3] "Project MUSE - Journal for the Study of Radicalism - Between Threat and Reality: The National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People and the Emergence of Armed Self-Defense in Clarksdale and Natchez, Mississippi, 1960-1965" (http:/ / muse. jhu. edu/

journals/ journal_for_the_study_of_radicalism/ v001/ 1. 1dirks. pdf). Muse.jhu.edu. . Retrieved 2010-04-12.

[4] "Understanding Self-Defense.pmd" (http:/ / www. civilrightsteaching. org/ Handouts/ UnderstandingSelf-Defense. pdf) (PDF). . Retrieved 2010-04-12. [5] Hill, Lance. The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement. 1st. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 24, 2004. Print.

[6] http:/ / www. southerninstitute. info/ contact_us/ lance_bio. html

[7] http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0335034/ plotsummary

[8] "Journal of Black Studies - Sign In Page" (http:/ / jbs. sagepub. com/ cgi/ reprint/ 29/ 4/ 558. pdf). Jbs.sagepub.com. . Retrieved 2010-04-12.

[9] Mike Marqusee (5 July 2004). "By Any Means Necessary" (http:/ / www. thenation. com/ doc/ 20040705/ marqusee). The Nation. pp. 54–56. . Retrieved 2007-04-07. Review of Lance Hill's book (see the Further reading section). [10] Hill, Lance. The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement. 1st. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. 264-265. Print. [11] Hill, Lance. The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement. 1st. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. 265. Print. [12] Hill, Lance. The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement. 1st. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 53, 2004. 264-265. Print.

[13] Ken Blackwell (6 February 2007). "Second Amendment Freedoms Aided the Civil Rights Movement" (http:/ / www. townhall. com/

columnists/ KenBlackwell/ 2007/ 02/ 06/ second_amendment_freedoms_aided_the_civil_rights_movement). Townhall.com. . Retrieved 2007-04-07.

Further reading • The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement, Lance Hill, University of North Carolina Press (2004, ISBN 0-8078-2847-5).

External links

• "Niggers Ain't Gonna Run This Town" (http:/ / www. loyno. edu/ ~history/ journal/ 1997-8/ Hague. html) a prize-winning student paper

• The Education of Lance Hill (http:/ / www. bestofneworleans. com/ gambit/ the-education-of-lance-hill/ Content?oid=1243021) How Lance Hill came to write The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement

• Deacons for Defense 2003 TV movie (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0335034/ ) at the Internet Movie Database

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Omali Yeshitela 202 Omali Yeshitela

Omali Yeshitela (born Joseph Waller, October 9, 1941, St. Petersburg, Florida) the founder of the Uhuru Movement a left wing, African Internationalist organization based in St. Petersburg, Florida.

Early background Yeshitela participated in the American Civil Rights Movement in his youth during the 1950s and 1960s as a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. At the height of the civil rights movement in St. Petersburg, Waller was jailed for an act of civil disobedience in 1966, when he tore a mural in City Hall depicting degrading caricatures of African Americans. Waller spent two and a half years in jail and prison. After his release, he was stripped of his right to vote for decades until Governor and three members of Florida's Cabinet restored his voting rights in 2000.

Civic activism In his civic activism in his native St. Petersburg, Yeshitela has stressed his view that political and economic development will bring peace to African American neighborhoods. Yeshitela came under national attention in October–November 1996 when civil disturbances in predominantly African American South St. Petersburg were triggered by the police killing of Tyron Lewis, an 18-year-old African American motorist who had attempted the kill a police officer with a car. Yeshitela condemned the killing as the culmination of a long pattern of repressive and racist measures by the St. Petersburg Police Department in African American neighborhoods, and rallied support for the victim's family in the black community. As a result of the community outcry, the city came under federal scrutiny, leading to a meeting between Yeshitela and HUD Secretary Henry Cisneros, who was sent to the city by President Bill Clinton in answer to the disturbances. After meeting with the veteran civil rights leader, Cisneros warned the city council that the African American community's problems with the police were deeply rooted and that the demands of the community must be heard and called Yeshitela one of the most "admirable leadership figures" he had ever encountered. [1] According to the former HUD Secretary, Yeshitela is "a person who touches lives in a serious way." "I found him a thoughtful person who had some important things to say," said Cisneros. Yeshitela served on St. Petersburg Mayor David Fischer's Challenge 2001 Steering Committee and on the St. Petersburg Housing Authority's Hope VI Advisory Committee, two projects dedicated to attracting jobs and investment to South St. Petersburg. He has also chaired the political action committee of the Coalition of African American Leadership, made up of a number of black churches and civil rights groups in the area, and served on the board of radio station WMNF community radio. Along with eight other candidates, Yeshitela made a run for mayorship in February 2001. Although he did not make it to the runoff, he won every African American and mixed precinct but one in the entire city. Yeshitela is also the founder of Citizens United for a Shared Prosperity.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Omali Yeshitela 203

Uhuru movement The Uhuru Movement refers to a group of organizations under the principle of "African internationalism," or the liberation of Africans in both the continent of Africa and in the African Diaspora. 'Uhuru' is a Swahili word for freedom. The Movement is led by Yeshitela's African People's Socialist Party (APSP). The APSP has formed several organizations, each with specific tasks and purpose. Affiliated organizations include The International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement, African Socialist International, African People's Solidarity Committee, and Burning Spear Productions, the African People's Education and Defense fund and the All African People's Development and Empowerment Project. In May 1972, after his release from prison, Yeshitela founded the St. Petersburg-based African People's Socialist Party (APSP), a political party founded on an ideology combining black nationalism and socialism called "African internationalism." [2] Yeshitela later set up an organization for white people to join in solidarity with the APSP's goals, the African People's Solidarity Committee. Later, the APSP formed the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement to work under the guiding principle that the only way for Africans to achieve liberation and self-determination is to struggle for an all-African socialist government under the leadership of African workers and poor peasants. Yeshitela has also established the African People's Education and Defense Fund, which seeks to address disparities in education and health faced by African Africans, and Burning Spear Productions, the publishing arm of the APSP. The APSP is affiliated with the African Socialist International, an organization Yeshitela helped establish that seeks to unite African socialists and national liberation movements under a single revolutionary umbrella in opposition to imperialism and neocolonialism. He calls for reparations for the black community. Yeshitela has set up a coalition promoting reparations for slavery, arguing that African people worldwide are due reparations for more than slavery, but also over 500 years of colonialism and neocolonialism. [3]

Popular Culture Excerpts of a Yeshitela speech are played in multiple tracks of the album Let's Get Free by the hip hop duo Dead Prez.

Publications Self-published with Burning Spear Uhuru Publications / African People's Socialist Party: • One Africa! One Nation! (2006), ISBN 978-1891624049 • Omali Yeshitela Speaks: African Internationalism, Political Theory for our Time (2005) • Social Justice and Economic Development for the African Community: Why I became a Revolutionary (1997) • The Dialectics of Black Revolution: The Struggle to Defeat the Counterinsurgency in the U.S. (1997) • Izwe Lethu i Afrika! (Africa is Our Land) (1991) • On African internationalism (1978)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Omali Yeshitela 204

References • Enhancing Police Integrity, by Carl B. Klockars, Sanja Kutnjak Ivković, Maria R. Haberfeld, 2006 (ISBN-13 978-0-387-36954-9) • Uhuru Are You? Meet the little-known black power group behind a well-known institution [4], by Tom Dreisbach , Philadelphia Citypaper, August 12, 2009. • Officials in St. Petersburg Call Racial Unrest 'Calculated' [5], by Mireya Navarro , New York Times, November 15, 1996. • Effort to Heal Old Racial Wounds Brings New Discord [6], by Rick Bragg, New York Times, July 3, 1999. • "NAACP-Connected Black Radical Praises Connecticut Mass-Murderer" [7], by David Stein, Yes, But However!, August 12, 2010.

External links • Official Website of African Socialist International [8] • APSP Website [9] • Dead Prez Lets Get Free [10], a Dead Prez album featuring recordings of Omali Yeshitela • International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement [11] • Uhuru Africa Club [12] • Uhuru Movement [13] • Burning Spear Uhuru Publications [14] • [15] • [16]

References

[1] http:/ / www. stpetersburgtimes. com/ News/ 121200/ news_pf/ Floridian/ Yeshitela_may_ultimat. shtml

[2] http:/ / apspuhuru. org/ apsp/ history

[3] http:/ / burningspearuhuru. com/ 0403_point. html

[4] http:/ / citypaper. net/ articles/ 2009/ 08/ 13/ uhuru-philadelphia

[5] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9406E5DC173AF936A25752C1A960958260& n=Top/ Reference/ Times%20Topics/

Subjects/ D/ Demonstrations%20and%20Riots

[6] http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9E0CE7D9123DF930A35754C0A96F958260

[7] http:/ / yesbuthowever. com/ -radical-praises-mass-murderer-9000084/

[8] http:/ / asiuhuru. org/

[9] http:/ / www. apspuhuru. org/

[10] http:/ / www. lyrics. net. ua/ song/ 77229

[11] http:/ / www. inpdum. org/

[12] http:/ / www. uhuruafrica. org

[13] http:/ / www. uhurumovement. org/

[14] http:/ / burningspearuhuru. com

[15] http:/ / tampabay. com

[16] http:/ / baynews9. com

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer African independence movements 205 African independence movements

The African Independence Movements took place in the 20th century, when a wave of struggles for independence in European-ruled African territories were witnessed. Notable militant independence of black or Arab majority rule movements took place: • Algeria (former French Algeria), see • Angola (former Portuguese Angola), see Portuguese Colonial War • Guinea-Bissau (former Portuguese Guinea), see Portuguese Colonial War • Kenya (former British Kenya), see Mau Mau Uprising • Mozambique (former Portuguese Mozambique), see Portuguese Colonial War • Namibia (former South West Africa) – against South Africa, see Namibian War of Independence and South African Border War • South Africa – against local white minority rule in the independent country. • Zimbabwe (former Southern Rhodesia) – against local white minority rule in the unrecognized country, see Rhodesian Bush War

British overseas territories

British Kenya British-ruled Kenya was the place of pro-independence rebellion from 1952 to 1960, an insurgency by Kenyan rebels against the British colonialist rule. The core of the resistance was formed by members of the Kikuyu ethnic group, along with smaller numbers of Embu and Meru. The uprising hastened Kenyan independence in 1963.

French overseas territories

French Algeria Many Algerians had fought as French soldiers during the Second World War. Thus Muslim Algerians felt all the more unfair that their votes were not equal to the other Algerians especially after 1947 when the Algerian Assembly was created. This assembly was composed of 120 members. Muslim Algerians who represented about 9 million people could designate 50% of the Assembly members while 900,000 non-Muslim Algerians could designate the other half. Moreover, a massacre occurred in Sétif May 8, 1945. It opposed Algerians who were demonstrating for their national claim to the French Army. After skirmishes with police, Algerians killed about 100 ethnic French. The French army retaliated harshly. 45,000 Algerians probably died. It triggered a radicalization of Algerian nationalists and it can be considered the beginning of the Algerian War. In 1956, about 512,000 French soldiers were in Algeria. No resolution was imaginable in the short term. A overwhelming majority of French politicians were opposed to the idea of independence while independence was gaining ground in Muslim Algerians' mind. France was mired and the Fourth Republic collapsed on this issue. In 1958, Charles de Gaulle's return to power was supposed to bring back Algeria in the bosom of France as thought French generals in Algeria. But pragmatism impelled De Gaulle to consent independence in 1962 after an aborted military coup in Algeria.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer African independence movements 206

Portuguese overseas territories Portugal built a five-century-long global empire. Portuguese overseas expansion began in the 15th century, thanks to several factors that gave the small coastal nation an advantage over its larger European neighbors. First, in the 14th century, Portuguese shipbuilders invented several new techniques that made sailing in the stormy Atlantic Ocean more practical. They combined elements of different types of ships to construct stronger, roomier and more maneuverable caravels. They also took advantage of more reliable compasses for navigation, and benefitted from the school for navigation created by Prince Henry the Navigator (1394–1460) at Sagres in 1419. Starting with voyages to Madeira and the Azores (islands in the Atlantic) in the first part of the 14th century, the Portuguese systematically extended their explorations as far as Japan by the 16th century. In the process, they established forts and settlements along the West and East African coasts. In the 16th through 18th centuries, the Portuguese lost their lead to other European nations, notably England and France, but played a major role in the slave trade to satisfy the demand for labor in Brazil and other American markets. By the beginning of the 19th century, Portugal controlled outposts at six locations in Africa. One was the Cape Verde Islands, located about 700 miles due west of Dakar, Senegal. Claimed for Portugal by Diogo Gomes about 1458, this archipelago of eight major islands was devoted to sugar cultivation using slaves taken from the African mainland. The Portuguese once had extensive claims on the West African coast—since they were the first Europeans to explore it systematically—but by 1800 they were left with only a few ports at the mouth of the Rio Geba in what is now known as the Guinea-Bissau. To the east, the Portuguese controlled the islands of São Tomé and Príncipe, located south of the mouth of the Niger River. Like the Cape Verde Islands, they were converted to sugar production in the early 16th century using slaves acquired on the mainland in the vicinity of the Congo River. By the end of the 19th century, Portuguese landowners had successfully introduced cocoa production using forced African labor. Further south, the Portuguese claimed both sides of the mouth of the Congo River, as well as the Atlantic coast as far south as the Rio Cunene. In practical terms, Portugal controlled port cities like those of Cabinda (north of the Congo River mouth), Ambriz (south of the Congo's mouth), Luanda and Benguela (on the Angolan coast) plus some river towns in the Angolan interior. The last area claimed by Portugal in Africa was along the southeast coast on either side of the mouth of the Zambezi River. After reaching this area, known as the Swahili Coast, at the end of the 15th century, the Portuguese came to dominate most of it by the end of the 16th century. During the 17th century, they lost control of everything north of Cape Delgado to Arabs from Oman (who established the ), leaving them with major ports at Mozambique, Quelimane, and Lourenço Marques, plus settlements along the Zambezi and other rivers. Despite these holdings, the Portuguese hold in Africa was problematic. The first cause was the small size of Portugal's population, coupled with the lack of popular support for overseas empire. Exploration and conquest began as an enterprise supported by the nobility, and Portuguese peasants rarely participated unless forced to do so. When the common people of Portugal did chose to emigrate, they were much more likely to head to Brazil and other territories than to Africa. To induce Europeans to move to its African holdings, the Portuguese government resorted to releasing degradados—convicted criminals—from prison in exchange for accepting what amounted to exile in Africa. Angola, in particular, gained a reputation as a Portuguese penal colony. Also, since the European population remained almost entirely male, the Portuguese birth rate was negligible, although plenty of "Afro-Lusitanians" were born to African mothers. As a result, the European population of Portugal's African settlements was never very large, and community leaders were just as likely to owe their loyalty to local African governments as they did to the distant Portuguese government. A second cause of weakness in Portuguese Africa was the effects of three centuries of Atlantic slave trade which had roots in the older African slave trade. Once the Atlantic triangular trade got underway, many Portuguese (including many Brazilian traders) in Africa found little incentive to engage in any other kind of profitable economic activity. The economies of Guinea, Angola and Mozambique became almost entirely devoted to the export of slaves to the New World (plus gold and ivory where they were available) while on the islands, slaves were used to grow sugar for export. Colonial authorities did nothing to stop the slave trade, which had sympathizers even among the several

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native African tribes, and many became wealthy by supporting it, while the traders themselves generated huge profits with which they secured allies in Africa and Portugal. Although anti-slavery efforts became organized in Europe in the 18th century, the slave trade only came to an end in the early 19th century, thanks in large part to English efforts to block shipping to the French during the Napoleonic Wars. Portugal was one of the first countries in the world to outlaw slavery, and did it so in mainland Portugal during the 18th century. The Portuguese government ended colonial slavery in stages with a final decree in 1858 that outlawed slavery in the overseas empire. The gradual pace of abolition was due to the strength of pro-slavery forces in Portuguese politics, Brazil and in Africa, they interfered with colonial administrators who challenged long-established and powerful commercial interests. The Napoleonic Wars added a new force to the Portuguese political scene—republicanism—introduced as an alternative to the monarchy by French troops in 1807. The French invasion induced the Portuguese royal family to make the controversial decision to flee to Brazil (on English ships), from where they ruled until 1821. By the time King João VI returned to Lisbon, he faced a nobility divided in their support for him personally, plus a middle class that wanted a constitutional monarchy. During Joao VI's reign (1821–1826) and that of his successors—Peter IV (1826–1831), Maria (1833–1853), Peter V (1853–1861), Louis I (1861–1889), and Carlos (1889–1908)—there was a civil war that lasted from 1826 to 1834, a long period characterized by what one author called "ministerial instability and chronic insurrection" from 1834 to 1853, and finally the end of the monarchy when both Carlos and his heir were assassinated on February 1, 1908. Under those circumstances, colonial officials appointed by governments in Lisbon were more concerned with politics at home than with administering their African territories. As it did everywhere else, the Industrial Revolution stimulated change in Portuguese Africa. It created a demand for tropical raw materials like vegetable oils, cotton, cocoa and rubber, and it also created a need for markets to purchase the expanded quantity of goods issuing from factories. In Portugal's case, most of the factories were located in England, which had had a special relationship with Portugal ever since Philippa, the daughter of England's John of Gaunt, married John of Avis, the founder of the Portuguese royal family. Prodded by Napoleon's invasion and English support for the royal family's escape to Brazil, King João and his successors eliminated tariffs, ended trade monopolies and generally opened the way for British merchants to become dominant in the Portuguese empire. At times, that caused friction, such as when both British and Portuguese explorers claimed the Shire Highlands (located in modern Malawi), but for the most part Great Britain supported the Portuguese position in exchange for incorporating Portugal's holdings into the British economic sphere. With neither a large European population nor African wage earners, the Portuguese colonies offered poor markets for manufactured goods from the private sector. Consequently, industrialization arrived in the form of government programs designed to improve internal communications and increase the number of European settlers. During the late 1830s, the government headed by Marquis Sá da Bandeira tried to encourage Portuguese farmers to migrate to Angola, with little success. Between 1845 and 1900, the European population of Angola rose from 1,832 to only about 9,000. European migration to Mozambique showed slightly better results—about 11,000 in 1911—but many were British from South Africa rather than Portuguese. The other major force for change was the rivalries that developed between European nations in the century between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the outbreak of World War I. Forbidden from fighting each other by the "balance of power" established by the Treaty of Vienna, they competed in other ways including scientific discoveries, athletic competitions, exploration and proxy wars. Although not a major power anymore, Portugal participated in the competition, especially by sending out explorers to solidify their claim to all of the land between Angola and Mozambique. That bought them into conflict with men like Cecil Rhodes, whose own vision of an empire from "Cape to Cairo" required that the British gain control over the same land (see British Ultimatum). European rivalries appeared most often as commercial competition, and in 19th century Africa, that included the right to move goods by steamboat along rivers. The British had a head start thanks to their early adoption of steam technology and their supremacy on the high seas. They became the strongest proponents of the principle of "free

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trade" which prohibited countries from creating legal barriers to another country's merchants. Occasionally, Portuguese leaders resisted, but the British alliance provided sufficient benefits to convince various administrations to go along (although they faced revolts at home and in their colonies). It was Portugal's claim to the land on either side of the mouth of the Congo River that triggered the events leading up to the Congress of Berlin. That claim, which dated from Diogo Cão's voyage in 1484, gave Portugal places from which naval patrols could control access to Africa's largest river system. The British eyed this arrangement with suspicion for years, but paid tariffs (like everyone else) for the right to trade there, mostly for slaves. After the abolition of slavery got underway, the Portuguese dragged their heels, so in 1839 the British government declared its right to inspect Portuguese ships for evidence of slave trading with or without Portuguese consent. That stirred the Portuguese to action, and in a subsequent series of agreements made in the 1840s, the British acquired the right to land their ships to land where no Portuguese authorities were present. When the Portuguese refused to renew the agreement in 1853, the British ceased paying tariffs at the ports on either side of the Congo River mouth, claiming that Portugal's claim had expired because they had left the area unoccupied for too long. Portugal reoccupied the ports of Cabinda and Ambriz in 1855, and relations with Great Britain improved after that. The dispute set a precedent, however, that effective occupation was a prerequisite for recognition of colonial claims. The question continued to reappear until 1885 when it was enshrined in the agreements that emanated from the Congress of Berlin. The final straw was the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty signed on February 26, 1884. It granted exclusive navigation rights on the Congo River to Britain in exchange for British guarantees of Portugal's control of the coast at the mouth of the Congo River. Most significantly, it prevented the French from taking advantage of treaties signed by one of its explorers (Savorgnan de Brazza) with Africans living along the north side of the Congo River. International protests forced the two countries to abandon the treaty in June 1884, and Bismarck used the controversy to call the Congress of Berlin later that year. The Portuguese were the first Europeans to claim territory in sub-Saharan Africa, and their example inspired imitation from other European powers. For the British, the Portuguese were acceptable proxies in the competition with France, Russia and Germany for world domination. For Portuguese governments, the British alliance gave them influence that they could not command themselves, while the idea of a Portuguese empire offered something with which to distract domestic opponents from the struggles initiated by the Napoleonic Wars. The issues that were raised by Portugal's claims in Africa and the efforts of other countries to whittle them down became the fundamental issues of the Congress of Berlin. In the end, the Congress settled more than the future of Portugal's African holdings—it also set the rules for any European government which wished to establish an empire in Africa. In the 1950s, after World War II, several African territories became independent from their European rulers, but the oldest Europe-ruled territories, those ruled by Portugal, were rebranded "Overseas Provinces" from the former designation as Portuguese colonies. This was a firm effort of Portugal's authorities to preserve its old African possessions abroad and refuse any claims of independence. This was followed by a wave of strong economic and social developments in all Portuguese Africa, in particular the overseas provinces of Angola and Mozambique. By the 1960s, several organizations were founded to support independence's claims of the Portuguese overseas provinces in Africa. They were mostly entirely based and supported from outside Portugal's territories. Headquartered and managed in countries like Senegal, Tanzania, Algeria, Guinea and Ethiopia, these guerrilla movements sought weapons, financing and political support in Eastern Bloc's communist states and the People's Republic of China. A Cold War conflict in Portuguese Africa was about to start. Marxist-Leninist and Maoist ideologies, backed by countries like the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China were behind the nationalist guerrilla movements created to attack Portuguese possessions and claim independence. The USA and other countries, in order to counter communist growing influence in the region also started to support some nationalist guerrillas in their fight against Portugal. The series of guerrilla wars involving Portugal and several armed nationalist

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groups from Africa in its overseas provinces of Angola, Guinea, and Mozambique, become known as the Portuguese Colonial War (Guerra Colonial or Guerra do Ultramar).

African nationalism in Portuguese Africa

Portuguese Angola

In Portuguese Angola, the rebellion of the ZSN was taken up by the União das Populações de Angola (UPA), which changed its name to Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (FNLA) in 1962. On February 4, 1961, the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola took credit for the attack on the prison of Luanda, where seven policemen were killed. On March 15, 1961, the UPA, in a tribal attack, started the massacre of white populations and black workers born in other regions of Angola. This region would be retaken by large military operations that, however, would not stop the spread of the guerrilla actions to other regions of Angola, such as Cabinda, the east, the southeast and the central plateaus. Portuguese soldiers in Angola.

Portuguese Guinea

In Portuguese Guinea, the Marxist African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) started fighting in January 1963. Its guerrilla fighters attacked the Portuguese headquarters in Tite, located to the south of Bissau, the capital, near the Corubal river . Similar actions quickly spread across the entire colony, requiring a strong response from the Portuguese forces.

The war in Guinea placed face to face Amílcar Cabral, the leader of PAIGC, and António de Spínola, the Portuguese general responsible for the local military operations. In 1965 the war spread to the eastern part of the country and in that same year the PAIGC carried out attacks in the north of the country where at the time only the minor guerrilla movement, the Frente de Luta pela Independência Nacional da Guiné (FLING), was fighting. By that time, the PAIGC started receiving military support from the Socialist Bloc, mainly from Cuba, a support A PAIGC soldier with an AK-47 that would last until the end of the war.

In Guinea the Portuguese troops mainly took a defensive position, limiting themselves to keeping the territories they already held. This kind of action was particularly devastating to the Portuguese troops who were constantly attacked by the forces of the PAIGC. They were also demoralized by the steady growth of the influence of the liberation supporters among the population that was being recruited in large numbers by the PAIGC. With some strategic changes by António Spínola in the late 1960s, the Portuguese forces gained momentum and, taking the offensive, became

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a much more effective force. Between 1968 and 1972, the Portuguese forces took control of the situation and sometimes carried attacks against the PAIGC positions. At this time the Portuguese forces were also adopting subversive means to counter the insurgents, attacking the political structure of the nationalist movement. This strategy culminated in the assassination of Amílcar Cabral in January 1973. Nonetheless, the PAIGC continued to fight back and pushed the Portuguese forces to the limit. This became even more visible after PAIGC received anti-aircraft weapons provided by the Soviets, especially the SA-7 rocket launchers, thus undermining the Portuguese PAIGC's checkpoint in 1974 air superiority.

Portuguese Mozambique Portuguese Mozambique was the last territory to start the war of liberation. Its nationalist movement was led by the Marxist-Leninist Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO), which carried out the first attack against Portuguese targets on September 24, 1964, in Chai, province of Cabo Delgado. The fighting later spread to Niassa, Tete at the centre of the country. A report from Battalion No. 558 of the Portuguese army makes references to violent actions, also in Cabo Delgado, on August 21, 1964. On November 16 of the same year, the Portuguese troops suffered their first losses fighting in the north of the country, in the region of Xilama. By this time, the size of the guerrilla movement had substantially increased; this, along with the low numbers of Portuguese troops and colonists, allowed a steady increase in FRELIMO's strength. It quickly started moving south in the direction of Meponda and Mandimba, linking to Tete with the aid of Malawi. Until 1967 the FRELIMO showed less interest in Tete region, putting its efforts on the two northernmost districts of the country where the use of landmines became very common. In the region of Niassa, FRELIMO's intention was to create a free corridor to Zambézia. Until April 1970, the military activity of FRELIMO increased steadily, mainly due to the strategic work of in the region of Cabo Delgado. In the early 1970s, after the Portuguese Gordian Knot Operation, the nationalist guerrilla was severely damaged.

Role of the Organisation of African Unity The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded May 1963. Its basic principles were co-operation between African nations and solidarity between African peoples. Another important objective of the OAU was an end to all forms of colonialism in Africa. This became the major objective of the organization in its first years and soon OAU pressure led to the situation in the Portuguese colonies being brought up at the UN Security Council. The OAU established a committee based in Dar es Salaam, with representatives from Ethiopia, Algeria, Uganda, Egypt, Tanzania, Zaire, Guinea, Senegal and Nigeria, to support African liberation movements. The support provided by the committee included military training and weapon supplies. The OAU also took action in order to promote the international acknowledgment of the legitimacy of the Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE), composed by the FNLA. This support was transferred to the MPLA and to its leader, Agostinho Neto in 1967. In November 1972, both movements were recognized by the OAU in order to promote their merger. After 1964, the OAU recognized PAIGC as the legitimate representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde and in 1965 recognised FRELIMO for Mozambique.

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South Africa

Early years: 1960-1976 Although the ANC and others opposed to apartheid had initially focused on non-violent campaigns, the brutality of the Sharpeville Massacre of March 21, 1960 caused many blacks to embrace the idea of violent resistance to apartheid. However, although the ANC's armed wing started its campaign in 1961, no victory was in sight by the time that Steve Biko was a medical student in the late nineteen-sixties. Even as the nation's leading opposition groups like the ANC proclaimed a commitment to armed struggle, their leaders had failed to organize a credible military effort. If their commitment to revolution had inspired many, the success of the white regime in quashing it had dampened the spirits of many. It was in this context that black students, Biko most notable among them, began critiquing the liberal whites with whom they worked in anti-apartheid student groups, as well as the official non-racialism of the ANC. They saw progress towards power as requiring the development of black power distinct from supposedly "non-racial groups." They formed the South African Students' Organization in 1969, an all-black student group, and from this grew an increasingly militant Black Consciousness Movement, including the formation of a non-student organization, the Black People's Convention (BPC). This new Black Consciousness Movement not only called for resistance to the policy of Apartheid, freedom of speech, and more rights for South African blacks who were oppressed by the white Apartheid regime, but also black pride and a readiness to make blackness, rather than simple liberal democracy, the rallying point of unapologetically black organizations. Importantly, the group defined black to include other "people of color" in South Africa, most notably the large number of South Africans of Indian descent. The movement stirred many blacks to confront not only the legal but also the cultural and psychological realities of Apartheid, seeking "not black visibility but real black participation" in society and in political struggles. Africana The gains this movement made were widespread across South Africa. Many black people felt a new sense of pride about being black as the movement helped to expose and critique the inferiority complex felt by many blacks at the time. The group formed Formation Schools to provide leadership seminars, and placed a great importance on decentralization and autonomy, with no person serving as president for more than one year (although Biko was clearly the primary leader of the movement). Early leaders of the movement such as Bennie Khoapa, Barney Pityana, Mapetla Mohapi, and Mamphela Ramphele joined Biko in establishing the Black Community Programmes (BCP) in 1970 as self-help groups for black communities, forming out of the South African Council of Churches and the Christian Institute. They also published various journals, including the Black Review, Black Voice, Black Perspective, and Creativity in Development. On top of building schools and day cares and taking part in other social projects, the BCM through the BCP was involved in the staging of the large scale protests and workers strikes which gripped the nation in 1972 and 1973, especially in Durban. Indeed, in 1973 the government of South Africa began to clamp down on the movement, claiming that their ideas of black development were treasonous, and virtually the entire leadership of SASO and BPC were banned. In late August and September 1974, after holding rallies in support of the Frelimo government which had taken power in Mozambique, many leaders of the BCM were arrested under the Terrorism Act and the Riotous Assemblies Act. Arrests under these laws allowed the suspension of the doctrine of habeas corpus, and many of those arrested were not formally charged until the next year, resulting in the arrest of the "Pretoria Twelve" and conviction of the "SASO nine", which included Maitshe Mokoape and Patrick Lekota. These were the most prominent among various public trials which gave a forum for members of the BCM to explain their philosophy and to describe the abuses that had been inflicted upon them. Far from crushing the movement, this led to its wider support among black and white South Africans. trial

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Soweto riots and BCM trajectory The Black Consciousness Movement heavily supported the protests against the policies of the apartheid regime which led to the Soweto riots in June 1976. The protests began when it was decreed that black students be forced to learn Afrikaans, and that many secondary school classes were to be taught in that language. This was another encroachment against the black population, which generally spoke indigenous languages like Zulu and Xhosa at home, and saw English as offering more prospects for mobility and economic self-sufficiency than did Afrikaans. And the notion that Afrikaans was to define the national identity stood directly against the BCM principle of the development of a unique black identity. The protest began as a non-violent demonstration before police opened fire on the crowd, killing hundreds of youths. The government's efforts to suppress the growing movement led to the imprisonment of Steve Biko, who became a symbol of the struggle. Biko died in police custody on September 12, 1977. It should be noted that Steve Biko was a non-violent activist, even though the movement he helped start eventually took up violent resistance. White newspaper editor Donald Woods supported the movement and Biko, whom he had befriended, by leaving South Africa and exposing the truth behind Biko's death at the hands of police by publishing the book Biko. One month after Biko's death, the South African government declared 17 groups associated with the Black Consciousness Movement to be illegal. Following this, many members joined more concretely political and tightly-structured parties such as the ANC, which used underground cells to maintain their organizational integrity despite banning by the government. And it seemed to some that the key goals of Black Consciousness had been attained, in that black identity and psychological liberation were growing. Nonetheless, in the months following Biko's death, activists continued to hold meetings to discuss resistance. Along with members of the BCM, a new generation of activists who had been inspired by the Soweto riots and Biko's death were present, including Bishop Desmond Tutu. Among the organizations that formed in these meetings to carry the torch of Black Consciousness was the Azanian People's Organization (AZAPO) which persists to this day. Brewer Almost immediately after the formation of AZAPO in 1978, its chairman, Ishmael Mkhabela, and secretary, Lybon Mabasa were detained under the Terrorism Act. In the following years, other groups sharing Black Consciousness principles formed, including the Azanian Confederation of Trade Unions (AZACTU), Congress of South African Students (COSAS), Azanian Student Organization (AZASO) and the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organization (PEBCO). While many of these organizations still exist in some form, some evolved and could no longer be called parts of the Black Consciousness Movement. And as the influence of the Black Consciousness Movement itself waned, the ANC was returning to its role as the clearly leading force in the resistance to white rule. Still more former members of the Black Consciousness Movement continued to join the ANC, including Thozamile Botha from PEBCO. Others formed new groups. For instance, in 1980, Pityana formed the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA), an avowedly Marxist group which used AZAPO as its political voice. Curtis Nkondo from AZAPO and many members of AZASO and the Black Consciousness Media Workers Association joined the United Democratic Front (UDF). Gibson Many groups published important newsletters and journals, such as the Kwasala of the Black Consciousness Media Workers and the London based BCMA journal, Solidarity. And beyond these groups and media outlets, the Black Consciousness Movement had an extremely broad legacy, even as the movement itself was no longer represented by a single organization. Indeed, while the Black Consciousness Movement itself spawned an array of smaller groups, many people who came of age as activists in the Black Consciousness Movement did not join them. Instead, they joined a plethora of other organizations, including the ANC, the Unity Movement, the Pan Africanist Congress, the United Democratic Front and trade and civic unions.

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Eritrea sits on a strategic location along the Red Sea, between the Suez Canal and the Bab-el-Mandeb. Because of this and the tensions of the Cold War Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia against the wishes of its population at the end of Word War II. This makes Eritrea to be the only African country that was under a European colonial rule that was denied the right of decolonization. Eritrea was an Italian colony from 1890-1941. On April 1, 1941, the British captured Asmara defeating the Italians and Eritrea fell under the British Military Administration. This military rule lasted from 1941 until 1952. On December 2, 1950, the United Nations General Assembly, by UN Resolution 390 A(V) federated Eritrea with Ethiopia. The architect of this federal act was the United States. The federation went into effect September 11, 1952. However, the federation was a non-starter for feudal Ethiopia, and it started to systematically undermine it. On December 24, 1958—the Eritrean flag was replaced by the Ethiopian flag; On May 17, 1960—The title "Government of Eritrea" of the Federation was changed to "Administration of Eritrea". Earlier Amharic was declared official language in Eritrea replacing Tigrinya and Arabic. Finally on November 14, 1962 -– Ethiopia officially annexed Eritrea as its 14th province. The people of Eritrea, after finding out peaceful resistance against Ethiopia's rule was falling on deaf ears were forced to form the Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) which was formed in 1958. The founders of these independence movement were: Mohammad Said Nawud, Saleh Ahmed Iyay, Yasin al-Gade, Mohammad al-Hassen and Said Sabr. ELM members were organized in secret cells of seven. The movement was known as Mahber Shewate in Tigrinya and as Harakat Atahrir al Eritrea in Arabic. On July 10, 1960, a second independence movement, the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was founded in Cairo. Among its founders were: Idris Mohammed Adem, President, Osman Salih Sabbe, Secretary General, and Idris Glawdewos as head of military affairs. These were among those who made up the highest political body known as the Supreme Council. On September 1, 1961, Hamid Idris Awate and his ELF unit attacked an Ethiopian police unit in western Eritrea (near Mt. Adal). This heralded the 30-year Eritrean war for independence. Between March and November 1970, three core groups that later made up the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) split from the ELF and established themselves as separate units. In September 1974, Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown by a military coup in Ethiopia. The military committee that took power in Ethiopia is better known by its Amharic name the Derg. After the military coup the Derg broke ties with the U.S. and realigned itself with the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) and the USSR and its eastern bloc allies replaced America as patrons of Ethiopia's aggression against Eritrea. Between January and July 1977, the ELF and EPLF armies had liberated 95% of Eritrea capturing all but 4 towns. However, in 1978-79, Ethiopia mounted a series of five massive Soviet-backed offensives and reoccupied almost all of Eritrea's major towns and cities, except for Nakfa. The EPLF withdrew to a mountain base in northern Eritrea, around the town of Nakfa. In 1980 the EPLF had offered a proposal for referendum to end the war, however, Ethiopia, thinking it had a military upper hand, rejected the offer and war continued. In February–June 1982, The EPLF managed to repulse Ethiopia's much heralded four-month "Red Star" campaign (aka the 6th offensive by Eritreans) inflicting more than 31,000 Ethiopian casualties. In 1984 the EPLF started its counter-offensive and cleared the Ethiopian from the North-eastern Sahil front. In March 1988 the EPLF demolished the Ethiopian front at Afabet in a major offensive the British Historian Basil Davidson compared to the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu. In February 1990 the EPLF liberated the strategic port of Massawa and in the process destroyed the Ethiopian navy. A year later the war came to conclusion on May 24, 1991 when the Ethiopian army in Eritrea surrendered. Thus Eritrea's 30-year war crowned with victory. On May 24, 1993, after a UN-supervised referendum on April 23–25, 1993, in which the Eritrean people overwhelmingly, 99.8%, voted for independence, Eritrea officially declared its independence and gained international recognition.

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External links • Africa: 50 years of independence [1] - Radio France Internationale

References

[1] http:/ / www. english. rfi. fr/ africa/ 20100212-africa-50-years-independence

Black Arts Movement

The Black Arts Movement or BAM is the artistic branch of the Black Power movement. It was started in Harlem by writer and activist Amiri Baraka (born Everett LeRoi Jones).[1] Time magazine describes the Black Arts Movement as the "single most controversial moment in the history of African-American literature – possibly in American literature as a whole."[2] The Black Arts Repertory Theatre is a key institution of the Black Arts Movement.

Overview The movement was one of the most important times in the African American literature. It inspired black people to establish their own publishing houses, magazines, journals and art institutions. It led to the creation of African American Studies programs within universities. The movement was triggered by the assassination of Malcolm X. Other well-known writers that were involved with this movement included Nikki Giovanni, Sonia Sanchez, Maya Angelou, Hoyt W. Fuller, and Rosa Grey. Although not strictly involved with the Movement, other notable African American writers such as novelists Toni Morrison and Ishmael Reed share some of its artistic and thematic concerns. Although Ishmael Reed is neither a movement apologist nor advocate, he said: I think what Black Arts did was inspire a whole lot of Black people to write. Moreover, there would be no multiculturalism movement without Black Arts. Latinos, Asian Americans, and others all say they began writing as a result of the example of the 1960s. Blacks gave the example that you don't have to assimilate. You could do your own thing, get into your own background, your own history, your own tradition and your own culture. I think the challenge is for cultural sovereignty and Black Arts struck a blow for that.[3] BAM influenced the world of literature, portraying different ethnic voices. Before the movement, the literary canon lacked diversity, and the ability to express ideas from the point of view of racial and ethnic minorities was not valued by the mainstream. Theatre groups, poetry performances, music and dance were centered around this movement, and therefore African Americans were becoming recognized in the area of literature and arts. African Americans were also able to educate others through different types of expressions and media about cultural differences. The most common form of teaching was through poetry reading. African American performances were used for their own political advertisement, organization, and community issues. The Black Arts Movement was spread by the use of newspaper advertisements. The first major arts movement publication was in 1964.

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History The Black Arts movement, usually referred to as a "sixties" movement, came together in 1965 and broke apart around 1975/1976. In March 1965 following the 21 February assassination of Malcolm X, LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka) moved from Manhattan's Lower East Side uptown to Harlem, an exodus considered the symbolic birth of the Black Arts movement. Jones was a highly visible publisher (Yugen and Floating Bear magazines, Totem Press), a celebrated poet (Preface to a Twenty-Volume Suicide Note, 1961, and The Dead Lecturer, 1964), a major music critic (Blues People, 1963), and an Obie Award-winning playwright (Dutchman, 1964) who, up until that fateful split, had functioned in an integrated world. Other than , who at that time had been closely associated with the civil rights movement, Jones was the most respected and most widely published black writer of his generation. Although Jones' 1965 move uptown to establish the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School (BARTS) is considered the formal beginning (it was Jones who came up with the name "Black Arts"), the Black Arts movement grew out of a changing political and cultural climate in which Black artists attempted to make a place for themselves amidst remaining ideologies of the Cold War, decolonization, and the civil rights movement. Black artists and intellectuals like Baraka made it their project to reject older political, cultural, and artistic traditions.[4] In his seminal 1965 poem "Black Art," which quickly became the major poetic manifesto of the Black Arts literary movement, Jones declaimed "we want poems that kill." He was not simply speaking metaphorically. During that period armed self-defense and slogans such as "Arm yourself or harm yourself' established a social climate that promoted confrontation with the white power structure, especially the police (e.g., "Off the pigs"). Indeed, Amiri Baraka (Jones changed his name in 1967) had been arrested and convicted (later overturned on appeal) on a gun possession charge during the 1967 Newark rebellion. Additionally, armed struggle was widely viewed as not only a legitimate, but often as the only effective means of black liberation. Black Arts' dynamism, impact, and effectiveness are a direct result of its partisan nature and advocacy of artistic and political freedom "by any means necessary." America had never experienced such a militant artistic movement. Although the success of sit-ins and public demonstrations of the Black student movement in the 1960s may have “inspired black intellectuals, artists, and political activists to form politicized cultural groups,”[4] many Black Arts activists rejected the non-militant integrational ideologies of the Civil Rights Movement and instead favored those of the Black Liberation Struggle, which placed an emphasis on “self-determination through self-reliance and Black control of significant businesses, organization, agencies, and institutions.”[5] According to the Academy of American Poets, “African American artists within the movement sought to create politically engaged work that explored the African American cultural and historical experience.” The importance that the movement placed on Black autonomy is apparent through the creation institutions such as the Black Arts Repertoire Theatre School (BARTS), created in the spring of 1964 by Amiri Baracka and other Black artists. The opening of BARTS in New York city often overshadow the growth of other radical Black Arts groups and institutions all over the United States. In fact, transgresional and international networks, those of various Left and nationalist (and Left nationalist) groups and their supports, existed far before the movement gained popularity.[4] Although the creation of BARTS did indeed catalyze the spread of other Black Arts institutions and the Black Arts movement across the nation, it was not solely responsible for the growth of the movement. While it is easy to assume that the movement began solely in the Northeast, it actually started out as “separate and distinct local initiatives across a wide geographic area”, eventually coming together to form the broader national movement.[4] New York City is often referred to as the “birthplace” of the Black Arts Movement, because it was home to many revolutionary Black artists and activists. However, the geographical diversity of the movement opposes the misconception that New York (and Harlem, especially) was the primary site of the movement.[4] In its beginning states, the movement came together largely through printed media. Journals such as Liberator, The Crusader, and Freedomways created “a national community in which ideology and aesthetics were debated and a wide range of approaches to African American artistic style and subject displayed.”[4] These publications tied

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communities outside of large Black Arts centers to the movement and gave the general black public access to these sometimes-exclusive circles. As a literary movement, Black Arts had its roots in groups such as the Umbra Workshop. Umbra (1962) was a collective of young Black writers based in Manhattan's Lower East Side; major members were writers Steve Cannon, Tom Dent, Al Haynes, David Henderson, Calvin C. Hernton, Joe Johnson, Norman Pritchard, Lenox Raphael, Ishmael Reed, Lorenzo Thomas, James Thompson, Askia M. Touré (Roland Snellings; also a visual artist), Brenda Walcott, and musician-writer Archie Shepp. Touré, a major shaper of "cultural nationalism," directly influenced Jones. Along with Umbra writer Charles Patterson and Charles's brother, William Patterson, Touré joined Jones, Steve Young, and others at BARTS. Umbra, which produced Umbra Magazine, was the first post-civil rights B black literary group to make an impact as radical in the sense of establishing their own voice distinct from, and sometimes at odds with, the prevailing white literary establishment. The attempt to merge a black-oriented activist thrust with a primarily artistic orientation produced a classic split in Umbra between those who wanted to be activists and those who thought of themselves as primarily writers, though to some extent all members shared both views. Black writers have always had to face the issue of whether their work was primarily political or aesthetic. Moreover, Umbra itself had evolved out of similar circumstances: In 1960 a Black nationalist literary organization, On Guard for Freedom, had been founded on the Lower East Side by Calvin Hicks. Its members included Nannie and Walter Bowe, Harold Cruse (who was then working on Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, 1967), Tom Dent, Rosa Guy, Joe Johnson, LeRoi Jones, and Sarah E. Wright, among others. On Guard was active in a famous protest at the United Nations of the American-sponsored Bay of Pigs Cuban invasion and was active in support of the Congolese liberation leader Patrice Lumumba. From On Guard, Dent, Johnson, and Walcott along with Hernton, Henderson, and Touré established Umbra. Another formation of black writers at that time was the Harlem Writers Guild, led by John O. Killens, which included Maya Angelou, Jean Carey Bond, Rosa Guy, and Sarah Wright among others. But the Harlem Writers Guild focused on prose, primarily fiction, which did not have the mass appeal of poetry performed in the dynamic vernacular of the time. Poems could be built around anthems, chants, and political slogans, and thereby used in organizing work, which was not generally the case with novels and short stories. Moreover, the poets could and did publish themselves, whereas greater resources were needed to publish fiction. That Umbra was primarily poetry- and performance-oriented established a significant and classic characteristic of the movement's aesthetics. When Umbra split up, some members, led by Askia Touré and Al Haynes, moved to Harlem in late 1964 and formed the nationalist-oriented "Uptown Writers Movement," which included poets Yusef Rahman, Keorapetse "Willie" Kgositsile from South Africa, and Larry Neal. Accompanied by young "New Music" musicians, they performed poetry all over Harlem. Members of this group joined LeRoi Jones in founding BARTS. Jones's move to Harlem was short-lived. In December 1965 he returned to his home, Newark (N.J.), and left BARTS in serious disarray. BARTS failed but the Black Arts center concept was irrepressible mainly because the Black Arts movement was so closely aligned with the then-burgeoning Black Power movement. The mid- to late 1960s was a period of intense revolutionary ferment. Beginning in 1964, rebellions in Harlem and Rochester, New York, initiated four years of long hot summers. Watts, Detroit, Newark, Cleveland, and many other cities went up in flames, culminating in nationwide explosions of resentment and anger following Martin Luther King, Jr.'s April 1968 assassination. Nathan Hare, the author of The Black Anglo-Saxons (1965), was the founder of 1960s Black Studies. Expelled from Howard University, Hare moved to San Francisco State University where the battle to establish a Black Studies department was waged during a five-month strike during the 1968-1969 school year. As with the establishment of Black Arts, which included a range of forces, there was broad activity in the Bay Area around Black Studies, including efforts led by poet and professor Sarah Webster Fabio at Merrit College. The initial thrust of Black Arts ideological development came from the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), a national organization with a strong presence in New York City. Both Touré and Neal were members of RAM. After

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RAM, the major ideological force shaping the Black Arts movement was the US (as opposed to "them') organization led by Maulana Karenga. Also ideologically important was Elijah Muhammad's Chicago-based Nation of Islam. These three formations provided both style and ideological direction for Black Arts artists, including those who were not members of these or any other political organization. Although the Black Arts movement is often considered a New York-based movement, two of its three major forces were located outside New York City. As the movement matured, the two major locations of Black Arts' ideological leadership, particularly for literary work, were California's Bay Area because of the Journal of Black Poetry and the Black Scholar, and the Chicago-Detroit axis because of Negro Digest/Black World and Third World Press in Chicago, and Broadside Press and Naomi Long Madgett's Lotus Press in Detroit. The only major Black Arts literary publications to come out of New York were the short-lived (six issues between 1969 and 1972) Black Theatre magazine published by the New Lafayette Theatre and Black Dialogue, which had actually started in San Francisco (1964–1968) and relocated to New York (1969–1972). Although the journals and writing of the movement greatly characterized its success, the movement placed a great deal of importance on collective oral and performance art. Public collective performances drew a lot of attention to the movement, and it was often easier to get an immediate response from a collective poetry reading, short play, or street performance than it was from individual performances.[4] In 1967 LeRoi Jones visited Karenga in Los Angeles and became an advocate of Karenga's philosophy of Kawaida. Kawaida, which produced the "Nguzo Saba" (seven principles), , and an emphasis on African names, was a multifaceted, categorized activist philosophy. Jones also met Bobby Seale and Eldridge Cleaver and worked with a number of the founding members of the Black Panthers. Additionally, Askia Touré was a visiting professor at San Francisco State and was to become a leading (and longlasting) poet as well as, arguably, the most influential poet-professor in the Black Arts movement. Playwright Ed Bullins and poet Marvin X had established Black Arts West, and Dingane Joe Goncalves had founded the Journal of Black Poetry (1966). This grouping of Ed Bullins, Dingane Joe Goncalves, LeRoi Jones, Sonia Sanchez, Askia M. Touré, and Marvin X became a major nucleus of Black Arts leadership. [6] As the movement grew, ideological conflicts arose and eventually became too great for the movement to continue to exist as a large, coherent collective.

The Black Aesthetic Many discussions of the Black Arts movement posit it as the “aesthetic and spiritual sister of the Black Power concept.”[7] The Black Aesthetic refers to ideologies and perspectives of art that center around Black culture and life. This Black Aesthetic encouraged the idea of Black separatism, and in trying to facilitate this hope to further strengthen black ideals, solidarity, and creativity.[8] In his well-known essay on the Black Arts Movement, Larry Neal attests, “When we speak of a 'Black aesthetic' several things are meant. First, we assume that there is already in existence the basis for such an aesthetic. Essentially, it consists of an African-American cultural tradition. But this aesthetic is finally, by implication, broader than that tradition. It encompasses most of the usable elements of the Third World culture. The motive behind the Black aesthetic is the destruction of the white thing, the destruction of white ideas, and white ways of looking at the world.”[7]

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Effects on society According to the Academy of American poets, “many writers--Native Americans, Latinos/as, gays and lesbians, and younger generations of African Americans have acknowledged their debt to the Black Arts movement.”[9] The movement lasted for about a decade, through the mid 1960s and into 1970s. This was a period of controversy and change in the world of literature. One major change came through the portrayal of new ethnic voices in the United States. English language literature, prior to the Black Arts Movement, was dominated by white authors. African Americans became a greater presence not only in the field of literature, but in all areas of the arts. Theater groups, poetry performances, music and dance were central to the movement. Through different forms of media, African Americans were able to educate others about the expression of cultural differences and viewpoints. In particular, black poetry readings allowed African Americans to use vernacular dialogues. This was shown in the Harlem Writers Guild which included black writers such as Maya Angelou and Rosa Guy. These performances were used to express political slogans and as a tool for organization. Theater performances also were used to convey community issues and organizations. The theaters, as well as cultural centers, were based throughout America and were used for community meetings, study groups and film screenings. Newspapers were a major tool in spreading the Black Arts Movement. In 1964, Black Dialogue was published making it the first major Arts movement publication. The Black Arts Movement, although short, is essential to the history of the United States. It spurred political activism and use of speech throughout every African American community. It allowed African Americans the chance to express their voices in the mass media as well as becoming involved in communities. It can be argued that “the Black Arts movement produced some of the most exciting poetry, drama, dance, music, visual art, and fiction of the post-World War II United States” and that many important “post-Black artists” such as Toni Morrison, Ntzoake Shange, Alice Walker, and August Wilson were shaped by the movement.[4] The Black Arts movement also provided incentives for public funding of the arts, and increased public support of various arts initiatives.[4]

Key writers and thinkers of this movement

• Maya Angelou • Amiri Baraka (Born Everett LeRoy Jones.) • Jean Carey Bond • Walter Bowe • Gwendolyn Brooks • Ed Bullins • Steve Cannon • Harold Cruse • Tom Dent • Ray Durem • Addison Gayle • Nikki Giovanni • Rosa Guy Nikki Giovanni. • Lorraine Hansberry

• Al Haynes • David Henderson • Calvin Hicks • Marvin X (known as Marvin Jackson)

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• , artist • Ron Karenga • Adrienne Kennedy • Keorapetse • John O. Killens • Robert MacBeth • Haki Madhubuti • "Willie" Kgositsile Nannie • Larry Neal • Yusef Rahman • Sonia Sanchez • Barbara Ann Teer • Lorenzo Thomas • Askia M. Touré • Hoyt W. Fuller • Etheridge Knight

Exhibition A 2005 international exhibition, 'Back to Black - Art, Cinema and the Racial Imaginary', details which are available with the[10] A 2006 major conference 'Should Black Art Still Be Beautiful'? Organized by OOM Gallery and Midwest the conference created a forum by examining the development of contemporary Black cultural practice and its future in Britain. On April 1, 2006, New Art Gallery Walsall, UK. Conference was in honour of the late Donald Rodney. Photo of Donald Rodney located at OOM Gallery Archive.[11] Recently redeveloped African and Asian Visual Arts Archive currently located at University of East London (UEL).[12] The Arts Council of England's (ACE) decibel initiative produced a summary in 2003 in association with the Guardian newspaper.[13]

References

[1] The Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School (http:/ / www. umich. edu/ ~eng499/ orgs/ barts. html)

[2] A Brief Guide to the Black Arts Movement (http:/ / www. poets. org/ viewmedia. php/ prmMID/ 5647) poets.org

[3] Black Arts Movement (http:/ / aalbc. com/ authors/ blackartsmovement. htm) [4] Smethurst, James E. The Black Arts Movement: Nationalism in the 1960s and 1970s (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture). NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2005. [5] Douglas, Robert L. Resistance, Insurgence, and Identity: The Art of Mari Evans, Nelson Stevens, and the Black Arts Movement. NJ: Africa World Press, 2008.

[6] "Historical Overview of the Black Arts Movement" (http:/ / www. english. uiuc. edu/ maps/ blackarts/ historical. htm). . [7] Neal, Larry. "The Black Arts Movement." A Turbulent Voyage: Readings in African American Studies, 3rd Ed.. Ed. Floyd W. Hayes III. Publisher Location Unknown: Publisher Unknown, 0000. 236-246.

[8] http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 67472/ black-aesthetic-movement [9] A Brief Guide to the Black Arts Movement. Author Unknown. 2009. Academy of American Poets., Location Unknown. Mar. 2009 .

[10] Archives of Whitechapel Art Gallery (http:/ / www. whitechapel. org/ content. php?page_id=1249)

[11] Pogus Caesar - Oom Gallery (http:/ / www. oomgallery. net)

[12] www.uel.ac.uk/aavaa (http:/ / www. uel. ac. uk/ aavaa)

[13] Reinventing Britain (http:/ / www. artscouncil. org. uk/ aboutus/ project_detail. php?sid=3& id=87)

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External links

• Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School (http:/ / www. umich. edu/ ~eng499/ orgs/ barts. html)

• Black Arts Movement Page at University of Michigan (http:/ / www. umich. edu/ ~eng499/ )

• Black Arts West: Culture and Struggle in Postwar Los Angeles by Daniel Widener (http:/ / www. dukeupress.

edu/ books. php3?isbn=8223-4679-1) (Duke University Press, 2010)

Black Consciousness Movement

The Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) was a grassroots anti-Apartheid activist movement that emerged in South Africa in the mid-1960s out of the political vacuum created by the jailing and banning of the African National Congress and Pan Africanist Congress leadership after the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960.[1] The BCM represented a social movement for political consciousness. "Black Consciousness origins were deeply rooted in Christianity. In 1966, the Anglican Church under the incumbent, Archbishop Robert Selby Taylor, convened a meeting which later on led to the foundation of the University Christian Movement (UCM). This was to become the vehicle for Black Consciousness."[2] The BCM attacked what they saw as traditional white values, especially the 'condescending' values of white people of liberal opinion. They refused to engage white liberal opinion on the pros and cons of black consciousness, and emphasized the rejection of white monopoly on truth as a central tenet of their movement. While this philosophy at first generated disagreement amongst black anti-Apartheid activists within South Africa, it was soon adopted by most as a positive development. As a result, there emerged a greater cohesiveness and solidarity amongst black groups in general, which in turn brought black consciousness to the forefront of the anti-Apartheid struggle within South Africa. The BCM's policy of perpetually challenging the dialectic of Apartheid South Africa as a means of conscientizing Black thought (rejecting prevailing opinion or mythology to attain a larger comprehension) brought it into direct conflict with the full force of the security apparatus of the Apartheid regime. "Black man, you are on your own" became the rallying cry as mushrooming activity committees implemented what was to become a relentless campaign of challenge to what was then referred to by the BCM as 'the System'. It eventually sparked a confrontation on June 16, 1976 in the Soweto uprising, when at least 200 people were killed by the South African Security Forces, as students marched to protest the use of the Afrikaans language in African schools. Unrest spread like wildfire throughout the country. The Black revolution in South Africa had begun. However, although it successfully implemented a system of comprehensive local committees to facilitate organized resistance, the BCM itself was decimated by security action taken against its leaders and social programs. By June 19, 1976, 123 key members had been banned and confined to remote rural districts. In 1977 all BCM related organizations were banned, many of its leaders arrested, and their social programs dismantled under provisions of the newly Implemented Internal Security Amendment Act. In September 1977, its banned National Leader, Steve Biko, was murdered while in the custody of the South African Security Police.

History

Early Worldview of Native Africans The Black Consciousness Movement started to develop during the late 1960s, and was led by Steve Biko, a black medical student, and Barney Pityana. During this period, the ANC had committed to an armed struggle through its military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe, but this small guerrilla army was neither able to seize and hold territory in South Africa nor to win significant concessions through its efforts. The ANC had been banned by apartheid leaders, and although the famed Freedom Charter remained in circulation in spite of attempts to censor it, for many students the

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ANC had disappeared. The term Black Consciousness stems from American educator W. E. B. Du Bois's evaluation of the double consciousness of American black's being taught what they feel inside to be lies about the weakness and cowardice of their race. Du Bois echoed Civil War era black nationalist Martin Delany's insistence that black people take pride in their blackness as an important step in their personal liberation. This line of thought was also reflected in the Pan Africanist, Marcus Garvey, as well as Harlem Renaissance philosopher Alain Locke and in the salons of the Nardal sisters in Paris. Biko's understanding of these thinkers was further shaped through the lens of postcolonial thinkers such as Frantz Fanon, Léopold Senghor, and Aimé Césaire. Biko reflects the concern for the existential struggle of the black person as a human being, dignified and proud of his blackness, in spite of the oppression of colonialism (see Négritude). The aim of this global movement of black thinkers was to restore black consciousness and African consciousness, which they felt had been suppressed under colonialism.[3] Part of the insight of the Black Consciousness Movement was in understanding that black liberation would not only come from imagining and fighting for structural political changes, as older movements like the ANC did, but also from psychological transformation in the minds of black people themselves. This analysis suggested that to take power, black people had to believe in the value of their blackness. That is, if black people believed in democracy, but did not believe in their own value, they would not truly be committed to gaining power. Along these lines, Biko saw the struggle to restore African consciousness as having two stages, "Psychological liberation" and "Physical liberation". While at times Biko embraced the non-violent tactics of and Martin Luther King, this was not because Biko fully embraced their spiritually-based philosophies of non-violence. Rather, Biko knew that for his struggle to give rise to physical liberation, it was necessary that it exist within the political and military realities of the apartheid regime, in which the armed power of the white government outmatched that of the black majority. Therefore Biko's non-violence may be seen more as a tactic than a personal conviction.[4] However, along with political action, a major component of the Black Consciousness Movement was its Black Community Programs, which included the organization of community medical clinics, aiding entrepreneurs, and holding "consciousness" classes and adult education literacy classes. Another important component of psychological liberation was to embrace blackness by insisting that black people lead movements of black liberation. This meant rejecting the fervent "non-racialism" of the ANC in favor of asking whites to understand and support, but not to take leadership in, the Black Consciousness Movement. A parallel can be seen in the United States, where student leaders of later phases of SNCC, and black nationalists such as Malcolm X, rejected white participation in organizations that intended to build black power. While the ANC viewed white participation in its struggle as part of enacting the non-racial future for which it was fighting, the Black Consciousness view was that even well-intentioned white people often reenacted the paternalism of the society in which they lived. This view held that in a profoundly racialized society, black people had to first liberate themselves and gain psychological, physical and political power for themselves before "non-racial" organizations could truly be non-racial. Biko's BCM had much in common with other left-wing African nationalist movements of the time, such as Amilcar Cabral's PAIGC and Huey Newton's Black Panther Party.

Early years: 1960-1976 Although the ANC and others opposed to apartheid had initially focused on non-violent campaigns, the brutality of the Sharpeville Massacre of March 21, 1960 caused many blacks to embrace the idea of violent resistance to apartheid. However, although the ANC's armed wing started its campaign in 1961, no victory was in sight by the time that Steve Biko was a medical student in the late nineteen-sixties. Even as the nation's leading opposition groups like the ANC proclaimed a commitment to armed struggle, their leaders had failed to organize a credible military effort. If their commitment to revolution had inspired many, the success of the white regime in quashing it had dampened the spirits of many.

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It was in this context that black students, Biko most notable among them, began critiquing the liberal whites with whom they worked in anti-apartheid student groups, as well as the official non-racialism of the ANC. They saw progress towards power as requiring the development of black power distinct from supposedly "non-racial groups." This new Black Consciousness Movement not only called for resistance to the policy of Apartheid, freedom of speech, and more rights for South African blacks who were oppressed by the white Apartheid regime, but also black pride and a readiness to make blackness, rather than simple liberal democracy, the rallying point of unapologetically black organizations. Importantly, the group defined black to include other "people of color" in South Africa, most notably the large number of South Africans of Indian descent. The movement stirred many blacks to confront not only the legal but also the cultural and psychological realities of Apartheid, seeking "not black visibility but real black participation" in society and in political struggles.[5] The gains this movement made were widespread across South Africa. Many black people felt a new sense of pride about being black as the movement helped to expose and critique the inferiority complex felt by many blacks at the time. The group formed Formation Schools to provide leadership seminars, and placed a great importance on decentralization and autonomy, with no person serving as president for more than one year (although Biko was clearly the primary leader of the movement). Early leaders of the movement such as Bennie Khoapa, Barney Pityana, Mapetla Mohapi, and Mamphela Ramphele joined Biko in establishing the Black Community Programmes (BCP) in 1970 as self-help groups for black communities, forming out of the South African Council of Churches and the Christian Institute. They also published various journals, including the Black Review, Black Voice, Black Perspective, and Creativity in Development. On top of building schools and day cares and taking part in other social projects, the BCM through the BCP was involved in the staging of the large scale protests and workers strikes which gripped the nation in 1972 and 1973, especially in Durban. Indeed, in 1973 the government of South Africa began to clamp down on the movement, claiming that their ideas of black development were treasonous, and virtually the entire leadership of SASO and BPC were banned. In late August and September 1974, after holding rallies in support of the Frelimo government which had taken power in Mozambique, many leaders of the BCM were arrested under the Terrorism Act and the Riotous Assemblies Act. Arrests under these laws allowed the suspension of the doctrine of habeas corpus, and many of those arrested were not formally charged until the next year, resulting in the arrest of the "Pretoria Twelve" and conviction of the "SASO nine", which included Maitshe Mokoape and Patrick Lekota. These were the most prominent among various public trials which gave a forum for members of the BCM to explain their philosophy and to describe the abuses that had been inflicted upon them. Far from crushing the movement, this led to its wider support among black and white South Africans.[6]

The Soweto riots and after: 1976-present The Black Consciousness Movement heavily supported the protests against the policies of the apartheid regime which led to the Soweto riots in June 1976. The protests began when it was decreed that black students be forced to learn Afrikaans, and that many secondary school classes were to be taught in that language. This was another encroachment against the black population, which generally spoke indigenous languages like Zulu and Xhosa at home, and saw English as offering more prospects for mobility and economic self-sufficiency than did Afrikaans. And the notion that Afrikaans was to define the national identity stood directly against the BCM principle of the development of a unique black identity. The protest began as a non-violent demonstration before police opened fire on the crowd, killing hundreds of youths. The government's efforts to suppress the growing movement led to the imprisonment of Steve Biko, who became a symbol of the struggle. Biko died in police custody on September 12, 1977. It should be noted that Steve Biko was a non-violent activist, even though the movement he helped start eventually took up violent resistance. White newspaper editor Donald Woods supported the movement and Biko, whom he had befriended, by leaving South Africa and exposing the truth behind Biko's death at the hands of police by publishing the book Biko.[7]

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One month after Biko's death, the South African government declared 17 groups associated with the Black Consciousness Movement to be illegal. Following this, many members joined more concretely political and tightly-structured parties such as the ANC, which used underground cells to maintain their organizational integrity despite banning by the government. And it seemed to some that the key goals of Black Consciousness had been attained, in that black identity and psychological liberation were growing. Nonetheless, in the months following Biko's death, activists continued to hold meetings to discuss resistance. Along with members of the BCM, a new generation of activists who had been inspired by the Soweto riots and Biko's death were present, including Bishop Desmond Tutu. Among the organizations that formed in these meetings to carry the torch of Black Consciousness was the Azanian People's Organization (AZAPO) which persists to this day.[8] Almost immediately after the formation of AZAPO in 1978, its chairman, Ishmael Mkhabela, and secretary, Lybon Mabasa were detained under the Terrorism Act. In the following years, other groups sharing Black Consciousness principles formed, including the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), Azanian Student Organization (AZASO) and the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organization (PEBCO). While many of these organizations still exist in some form, some evolved and could no longer be called parts of the Black Consciousness Movement. And as the influence of the Black Consciousness Movement itself waned, the ANC was returning to its role as the clearly leading force in the resistance to white rule. Still more former members of the Black Consciousness Movement continued to join the ANC, including Thozamile Botha from PEBCO. Others formed new groups. For instance, in 1980, Pityana formed the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA), an avowedly Marxist group which used AZAPO as its political voice. Curtis Nkondo from AZAPO and many members of AZASO and the Black Consciousness Media Workers Association joined the United Democratic Front (UDF).[9] Many groups published important newsletters and journals, such as the Kwasala of the Black Consciousness Media Workers and the London based BCMA journal, Solidarity. And beyond these groups and media outlets, the Black Consciousness Movement had an extremely broad legacy, even as the movement itself was no longer represented by a single organization. While the Black Consciousness Movement itself spawned an array of smaller groups, many people who came of age as activists in the Black Consciousness Movement did not join them. Instead, they joined a other organizations, including the ANC, the Unity Movement, the Pan Africanist Congress, the United Democratic Front and trade and civic unions. The Black Consciousness Movement's most-lasting legacy is as an intellectual movement. The weakness of theory in and of itself to mobilize constituencies can be seen in AZAPO's inability to win significant electoral support in modern-day South Africa. But the strength of the ideas can be seen in the diffusion of Black Consciousness language and strategy into nearly every corner of black South African politics. In fact, these ideas helped make the complexity of the South African black political world, which can be so daunting to the newcomer or the casual observer, into a strength. As the government tried to act against this organization or that one, people in many organizations shared the general ideas of the Black Consciousness Movement, and these ideas helped to organize action beyond any specific organizational agenda. If the leader of this group or that one was thrown into prison, nonetheless, more and more black South Africans agreed on the importance of black leadership and active resistance. Partly as a result, the difficult goal of unity in struggle became more and more realized through the late nineteen-seventies and nineteen-eighties. Biko and the legacy of the Black Consciousness movement helped give the resistance a culture of fearlessness. And its emphasis on individual psychological pride helped ordinary people realize they could not wait for distant leaders (who were often exiled or in prison) to liberate them. As the ANC's formal armed wing Umkhonto weSizwe struggled to make gains, this new fearlessness became the basis of a new battle in the streets, in which larger and larger groups of ordinary and often unarmed people confronted the police and the army more and more aggressively. If the ANC could not defeat the white government's massive army with small bands of professional guerrilla fighters, it was able to eventually win power through ordinary black peoples' determination to make South Africa

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ungovernable by a white government. What could not be achieved by men with guns was accomplished by teenagers throwing stones. While much of this later phase of the struggle was not undertaken under the formal direction of Black Consciousness groups per se, it was certainly fueled by the spirit of Black Consciousness. Kashy Singh(2005) had said that black people are equal to all other human beings Even after the end of apartheid, Black Consciousness politics live on in community development projects and "acts of dissent" staged both to bring about change and to further develop a distinct black identity.[10]

Controversies and criticism A balanced analysis of the results and legacy of the Black Consciousness Movement would no doubt find a variety of perspectives. A list of research resources is listed at the end of this section including Columbia University's Project on Black Consciousness and Biko's Legacy. Criticisms of the Movement sometimes mirror similar observations of the Black Consciousness Movement in the United States. (See reference to Fredrickson's comparative work below). On one side, it was argued that the Movement would stagnate into black racialism, aggravate racial tensions and attract repression by the apartheid regime. Other detractors thought the Movement based heavily on student idealism, but with little grassroots support among the masses, and few consistent links to the mass trade-union movement. (See Columbia reference below) Assessments of the movement (See Gerhard references below) note that it failed to achieve several of its key objectives. It did not bring down the apartheid regime, nor did its appeal to other non-white groups as "people of color" gain much traction. Its focus on blackness as the major organizing principle was very much downplayed by Nelson Mandela and his successors who to the contrary emphasized the multi-racial balance needed for the post-apartheid nation. The community programs fostered by the movement were very small in scope and were subordinated to the demands of protest and indoctrination. It's leadership and structure was essentially liquidated, and it failed to bridge the tribal gap in any *large-scale* way, although certainly small groups and individuals collaborated across tribes. After much blood shed and property destroyed, critics charged that the Movement did nothing more than raise 'awareness' of some issues, while accomplishing little in the way of sustained mass organization, or of practical benefit for the masses. Some detractors also assert that Black consciousness ideas are out-dated, hindering the new multi-racial South Africa. (See Gerhard reference 1997 below).

Defenses of the Black Consciousness Movement Defenders of the BCM by contrast held that charges of impracticality failed to grasp the universal power of an idea - the idea of freedom and liberation for blacks. This was Biko's reply to many of the Movement's critics. Indeed Biko rejected the "practicality" charge as an example of the compromises that hindered and delayed black liberation, saying in 1977: "We have been successful to the extent that we have diminished the element of fear in the minds of black people." See Columbia reference below. Defenders of the movement argued that blackness was the best, most energetic organizing principle that was available at the time, in contrast to laborious legal, non-violent and petition based integrationist approach used by white dominated moderate groups. Biko made no bones about the 'consciousness' aspect of the movement and in this limited respect he is similar to Huey P. Newton of the Black Panthers in the United States. What was important to Biko and other leaders, was not creating yet another political party or group squabbling over local spoils, but a fundamental mobilization and change in attitude and outlook of the black oppressed and destitute. Some contemporary BCM leaders claim that its principles are currently relevant and decry what they see as evidence of 'sellout' in the new South Africa. (See AZAPO reference below).

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Black Consciousness in literature In comparison with the Black Power movement in the United States, the Black Consciousness movement felt little need to reconstruct any sort of golden cultural heritage. African linguistic and cultural traditions were alive and well in the country. Short stories published predominantly in Drum magazine had led to the 1950s being called the Drum decade, and future Nobel Prize winner Nadine Gordimer was beginning to become active. The fallout from the Sharpeville massacre led to many of those artists entering exile, but the political oppression of the resistance itself led to a new growth of black South African Literature. In the 1970s, Staffrider magazine became the dominant forum for the publication of BC literature, mostly in the form of poetry and short stories. Book clubs, youth associations, and clandestine street-to-street exchange became popular. Various authors explored the Soweto riots in novels, including Miriam Tlali, Mothobi Mutloatse and Mbulelo Mzamane. But the most compelling force in Black Consciousness prose was the short story, now adapted to teach political morals. Mtutuzeli Matshoba famously wrote, "Do not say to me that I am a man." An important theme of Black Consciousness literature was the rediscovery of the ordinary, which can be used to describe the work of Njabulo Ndebele.[11] However, it was in poetry that the Black Consciousness Movement first found its voice. In a sense, this was a modern update of an old tradition, since several of South Africa's African languages had long traditions of performed poetry. Sipho Sempala, Mongane Serote, and Mafika Gwala led the way, although Sempala turned to prose after Soweto. Serote wrote from exile of his internalization of the struggles, while Gwala's work was informed and inspired by the difficulty of life in his home township of Mpumalanga near Durban. These forerunners inspired a myriad of followers, most notably poet-performance artist Ingoapele Madingoane. James Mathews was a part of the Drum decade who was especially influential to the Black Consciousness Movement. This poem gives an idea of the frustrations that blacks felt under apartheid: Freedom's child You have been denied too long Fill your lungs and cry rage Step forward and take your rightful place You are not going to grow up knocking at the back door.... This poem by an unknown author has a rather confrontational look: Kaffer man, Kaffer nation Arise, arise from the kaffer Prepare yourself for war! We are about to start steve biko the hero Mandlenkosi Langa's poem: "Banned for Blackness" also calls for black resistance : Look up, black man, quit stuttering and shuffling Look up, black man, quit whining and stooping ...raise up your black fist in anger and vengeance. A main tenet of the Black Consciousness Movement itself was the development of black culture, and thus black literature. The cleavages in South African society were real, and the poets and writers of the BCM saw themselves as spokespersons for blacks in the country. They refused to be beholden to proper grammar and style, searching for black aesthetics and black literary values.[11] The attempt to awaken a black cultural identity was thus inextricably tied up with the development of black literature.

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Important figures in the movement • Steve Biko - founder • Bennie Khoapa • Mapetla Mohapi • Malusi Mpumluana • Thamsanga Mnyele - artist • Rubin Phillip - cleric • Barney Pityana • Mamphela Ramphele • Mthuli ka Shezi - playwright • Barney Simon - founder of The Market Theatre

Related groups • Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) • Black Allied Worker's Union • Black People's Convention • Négritude, a literary movement in francophone Africa • Neo Black Movement of Africa • Socialist Party of Azania (SOPA) • South African Student Organization

External links • The BCM in South African literature [12] • Interview with Mamphela Ramphele [13] • The relevance of Black Consciousness today [14] • Black Consciousness in Dialogue: Steve Biko, Richard Turner and the ‘Durban Moment’ in South Africa, 1970 – 1974 [15], Ian McQueen, SOAS, 2009]

References

[1] THE SHARPEVILLE MASSACRE: Its historic significance in the struggle against apartheid by David M. Sibeko (http:/ / web. archive. org/

web/ 20050408025334/ http:/ / www. anc. org. za/ ancdocs/ history/ misc/ sharplle. html)

[2] (http:/ / www. sorat. ukzn. ac. za/ theology/ bct/ vat8. htm) [3] Biko, Steve. I Write what I Like University of Chicago Press (2002). The roots of conflicting consciousness is discussed in the introduction to this collection of Biko's writings as written by Lewis R. Gordon (see page ix), as well as in Chapter 11, Steve Biko's essay Black Racism and White Consciousness (pages 61-72), of that volume. Mamphela Ramphele describes Biko's referencing of Négritude writers on page 55 of her autobiography, Acros Boundaries (1999) The feminist Press at CUNY. [4] Companion to African Philosophy. edited by Kwasi Wiredu, William E. Abraham, Abiola Irele, Ifeanyi A. Menkiti. Blackwell Publishing (2003) p. 213 [5] Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. edited by Kwame Anthony Appiah, Henry Louis Gates. Basic Civitas Books (1999)p. 250 [6] Michael Lobban. White Man's Justice: South African Political Trials in the Black Consciousness Era. New York: Oxford University Press (1996)

[7] Mary Amanda Axford. Mary of Many Colors: Book Review: Biko, by Donald Woods Accessed on November 22, 2009. (http:/ / maryreannon.

blogspot. com/ 2009/ 01/ book-review-biko-by-donald-woods. html) [8] John Brewer, After Soweto: An Unfinished Journey. Oxford: Clarendon Press, (1986) ch. 4

[9] Nigel Gibson. Black Consciousness 1977-1987; The Dialectics of Liberation in South Africa Accessed on December 1, 2005. (http:/ / www.

nu. ac. za/ ccs/ files/ gibson. final edit. pdf) [10] Power of Development. ed. Jonathan Crush. Routledge (UK) (1995) p. 252 [11] Doug Killam. The Companion to African Literatures. Indiana University Press (2001) (Section titled Apartheid ) pgs. 29-47

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Consciousness Movement 227

[12] http:/ / www. nigeriansinamerica. com/ articles/ 26/ 1/ The-Black-Consciousness-Movement-in-South-African-Literature

[13] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ newshour/ bb/ africa/ april97/ ramph_4-21. html

[14] http:/ / stiffkitten. wordpress. com/ 2010/ 04/ 17/ the-relevance-of-black-consciousness-today

[15] http:/ / www. gold. ac. uk/ media/ working%20paper_Ian%20Macqueen. pdf

• Columbia University research page on the BCM: http:/ / socialjustice. ccnmtl. columbia. edu/ index. php/ Biko's_Legacy • Black Power in South Africa: The Evolution of an Ideology (1979) by Gail M. Gerhart • From Protest to Challenge Nadir and Resurgence 1964 1979 (From Protest to Challenge: a Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882–1990) (1997) by Thomas G. Karis, Gail M. Gerhart • White Supremacy: A Comparative Study of American and South African History (1981) by George M. Fredrickson • At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68 (2006) by Taylor Branch • The Black Consciousness Movement in South African Literature, By Amatoritsero (Godwin) Ede

• Columbia University research page on the BCM: (http:/ / socialjustice. ccnmtl. columbia. edu/ index. php/ Biko's_Legacy) • Black Power in South Africa: The Evolution of an Ideology (1979) by Gail M. Gerhart • From Protest to Challenge Nadir and Resurgence 1964 1979 (From Protest to Challenge: a Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882–1990) (1997) by Thomas G. Karis, Gail M. Gerhart • White Supremacy: A Comparative Study of American and South African History (1981) by George M. Fredrickson • At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68 (2006) by Taylor Branch • The Black Consciousness Movement in South African Literature, By Amatoritsero (Godwin) Ede

• AZAPO speech reasserting relevance of black consciousness (http:/ / www. azapo. org. za/ speeches/ speech. htm)

• Bikoism or Mbekism? Thesis on Biko's Black Consciousness in contemporary South Africa (http:/ / rudar. ruc.

dk/ bitstream/ 1800/ 2630/ 1/ Bikoism or Mbekism (thesis). pdf)

• Article on Black Consciousness in South Africa by Fanon scholar Nigel Gibson (http:/ / www. ukzn. ac. za/ ccs/

files/ gibson. final edit. pdf)

• Fanon scholar Lewis Gordon's new introduction to Biko's I Write What I Like (http:/ / www. ukzn. ac. za/ ccs/

default. asp?3,28,11,1341)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Black Power Revolution 228 Black Power Revolution

Social unrest in Trinidad and Tobago Social unrest in Trinidad and Tobago Hosay Massacre - Canboulay Riots 1903 water riots - Labour riots of 1937 Black Power Revolution Jamaat al Muslimeen coup attempt

The Black Power Revolution, also known as the "Black Power Movement", 1970 Revolution, Black Power Uprising and February Revolution, was an attempt by a number of social elements, people and interest groups in Trinidad and Tobago to force socio-political change.

History Between 1968 and 1970 the movement gained strength in Trinidad and Tobago and was greatly influenced by the Civil Rights Movement in the United States during the 1960's. The National Joint Action Committee was formed out of the Guild of Undergraduates at the St. Augustine Campus of the University of the West Indies. Under the leadership of Geddes Granger (now Makandal Daaga), NJAC and the Black Power movement appeared as a serious challenge to Prime Minister Eric Williams' authority. This was coupled with a growing militancy by the Trade Union movement, led by George Weekes of the Oilfields Workers' Trade Union, Clive Nunez of the Transport and Industrial Workers Union and Basdeo Panday, then a young trade union lawyer and activist. The Black Power Revolution began with a 1970 Carnival band named Pinetoppers whose presentation entitled The Truth about Africa included portrayals of "revolutionary heroes" including Fidel Castro, Stokely Carmichael and Tubal Uriah Butler. This was followed by a series of marches and protests. Williams countered with a broadcast entitled I am for Black Power. He introduced a 5% levy to fund unemployment reduction and later established the first locally-owned commercial bank. However, this intervention had little impact on the protests.

Leadership It was mainly led by many various interests within the trade unions, the army and other social groups like Afro-Trinidadians and were noted to attract many disaffected members of the then ruling PNM under Eric Williams. A large turnout of the disaffected poor of the cities and towns, as well as those black youth of the disaffected communities were attracted to the uprising were present in the movement, as well as youths and others from the UWI, St. Augustine campus.

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Escalation On April 6, 1970 a protester, Basil Davis, was killed by the police. This was followed on April 13 by the resignation of A.N.R. Robinson, Member of Parliament for Tobago East. The death of this protester led to the Movement to pick up momentum. On April 18 sugar workers went on strike, and there was talk of a general strike. In response to this, Williams proclaimed a State of Emergency on April 21 and arrested 15 Black Power leaders. Responding in turn, a portion of the Trinidad Defense Force, led by Raffique Shah and Rex Lassalle, mutinied and took hostages at the army barracks at Teteron. Through the action of the Coast Guard and negotiations between the Government and the rebels, the mutiny was contained and the mutineers surrendered on April 25. Williams made three additional speeches in which he sought to identify himself with the aims of the Black Power movement. He re-shuffled his Cabinet and removed three Ministers (including two white members) and three senators. He also introduced the Public Order Act which reduced civil liberties in an effort to control protest marches. After public opposition, led by A.N.R. Robinson and his newly created Action Committee of Democratic Citizens (which later became the Democratic Action Congress), the Bill was withdrawn. Attorney General Karl Hudson-Phillips offered to resign over the failure of the Bill, but Williams refused his resignation.

Notes and references De Roaring 70's:An Introduction to the Politics of the 1970's- Zeno Obi Constance; Radical Caribbean: From Black Power to Abu Bakr- Brian Meeks; The Black Power Revolution 1970: A Retrospective- Selwyn Ryan & Taimion Stewart (eds.); "Background to the 1970 Confrontation" in Contemporary Caribbean- Susan Craig; The Deosaran Files: Two Decades of Social and Political Commentary (1971- 1991);Volume 2: Race, Politics and Democracy- Ian K Ramdhanie & Vidya Lall (eds.); Identity, Ethnicity and Culture in the Caribbean- Ralph Premdas (ed.); Modern Political Culture in the Caribbean- Holger Henke & Fred Reno (eds.); General History of the Caribbean: The Caribbean in the Twentieth Century; Volume V- Bridget Brereton; Reflections of a Soldier: A Memoir of 1970 and Events Before and After- Clement Burkett; and Various internet sources are also available on this topic.

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Reparations for slavery 230 Reparations for slavery

Reparations for slavery is a proposal that some type of compensation should be provided to the descendants of enslaved people in the United States, in consideration of the coerced and uncompensated labor their ancestors performed over several centuries. This compensation has been proposed in a variety of forms, from individual monetary payments to land-based compensation schemes related to independence. The idea remains highly controversial and no broad consensus exists as to how it could be implemented. There have been similar calls for reparations from some Caribbean countries, and some African countries have called for reparations to their states for the loss of their population.[1] [2]

U.S. historical context The arguments surrounding reparations are based on the formal discussion about many different reparations and actual land reparations received by African-Americans which were later taken away. In 1865, after the Confederate States of America were defeated in the American Civil War, General William Tecumseh Sherman issued Special Field Orders, No. 15 to both "assure the harmony of action in the area of operations"[3] and to solve problems caused by the masses of freed slaves, a temporary plan granting each freed family forty acres of tillable land in the sea islands and around Charleston, South Carolina for the exclusive use of black people who had been enslaved. The army also had a number of unneeded mules which were given to settlers. Around 40,000 freed slaves were settled on 400,000 acres (1,600 km²) in Georgia and South Carolina. However, President Andrew Johnson reversed the order after Lincoln was assassinated and the land was returned to its previous owners. In 1867, Thaddeus Stevens sponsored a bill for the redistribution of land to African Americans, but it was not passed. Reconstruction came to an end in 1877 without the issue of reparations having been addressed. Thereafter, a deliberate movement of regression and oppression arose in southern states. Jim Crow laws passed in some southeastern states to reinforce the existing inequality that slavery had produced. In addition white extremist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan engaged in a massive campaign of intimidation throughout the Southeast in order to keep African-Americans in their prescribed social place. For decades this assumed inequality and injustice was ruled on in court decisions and debated in public discourse. Reparation for slavery in what is now the United States is a complicated issue. Any proposal for reparations must take into account the role of the, then relatively newly formed, United States Government in the importation and enslavement of Africans and that of the older and established European countries that created the colonies in which slavery was legal; as well as their efforts to stop the trade in slaves. It must also consider if and how much modern Americans have benefited from the importation and enslavement of Africans since the end of the slave trade in 1865. Profit from slavery was not limited to a particular region: New England merchants profited from the importation of slaves, while Southern planters profited from the continued enslavement of Africans. In a 2007 column in The New York Times, historian Eric Foner writes: [In] the Colonial era, Southern planters regularly purchased imported slaves, and merchants in New York and New England profited handsomely from the trade. The American Revolution threw the slave trade and slavery itself into crisis. In the run-up to war, Congress

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banned the importation of slaves as part of a broader nonimportation policy. During the War of Independence, tens of thousands of slaves escaped to British lines. Many accompanied the British out of the country when peace arrived. Inspired by the ideals of the Revolution, most of the newly independent American states banned the slave trade. But importation resumed to South Carolina and Georgia, which had been occupied by the British during the war and lost the largest number of slaves. The slave trade was a major source of disagreement at the Constitutional Convention of 1787. South Carolina’s delegates were determined to protect slavery, and they had a powerful impact on the final document. They originated the three-fifths clause (giving the South extra representation in Congress by counting part of its slave population) and threatened disunion if the slave trade were banned, as other states demanded. The result was a compromise barring Congress from prohibiting the importation of slaves until 1808. Some Anti-Federalists, as opponents of ratification were called, cited the slave trade clause as a reason why the Constitution should be rejected, claiming it brought shame upon the new nation.... As slavery expanded into the Deep South, a flourishing internal slave trade replaced importation from Africa. Between 1808 and 1860, the economies of older states like Virginia came increasingly to rely on the sale of slaves to the cotton fields of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. But demand far outstripped supply, and the price of slaves rose inexorably, placing ownership outside the reach of poorer Southerners.[4]

Proposals for reparations

United States Government Some proposals have called for direct payments from the U.S. government. One such proposal delivered in the McCormick Convention Center conference room for the first National Reparations Convention by Howshua Amariel, a Chicago social activist, would require the federal government to make reparations to proven descendants of slaves. In addition, Amariel stated "For those blacks who wish to remain in America, they should receive reparations in the form of free education, free medical, free legal and free financial aid for 50 years with no taxes levied," and "For those desiring to leave America, every black person would receive a million dollars or more, backed by gold, in reparation." At the convention Amariel's proposal received approval from the 100 or so participants,[5] nevertheless the question of who would receive such payments, who should pay them and in what amount, has remained highly controversial,[6] [7] since the United States Census does not track descent from slaves or slave owners and relies on self-reported racial categories. Various estimates have been given if such payments were to be made. Harper's Magazine has created an estimate that the total of reparations due is over 100 trillion dollars, based on 222,505,049 hours of forced labor between 1619 and 1865, with a compounded interest of 6%.[8] Should all or part of this amount be paid to the descendants of slaves in the United States, the current U.S. government would only pay a fraction of that cost, over 40 trillion dollars, since it has been in existence only since 1789. The Rev. M.J. Divine, better known as Father Divine, was one of the earliest leaders to argue clearly for "retroactive compensation" and the message was spread via International Peace Mission publications. On July 28, 1951 Father Divine issued a "peace stamp" bearing the text: "Peace! All nations and peoples who have suppressed and oppressed the under-privileged, they will be obliged to pay the African slaves and their descendants for all uncompensated servitude and for all unjust compensation, whereby they have been unjustly deprived of compensation on the account of previous condition of servitude and the present condition of servitude. This is to be accomplished in the defense of all other under-privileged subjects and must be paid retroactive up-to-date". [9] On July 30, 2008, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution apologizing for American slavery and subsequent discriminatory laws,[10] but made no mention of reparations.[11]

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In April 2010, Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates in a New York Times editorial advised reparations activists to consider the African role in the slave trade in regards to who should shoulder the cost of reparations.[12]

Ex-colonial governments The full cost of slavery reparations prior to 1776 would be borne by the governments of the European countries (Spain, the United Kingdom, and France) who governed North America at that time. One additional problem is that the governments in power in the 17th and 18th centuries in Europe are not still in power now. France, for example, has gone through several forms of government since it was last a colonial power in North America. It would be difficult, if not impossible, to hold the current French government liable for the enslavement of Africans that previous governments encouraged and benefited from between the 17th century up to the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. However, France can be held liable to Haiti, who won its independence from France in 1804, but the Haitians were victimized, enslaved, and imprisoned until slavery was abolished there by the French in 1848. It is also liable to all French speaking countries in Africa.

African Governments There are no indications that African governments will be expected to take part in any future reparation rounds. West African governments, in particular Nigeria have become wealthier in recent years due to oil production and could be well placed to compensate descendants of slaves as a result of collusion and organization by traditional tribal leaders in the selling and exporting of their own people.

Private institutions

Private institutions and corporations were also involved in slavery http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ money/ general/

2002/ 02/ 21/ slave-activist. htm. On March 8, 2000, Reuters News Service reported that Deadria Farmer-Paellmann, a law school graduate, initiated a one-woman campaign making a historic demand for restitution and apologies from

modern companies that played a direct role in enslaving Africans http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ money/ general/

2002/ 02/ 21/ slave-activist. htm. Aetna Inc. was her first target because of their practice of writing life insurance policies on the lives of enslaved Africans with slave owners as the beneficiaries. In response to Farmer-Paellmann's demand, Aetna Inc. issued a public apology, and the "corporate restitution movement" was born. By 2002, nine lawsuits were filed around the country coordinated by Farmer-Paellmann and the Restitution Study Group—a New York non-profit. The litigation included 20 plaintiffs demanding restitution from 20 companies from the banking, insurance, textile, railroad, and tobacco industries. The cases were consolidated under 28 U.S.C. § 1407 [13] to multidistrict litigation in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois. The district court dismissed the lawsuits with prejudice, and the claimants appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. On December 13, 2006, that Court, in an opinion written by Judge Richard Posner, modified the district court's judgment to be a dismissal without prejudice, affirmed the majority of the district court's judgment, and reversed the portion of the district court's judgment dismissing the plaintiffs' consumer protection claims, remanding the case for further proceedings consistent with its opinion [14]. Thus, the plaintiffs may bring the lawsuit again, but must clear considerable procedural and substantive hurdles first: If one or more of the defendants violated a state law by transporting slaves in 1850, and the plaintiffs can establish standing to sue, prove the violation despite its antiquity, establish that the law was intended to provide a remedy (either directly or by providing the basis for a common law action for conspiracy, conversion, or restitution) to lawfully enslaved persons or their descendants, identify their ancestors, quantify damages incurred, and persuade the court to toll the statute of limitations, there would be no further obstacle to the grant of relief.[15]

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In October 2000, California passed a Slavery Era Disclosure Law requiring insurance companies doing business there to report on their role in slavery. The disclosure legislation, introduced by Senator , is the prototype for similar laws passed in 12 states around the United States. The NAACP has called for more of such legislation at local and corporate levels. It quotes Dennis C. Hayes, CEO of the NAACP, as saying, "Absolutely, we will be pursuing reparations from companies that have historical ties to slavery and engaging all parties to come to the table."[16] Brown University, whose namesake family was involved in the slave trade, has also established a committee to explore the issue of reparations. In February 2007, Brown University announced a set of responses[17] to its Steering Committee on Slavery and Justice.[18] While in 1995 the Southern Baptist Convention apologized for the "sins" of racism, including slavery.[19] In December 2005, a boycott was called by a coalition of reparations groups under the sponsorship of the Restitution Study Group. The boycott targets the student loan products of banks deemed complicit in slavery—particularly those identified in the Farmer-Paellmann litigation. As part of the boycott students are asked to choose from other banks to finance their student loans."[20] In 2005, JP Morgan Chase and Wachovia both apologized for their connections to slavery.[21] [22]

Social services A number of supporters for reparations advocate that compensation should be in the form of community rehabilitation and not payments to individual descendants.[7]

Arguments for reparations

Accumulated wealth In 2008 the American Humanist Association published an article which argued that if emancipated slaves had been allowed to possess and retain the profits of their labor, their descendants might now control a much larger share of American social and monetary wealth.[11] Not only did the freedmen and -women not receive a share of these profits, but they were stripped of the small amounts of compensation paid to some of them during Reconstruction. The wealth of the United States, they say, was greatly enhanced by the exploitation of Black slave labor.[23] According to this view, reparations would be valuable primarily as a way of correcting modern economic imbalance. The US Department of Commerce has calculated that in modern US dollars calculated for inflation and interest, slavery generated trillions of dollars for the US economy.[24]

Precedents Under the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, signed into law by President , the U.S. government apologized for Japanese American internment during World War II and provided reparations of $20,000 to each survivor, to compensate for loss of property and liberty during that period. For many years, Native American tribes have received compensation for lands ceded to the United States by them in various treaties. Other countries have also opted to pay reparations for past grievances, such as the German government making reparations to Jews and survivors and descendants of the Holocaust.[25]

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Arguments against reparations

Relocation of injustice The principal argument against reparations is that their cost would not be imposed upon the perpetrators of slavery who were a very small percentage of society with 4.8% of southern whites (only 1.4% of all whites in the country), nor confined to those who can be shown to be the specific indirect beneficiaries of slavery, but would simply be indiscriminately borne by taxpayers per se. Those making this argument often add that the descendants of white abolitionists and soldiers in the Union Army might be taxed to fund reparations despite the sacrifices their ancestors already made to end slavery. In the case of Public Lands, European colonizers killed or relocated[26] many Southeastern Native American tribes. One argument against reparations is that in assigning public lands to African-Americans for the enslavement of their ancestors, a greater and further wrong would be committed against the Southeastern Native Americans [27] who have ancestral claims and treaty rights to that same land. In addition, several historians, such as João C. Curto, have made important contributions to the global understanding of the African side of the Atlantic slave trade. By arguing that African merchants determined the assemblage of trade goods accepted in exchange for slaves, many historians argue for African agency and ultimately a shared responsibility for the slave trade.[28] Finally, as documented in the book Black Slave Owners, by Larry Koger, slaves were bought and sold and used for purely financial reasons by blacks in the pre-Civil War era. Some of the slave owners were freed slaves who immediately began enslaving other blacks, creating the possibility that if reparations were paid, they could actually be paid to descendants of slave owners.[29]

Identification of victims and of levels of victimization Identification of actual descendants of slaves would be an enormous undertaking, because such descent is not simply identical with present racial self-identification. And levels of actual victimization would be impossible to identify; had freed slaves been given their recoverable damages, they may have followed different patterns of marriage and of reproduction, and in some cases would not have made their offspring the sole or even principal heirs to their estates. (Opponents of reparations refer to the lost wealth of slaves as “dissipated”, not in the sense of simply having ceased to exist, but in the sense of being untraceable and transmitted elsewhere.)

Comparative utility It has been argued that reparations for slavery cannot be justified on the basis that slave descendants are subjectively worse off as a result of slavery, because it has been suggested that they are better off than they would have been in Africa if the slave trade had never happened. The slave population in the US grew six-fold after the importation of slaves was ceased. In all other countries the slave population either did not increase or declined. This was because the treatment of slaves in the US was generally very good - birth survival rates exceeded that of poor whites and was twice that of their native Africa. In addition, each state had laws against the abuse of slaves and many religious groups rigorously enforced them. In "Up From Slavery," former slave Booker T. Washington wrote, I have long since ceased to cherish any spirit of bitterness against the Southern white people on account of the enslavement of my race. No one section of our country was wholly responsible for its introduction... Having once got its tentacles fastened on to the economic and social life of the Republic, it was no easy matter for the country to relieve itself of the institution. Then, when we rid ourselves of prejudice, or racial feeling, and look facts in the face, we must acknowledge that, notwithstanding the cruelty and moral wrong of slavery, the ten million Negroes inhabiting this country, who themselves or whose ancestors went through the school of

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Reparations for slavery 235

American slavery, are in a stronger and more hopeful condition, materially, intellectually, morally, and religiously, than is true of an equal number of black people in any other portion of the globe. ...This I say, not to justify slavery – on the other hand, I condemn it as an institution, as we all know that in America it was established for selfish and financial reasons, and not from a motive – but to call attention to a fact, and to show how Providence so often uses men and institutions to accomplish a purpose. When persons ask me in these days how, in the midst of what sometimes seem hopelessly discouraging conditions, I can have such faith in the future of my race in this country, I remind them of the wilderness through which and out of which, a good Providence has already led us. [30] Conservative commentator David Horowitz writes, The claim for reparations is premised on the false assumption that only whites have benefited from slavery. If slave labor created wealth for Americans, then obviously it has created wealth for black Americans as well, including the descendants of slaves. The GNP of black America is so large that it makes the African-American community the 10th most prosperous "nation" in the world. American blacks on average enjoy per capita incomes in the range of twenty to fifty times that of blacks living in any of the African nations from which they were taken. (From Ten Reasons Why Reparations for Blacks is a Bad Idea for Blacks – and Racist Too [31])

Legal argument against reparations Many legal experts point to the fact that slavery was not illegal in the United States[32] prior to the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (ratified in 1865). Thus, there is no legal foundation for compensating the descendants of slaves for the crime against their ancestors when, in strictly legal terms, no crime was committed. Chattel slavery is now considered by many to be highly immoral in the United States, but perfectly legal at the time. However, opponents of this legal argument contend that such was the case in Nazi Germany, whereby the activities of the Nazis were legal under German law; however unlike slavery, the German activities were precedented by the Allied Powers following WWI, which could not rule against the German government then due to lack of precedent—but could do so afterward following WWII on the basis of this established WWI precedent. Other legal experts point to the fact that the current U.S. government did not exist prior to June 21, 1788 when the United States Constitution was ratified. Therefore, the U.S. government inherited the institution of slavery, and cannot be held legally liable for the enslavement of Africans by Europeans prior to that time. Figuring out who was enslaved by whom in order to fairly apply reparations from the U.S. Government only to those who were enslaved under U.S. laws, would be an impossible task. Some areas of the South had communities of freedman, such as existed in Savannah, Charleston and New Orleans, while in the North, for example, former slaves lived as freedman both before and after the creation of the United States in 1788. For example, in 1667 Dutch colonists freed some of their slaves and gave them property in what is now Manhattan.[33] [34] The descendants of Groote and Christina Manuell—two of those freed slaves—can trace their family's history as freedman back to the child of Groote and Christina, Nicolas Manuell, whom they consider their family's first freeborn African-American. In 1712, the British, then in control of New York, prohibited blacks from inheriting land, effectively ending property ownership for this family. While this is only one example out of thousands of enslaved persons, it does mean that not all slavery reparations can be determined by racial self-identification alone; reparations would have to include a determination of the free or slave status of one's African-American ancestors, as well as when and by whom they were enslaved and denied rights such as property ownership. Because of slavery, the original African heritage has been blended with the American experience, the same as it has been for generations of immigrants from other countries. For this reason, determining a "fair share" of reparations would be an impossible task. The most effective legal argument against reparations for slavery from a legal (as opposed to a moral standpoint) is that the statute of limitations for filing lawsuits has long since passed. Thus, courts are prohibited from granting

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Reparations for slavery 236

relief. This has been used effectively in several suits, including "In re African American Slave Descendants", which dismissed a high-profile suit against a number of businesses with ties to slavery. Perhaps the most cogent argument against reparations (though this is not a legal argument) is that few African-Americans are of "pure" African blood since the offspring of the original slaves were occasionally the progeny of Caucasian male masters (and a variety of White males) by means of rape, concubinage or threat and forcibly slave-breeding of African and Black female slaves.

Reparations could cause increased racism Anti-reparations advocates argue reparations payments based on race alone would be perceived by nearly everyone as a monstrous injustice, embittering many, and inevitably setting back race relations. In this view, apologetic feelings some whites may hold because of slavery and past civil rights injustices would, to a significant extent, be replaced by anger. The Libertarian Party, among other groups and individuals, has suggested that reparations would make racism worse: A renewed demand by African-Americans for slavery reparations should be rejected because such payments would only increase racial hostility... (From press release [35]) A leading work against reparations is David Horowitz, Uncivil Wars: The Controversy Over Reparations for Slavery (2002). Other works that discuss problems with reparations, although they are sympathetic in some ways to it, include John Torpey, Making Whole What Has Been Smashed: On Reparations Politics (2006) and Alfred Brophy, Reparations Pro and Con (2006). There is also a technical problem with identifying those who should be entitled to exemptions because of their ancestral opposition to Slavery. In particular, there was a significant Anti-Slavery Resistance Movement among the German and Mexican Texans during the Civil War [36] which effectively negated the gains from New Mexico [37] by choking off supplies.

References

[1] Acknowledgement Of Past, Compensation Urged By Many Leaders In Continuing Debate At Racism Conference (http:/ / www. un. org/

WCAR/ pressreleases/ rd-d24. html)

[2] Action Against Wide Range Of Discriminatory Practices Urged At Racism Conference (http:/ / www. un. org/ WCAR/ pressreleases/ rd-d35. htm)

[3] "HARMONY OF ACTION" – SHERMAN AS AN ARMY GROUP COMMANDER (http:/ / www. dtic. mil/ cgi-bin/

GetTRDoc?AD=ADA252324& Location=U2& doc=GetTRDoc. pdf)

[4] Eric Foner (December 30, 2007). "Forgotten Step Toward Freedom" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 12/ 30/ opinion/ 30foner. html). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2007-12-30.

[5] Paul Shepard (February 11, 2001). "U.S. slavery reparations: Hope that a race will be compensated gains momentum" (http:/ / community.

seattletimes. nwsource. com/ archive/ ?date=20010211& slug=reparation11). Seattle Times. . Retrieved 2008-11-10.

[6] Ghanaian President Stirs Controversy Over Slave Trade Reparations – Worldpress.org (http:/ / www. worldpress. org/ Africa/ 2750. cfm)

[7] Bill to Study Slavery Reparations Still Facing Resistance – The NewStandard (http:/ / newstandardnews. net/ content/ index. cfm/ items/ 4449) [8] www.nlpc.org/pdfs/Final_NLPC_Reparations.pdf

[9] http:/ / peacemission. info/ media/ peace-stamps/ ?pid=91

[10] Congress Apologizes for Slavery, Jim Crow (http:/ / www. npr. org/ templates/ story/ story. php?storyId=93059465)

[11] Ananda S. Osel, U.S. Apology for Slavery – Apparently Not Front Page News (http:/ / dailyuw. com/ 2008/ 8/ 17/

us-apology-slavery-apparently-not-front-page-news/ ) The Humanist, Nov/Dec 2008 (American Humanist Association) ISN:7336164802

[12] Ending the Slavery Blame-Game (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2010/ 04/ 23/ opinion/ 23gates. html?scp=1& sq=slavery blame& st=cse)

[13] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 28/ 1407. html

[14] http:/ / www. ca7. uscourts. gov/ tmp/ Z100WR3H. pdf [15] In re African-American Slave Descendants Litig., 471 F.3d 754, 759 (7th Cir. 2006).

[16] Washington Times – NAACP to target private business (http:/ / www. washtimes. com/ national/ 20050712-120944-7745r. htm)

[17] http:/ / www. brown. edu/ Research/ Slavery_Justice/ documents/ SJ_response_to_the_report. pdf

[18] http:/ / www. brown. edu/ Research/ Slavery_Justice/ documents/ SlaveryAndJustice. pdf

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Reparations for slavery 237

[19] southern baptist convention slavery – Google News Archive Search (http:/ / news. google. com/ archivesearch?q=southern+ baptist+

convention+ slavery& um=1& sa=N& sugg=d& as_ldate=1995& as_hdate=1995& lnav=d3b)

[20] index (http:/ / www. onestudent. us)

[21] BBC NEWS | Business | JP Morgan admits US slavery links (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ business/ 4193797. stm)

[22] Wachovia apologizes for ties to slavery – Jun. 2, 2005 (http:/ / money. cnn. com/ 2005/ 06/ 02/ news/ fortune500/ wachovia_slavery/ ) [23] James Oliver Horton; Lois E. Horton (2005). Slavery and the Making of America. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 7. ISBN 0-19-517903-X. "The slave trade and the products created by slaves' labor, particularly cotton, provided the basis for America's wealth as a nation, underwriting the country's industrial revolution and enabling it to project its power into the rest of the world."

[24] Slavery and the American Economy (http:/ / www. nathanielturner. com/ slaveryandtheamericaneconomy. htm)

[25] The Legal Basis of the Claim for Slavery Reparations (http:/ / www. abanet. org/ irr/ hr/ spring00humanrights/ gifford. html)

[26] Indian Removal Act: Primary Documents of American History (Virtual Programs & Services, Library of Congress) (http:/ / www. loc. gov/

rr/ program/ bib/ ourdocs/ Indian. html)

[27] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ aia/ part4/ 4p2959. html [28] João C. Curto. Álcool e Escravos: O Comércio Luso-Brasileiro do Álcool em Mpinda, Luanda e Benguela durante o Tráfico Atlântico de Escravos (c. 1480–1830) e o Seu Impacto nas Sociedades da África Central Ocidental. Translated by Márcia Lameirinhas. Tempos e Espaços

Africanos Series, vol. 3. Lisbon: Editora Vulgata, 2002. ISBN 978-972-8427-24-5 (http:/ / www. h-net. org/ reviews/ showrev. cgi?path=13661080113274)

[29] Dixie's Censored Subject - Black Slaveowners (http:/ / americancivilwar. com/ authors/ black_slaveowners. htm)

[30] http:/ / www. alcyone. com/ max/ lit/ slavery/ i. html

[31] http:/ / www. frontpagemag. com/ Articles/ ReadArticle. asp?ID=1153

[32] Amistad case – The law of slavery, circa 1841 (http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ background/ amistad/ slavery. html)

[33] History Detectives . Investigations . Land Grant | PBS (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ opb/ historydetectives/ investigations/ 310_grant. html)

[34] Black History Matters – Manhattan Land Grant (1667) (http:/ / www. freemaninstitute. com/ BCF Manhattanphoto. htm)

[35] http:/ / www. chuckhawks. com/ lprelease_slavery_reparations. htm

[36] http:/ / www. tshaonline. org/ handbook/ online/ articles/ SS/ mgs2. html

[37] http:/ / www. over-land. com/ civilwar. html

External links

• Apology and Reparations for Slavery (http:/ / academic. udayton. edu/ race/ 02rights/ repara00. htm) – Legal articles that argue for and against reparations, compiled by law professor Vernellia R. Randall, University of Dayton.

• Reparations for Slavery: a Reader (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=rKkYifcUSVYC) – a collection of essays on the topic of reparations for slavery.

• Reparations, R.I.P., City Journal, Autumn 2008 (http:/ / city-journal. org/ 2008/ 18_4_reparations. html)

• Slavery Reparations: A Misguided Movement (http:/ / jurist. law. pitt. edu/ forum/ forumnew78. php) – Professor Peter H. Schuck, Yale Law School, JURIST Guest Columnist

• Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African Americans Act (http:/ / thomas. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ z?c101:hr3745:) – A bill introduced by Congressman John Conyers, Jr. every year since 1989, which has not yet passed.

• The Legal Basis of the Claim for Slavery Reparations (http:/ / www. abanet. org/ irr/ hr/ spring00humanrights/

gifford. html) – Anthony Gifford, American Bar Association, Section of Individual Rights and Responsibilities.

• Reparations for Slavery (http:/ / www. crf-usa. org/ brown50th/ reparation_guide. htm) – lesson plan for high school students, by the Constitutional Rights Foundation. Offers arguments for and against reparations from one of the links.

• Ten Reasons Why Reparations for Blacks is a Bad Idea for Blacks – and Racist Too (http:/ / www. frontpagemag.

com/ readArticle. aspx?ARTID=24317) – David Horowitz

• Indian Removal Act (http:/ / www. loc. gov/ rr/ program/ bib/ ourdocs/ Indian. html) – The Library of Congress' site on the Indian Removal Act of 1830.

• Slavery Reparations Information Center (http:/ / www. nationalcenter. org/ Reparations. html) – Links to articles for and against reparations compiled and maintained by the National Leadership Network of Black Conservatives

• National Coalition Of Blacks for Reparations in America (http:/ / www. ncobra. org) (N'COBRA)

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Reparations for slavery 238

• Making Amends Debate Continues Over Reparations for U.S. Slavery (http:/ / www. npr. org/ programs/ specials/

racism/ 010827. reparations. html) – National Public Radio, August 27, 2001.

• BANISHED (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ independentlens/ banished/ ) site for Independent Lens on PBS • Casey Lartigue, Jr. (2008-03-05). "The GOP's Next (Black) Idea? Trading slavery reparations for affirmative

action" (http:/ / www. theroot. com/ views/ gops-next-black-idea). The Root.

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Republic of New Afrika Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=431807406 Contributors: Alfons Åberg, Andrew.cudzilo, Bab-a-lot, Bento00, Brando130, CaribDigita, Centauri, Cgingold, Chipuni, Citynoise, Cleared as filed, Cloyle, DJ Silverfish, Darth Kalwejt, Deeceevoice, Discospinster, Duncharris, El C, Epbr123, Escape Orbit, Eurytus, Fieldday-sunday, Freechild, GTBacchus, Gadget850, Gene Poole, Ghirlandajo, Good Olfactory, GreenReaper, Ground Zero, Infoseeker560, Iridescent, J.delanoy, Jack Daily, JavierMC, Jmm6f488, Keoniphoenix, Khoikhoi, Kingboyk, Kirils, Kyaa the Catlord, Lapsed Pacifist, Malik Shabazz, MatthewVanitas, Mmjehoshaphat, More Coreyander, Mrdie, Nehrams2020, Oren neu dag, Pharos, PubliusFL, Pufferfyshe, Quadell, Rlquall, Sponge, Susvolans, Tamfang, Trudat2000, Tunis, User2004, VPKalonji, Vis-a-visconti, WhisperToMe, Ynhockey, Zazaban, Zondor, 76 anonymous edits

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Pan-Africanism Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444833442 Contributors: Accounting4Taste, AdvCentral, Aeusoes1, Aldux, AlecTrevelyan402, Alpha77a, Analyzer99, Andattaca2010, Arj, Asad112, Axeman89, Badagnani, Barkjon, Basawala, Batatas, Belovedfreak, BertSen, Black Falcon, BlastOButter42, Bluedenim, Briaboru, Brianski, Buddhagazelle, Bugo, CaribDigita, Catherine Huebscher, Caval valor, Champsdfw, Chase1987, Chowbok, Chunktruth, Cluckbang, ConcordatNephew, Crownjewel82, CubicStar, D Monack, Da Stressor, Dbachmann, Deeceevoice, Delicious carbuncle, Dialectric, Dudeman5685, Dwo, ESkog, Edgar181, Edward, Epbr123, Eyu100, Ezeu, Freechild, Fuhghettaboutit, Futurebird, Fæ, Gail, Giemmevi, Gnangarra, Goustien, Gr8opinionater, Gregbard, Grim23, Gronky, Halaqah, Hamster X, Holliv, Horizonis, Hu12, Hut 8.5, J.delanoy, Javaman2000, Jayanthv86, Jayen466, Jetamors, Jimphilos, Jorgenev, Joseph Solis in Australia, Josh Allain, Juliancolton, K1Bond007, Kashagama, KelilanK, Kemetianqueen, Ketchikanadian, Kibiusa, Knulclunk, Koavf, Legoktm, Leovinia, Leutha, Lil Mikell, Little Mountain 5, Livajo, Llywrch, Lord777, Luckas Blade, Lususromulus, M.V.E.i., MacRusgail, Malik Shabazz, Maurice45, Middayexpress, Mike Dillon, Mo-Al, Moeron, Momoricks, MsTingaK, MuzikJunky, Nach0king, Napata102, Nchema, Nigerian, Nightstallion, Northumbrian, Obilene, Omoo, Pambazuka press, Parkwells, Peregrine981, PeterCanthropus, Pikinois, Polyamorph, Professor Davies, Pstanton, Quentin Smith, Ramses II, Rapscalian, RastaRule, Rd232, Reaper Eternal, Rebrane, Redthoreau, Reiver97, RemoTheDog, Rios sk, Rjwilmsi, Rlquall, Robofish, Romarin, Rtyq2, Rubicon, Rwinbush, Sam Hocevar, Sardanaphalus, Schumi555, Simon123, Simplemime, Sluzzelin, Some jerk on the Internet, Soupforone, Spongebobjames, Str1977, StudierMalMarburg, Superiority, TFCforever, Tabletop, Taharqa, TakaraLioness, Temporary1234, The Ogre, The Rambling Man, Thingg, Tomeasy, Toussaint, Turdfurgason7, Ucucha, Ultratomio, Vgmaster, Vitund, Wikipelli, Wormwoodpoppies, Xp54321, Zhaneboy, 375 anonymous edits

Kwame Nkrumah Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=442395979 Contributors: 123whatevs, AKeen, Adam Bishop, Adam Carr, AdamSommerton, Adashiel, Ajraddatz, Akrabbim, All Hallow's Wraith, Andyjsmith, Ankhnas, Antistatist, Aram33, Azalea pomp, B00P, Babbage, BalkanWalker, Barklund, Bbsrock, Bearcat, Bender235, Beneaththelandslide, Betterusername, Big Bird, Biruitorul, Blahblah5555, Bloom47, Blueboy96, Bobfrombrockley, Brandon5485, BrokenSegue, Brookie, Brozozo, CWii, Cadsuane Melaidhrin, Camelcast, Canis Lupus, Cantiorix, CarlKenner, Cbustapeck, Ccson, Cgrahame, Charlotte Hobbs, Cloud109, Cmapm, Colonies Chris, ConcordatNephew, Conversion script, Courcelles, Crebbin, D6, DVdm, Da monster under your bed, DadaNeem, Danlaycock, Darwinek, Dave1959, Davidley, Den fjättrade ankan, Denisutku, Derek Ross, Detruncate, Downs21, Drbreznjev, Drownspace, Dsp13, Duk, Duncancumming, Dvyost, E333l, Easywiki, Echuck215, Editorofthewiki, Ekownelson, El C, Emkamau, EstherLois, Everyking, Experimental Hobo Infiltration Droid, Favonian, Feleedelfax, Figure19, Francis Tyers, Fæ, Gail, Gang14, Gazpacho, General Grievous, Ghaly, Good Olfactory, Goto, Grayfell, Gunnar Larsson, Gwernol, Halaqah, HalfShadow, Hamiltonstone, Harryboyles, HeikoEvermann, Helperzoom, Hetar, Hogne, Homagetocatalonia, HonouraryMix, Hrkool, Hu, Ionius Mundus, Iridescent, J. W. Love, Javaman2000, Jessicaglynn, Jo3sampl, JoDonHo, Jojhutton, Jojit fb, Jonxwood, Joshuamonkey, Joy1963, Juicifer, Kaihsu, Klemen Kocjancic, Kschwerdt514, Ktotam, Kwekubo, La la ooh, Lairor, Lambiam, Ling.Nut, Mafoso, Mahlered, Malik Shabazz, Master Jay, Materialscientist, Matt Crypto, Medicineman84, Metsavend, Mf1849, MichaelCarl, Michaelmas1957, MinnesotanConfederacy, Mistico, MuJami, Mungomba, Namiba, Nanakosua,

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Naraht, Nate Berkopec, Natsubee, NawlinWiki, Nick Cooper, NickBush24, Nishkid64, Niteowlneils, Number 57, OMHalck, Orphan Wiki, PFHLai, Pak21, Paul Benjamin Austin, Paul kuiper NL, Pearle, Peregrine981, Perspicacite, Peter Karlsen, Peyre, Picus viridis, Pietro morrizio, Pir, Poldy Bloom, Polylerus, Poshseagull, Pteron, Qxz, R'n'B, Raafat, Rande M Sefowt, Raul654, Rearete, Rebecca, Redthoreau, RevelationDirect, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, Ryan Postlethwaite, Salvio giuliano, Sam Hocevar, Sardanaphalus, Sesel, Severo, Shmooth, Skarebo, Slappy4227, Slgrandson, Smmurphy, Snowdog, Snoyes, Solaricon, Spevar, Sweetsweetsour, Tempodivalse, TenPoundHammer, The Moving Finger Writes, Themightyquill, Theowningone, Tidders123, Timrollpickering, Tom harrison, Toussaint, Trey Stone, Tsynergy, Ulric1313, Ute in DC, Viking880, Viriditas, W2ch00, WGee, Wahabijaz, Warkk, Warofdreams, Wayne Slam, Werewolf Bar Mitzvah, Willtron, Wizzy, Woohookitty, Xed, Xlandfair, Xorkl000, Yekrats, Zeno Gantner, Александър, 367 anonymous edits

Frantz Fanon Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444933356 Contributors: 2011, année Frantz Fanon, Abaumination, Abtinb, Abu badali, Ahoerstemeier, Alcmaeonid, Alex Golub, Alfredlargange, AlphaAqua, Andre Engels, Anotsu9, Antonrojo, Asafoetida, Astriddirtsa, B-Mack415, BanyanTree, Barrie415, Barticus88, Baxrob, Bearcat, Benmcq, BertSen, Bill Tegner, BillFlis, Bjorn Martiz, Blanchette, Bobo192, Bonás, BostonMA, Brett epic, Briaboru, Broken jazz dream, Brushed, CalicoCatLover, Calmer Waters, Cerejota, Cobra libre, Cornischong, D6, DBaba, DO'Neil, David Pierce, DavidD4scnrt, Delldot, Discospinster, Doh286, Dudeman5685, Dvyost, EWestmoreland, Edivorce, Eman007, Emeraldcityserendipity, Emkamau, Erdapfelgal, Erianna, Falco528, Favonian, Feraudyh, Flammingo, FrancisTyers, Funkendub, Gede, George392, Ghostfacearchivist, Glbyron, Gobonobo, Good Olfactory, GorillaWarfare, Gregbard, Hadj Tayr, Halaqah, Haymaker, Hmains, HongPong, Icairns, Inkani, Inter, Ipatrol, J JMesserly, Jadorno, Jahsonic, Jajami, JamesReyes, Japanese Searobin, Jbmurray, Jenlight, Jevansen, Jigesh, Jmabel, Jnothman, Joewright, JohnJardine, Josteinn, Jswba, Jweiss11, KF, Kaewa Koyangi, Kasaalan, Keith-264, Kernel Saunters, Kewp, Kingturtle, Koavf, Kukkurovaca, Larrybob, Leutha, Liebestod, LilHelpa, Lkinkade, Luc Pepin, Lucidanne, Lulu of the Lotus-Eaters, MK8, Malik Shabazz, Marcos schneider, MartinCollin, Matthewstapleton, Medicineman84, Mel Etitis, Mephistophelian, Michael David, Mlpearc, Monegasque, Morris181340, Mustafaa, NickBush24, Nikolai35, Nishkid64, Ntsimp, Patric SANS, Perceval, Perspicacite, Phaedrus86, Phil Sandifer, Philip Cross, Pinkville, Pjoef, Planetjanet, Pleather, Poulbwa, Pteron, Quarty, Quite, Rachiestar, Rande M Sefowt, Rgriff99, Rich Farmbrough, Richard David Ramsey, RickK, Riki, Rjwilmsi, Rlquall, Robert1947, Roybb95, Rrmarie, Rui Gabriel Correia, SDC, SeNeKa, Sebastian Bosley, Sekwanele, ShaunMacPherson, Shoefly, Sitush, Smilo Don, Smmurphy, Spablorr, Stefanomione, Susannahw, Swliv, Swusr, TOO, TUF-KAT, Taina xrista, Tatoeba, Tazmaniacs, The Anome, TheCustomOfLife, TheSoundAndTheFury, Thebley, Tothebarricades.tk, Toussaint, Truthisalive, Turnbull, Twirligig, Uncle Dick, Varano, Vol de nuit, VoluntarySlave, WereSpielChequers, Wikigob, Woland1234, Woohookitty, Xed, Xiahou, Zdravko mk, Zeno Gantner, 366 anonymous edits

Elijah Muhammad Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=443265052 Contributors: 24sahmed, ABarnett, Abrhm17, Adashiel, Adrian fine, Aff123a, Ahoerstemeier, Alai, Alansohn, Albmont, Alexjgunn, Alhutch, AnOddName, AndreasKQ, Andres, Andrew c, Andyluciano, AngeloAllah, Aqwhuzaifa, Armoreno10, Arotchieeman, Arthur Warrington Thomas, Arthurian Legend, Asher196, AtticusX, Attilios, Auric, Avenged Eightfold, AxelBoldt, Axem Titanium, Badboy701, Bagatelle, BanyanTree, Basir Karim, Bearcat, Beaverteeth92, Ben Ben, Bender235, BigCoolGuyy, Biji san, Blaxthos, Bobo192, Boodlesthecat, Bootstoots, Brain40, Brian0918, BryceBee, Bstettin, Burtonboards, Calliopejen1, CapitalR, Carinemily, Cazim9873, Cdc, Cg41386, Chasmo70, Chicheley, Chris G, ChrisHodgesUK, Chrismcgowan, Closedmouth, CoYep, Couch on his Head and Smiling, Courcelles, D6, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, DLM 92, Dadude3320, DanielCD, Danski14, Darwinek, David Newton, David136a, Ddxc, DerHexer, Deville, DinajGao, Dirkbb, Discospinster, Doc glasgow, Dr. Khalif Muhammad, DrToni, Dreby14, Dudeman5685, Duncharris, Dzzycicero, EchetusXe, Editor2020, Editor7895123, Edton, Efreeman.fcg, ElationAviation, Elijah Mohammad, Enzo Aquarius, Ericl, Eskandarany, Esp rus2, Evans1982, Everyking, Excirial, F. Cosoleto, FGBD, Fabiform, FaheemKhan, Falcongj, Finlay McWalter, Fred Bradstadt, Furrykef, Fuzbaby, GB fan, GcSwRhIc, Geoffspear, GeorgeC, Gerry D, GhostPirate, Giggy, Gilliam, GinaDana, Golgofrinchian, GorgeCustersSabre, Gorgeousp, Graft, Grner1, Grutness, Hadal, Hallmark, HamburgerRadio, Harej, Helikophis, Hillel, Hipocrite, Hobo Muffin, Hungrymob, IGeMiNix, Ibbn, IcedNut, Ikkinnikki, Infrogmation, Inter, Ipatrol, Iridescent, IronGargoyle, Ism schism, J.delanoy, Ja 62, Jackfork, Jacob no. 9, Jaffer, Jake Wartenberg, Jamieli, Jason Quinn, Java7837, Jawhar7, Jazzman831, Jeff G., Jfrancillette, JodyB, John Paul Parks, JohnBlaz, Johnpseudo, Jonathan.s.kt, Joseph Solis in Australia, JuJube, Junkinbomb, Justice23, Justinhwang1996, Kekitowong, Kerowyn, Kesac, Kevinmon, Khoikhoi, Kimse, Kingpin13, Kingturtle, Kubanczyk, Kungfuadam, Lacrimosus, LarryGilbert, Leafyplant, Lifthz, Lightmouse, Lir, Loopyer, Luna Santin, M1ss1ontomars2k4, Majorly, Malik Shabazz, Malo, Manway, Marek69, Markoff Chaney, Masque of Red Death, Master Jay, Maximusveritas, Mayumashu, Mephistophelian, Mike R, Mister.awesomeness, Mitchellandness1, Moorishbrooklyninteligence, Mosmof, Mourad92, Mpatel, Mr100percent, Mustafaa1978, Mynameinc, NeoChaosX, Nettyboo, Nick, Nightkilla22, Nightscream, Nishkid64, Nivix, Njsamizdat, OliverTwisted, Original Digga, Parkwells, Pastorwayne, Paul Barlow, PhilipC, Phuzion, Piano non troppo, Pietru, Pigman, Polluxian, Prestonmcconkie, Prolog, Proxy User, Pstanton, Psychologicalwar, Quadell, Quaiqu, Qxz, RFGS, RadioFan2 (usurped), Radiobums, Rag-time4, Raideret12, Rawiyahsphere, Rckycooper, Reaper Eternal, Reindra, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Righteousdisorder, Risk34, Rito Revolto, Rjwilmsi, Rks2390, Rozsaphile1, Rrburke, Rror, Rursus, Ryan Albrey, Sainnomine, Salamander 96, Sam Korn, Savie Kumara, SchuminWeb, Scientizzle, Scott Sanchez, ScottSteiner, Shoefly, Shoeofdeath, Sigmarick, Singularity, SirDecius, Sirphreshness77, Sitampansakti, Siv0r, Sole Soul, SomeGuy11112, Spongejerk2001, Staffwaterboy, Steve Dufour, Steven Zhang, Strangerunbidden, Studerby, Suite662, Tassedethe, Taz Manchester, Tcncv, The Anome, The Gnome, TheAnarcat, TheSaahib, Tide rolls, Timotheus Canens, Tom, TonyO13, Tootmyloot, Toussaint, Treybien, Tribeofshabazz, Ulisse0, User2004, Uucp, Vancouverguy, Vapblack, Varano, Varlaam, Vcrs, Verklempt, Versus22, Verweiler, Voyagerfan5761, W guice, Waggers, Wankbreath, Wasell, Wavelength, WhisperToMe, Will Beback, Yahel Guhan, Zazpot, ZimZalaBim, Шизомби, 912 anonymous edits

Nation of Islam Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444176628 Contributors: (jarbarf), 4wajzkd02, 65.33.246.xxx, A. Parrot, A8UDI, AAA765, ACSE, Aaron Schulz, Abigor, Adam Conover, Addshore, Admit-the-truth, Adoniscik, Adrift*, Aff123a, Ahk Al-Mu'min, AhmedBhadelia, Ahuebner, Akubra, Alai, Alan.poindexter, Alansohn, Albmont, Alexanderj, Alexb102072, Aloha, Alpha774, Amcbride, Amdg175, An Siarach, AndreasJS, Andres, Andrew c, Andrewlp1991, Andy Marchbanks, AngeloAllah, Angelofdeath275, Angusmclellan, AnnaFrance, Anonymous editor, Antandrus, Anupam, Arthur Holland, Arthur Warrington Thomas, Arundelo, Asa a1, Asher196, Astral, Astynax, AtticusX, Ave Caesar, Awbeal, Ayrton Prost, BD2412, Babajobu, Bacteria, Baptistsoldierofthecross, Bassbonerocks, Batmanand, Bbreanna, Bdodo1992, Beao, Beefliver, Beek100, Belovedfreak, Bender235, Benne, Bento00, Betterusername, Bettia, Biblbroks, Bigjake, Binary TSO, Birdmessenger, BirgerLangkjer, BjörnBergman, Black Samurai, Blaxthos, Bless sins, Blicarea, BlueMoonlet, Bluemask, Bluemoose, Bobblewik, Bonadea, Boodlesthecat, Borntorun74, Brewcrewer, Brianga, Brotherhoodel, Brycem, Bucketsofg, BurningZeppelin, CALR, CPAScott, CWenger, CambridgeBayWeather, Carabinieri, Carinemily, Carolyna, Carrp, Chanhee920, Chase me ladies, I'm the Cavalry, Chasmo70, Chicheley, Chjones, Chowbok, ChrisSalij, Chriskrishna, Chudlery, Cincgreen, Clarknova, Clivex90, Closedmouth, CoYep, Coelacan, Coldbrotha, Colonies Chris, Comandante, Conical Johnson, Connor5612, Conversion script, Crazyidea, Cyan, Cyclonius, Cynical, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, DC, DCEdwards1966, DNewhall, Daniel Olsen, Darguz Parsilvan, Dark Tichondrias, Darwinek, Dave6, Davecampbell, Davenbelle, Davidme, Dbachmann, Dcandeto, DeathRattle101, Deeceevoice, Deicas, Delirium, Deltabeignet, Dentren, Dethme0w, Dfrg.msc, Diderot, Diimmortales, DinajGao, Dmuha71762, Doctormatt, Dodava, Dogface, Donarreiskoffer, DrWorm, Dralwik, Dudeman5685, Dullbozer, Dumaka, Dunkerya, Dylan620, E2a2j, EamonnPKeane, Ed Poor, Editor2020, Efghij, El C, Elmmapleoakpine, ElreyJones, Emptymountains, Epbr123, Erebus Morgaine, Escape Orbit, Esperant, Esrever, Eugene Ibrahim, Everard Proudfoot, Evercat, Everyking, Evil Monkey, FF2010, Falcon784, Falkonry, Farhansher, Fattyjwoods, Favonian, Fawal24, Firebug, Flip619, Fnordpig, Foot, Formeruser-82, Forwhomthebelltolls101, Frank Shearar, Fraytel, Freakofnurture, Freedom Allah, Funnyguy555, Furrykef, Fuzbaby, Fæ, GCarty, Gaijin42, Gaius Cornelius, Garrett Albright, Gary D, Gazpacho, Gbleem, George m, Gilgamesh, Giornorosso, Glennimoss, Gold, Gorgeousp, Graf Bobby, Greenshed, Grenavitar, Grim23, Gurch, Habasi, Hadal, Hadiqaah, HalifaxRage, Hamdo, HappyDog, Harryboyles, Harvatov, Hasbro, Hassanaskia, Haya shiloh, Haymaker, Hdt83, Heetbusters123, Heimstern, Heroeswithmetaphors, Heysan, Hi878, Histrydude, Hoopsfan108, Hopfrog, Horst Heinrich Haarman, Howcheng, Hsk01, Huldra, Humus sapiens, Husainweb, Husfahmy, IRP, IZAK, IbnRushd, Ifasehun, Iffer, Ike9898, Imdaschitt, Insanity Incarnate, Ipcupic, Iridescent, IronDuke, Islamsalami, Ism schism, Itbuckner, J.delanoy, JEB90, JHCC, JW1805, Jagged 85, Jamaana, Jaraalbe, JasonPresyl, Jayjg, Jdavidb, Jeff G., JeffBobFrank, Jeremjay24, JeremyA, Jessesaurus, Jflapointe, Jfrancillette, Jigglyfidders, Jnc, Jndrline, Jni, JoDonHo, JoanneB, Joel s, John, John of Reading, JohnBlaz, Jolivio, Jon Doh, Jonathan.s.kt, Joseph Solis in Australia, Joy, Jpers36, Jrkso, Juhko, Jusdafax, Justice23, K1br, Kane5187, Karimarie, Katieh5584, Kayrey69, KazakhPol, Keilana, Keithh, Kesac, Kikodawgzz, Kimchi.sg, Kingpin13, Kingturtle, Kiore, KnowledgeOfSelf, Knulclunk, Ko'oy, Koavf, Koppas, Kungfuadam, KuroiShiroi, Kwertii, LAX, LIL T, Lacrimosus, Lapsed Pacifist, LatinoMuslim, Ld100, LeContexte, Leahtwosaints, LeeSeem, Leszek Jańczuk, Leyanese, Lightdarkness, Lightmouse, Lil'GKhan, Lir, Llamabr, Lotusduck, Lrreiche, Luna Santin, MCWormKing, MER-C, MINDBOMB, MKoltnow, MPerel, MR. 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Malcolm X Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444507571 Contributors: .V., 13959119, 200.191.188.xxx, 2help, 2tuntony, 3finger, 62.253.64.xxx, 6afraidof7, 702310448, 75pickup, A Different World, ABCxyz, AaronSw, Aaronhumes, Aaronjhill, Abie the Fish Peddler, Abu ali, Academic Challenger, AdamSmithee, Adashiel, AdjustShift, Adrian Sampson,

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Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=443299472 Contributors: AEMoreira042281, Accurizer, Apeloverage, Arjun01, Barrie415, Bart133, Bdorman, Becritical, Bigtimepeace, Bobblewik, Brucehartford, Bry9000, CardinalDan, Cgingold, China321, Chris01720, Christopher Parham, Chubbles, ChudeAllen, Closedmouth, Computerjoe, D99figge, DJ Silverfish, DanKeshet, Darklilac, Ddd42, Deflective, Discospinster, DocteurCosmos, Dwalls, Edgar181, ElationAviation, Eru, Euchiasmus, Evrik, Flyguy649, Fratrep, Freechild, Gaius Cornelius, Gatta, Giemmevi, Goramon, Havivi, Highground79, Hmains, HowardMorland, Howcheng, Hu12, Hyacinth, Hydrogen Iodide, II MusLiM HyBRiD II, Iridescent, Italo Svevo, J.delanoy, JK the unwise, JNW, Jacksinterweb, Jengod, Jeremyb, JerseyJoe2, Jgrant9nc, Jkshrews, Jonathan71, Jrtayloriv, Jswba, Jwy, KMeyer, Kaihsu, Keizers, Kumioko, Lankyspotamus, Lawcenter, LegCircus, LordNader, Martindo, Mboverload, Mdmcginn, Michael Snow, MishaPan, Montanean, MovementLessRestricted, N. Wang, Nakon, Ndteegarden, Netesq, Nimur, Noah Salzman, Noleander, North Shoreman, Parkwells, Petrb, Pgan002, Pigman, Piquant, Pohick2, Postdlf, Preschooler.at.heart, Prof75, Quadell, RFD, Radicalsubversiv, Randy Kryn, RapidSkis, Retired username, Rich Farmbrough, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Rjwilmsi, Rrburke, Sam Hocevar, Sardanaphalus, Savidan, Seanahan, Shanes, Sharamt, Shimgray, SimonP, Skywriter, Sluzzelin, SonicAD, Srikeit, StephNJ, Stevietheman, Supadawg, TFCforever, TGGP, Taw, The Rambling Man, The Thing That Should Not Be, The wub, Tombomp, Toshiba99, Tothebarricades.tk, Trgiii, Ublawstudent, VMS Mosaic, Wapcaplet, Whitejay251, Wikignome0530, Will Beback, Wmahan, Yboord028, Yonghokim, Youryellowbird, Youzwan, 261 anonymous edits

Black Power Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=441619868 Contributors: ATS, Abrech, Acroterion, Action Jackson IV, Addshore, Afrocentricchic7, AgainstAllRaces, Aitias, Akendall, Alex 1991, Allstarecho, Alphabetagamnma, American Eagle, Aminalshmu, Ams80, Anastrophe, Andrewpmk, Anonymous editor, Anonymous7011, Antandrus, Aor, Arcadie, ArielGold, Aristophanes68, Asadur94, Assasinshell, Atif.t2, Autoerrant, Avono, BD2412, BMWman, Bab-a-lot, Barticus88, Bdorman, Beao, Benlisquare, Big Brother 1984, Bigtimepeace, Binary TSO, BlackNYer, Blackhand, Blehfu, Bluezy, Bookandcoffee, Bry9000, CPMcE, CZmarlin, Cab88, Calliopejen1, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Catgut, Catstail, Causa sui, Ccson, Chain27, Check two you, Chicken Wing, ChillDeity, Chrislk02, Civil Engineer III, Clearsight, Closedmouth, Cloyle, CommanderSalamander, Cookie12347, Crownjewel82, CynicalMe, DJ Silverfish, DPacman, Daler, DanKeshet, DanMS, Danthemankhan, Darth Panda, Debresser, Deeceevoice, Delirium, Delphii, Denise Oliver-Velez, DerHexer, Dgamba, DiiCinta, Discospinster, Doprendek, Dougweller, DraconianDebate, Dsubnet0, Dtate5, Dudeman5685, EamonnPKeane, Edgar181, Egoode2, Ejluv, Ejosse1, Eleland, Eliz81, Enviroboy, EoGuy, Epbr123, Escape Orbit, Ettrig, Exiledone, ExistentialBliss, Explicit, F1usafan, Fairlane75, Faithlessthewonderboy, Falcon9x5, Faradn, FayssalF, Filmnews2007, Flghtmstr1, Fluteflute, Fru1tbat, FuriousFreddy, Futurebird, Fvw, Galaxiaad, Gardener101, Garion96, Garret Beaumain, Gegen, Glane23, Glass Sword, Gogo Dodo, Grafen, Guitarradio, Gurch, Half Sarah, Harel, Harryplopper696, Hello32020, Hu12, Huey Newton and the News, Ian Pitchford, Imaginationac, Imstuck, InnocuousPseudonym, Insanity Incarnate, J.delanoy, JBAK88, Java13690, Jaws88, JayGSXR750, Jayjg, Jerrycho13, Jiby742, Jmabel, Jmartincscfolife, Jncraton, Johan Elisson, Jonasaurus, JoshuaZ, Just James, Justin Eiler, JzG, Kersyk, Ketsuekigata, Khoikhoi, Kikodawgzz, Kingshiznet2, Koavf, Kootenayvolcano, Krazymike, L Kensington, LFaraone, Landon1980, Laurina08, Lawrence Cohen, LeaveSleaves, Lee515, Levineps, Lexi Marie, Liangbrech, Liftarn, Location, Logan, LuYiSi, Luna Santin, M2Ys4U, Mackan, Mannafredo, Master Jay, Materialscientist, Max Schwarz, Mbc362, MechanicallySeparatedChicken, Meelar, Michal Nebyla, MightyWarrior, Mike Rosoft, Mike49erfan, Mishatx, Mitchumch, Mnoms, Modernhiawatha, Monty845, Mqduck, MrPowerful, Mrbojangles3003, N419BH, Nabumetone, Naddy, NawlinWiki, Neelix, Neutrality, Nick Number, Nick Wilson, Nitronoobic, Nivix, Nlu, Noleander, Northblock, Nsaa, Ntennis, Ntsimp, Nv8200p, Obvioustrollisobvious, Of, Oliver Lineham, Omicronpersei8, Oracioholiveira, Oscarthecat, PGWG, Palladinus, PaulGarner, Pcb21, PerryIII, Perspective, Pharaoh of the Wizards, PhilKnight, Photouploaded, Piast93, PinchasC, Pinethicket, Pinkadelica, PioneerGrrrl, Platinumsanga1, Premeditated Chaos, PrestonH, Professor marginalia, Psy guy, Purgatory Fubar, QuartierLatin1968, RCM2309, RJII, RMHED, RainbowOfLight, Razorflame, Rdsmith4, Reddi, Redthoreau, RepublicanJacobite, Rettetast, Rhondemo, Rich Farmbrough, Richard Weil, Rjwilmsi, Rkle08, Robert M. Laczko, Robin Patterson, Robofish, Rocketswr4, RunOrDie, SDC, SGGH, SJP, Saibod, Salvio giuliano, SarahStierch, Sardanaphalus, Saturday, Sayqueso, Senator Palpatine, Shanes, Shaniquejk, Shelly kern, Sherurcij, Slambo, Sluzzelin, Smart racist, Snigbrook, Snowolf, SqueakBox, Sukaj, Sumono65, THF, Tabletop, Tasc, Tb, Tbabydoll, Tetraedycal, The Master of Mayhem, The Rambling Man, The Thing That Should Not Be, The wub, TheProject, Thexmanlight, Thorncrag, Tibbets74, Tide rolls, Tijuana Brass, Tim1357, TimMony, Tlroche, Tommy2010, Travelbird, Ttony21, Two Bananas, UBeR, Ueberzahl, Ukexpat, Unused0029, Uriel8, User2004, Uswoman, V2Blast, VasilievVV, Viriditas, VolatileChemical, Vsmith, Waggers, Walking the blues, White supremacy, Wiki alf, WikiLaurent, WikiZorro, Will Beback, Willking1979, Wingsandsword, WordsExpert, Wtmitchell, Yahel Guhan, Youzwan, Zipzap665, 688 anonymous edits

Stokely Carmichael Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=442588539 Contributors: 0x6D667061, A3RO, AKeen, Aarono3000, Academic Challenger, Acroterion, AfricanAmericanHistorian, Alansohn, Alex420spiers, AndrewHowse, AngelOfSadness, Angela, Antandrus, Ark30inf, Athaenara, Awiseman, Bbsrock, Big iron, Bigtimepeace, Bilbo R, Blackangel25, Blankfaze, BlkStarr, Bobby H. Heffley, Bobfrombrockley, Bonadea, Bunnyhop11, Buxbaum666, Calliopejen1, Calton, CaritasUbi, Cbustapeck, Cielomobile, Clarsen555, Comandante, Cooljeanius, Crystallina, D6, DJ Silverfish, DMCer, DadaNeem, Dahn, DanKeshet, DanMS, Daniel Quinlan, Danielsan1701, DarkNiGHTs, Darwinek, David Schaich, David spector, Davtwan, DeadEyeArrow, Deeceevoice, Devilpapaya, Dr.-Jeff, Dysprosia, Edwy, ElsaMesele, Eru, Evrik, ExistentialBliss, Firebug, Flowerpotman, Flubeca, Gail, Ghostjockey38, Giemmevi, Gmariscal, Good Olfactory, Gparker, Gr8opinionater, Graham87, GregorB, Ground Zero, Guettarda, Gzkn, Halaqah, Hammerheadshark1, Hardyplants, Haymaker, Historian, Hkhenson, Hmains, Hu12, Huey Newton and the News, Insanity Incarnate, Ipsamson, Iridescent, Ishango, Italo Svevo, J.delanoy, Jabreel92, Jengod, Jmabel, JohnnyPolo24, Jose Ramos, Karada, KevinOKeeffe, Kiefer.Wolfowitz, Koavf, Kumioko, La triviata, Latitudinarian, LegCircus, LewCed, Libertyernie2, Lisasmall, Ljstuntz, Lolkok, Lumos3, Lunchboxhero, Malik Shabazz, Mana Excalibur, Mappychris, Marylandstater, Mayumashu, Mennonot, Mephistophelian, Merengue123, Mitchumch, Mojska, Mr Random1, Muntuwandi, Murgh, MuzikJunky, Mynameinc, Mytwocents, Nharewp, Nlu, Nobs, O Fenian, Oda Mari, Omross123, PDH, Paceyourself, Phgao, Philip Trueman, Pjvpjv, Pkitchen, Platinumsanga1, Quadell, QuartierLatin1968, Rastanot, Raymond, Redbonefootball42, Redthoreau, Reenem, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Risk34, Rjwilmsi, [email protected], Rockero, Ronhjones, Rosaparksexpert, Ryan Postlethwaite, S ellinson, Sardanaphalus, Saumoarush, Simesa, SimonP, Sintaku, Skywriter, Sluzzelin, Some jerk on the Internet, Squids and Chips, Stheman, SuW, Sulair.speccoll, TFBCT1, Techman224, Textangel, Themightyquill, Tillwe, Tmoll01, Trackstand, Tvoz, TwinsFan48, UMWDREW, Upinews, Uusitunnus, Vis-a-visconti, Watermint, West.andrew.g, WhisperToMe, Wikignome0530, Woohookitty, Xed, Zocky, Zzorse, 341 anonymous edits

H. Rap Brown Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444382706 Contributors: 4twenty42o, AKGhetto, Aaronbrick, Abie the Fish Peddler, Aldaron, Amcbride, AnonMoos, Aquafina1989, Arbitrarily0, Astanhope, Ata Fida Aziz, Bannedinoc, Bearcat, BigCoolGuyy, Bigtimepeace, Bilbo R, Billy Hathorn, Bkonrad, Bonyman, CJLL Wright, Calton, CanadianLinuxUser, Captain nomes, Carlossuarez46, Cb6, Celarnor, Cephlapod, Chainclaw, CoJaBo, D6, DanKeshet, Davepape, Delirium, DinajGao, DocWatson42, DocteurCosmos, Dumpendebat, Dwayne, Eastlaw, Edgar181, Epeefleche, Fastily, Flatterworld, Flockmeal, Fluffernutter, Fordmadoxfraud, Fys, GADFLY46, Gadfium, GeorgiaBrown07, Good Olfactory, Gopman1, Gyrofrog, Happysailor, HenryLarsen, Hephaestos, Histrydude, Idservices, Iridescent, Java7837, Jonathan.s.kt, Jose Ramos, Kate, Kbdank71, Laquilvia, Lopifalko, Luqmancharsobis, Mandarax, McNoddy, Megaman en m, Mild Bill Hiccup, Misheu, NawlinWiki, New World Man, Novaseminary, Omross123, Osama dorias, Plot Spoiler, Preservation Guide, Quadell, RMHED, Ral315, Randomcracker10, Rjwilmsi, Rockero, Sam Korn, Sceptre, SeanO, Seaphoto, Sherurcij, Shota70, Simesa, SimonP, Siysiy3000, Soulpatch, Spt54, Steelbeard1, Stevenmitchell, Strolls, Sullyss73, TGGP, Taz Manchester, Ted87, Tothebarricades.tk, Trixiejack, Type 40, UltimatePyro, Votobraem, W guice, Weetoddid, Wildthing61476, Xavexgoem, Xed, Zzuuzz, 159 anonymous edits

Huey P. Newton Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444419888 Contributors: 2tuntony, 5 albert square, ABF, ASigIAm213, Abrech, Ad Nauseam, Ahuitzotl, Akira625, Alansohn, Alex2706, Amitch, Anders.Warga, Anna, Anotsu9, Antandrus, Aphaia, Apostle12, Apples99, Arch dude, Arthur3030, Bart133, Bassbonerocks, Bbsrock, Bender235, BlackGoneNess27, Bloy.tee, Brad101, BrownHairedGirl, C+C, Calor, Camanda, CanisRufus, Captain-tucker, Careerfactchecker, Ccson, Chanting Fox, Childe Roland of Gilead, Christopher Mann McKay, Closedmouth, Cloudz679, ClovisPt, Comzero, Copana2002, Courcelles, Crobichaud, Cst17, Cyberjayz, Cyberrights, D6, Da Stressor, DanKeshet, DarkFalls, Darth Panda, DavidD4scnrt, DeC, Deconstructhis, Delldot, Diderot, Dillydot27, Dimadick, Dirkbb, Doktor Waterhouse, Donreed, Dorit, DougRWms, Dreaddl0x, Drew1914, Drmagic, Drmies, Drosera99, Dstylez, Dumaka, Dumelow, Dylant07, ESkog, EWikist, Eco84, Edgessouth2, ElMack, Elockid, Envirocorrector, Epbr123, Everyking, Excirial, ExistentialBliss, Famspear, Farosdaughter, Favonian, Ffbond, Flawda Moe, Fumitol, Funetikahl, Fæ, Gabbe, Gadfium, Gaius Cornelius, George415, Gerrish, Gettingtoit, Ginsengbomb, Glynnmania, Godheval, Good Olfactory, Griot, Guto2003, Guy M, Haigee2007, HaldirOLorien, Hall Monitor, Hardys, Haxwell, HenryLarsen, Herostratus, Hgrosser, Hmains, Huey Newton and the News, Hugo999, Iffer, Iicatsii, Infrogmation, Ipatrol, Irishguy, Ivan Bajlo, J.delanoy, JJHamlin, JaGa, JamesBWatson, Jameswikichen, Jayron32, Jbracken77, Jeandré du Toit, Jersey Devil, Jg325, Jibbideejibbish, Jjs08d, Joeygage, John K, Jonathan Williams, Jonathan.s.kt, Josephtate, Jrtayloriv, Jswba, Jtamboli, Justforasecond, Jwissick, KGLookALike, Kander, Kasaalan, Kate, Keilana, Kevin.doyle, Kewp, Kghose, Khajag, Kidlittle, Kingturtle, Kissmeainticute, Klenod, Koavf, Krich, Kungfuadam, L Kensington, Lemi4, Lessbread, Likewisecc, LilHelpa, Location, Longhair, Luminifer, M, MECU, MKoltnow, Magicbullet5, Mahmud II, Makaveli 21 21 21, Malik Shabazz, Marek69, Masque of Red Death, Matve, Mav, Mboverload, Mdawg728, MementoVivere, Mercurywoodrose, Michael David, Mike M SA, Milo99, Morenoodles, Mosedschurte, Moshe-paz, Motorizer, Mr. Vernon, Mrdie, MuZemike, Mufka, Mulamboh, Nar Matteru, Naraht, Naturally, Neanderthalprimadonna, NeuCeu, Neverquick, Niambijp, Nicholas Cimini, Ntetos, Nv8200p, Obi777, Omicronpersei8, Orange Suede Sofa, Oxymoron83, Padawer, Padraic, Parent5446, Passargea, PasswordUsername, Paul August, Pavel Vozenilek, Pennyforth, Persian Poet Gal, Pete.Hurd, PeterJohnson, Pgan002, Philip Trueman, Philosophistry, Platinumsanga1, Primpella, Pro crast in a tor, Proofreader77, QFlux, Quadell, Qxz, RG2, Razorflame, RedWolf, Reggaedelgado, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Risk34, Rjwilmsi, Rkevins, RodC, Rolando, Rostz, RoyBoy, Russfloyd, SJP, Saday89, Saga City, Sarregouset, Scarian, Seano1, Secret Squïrrel, Segregold, Share Bear, Sillyfolkboy, SinatraFonzarelli, Sir Paul, Skomorokh, Skywriter, Smalljim, SmashTheState, SolomonFreer, Spliffy, StephNJ, Stephenb, Steventity, StuartDouglas, SubtleV, Sugar Bear, Sullyss73, Sus scrofa, Swordsman04, Sylex, TDC, Tabletop, Ted Wilkes, Ted87, Teles, The Almighty Trickshot Jackelope Of Doom, The JPS, The Literate Engineer, The Moving Finger Writes, The Thing That Should Not Be, Themfromspace, Theneokid, Tide rolls, TimMony, Tristessa1, Ucladigilib, Ugur Basak, Useight, Uzzo2, VI, Verklempt, Versus22, VolatileChemical, Vsion, Vzbs34, WVBN8, WhisperToMe, White Lightning, WhiteShark, Who, WikHead, Wikignome0530, Wimt, Wolfdog, Woohookitty, XPS420, XSG, Yahel Guhan, Yalshomaimri, Yamamoto Ichiro, Yo! MTV Saps, ZHurlihee, ZippoHurlihee, 916 anonymous edits

Black Panther Party Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444453329 Contributors: !jim, 14moltov88, 194.117.133.xxx, 207.172.11.xxx, 28bytes, 2D, 450hondarider, 5 albert square, 7thWard2Algiers, A little insignificant, A8UDI, APT, Aaronbrick, Aawillias, Acebrock, Acha11, Acroterion, Adamniecamp, Adoniscik, Aeonx, Aff123a, AfricanAmericanHistorian, Ahoerstemeier, Ainlina, Airconswitch, Aitias, Akaihyo, Akendall, Alansohn, Albert Sumlin, Alex.gelsomino, Alex.muller, Alex2706, Allstarp, Amalas, Amcbride, Amir Reza Moosavi, An Editor With a Self-Referential Name, Anand Karia, Anarcho hipster, Andonic, Andres, Andrew Nutter, Andy Marchbanks, Animum, AnmaFinotera, Anna Lincoln, Anonymous Dissident, Anotsu9, Antandrus, Apeloverage, Aphid360, Apostle12, Arienh4, Arthena, Arthur3030, Artorius, Ash773, Astronautics, Aubrey R, AubreyEllenShomo, AuburnPilot, Aude, Aumorris10, Avoided, Awarnack, Az29, B4hand, Babajobu, Backslash Forwardslash, Balthasarx, BananaFiend, Bar-lisgay, Barastert, Barrie415, Bdorman, Beaver69, Beetle B., Bejinhan, BelloWello, Ben Ben, Bentogoa, Betterusername, Bhadani, Bibliomaniac15, Bigc622, Bigtimepeace, Billbatman, Billheller, Billybelial, Black Dschisis, Blackberryextreme, Blairbob, Blanchardb, Blehfu, Blockader,

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Blue Square Thing, Bmdavll, BobTheTomato, BobbySeale, Bobbykkk, Bobo192, Bogey97, Bongwarrior, BoomerAB, Bovineone, Boyce20015, Brandon, Brandonperson, Breffni Whelan, Briaboru, Brianski, Brooklynlive, Browngarj, Bry55555, Bsadowski1, Buckdich103, BuddyJesus, Bulldog11, Bytor, CC2009, CWY2190, CWii, Calabraxthis, California Free Radical, Calvin 1998, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, CanadianLinuxUser, Canthusus, Capricorn42, Careerfactchecker, Carlos de Oliveira Pires, Carlosguitar, Carlroller, Catstail, Caturdayz, Centrx, Cerealkiller13, Chainclaw, Charitwo, Charphil, Chelsea55, Cherubim313, Chimeric Glider, Chimino, Chris52131, Chrislk02, ChristianGlaeser, ChristianH, Christopher Mann McKay, Cjennings, Classic rocker, ClaudioSantos, Claygervis, Clintonius, Closedmouth, ClovisPt, Cloyle, Cmdrjameson, Cnota, CoastTOcoast533, Coasterlover1994, Collinman 3, Commodore Sloat, Conversion script, Cosprings, Cotton, Courcelles, Courtjester555, Cows fo life, Cpt.McCloud, Crabula, Crisco 1492, Crownjewel82, Cst17, Cyberjayz, Cyrruss, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, DBaba, DJ Silverfish, DJSuper, DPacman, DWalker1011, Da Stressor, Dakinijones, DanKeshet, Dancinbatman, Dankru, Darwinek, Dave1185, Davecampbell, Davecholmes, David.Monniaux, DavidD4scnrt, Davidwhite544, Davnor, Dawilliams, DeadEyeArrow, Defjamrules, Delldot, DeltaQuad, Dengine, Denisarona, DerHexer, DerRichter, Derrrrr456, Descendall, Desert penguin, DesmondRavenstone, Detgf4, Deyegoroe, Dialecticas, Dina, Dirtbiscuit, Discospinster, Disturbed558, Djsweaty, Dl2000, Dmc1184, Doc glasgow, Doczilla, Dols, Doniago, DonnelJones, Donutz420, Dorvaq, DoubleBlue, Doug, Download, Dragon guy, DragonflySixtyseven, Dralwik, Dream27, Drosera99, Dtasripin, Dtolnay, Duchhiemmer, Dudeman5685, Dudesleeper, Duffman0820, DumnyPolak, Duncan, Durova, Dvavasour, Dwalls, E Wing, E0steven, EGDJ, Eco84, Ecopetition, Edgar181, Edrigu, Edwardsull, Edwardsully, Eequor, Either way, El C, Eleuther, Elmund07, Elwrucko, Emmett22, Epbr123, Erebus Morgaine, Erianna, Erick91, Error, Esperant, Excirial, ExistentialBliss, Explicit, Exxolon, Ezeu, F. F. Fjodor, FF2010, FaerieInGrey, Fairlane75, Falcon8765, Fang Aili, Farosdaughter, Favonian, FayssalF, Feinoha, Felisl, Ferdiaob, Ffaker, FinalRapture, Firenorse, Flamurai, Flewis, Fratrep, Freakofnurture, Frecklefoot, Frieda, Frosty362, Frymaster, Funandscam, Funandtrvl, Funetikahl, Futurebird, Fyit, GT5162, Gaddar, Gaia Octavia Agrippa, Gail, Gardenhoser!, Garlikguy2, Gary1234, Garzia, Gatta, Gazpacho, Gcm, Gerry808, Gh5046, Ghockey72, GiantSnowman, Giants27, Gilliam, Gimboid13, Glane23, Glen, Glencwc, Gnangarra, Goatasaur, Gobonobo, God-save-us, Golbez, Goodnightmush, Gorgeousp, GorillaWarfare, Got3jacks2nines, Graft, Graham87, Grandpafootsoldier, Gregglers, Griot, Gromlakh, Groovthang, Gsp8181, Gundercat, Gurch, Gurchzilla, Gwernol, Gwytherinn, Gzornenplatz, Gzuckier, HJ Mitchell, Hadal, Halaqah, HalfShadow, HamburgerRadio, Hammersbach, Hanseroc, HappyInGeneral, Harland1, Harveytwins91, Hede2000, HeraclitusEphesus, Hermeneus, HexaChord, Historianlouis, Hmains, Holmes569, Holon67, HoodedMan, Horses In The Sky, Hu12, Humanist Geek, Hut 8.5, I got a big clout, I hate my lg view, ILike2BeAnonymous, IRP, Icseaturtles, Iffer, Ignatzmice, Illnab1024, Illwauk, ImpactPlayer23, Inhumandecency, Insanephantom, Intangible, Intelligentsium, Intesvensk, Iridescent, IronGargoyle, Iserve1god, Itake, J. 'mach' wust, J.delanoy, JCO312, JForget, JNW, JSpung, JYolkowski, Ja 62, Jack Naven Rulez, Jacob faz, Jafro, Jake Wartenberg, Jareha, Jason3.0, Jauerback, Javierito92, JayJasper, Jc47906, Jclemens, Jeff G., Jeff1234567890, Jellalabad, Jengod, Jeremiah obialo, Jeronimo, Jesster79, JetCityOrange, Jh51681, Jiang, JimboV1, Jizzonme122, Jletton, Jmabel, Joe Dick, John K, John of Reading, Jojhutton, JokerXtreme, Jrtayloriv, Jruff880, Juliancolton, Juney Boondata, Jusdafax, Jwissick, KGasso, Kaiba, Kaisershatner, Kaiwhakahaere, Kander, Kartano, Kasaalan, Katieh5584, Keegscee, Ken Gallager, Kestral fire, Ketsuekigata, Khatru2, Khoikhoi, Kieran0397, Kiffahh, Kikodawgzz, Kikodawgzzz, King Vegita, Kingfal, Kingturtle, KnowledgeOfSelf, Koakhtzvigad, Koavf, Koyaanis Qatsi, Kskerrett, Kspence, Kumioko, Kuru, Kurykh, Kwekubo, Kww, Kyng, LFaraone, LTflo22, La Parka Your Car, LamaLoLeshLa, Lankiveil, Lapsed Pacifist, LaszloWalrus, Latesha0911, Lazulilasher, Lear's Fool, LeaveSleaves, Leftypitch1, 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Mumia Abu-Jamal Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444926003 Contributors: 63.205.166.xxx, 76ersFan, A. R. 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The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Article Sources and Contributors 244

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Black Liberation Army Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=432597980 Contributors: A2Kafir, Againme, Apostle12, B, Beetle B., Beninho, Brooklyn agit, Bumm13, CCRoxtar, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Cebundy, Chainclaw, ClovisPt, Colonies Chris, Dfconway, Dudeman5685, Edward, Equinox137, Generic Player, Giordaano, Good Olfactory, Hammersbach, Hank chapot, Il Moderato, JaGa, Jackyd101, Jdel2006, KevinOKeeffe, Kikodawgzz, Kingpin13, Kingstowngalway, Lapsed Pacifist, LeeHunter, Max rspct, Metstotop333, Michael Essmeyer, Mild Bill Hiccup, Mitchelll, Mlownes, MuzikJunky, Mwelch, N1h1l, Namiba, Nihila, P4k, Plur1998, QuartzZone, R'n'B, Remuel, Rich Farmbrough, Rmhermen, Rockero, Royboycrashfan, Saebvn, Scottrothstein, Skysmith, Smmurphy, Steven Russell, Superbeecat, Tarc, Tassedethe, The Tom, Trackstand, Transform.everything, Vectro, VinnyCee, Vino s, Vis-a-visconti, Woohookitty, 67 anonymous edits

Dhoruba al-Mujahid bin Wahad Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=426755922 Contributors: A3RO, Americasroof, BD2412, ClovisPt, DBW-OG1, Edward, Idpapbscltd, Koavf, Materialscientist, Psychotic Hitchhiker, Rjwilmsi, 7 anonymous edits

Geronimo Pratt Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444664885 Contributors: 4meter4, AlmightyAnthony, Anna Frodesiak, Anomalocaris, BCST2001, Bannedinoc, Bearcat, Birtom, Blindjustice, Bongomatic, Bzfgt, Charles Matthews, Chewylouie, ClovisPt, Cringe Schrapnel, Djskillz, Doprendek, Eco84, Eleland, Golemarch, HexaChord, Huangdi, Imaginesis, JLaTondre, Jamietw, Jtres21, Kashtanubeing, Kbh3rd, Kintetsubuffalo, Kusunose, Lapsed Pacifist, Luna Santin, Lycurgus, Mahim90, Marrante, Maximus Rex, Mftray, MiguelMunoz, Mohammed Alrubay, Morris181340, Nigelloring, Nv8200p, O'Dubhghaill, Parkwells, Pcxmac, Phoenix2, Quadell, Quale, Quebec99, RFD, Rajrajmarley, RayneVanDunem, RickK, Rjwilmsi, Rockero, Samhuddy, Scapler, Sluzzelin, Snori, TheParanoidOne, TiMike, Tylerkent9, TysK, Valentinejoesmith, Verklempt, W guice, WWGB, Wayne Miller, Wikiboywonder, Yesopenilno, YoMenashe, ZHurlihee, 98 anonymous edits

Assata Shakur Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444347641 Contributors: A. B., Aff123a, Alansohn, Alex2706, Andrewlp1991, Angr, AnnaFrance, Arakunem, Art LaPella, Arthur3030, AssataShakur, AvatarMN, AxelBoldt, B, Basawala, Big Bird, BigBossBlues, BillFlis, Blair1000, Bluefield, Bobo192, Brewcrewer, Brighterorange, Brighteyes097, BulsaraAndDeacon, Burntsauce, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, CarolGray, Catapult, Cesarsorm, Cgingold, Changes 04, Chaosthethird, Chris the speller, Chrisath, Chueyjoo, CliffC, ClovisPt, Collegebookworm, Colonies Chris, Conscious, Cuchullain, D6, DanKeshet, Darth Panda, Deliri, DerBorg, Dimadick, DinajGao, Discospinster, Dispenser, DrKiernan, Dresdnhope, DuncanHill, Dutchmonkey9000, EarthPerson, Eco84, Edward, Elaygee, Enviroboy, EoGuy, Epbr123, Equinox137, Fconaway, Fearwig, Fieldday-sunday, Flammifer, Fran Rogers, Fullobeans, Gadfium, Gaius Cornelius, Gilmore brian, Giraffedata, Good Olfactory, Gyll, HaeB, Hall Monitor, Hammersbach, Hi3655, Hmains, Hottentot, Hurmata, Iamthesolarpoweredwalri, Ian Page, Ifasehun, Indopug, Intothewoods29, Iridescent, JamesBWatson, Jeff Muscato, Jek339, Jennavecia, John of Reading, Josebove, Jossi, Jrcla2, Jrtayloriv, Kakofonous, Kaldari, Kanesue, Karanacs, Karppinen, Katsam, Kevin W., KevinOKeeffe, Khoikhoi, Kingstowngalway, Koyaanis Qatsi, Kozuch, Krawi, Kt4123, LaidOff, Lapsed Pacifist, Laser brain, LaszloWalrus, LeaveSleaves, Lightmouse, Lumos3, MC MasterChef, MER-C, MadameArsenic, Maedin, Malik Shabazz, Maralia, Materialscientist, Mazeartist, McSly, Menchi, Michael Devore, Michael Essmeyer, Michael Ovitz, Mild Bill Hiccup, Mlaffs, Moderndiogenes, Morganfitzp, Motorizer, Mrogovin, Mswer, N8chz, NPswimdude500, NYC Infidel, NYMets2000, Namiba, Nasir Nantambu, Nchobo, Neilc, Netoholic, Nickg4, NuclearWarfare, Orange Suede Sofa, Ortolan88, Owen, Ozgod, Paul Barlow, Peta1234512345, Pettiebone, Phoenix2, Piledhigheranddeeper, PiracyFundsTerrorism, Pit, Plehn, RE, RHB, Rbraunwa, Rdboyce, RedWolf, Redthoreau, RepublicanJacobite, Res2216firestar, Rettetast, Revprez, Rgoodermote, Rich Farmbrough, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Rjwilmsi, Rmhermen, RobertG, Ruslik0, SMC, Sachinabox, SandyGeorgia, Savidan, Sebisthlm, Seergenius, Shirulashem, Shorne, Sjö, SkyWalker, Slim453, Socialthinker, Steven Russell, Stilgar135, Sunray, Supertouch, T-rex, TDC, Tabletop, Texasboy77, The Man in Question, The Moving Finger Writes, The Old Buck, The wub, Thebanjohype, TimBentley, Trachtemacht, Tsange, Uber Gopher, Unused0029, Ussrscape, Ventolin, Verklempt, VinnyCee, Vipcambodia, ViperSnake151, Wanderer57, WereSpielChequers, Whiskey Pete, Woohookitty, Xedaf, Youngamerican, Zazaban, Zer0faults, ZinZin11, 389 anonymous edits

Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=419847551 Contributors: (jarbarf), Alansohn, Anturiaethwr, Arminius, Barrie415, Bdell555, Breffni Whelan, Brian the Editor, Brucehartford, Bwclark1974, Calliopejen1, Catsv, Cgingold, DJ Silverfish, Dave6, David Schaich, Dbeito, Dimadick, Dudeman5685, Escape Orbit, Ground Zero, Hcheney, Hmains, Inksoul, Italo Svevo, J.delanoy, JamesMLane, Jengod, John Paul Parks, Jonathan.s.kt, KevinOKeeffe, Kuralyov, Lapsed Pacifist, Lewis Trondheim, MBisanz, Malik Shabazz, Mcarling, Minesweeper, Mitchumch, Namiba, NekoDaemon, Nobs01, Open2universe, Owen, Postdlf, Rdsmith4, Rich Farmbrough, Rlquall, Rovoam, Sardanaphalus, Sarregouset, Sdornan, Smith03, Snowolf, Str1977, The wub, Yamamoto Ichiro, Yellowdesk, Zalgo, 56 anonymous edits

Fannie Lou Hamer Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=443585854 Contributors: AKeen, Aarktica, Academic Challenger, Acroterion, Aff123a, Ajraddatz, Alphachimp, Andycjp, Appraiser, Baa, Barkjon, Batsnumbereleven, Bcc07, Bcsurvivor, Bkonrad, Bobo192, Boing! said Zebedee, Buttons2010, CambridgeBayWeather, CanisRufus, Casull, Cbustapeck, Ccson, Cerealkiller13, Cgingold, ChrisGriswold, Coastergeekperson04, CommonsDelinker, Crumbsucker, D C McJonathan, D6, DLJessup, Deathphoenix, DerHexer, Dfhd, Dialecticas, DiiCinta, Dina, DorothyBrown, Doulos Christos, Draggleduck, Dudeman5685, Dwh33, E2eamon, ESkog, Emeraldcityserendipity, Epbr123, FamousBobby, Fl, Garion96, GcSwRhIc, Geeklizzard, Gilliam, Glane23, Good Olfactory, Goorman0, Grafen, Grenavitar, Hadal, Hellno2, Hmains, Hobartimus, Howcheng, II MusLiM HyBRiD II, ImGz, Iridescent, J JMesserly, J.delanoy, JWPowell, Jengod, Jimokay, John Paul Parks, Jonathunder, Kakofonous, Lapisphil, Leon Kennedy, Lesanichelle, Lunchboxhero, Lysander3, MASQUERAID, Manway, Manytexts, Master of Puppets, McSly, Mentisock, Michael David, Miranda, Mkdw, Montauk6, Mrmathews, Mynameinc, NekoDaemon, Nepenthes, Nietzsche 2, NinetyCharacters, Ojay123, Oliver202, ParticleMan, Phaedriel, Philip Trueman, Poetdancer, Potatoskinz5, Private Butcher, Quale, RJASE1, Radiant chains, Radman 99 1999, Radon210, Randy Kryn, Randydeluxe, RedWolf, [email protected], Rodhullandemu, Rror, Sam Blacketer, Sam Hocevar, Scooter, Sdornan, Seaphoto, Shakesomeaction, ShelfSkewed, Skysmith, Spitfire, Stephenb, Tex, The Thing That Should Not Be, Tomáš Vrba, TonySever, Tonymartin, Torrr, Tothebarricades.tk, Uhai, Versus22, Vinegartom, Wasted Time R, West.andrew.g, WhisperToMe, Wikignome0530, Wtmitchell, Zigzig20s, ZimZalaBim, Znlrwl, 403 anonymous edits

1968 Olympics Black Power salute Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=442702448 Contributors: AdRock, Aioth, Alan smithee, Alansohn, Alborz Fallah, Alessandro Selli, Anandram, Angr, ArCgon, AreaControl, Arthena, Ashmoo, AudiomanJS, Aymatth2, Bart133, Basement12, Bcantoni, Biruitorul, Bluerasberry, Bobak, Branddobbe, Brenont, Bridgeplayer, Cbl62, Cgingold, Chester Markel, Chuq, CommonsDelinker, Courcelles, DarkCleaner64, Darkcurrent, Dave Runger, Dimadick, Dina, DorindaVosloo, Dureo, Edelmand, Eleland, Enviroboy, Esemono, EurekaLott, Filmnews2007, Frankster1138, Fundamental metric tensor, Gabi S., Geometricks, George The Dragon, Grover cleveland, Harry Hoover, HarveyWilliams, Hbdragon88, Hoponpop69, Ianblair23, IgnorantArmies, Immanuel goldstein, Inarcadiaego, Ingolfson, Iridescent, IvoShandor, J.delanoy, JCrue, JDoorjam, JamesAM, Jareha, Jess Cully, Jjron, Joseph Solis in Australia, JoshuaZ, Justpassin, KAPITALIST88, Kingpin13, Kubanczyk, La Pianista, Leav, LeaveSleaves, Levineps, Liberalprogressiveman, Limideen, Little Professor, Lizasabater, Lizzzs, LoomisSimmons, MacGyverMagic, Mairi, Majkhan, Maxl, Maxwellversion2, Mdb1370, Mdwav, Megapixie, MikeHobday, MisfitToys, Ml66uk2, Montell 74, MrStalker, NE2, Neurolysis, Nipisiquit, Nsaa, Oliphaunt, Ospalh, P64, Peripitus, PhilKnight, Profitoftruth85, Quuxplusone, RabitsVinge, RadioFan, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, Roux-HG, Samkool, Scorpion0422, ScottAlanHill, Seegoon, Servatai, Seth ze, Sgt Pinback, Shirt58, Sillyfolkboy, Skomorokh, Steve, Stijndon, TMC1982, Tassedethe, Tbhotch, Tempodivalse, The Thing That Should Not Be, Thorstenzoerner, Tijuana Brass, Tim from Leeds, Tom Morris, Tommy2010, Traxs7, Troy 07, Tyrol5, Ukexpat, Ventolin, Walkiped, White Shadows, Yorkshiresky, Δ, 246 anonymous edits

Deacons for Defense and Justice Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=440687671 Contributors: AnOddName, Antonbrzon, Chris Chittleborough, DanTD, Darwinek, Gaius Cornelius, Gobonobo, Grace-streetmedic, Hga, Hmains, JCarriker, Jengod, JimVC3, Jtdirl, MC10, Michal Nebyla, Mizst, Modster, Netesq, PigFlu Oink, Pigman, Plastikspork, Politiks21, Postdlf, ShelfSkewed, SouthernNights, Tlroche, WordyGirl90, 16 anonymous edits

Omali Yeshitela Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=442401619 Contributors: 10metreh, 172, ALC Washington, Allstarecho, Alpha Quadrant (alt), Bender235, Black Power!, Bradtcordeiro, Chrispkelly, Courcelles, Dahn, Dbachmann, Ed Poor, Edgar181, Etherialemperor, Evanqwoods, Fuhghettaboutit, Guslto, Halaqah, Hmains, Ikariam3944, JMaxwell, Jakeliss, Jmm6f488, Joshua Scott, Kane5187, Kateshortforbob, Kiffahh, Mercurywoodrose, Miacek, Moogle10000, Namiba, NeilN, Ong saluri, PBP, RalphieParker, Raxtro, Roger1978, Rossami, SaintPetersblog, Sauzer, Sesel, Settl746, Skudrafan1, Stpete2007, Tide rolls, Triwbe, Truthtelling2008, Truthtelling2009, Viridae, Wally, 84 anonymous edits

African independence movements Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=433788087 Contributors: 9014user, Alex 1991, Alinor, Auntof6, Bobfrombrockley, Camarinha, Capricorn42, Clarince63, Cocytus, Colonies Chris, Daniel.finnan, Ewulp, Gadfium, Gilliam, HCPUNXKID, Hmains, Iamunknown, Jevansen, John of Reading, Jomifica, Maralia, Marek69, Miguel in Portugal, Mild Bill Hiccup, Munci, Namiba, Nash16, Project FMF, R'n'B, Reenem, Rettetast, Rjwilmsi, Robofish, Rvknight, SGGH, Sdrtirs, SeNeKa, Skapur, Soman, Tabletop, Tom Radulovich, Unobjectionable, Woohookitty, Zaian, 44 anonymous edits

Black Arts Movement Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=427157321 Contributors: AAddison81292, Alphachimp, Altenmann, Antoine56 98, Apardee, Badagnani, Barticus88, Beboyyaa, Calaka, Chriss.2, Christian Roess, Crownjewel82, ElsaMesele, EoGuy, EscapingLife, Fairlane75, Fplay, Futurebird, Irishguy, Joefromrandb, Johnbod, [email protected], Mandarax, Materialscientist, Modernist, NAHID, Nakon, Pearle, Photouploaded, Platinumsanga1, Pohick2, Qtypa2t24, Radh, Rwclark, Sadads, Sarah smiling again, SarahStierch, Sardanaphalus, SarekOfVulcan, Sparkit, Sstasa2, Stacita, SteinbDJ, WadeSimMiser, Zleitzen, 47 anonymous edits

Black Consciousness Movement Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=438880196 Contributors: Andycjp, Bab-a-lot, BadLeprechaun, Banes, Bermuda1, Bobo192, Cargohook, Chester Markel, Cmdrjameson, Da Stressor, David Kernow, Descendall, Discospinster, Dudeman5685, Dvyost, Enriquecardova, FayssalF, Fences and windows, Greenman, Gregorydavid, Harro5, Haymaker, Ian Pitchford, Inkani, JackyR, Jevansen, Jo3sampl, Joewright, JohD, Joonasl, Kemetianqueen, Khoikhoi, Koavf, Krich, LOL, Malik Shabazz, Michael93555, Neelix, Nzpcmad, OwenBlacker, Pechke, Porqin, Project FMF, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, Roleplayer, Saforrest, Sardanaphalus, Sekwanele 2, Smilo Don, Smmurphy, Suidafrikaan, The wub, Woer$, Woohookitty, Zaian, 58 anonymous edits

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Black Power Revolution Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=421897747 Contributors: Antique Rose, Bab-a-lot, Bastin, DerRichter, Dimadick, Dryman, Dudeman5685, Falcon8765, Guettarda, Hammerofdawn, Hmains, Ishango, Larasister, Lunarskky, Moriori, Ominae, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, SlipperyHippo, Triddle, Uncia, VirtualDelight, 12 anonymous edits

Reparations for slavery Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444431684 Contributors: 4shizzal, A314268, Acather96, Adambro, Agnamus, Alansohn, Altenmann, Andymease, Anetode, Arakunem, ArglebargleIV, Avriette, BD2412, BananaFiend, Barry062393, BeardedScholar, Beland, Bennetto, Big Brother 1984, Bob A, Bobblehead, Bobblewik, Borisblue, Bpgdag, Bry9000, Btg2290, Bunnyhop11, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Caseyradio, Cgingold, Chaser, Cigarette, CliffC, Cmdrjameson, Confounded bridge, CopperStewart, Copysan, Coradon, Crownjewel82, Curps, Currter, Darklilac, Datacharge, DeadEyeArrow, DerHexer, Discospinster, Dogsgomoo, Dozols, Drmies, Dromio05, ERcheck, Earth07, Eastlaw, Edgar181, Egmontaz, Elassint, Elatanatari, Eltomzo, Epbr123, Estoy Aquí, Excelsior Deo, Favonian, FlibbetyGiblet, Franz7, Full Shunyata, Funnyhat, Furrykef, GainLine, Gamahucheur, Geneb668, Gobawoo, Goblineat4, Gorgeousp, Graymornings, Grifterlake, Gscshoyru, Gurps npc, Haeleth, Hfarmer, Hmains, Huangdi, Hyperion395, IGeMiNix, Iamstr8fire, Ian Pitchford, Icarus3, IronGargoyle, J.delanoy, J04n, Jabriel, Jackollie, Jake Wartenberg, JamesBWatson, Javier black assasin, Jay-Sebastos, Jay1279, Jaysscholar, JdwNYC, Jmeeter, Jmm6f488, Jophus00, Josh.R, Juansidious, Kellster71, Kelly Martin, Kendallgclark, Ksoileau, La goutte de pluie, Levineps, Licor, LoriJ, Lpslogan29, Luk, Luna Santin, MECU, MONGO, Mackensen, Magister Mathematicae, Malc82, Malik Shabazz, MarcusGraly, Marosha, Martpol, Mauler90, Melsaran, Michael Hardy, Michaelschmatz, Miguel in Portugal, Mike R, MisterPhyrePhox, Moheroy, Mr Adequate, Mr. Dat, Mrzaius, Muhandes, Nat Krause, NawlinWiki, Neilc, Neo139, Nerdonfire82, Neutrality, Nimur, Nonexistant User, Nunh-huh, Ohnoitsjamie, Oxymoron83, Pacificus, PerfectStorm, Persian Poet Gal, Pete unseth, Piano non troppo, Pstanton, PubliusFL, Pwnage8, R'n'B, RalphEllison, Rbouchoux, Reaper Eternal, Rhoskins76, Rjwilmsi, Romaba8, Runtime, SU Linguist, Sajendra, Samsara, Sardanaphalus, Saverx, Sf46, Shell Kinney, Silverfern nc, Singwaste, SiobhanHansa, Skysmith, SlamDiego, Sluzzelin, Smadge1, Snowolf, Spartaz, Stars4change, Stephen martin12, StephenMacmanus, Sullivan316, Supspirit, Synthe, T smitts, Tabletop, Texture, That Guy, From That Show!, The Founders Intent, TheAdventMaster, Tyronen, Ucanlookitup, Vcrs, Vgy7ujm, Virtue2k, Wikidudeman, Wikieditor06, Wikignome0530, Wikipelli, Willworkforicecream, Wimt, Witan, Wittylama, Wlmg, WolfgangFaber, Wombatcat, Wrightelz, Yahel Guhan, Yodaki, Zappa711, Zariane, Zoe, 461 anonymous edits

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 246 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors

File:Marcus Garvey 1924-08-05.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Marcus_Garvey_1924-08-05.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: from George Grantham Bain Collection Image:Flag of the UNIA.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_the_UNIA.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Homo lupus, Mattes, Rocket000, Slomox, SonofSenegal, ThrashedParanoid, 3 anonymous edits Image:Flag of Ghana.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Ghana.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Benchill, Fry1989, Henswick, Homo lupus, Indolences, Jarekt, Klemen Kocjancic, Neq00, OAlexander, SKopp, ThomasPusch, Threecharlie, Torstein, Zscout370, 4 anonymous edits File:Jamaica 20 dollars.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jamaica_20_dollars.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: User:Aamsse Image:Marcus Garvey 1924-08-05.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Marcus_Garvey_1924-08-05.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: from George Grantham Bain Collection File:Malcolm X NYWTS 4.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_NYWTS_4.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Herman Hiller, World Telegram staff photographer Image:Robert F. Williams.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robert_F._Williams.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Missionary Image:Hooverwarrantforwilliams.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hooverwarrantforwilliams.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Federal Bureau of Investigation Image:RNA Flag 08I09.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:RNA_Flag_08I09.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Tunis Image:New 2000 black percent.gif Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:New_2000_black_percent.gif License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: Alex Bakharev, BD2412, Bender235, Citynoise, Kenmayer, Koavf, 4 anonymous edits Image:LocationAfrica.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:LocationAfrica.png License: Public Domain Contributors: see above Image:kwame.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kwame.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Javaman2000 Image:Flag of Ethiopia (1975-1987, 1991-1996).svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Ethiopia_(1975-1987,_1991-1996).svg License: unknown Contributors: - Image:Nkrumah-King.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Nkrumah-King.jpg License: unknown Contributors: El C, Evadb, Ionius Mundus, The Mingler Image:Nkrumah.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Nkrumah.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Xlandfair at en.wikipedia File:NkrumahPoliticalCartoonPostCoup.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:NkrumahPoliticalCartoonPostCoup.jpg License: Attribution Contributors: Daily Graphic Image:Kwame nkruma memorial.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kwame_nkruma_memorial.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: User:DavidLey Image:kwame nkrumah tomb accra ghana.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kwame_nkrumah_tomb_accra_ghana.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Edward Kamau File:Frantz Fanon The Wretched of the Earth.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Frantz_Fanon_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth.jpg License: Fair Use Contributors: Frantz Fanon File:Elijah Muhammad NYWTS-2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Elijah_Muhammad_NYWTS-2.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: New York World-Telegram and the Sun staff photographer: Wolfson, Stanley, photographer. File:Farrakhan.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Farrakhan.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Christophe cagé, Kenmayer, Yahel Guhan File:Fruits-of-islam-1964.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fruits-of-islam-1964.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: New York World-Telegram and the Sun staff photographer: Wolfson, Stanley, photographer. File:20051030-161112-08-E-Nation-of-Islam-mosque.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:20051030-161112-08-E-Nation-of-Islam-mosque.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: (Warmbucket) File:Malcolm X NYWTS 2a.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_NYWTS_2a.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Ed Ford, World Telegram staff photographer File:Malcolm X Signature.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_Signature.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Malcolm X File:Loudspeaker.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Loudspeaker.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Bayo, Gmaxwell, Husky, Iamunknown, Myself488, Nethac DIU, Omegatron, Rocket000, The Evil IP address, Wouterhagens, 9 anonymous edits File:1930 census Little.gif Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:1930_census_Little.gif License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was w:en:Wikipedia:en:User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ) at en.Wikipedia File:MLK and Malcolm X USNWR cropped.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:MLK_and_Malcolm_X_USNWR_cropped.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Marion S. Trikosko, U.S. News & World Report Magazine File:Malcolm X bullet holes2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_bullet_holes2.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Stanley Wolfson, New York World-Telegram & Sun staff photographer. File:Malcolm X NYWTS.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_NYWTS.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Herman Hiller, World Telegram staff photographer File:Malcolm X Blvd.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Malcolm_X_Blvd.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Contributors: Phillie Casablanca File:Huey P. Newton.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Huey_P._Newton.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Beao, TheDJ, Yahel Guhan File:Bpp logo.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bpp_logo.PNG License: Fair Use Contributors: Beao, Grandpafootsoldier, Tbhotch, 1 anonymous edits File:Black-Panther-Party-founders-newton-seale-forte-howard-hutton.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Black-Panther-Party-founders-newton-seale-forte-howard-hutton.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Jrtayloriv File:Black Panther convention2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Black_Panther_convention2.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: O'Halloran, Thomas J., photographer.; Leffler, Warren K., photographer. For US News and World Report. File:CaptialismplusdopeBPP.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:CaptialismplusdopeBPP.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Corpx, DJ Silverfish, 3 anonymous edits File:Black-Panther-Party-armed-guards-in-street-shotguns.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Black-Panther-Party-armed-guards-in-street-shotguns.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Jrtayloriv File:COINTELPRO - Jean Seberg.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:COINTELPRO_-_Jean_Seberg.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Richard W. Held File:BPP REUNION 2006.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:BPP_REUNION_2006.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors: User:TalkAbout. Original uploader was TalkAbout at en.wikipedia File:Daniel faulkner.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Daniel_faulkner.jpg License: Fair use Contributors: Angr, DrKiernan, Ian13, Looper5920, Magog the Ogre, Rossrs, TruthHider, 2 anonymous edits File:Tom Ridge.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Tom_Ridge.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Department of Homeland Security File:Freygang - Mumia Abu-Jamal 03.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Freygang_-_Mumia_Abu-Jamal_03.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors: Oliver Wolters File:Photo of anti Mumia Abu Jamal T-Shirt.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Photo_of_anti_Mumia_Abu_Jamal_T-Shirt.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Looper5920, ST47, 3 anonymous edits Image:BLA logo.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:BLA_logo.jpg License: Fair Use Contributors: Murderbike, N1h1l, Nihila Image:BLAmugshots.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:BLAmugshots.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Savidan Image:assatamugshot.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Assatamugshot.jpg License: unknown Contributors: New Jersey Department of Corrections Image:wernerfoerster.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wernerfoerster.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Commander edit, Savidan, Ventolin, ViperSnake151

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 247

Image:Map of New Jersey highlighting Middlesex County.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Map_of_New_Jersey_highlighting_Middlesex_County.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Dbenbenn Image:William Kunstler.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:William_Kunstler.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Joel Seidenstein (1944-2008) Image:Map of New Jersey highlighting Morris County.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Map_of_New_Jersey_highlighting_Morris_County.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Dbenbenn Image:Illu pectoral girdles.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Illu_pectoral_girdles.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Savidan at en.wikipedia Image:Rikers Island.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Rikers_Island.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors: User Sfoskett on en.wikipedia Image:shakurfbi.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Shakurfbi.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation Image:assatabio.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Assatabio.jpg License: Fair Use Contributors: Gan Luo, Kelly, Savidan File:Aaron Henry 1964.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Aaron_Henry_1964.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Warren K. Leffler File:Fannie_Lou_Hamer_1964-08-22.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fannie_Lou_Hamer_1964-08-22.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Warren K. Leffler, U.S. News & World Report Magazine File:Carlos-Smith.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Carlos-Smith.jpg License: unknown Contributors: AP photographer File:Flag of Algeria.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Algeria.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: This graphic was originaly drawn by User:SKopp. File:Flag of Angola.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Angola.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:SKopp File:Flag of Guinea-Bissau.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Guinea-Bissau.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:SKopp File:Flag of Kenya.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Kenya.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Pumbaa80 File:Flag of Mozambique.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Mozambique.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Nightstallion File:Flag of Namibia.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Namibia.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Vzb83 File:Flag of South Africa.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_South_Africa.svg License: unknown Contributors: Adriaan, Anime Addict AA, AnonMoos, BRUTE, Daemonic Kangaroo, Dnik, Duduziq, Dzordzm, Fry1989, Homo lupus, Jappalang, Juliancolton, Kam Solusar, Klemen Kocjancic, Klymene, Lexxyy, Mahahahaneapneap, Manuelt15, Moviedefender, NeverDoING, Ninane, Poznaniak, Przemub, SKopp, ThePCKid, ThomasPusch, Tvdm, Ultratomio, Vzb83, Zscout370, 33 anonymous edits File:Flag of Zimbabwe.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Zimbabwe.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Madden Image:Sempreatentos...aoperigo!.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sempreatentos...aoperigo!.jpg License: Copyrighted free use Contributors: Joaquim Coelho, author from Espaço Etéreo, a compilation of texts and pictures from people involved in the war. Permission is granted here, and personal e-mails between me (Nuno) and Joaquim (backed up for reference). Image:Paigcsoldiers.jpeg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Paigcsoldiers.jpeg License: Fair use Contributors: User:Edwinstearns Image:PAIGC posto de controlo.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:PAIGC_posto_de_controlo.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:João Carvalho Image:Niki-giovanni.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Niki-giovanni.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: BazookaJoe, Elsad, Jhsounds, SallyForth123, 3 anonymous edits Image:Flag of Trinidad and Tobago.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Trinidad_and_Tobago.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: AnonMoos, Boricuaeddie, Duduziq, Enbéká, Fry1989, Homo lupus, Klemen Kocjancic, Madden, Mattes, Nagy, Neq00, Nightstallion, Pumbaa80, SKopp, Tomia, 10 anonymous edits

The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer License 248 License

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The RBG Quest for Black Power Reader A Luta Continua A Frolinan Primer