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China's Perspectives – Imperialism, Nationalism, Or Global Sharing

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China's Perspectives – Imperialism, Nationalism, Or Global Sharing China’s Perspectives – Imperialism, Nationalism, or Global Sharing Professor Hsin-chi Kuan “My point of departure is that nationality, or, as one might prefer to put it in view of that word’s multiple significations, nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artefacts of a particular kind. Tio understand them properly we need to consider carefully how they have come into historical being, in what ways their meanings have changed over time, and why, today, they command such profound emotional legitimacy”. Benedict Anderson[1] Nationalism under the leadership of Xi Jinping Nationalism under Xi is multifaceted because there are many factors that have shaped the leadership and foreign policy of Xi: (1) two hundred years of trying to “stand up” to the West to overcome a grand humiliation since the Opium War (also call the Anglo-Chinese War, 4 September 1839 – 29 August 1842), (2) a haphazard process of two decades of turning outward again, (3) the contingency of Xi’s personality and biographical particulars that have moulded him as a strong and decisive leader and (4) the changed and changing domestic and international contexts. The first factor listed above is deeply grounded in the history of China engaging with imperialism from the West. Until then, China had neither a concept of nation ##, nor the term China ##, or Chinese (###).[1] In the old days, political entities were organized as lineage based dynasties, such as Xia (## 2146-1675 B.C.) situated in Shanxi, Han (# late nineteenth century) in Northwest China, and Tang # in Southeast China, and so on. The last dynasty is Qing # that lost the Opium War and signed the peace treaty of Nanking with Britain in the name ### (The Great Qing State), not China. In daily conversation, along with the general expression of Chinese (zhongguoren ###), we often call ourselves huaren##, hanren##, or tangren##. Without the concept of nation, there was no concept of a nation-state or nationalism.[2] Birth of Chinese Nationalism as Reaction against Western imperialism The encroachment of imperialism upon the Qing dynasty gave rise to a discourse on causes of the defeat in the Opium War and ways to stand up again. The wish to stand up again is expressed emotionally as nationalism, a natural reaction to the humiliating defeat at the gun of a foreign country. In the search for salvation, the need to industrialization that is related to the advancement of military power was initially recognized. A movement was thus ushered to learn from the foreign practices (yangwu yundong). Later, they discovered that the strength of the Western countries lies far beyond industrial and military hardware. Therefore, modernization broadly understood was deemed indispensable too. It is with this second approach that the concept of “nation (guomin)” emerged as a hot subject of discourse among young intellectuals of the day. They assumed that the nation- state had become the modern structure of political power, and recognized that China’s independency in the larger world required the formation of a new identity. People began to consider or, in B. Anderson’s keyword, “imagine” who they were in a world of many nations. As a result, they found that the nation-state was a natural representation. The learning from foreign practices movement gave way in 1911 to a political revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat Sen. After the fall of the incompetent Qing dynasty, Dr. Sun established a nation-state in the form of a republic and presented a three-pronged blueprint for the task of nation-state building. What has transpired from these lines of history tracing is a theoretical alignment with Professor Hobsbawn’s insight on political development in the modern time that nationalism comes before nations. China is no exception. Key political leaders in modern China, from Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping are nationalist first before they reflect upon (imagine) who the Chinese are, by tracing China’s miserable encounter with foreign powers. It is the nationalist emotion plus the desire to rise that has defined the craft of nation- and state-building in the late twentieth century. A Republican Type of Nationalism with a Democratic Option Dr. Sun Yat Sen’s three principles of the people were first formulated as slogans for the 1911 Republican Revolution. They were further elaborated in form of public lectures and subsequently consolidated as formal party ideology. The first principle defined nationalism in terms of opposition to imperialism and self- determination for the Chinese people. The second principle defined the political rights of the people as a - 1 - foundation for the development of democracy. The third principle touches on people’s livelihood, especially equalization of land ownership. Behind these three principles of the people was a formulation of who counts as “the people” The five colors national flag of the Republic of China symbolizes the republican efforts to forge a new nation of “zhonghua minzu” which includes people from five major ethnicities living in the land, i.e. the Han, Manchurian, Mongolian, Uighur and Tibetan. History was not on the side of Dr. Sun though. His revolutionary ideas remained arguments on paper after his death, as his successor Chiang Kai-shek turned them into dogmas for strengthening his power as Director- General/Chairman of the Kuomintang (National Party of the People). Later, after the defeat in the civil war with the Chinese Communist Party, he used Dr. Sun’s ideas to buttress authoritarian rule over Taiwan. The issues of the concept of nation, its implications for the legitimacy of who rules whom and their ultimate resolution, the processes of haphazard installation of democracy and its consolidation is a fascinating story that is beyond the coverage of this paper. Nation, Nationalism and State-building in the People’s Republic of China from Mao Zedong to Hu Jin- Tao Given its big size, long history, wide differences in terms of ethnicities, identity politics and socio-political ideologies, the issues of “nation” and “nationalism” are complex matters that resist any comprehensive conclusion. What is commonly known as han nationalism refers to a political culture of people living in the Central Plain of China, i.e. Shanxi. The founder of the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, admitted when he was 27 years old that he was a naïve nationalist. Being so naïve, he did not envisage building a state out of the nation, but rather preferred to see every Chinese province become an independent state. Well, all this must be credited to his monkey- like temperament as a youth. With age and experience, including all the hardships he endured and witnessed during the “Long March”,[3] he realized that China as a nation was a weak group in the world. He then quickly became a tiger, realistically aggressive, believing that guns could produce a regime and chaos bring changes, with the final ingredient being the minzuhun (soul of a nation) with which China would stand up again. With the above script, Mao spared no effort to conduct rounds of revolution and the like by means of mass movements/ campaigns to facilitate the building of a new nation-state. Key events include: A. “Anti-corruption, Anti-wastage and Anti-bureaucratism” campaign (1951-52) B. “Hundred flowers” campaign (1956-57) C. “Anti-Rightist” campaign (1957-58) D. “Great Leap Forward” campaign (1958-61) E. “Destruction of ‘the four old’ i.e. old ideas, old culture, old customs, old habits” campaign (1966-76) F. “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” (1966-76). Apart from human deaths, the great proletarian revolution brought stagnation in agriculture and industry, and damage to different kinds of infrastructure required for modernization. As the successor of the skeptical Mao who embraced a closed-door strategy vis-à-vis the Western world, Deng Xiaoping introduced an open-minded policy of opening and reform, willing to learn from the West and committing serious efforts to promote “the four modernizations” in areas of industry, agriculture, national defense and science and technology. In terms of setting the priority, Deng’s attention clearly focused on domestic affairs. When it comes to foreign policy, he was cautiously reserved, following a strategy of defensive realism with the slogan of biding time (####) and avoiding any engagement with international organizations. After Deng had brought China back from chaos to growth, Jiang Zemin was able to take a bold step to engage the world by acquiring membership in the World Trade Organization, believing that such a connection would end China’s exclusion from the world club and upgrade the status of the Chinese nation in global governance. Compared to Deng’s “biding the time” posture, Jiang’s mottos for his nationalist foreign policy were “observe calmly, respond with composure, grasp any opportunity and follow the trend to benefit”. The trend remained beneficial to Hu Jintao, who became the new leader of China in November 2002. Against the background of 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the US-Iraqi war, on 20 March 2003 the Chinese government, under the new leadership of Hu Jintao, attempted to develop a new strategy of “the responsible state”, as a complement to his theory of heping jueqi (peaceful rise [on the world stage]). A statistic speaks volumes about Hu’s change of strategy. China had, under the pretext of “non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other countries”, abstained, in its capacity as one of the five permanent members of the Council, from voting in the Security Council of the United Nation 29 times. And China never vetoed any resolution from 1990 to 1996. Then, on 24 May 2004, China instead took the initiative to amend the US - 2 - draft about the way of ending the Iraq war by proposing a different motion, that “The united army of US and UK must definitely leave Iraq on the day of electing the new government, a date that may be amended only upon the agreement of both the Security Council and the Iraq government”.
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