Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea

Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 239–258 Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 239–258

Visions of Community: Japanese Language Visions of Community: Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea

PATRICK HEINRICH* PATRICK HEINRICH*

Abstract Abstract This paper discusses language policy behind the spread of Japanese among Japanese This paper discusses language policy behind the spread of Japanese among Japanese linguistic majorities and Japanese colonial subjects. The period discussed stretches linguistic majorities and Japanese colonial subjects. The period discussed stretches from 1868, the year of the Meiji restoration, until 1945, when Japan withdrew from from 1868, the year of the Meiji restoration, until 1945, when Japan withdrew from all its colonies. Policies in four polities are discussed: Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō), the all its colonies. Policies in four polities are discussed: Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō), the Ryukyu Islands, Taiwan and Korea. In Japan, modernization included aspects of co- Ryukyu Islands, Taiwan and Korea. In Japan, modernization included aspects of colonialism and colonialist features of modernization. Hence, the policies for spread- lonialism and colonialist features of modernization. Hence, the policies for spreading Japanese are found to be similar, if not identical, but the policy effects differ. ing Japanese are found to be similar, if not identical, but the policy effects differ. Japanese modernization and colonization are best discussed in connection with each Japanese modernization and colonization are best discussed in connection with each other. This paper discusses the language repertoires that emerged as a consequence other. This paper discusses the language repertoires that emerged as a consequence of Japanese language spread in the four polities studied, the limits of language poli- of Japanese language spread in the four polities studied, the limits of language policy and planning, and the limits of imagining communities on the basis of language. cy and planning, and the limits of imagining communities on the basis of language. This allows for some general conclusions about Japan’s present-day problems with This allows for some general conclusions about Japan’s present-day problems with indigenous minorities and its Asian neighbours. indigenous minorities and its Asian neighbours. Keywords Keywords Language spread, modernization, colonization, assimilation, ideology Language spread, modernization, colonization, assimilation, ideology

1. Introduction 1. Introduction Modernizing Japan required new language choices for a great number of Modernizing Japan required new language choices for a great number of people. Its choice to spread its dominant language, Japanese, within and be- people. Its choice to spread its dominant language, Japanese, within and beyond the Meiji state is the subject of this paper. The following points will be yond the Meiji state is the subject of this paper. The following points will be discussed. Firstly, Japanese language spread started not in the colonies, but discussed. Firstly, Japanese language spread started not in the colonies, but within the territory of the Meiji state. Secondly, Japanese language spread within the territory of the Meiji state. Secondly, Japanese language spread

______* PATRICK HEINRICH, Dokkyō University, Soka-shi, Japan; [email protected] * PATRICK HEINRICH, Dokkyō University, Soka-shi, Japan; [email protected]

Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 239–258 Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 239–258

Visions of Community: Japanese Language Visions of Community: Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea

PATRICK HEINRICH* PATRICK HEINRICH*

______* PATRICK HEINRICH, Dokkyō University, Soka-shi, Japan; [email protected] * PATRICK HEINRICH, Dokkyō University, Soka-shi, Japan; [email protected] 240 Patrick Heinrich 240 Patrick Heinrich policy1 in the colonies was an extension of the policy and the measures im- policy1 in the colonies was an extension of the policy and the measures implemented in Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō) and the Ryukyu Islands. Thirdly, plemented in Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō) and the Ryukyu Islands. Thirdly, while the effects and motives of Japanese language spread are well known in while the effects and motives of Japanese language spread are well known in the case of the colonies, they tend to be played down in the case of the Japa- the case of the colonies, they tend to be played down in the case of the Japa- nese indigenous language minorities (Ainu, Ryukyuans and Ogasawara Is- nese indigenous language minorities (Ainu, Ryukyuans and Ogasawara Is- landers). landers). Discussing the spread of the Japanese language within the state and the Discussing the spread of the Japanese language within the state and the colonies breaks with the understanding that the distinction between the two colonies breaks with the understanding that the distinction between the two is arbitrary. It also contributes to our understanding of why Japanese lan- is arbitrary. It also contributes to our understanding of why Japanese language spread met with differing reactions in the polities studied here. In guage spread met with differing reactions in the polities studied here. In turn, these differences allow insights into the limits of ideology in the crea- turn, these differences allow insights into the limits of ideology in the creation of imagined communities and in language planning. Finally, it paves the tion of imagined communities and in language planning. Finally, it paves the ground for a comprehensive understanding of what the present problems ground for a comprehensive understanding of what the present problems with Japanese minorities and the difficult foreign relations with Japan’s with Japanese minorities and the difficult foreign relations with Japan’s neighbours have in common, and how resolving one problem will affect the neighbours have in common, and how resolving one problem will affect the other. Such insights are significant because they provide the key for ideologi- other. Such insights are significant because they provide the key for ideologically repositioning Japan in a changing world. cally repositioning Japan in a changing world.

2. The role of Japanese in the imagination of Japanese nationals 2. The role of Japanese in the imagination of Japanese nationals It has often been stated that Japanese nation-building and imperialism were It has often been stated that Japanese nation-building and imperialism were closely related (e.g. Iriye 1970: 126). The dividing line between what was to closely related (e.g. Iriye 1970: 126). The dividing line between what was to become a part of the Meiji state and what was to be part of the empire was become a part of the Meiji state and what was to be part of the empire was based on a simple date. All territories under Japanese rule before the prom- based on a simple date. All territories under Japanese rule before the promulgation of the 1889 constitution became part of the nation state; territories ulgation of the 1889 constitution became part of the nation state; territories occupied afterwards became colonies. Thus, Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyu Is- occupied afterwards became colonies. Thus, Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyu Is- lands and the Ogasawara Islands were part of the state, while territories lands and the Ogasawara Islands were part of the state, while territories claimed afterwards (Taiwan, Korea, Shakalin, the Kwantung Territory and claimed afterwards (Taiwan, Korea, Shakalin, the Kwantung Territory and the Pacific Islands) became colonies. the Pacific Islands) became colonies. Due to the many similarities between nation-building and colonization, Due to the many similarities between nation-building and colonization, Japanese colonial history is in many ways unique. Most unusual perhaps Japanese colonial history is in many ways unique. Most unusual perhaps were attempts to spread Japanese in the colonies as the ‘national language’ were attempts to spread Japanese in the colonies as the ‘national language’ (kokugo). In doing so, colonial language policy stressed the ideological (kokugo). In doing so, colonial language policy stressed the ideological linkage between language, spirit and culture to an extent unknown in other linkage between language, spirit and culture to an extent unknown in other colonial empires (Shi 1993: 199). Japanese language spread policy aimed at colonial empires (Shi 1993: 199). Japanese language spread policy aimed at

______1 The meta-language on language policy and planning is somewhat fluid. In this paper ‘lan- 1 The meta-language on language policy and planning is somewhat fluid. In this paper ‘language policy’ refers to the changes envisioned in language use, that is, to objectives and guage policy’ refers to the changes envisioned in language use, that is, to objectives and goals, while ‘language planning’ entails all considerations and measures implemented to- goals, while ‘language planning’ entails all considerations and measures implemented towards these ends. wards these ends.

240 Patrick Heinrich 240 Patrick Heinrich policy1 in the colonies was an extension of the policy and the measures im- policy1 in the colonies was an extension of the policy and the measures implemented in Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō) and the Ryukyu Islands. Thirdly, plemented in Ainu Mosir (Hokkaidō) and the Ryukyu Islands. Thirdly, while the effects and motives of Japanese language spread are well known in while the effects and motives of Japanese language spread are well known in the case of the colonies, they tend to be played down in the case of the Japa- the case of the colonies, they tend to be played down in the case of the Japa- nese indigenous language minorities (Ainu, Ryukyuans and Ogasawara Is- nese indigenous language minorities (Ainu, Ryukyuans and Ogasawara Is- landers). landers). Discussing the spread of the Japanese language within the state and the Discussing the spread of the Japanese language within the state and the colonies breaks with the understanding that the distinction between the two colonies breaks with the understanding that the distinction between the two is arbitrary. It also contributes to our understanding of why Japanese lan- is arbitrary. It also contributes to our understanding of why Japanese language spread met with differing reactions in the polities studied here. In guage spread met with differing reactions in the polities studied here. In turn, these differences allow insights into the limits of ideology in the crea- turn, these differences allow insights into the limits of ideology in the creation of imagined communities and in language planning. Finally, it paves the tion of imagined communities and in language planning. Finally, it paves the ground for a comprehensive understanding of what the present problems ground for a comprehensive understanding of what the present problems with Japanese minorities and the difficult foreign relations with Japan’s with Japanese minorities and the difficult foreign relations with Japan’s neighbours have in common, and how resolving one problem will affect the neighbours have in common, and how resolving one problem will affect the other. Such insights are significant because they provide the key for ideologi- other. Such insights are significant because they provide the key for ideologically repositioning Japan in a changing world. cally repositioning Japan in a changing world.

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 241 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 241 producing loyal subjects of the Japanese empire by spreading moral virtues producing loyal subjects of the Japanese empire by spreading moral virtues through knowledge of Japanese. through knowledge of Japanese. Language planning was conducted in Tokyo as well as in the colonies. Language planning was conducted in Tokyo as well as in the colonies. It is also remarkable that an institution to coordinate affairs between the It is also remarkable that an institution to coordinate affairs between the Japanese homeland and the colonies was established only in 1929 with the Japanese homeland and the colonies was established only in 1929 with the Ministry for Colonial Affairs. Until then, matters concerned with Japanese Ministry for Colonial Affairs. Until then, matters concerned with Japanese in the colonies were supervised by a bureau attached to the office of the in the colonies were supervised by a bureau attached to the office of the prime minister. In 1942 the Greater East Asian Ministry was created, replac- prime minister. In 1942 the Greater East Asian Ministry was created, replacing the Ministry for Colonial Affairs, which had also been responsible for ing the Ministry for Colonial Affairs, which had also been responsible for the administration of the Japanese occupied territories (e.g. Manchuria and the administration of the Japanese occupied territories (e.g. Manchuria and other Chinese territories). Despite the lack of a coordinating institution for other Chinese territories). Despite the lack of a coordinating institution for many years, the language policies in the colonies were similar from the start. many years, the language policies in the colonies were similar from the start. This is due to the fact that language policy in the colonies followed the This is due to the fact that language policy in the colonies followed the model of Japanese language spread in the nation state. model of Japanese language spread in the nation state.

2.1 The start of Japanese language spread in the Meiji state 2.1 The start of Japanese language spread in the Meiji state The sudden exposure to the outside world in the mid-nineteenth century led The sudden exposure to the outside world in the mid-nineteenth century led to Japanese efforts of creating strictly defined ‘borders’ in place of the for- to Japanese efforts of creating strictly defined ‘borders’ in place of the former loose ‘frontiers’. Ainu Mosir in the north (Walker 2006), Ogasawa in mer loose ‘frontiers’. Ainu Mosir in the north (Walker 2006), Ogasawa in the east (Ishihara 2007) and the Ryukyu Islands in the south (Kerr 1958) the east (Ishihara 2007) and the Ryukyu Islands in the south (Kerr 1958) were incorporated into the Meiji state, and with that their linguistically, cul- were incorporated into the Meiji state, and with that their linguistically, culturally and ethnically distinct people into the Japanese nation. turally and ethnically distinct people into the Japanese nation. The spread of Japanese among the non-Japanese-speaking population The spread of Japanese among the non-Japanese-speaking population started with the Ainu, who numbered around 20,000 people at the time of started with the Ainu, who numbered around 20,000 people at the time of the Meiji Restoration. Even though contact between mainland Japanese and the Meiji Restoration. Even though contact between mainland Japanese and the Ainu predated the Meiji Restoration, prior to it linguistic issues had the Ainu predated the Meiji Restoration, prior to it linguistic issues had largely been ignored (Walker 2006). Standardization of the Japanese or- largely been ignored (Walker 2006). Standardization of the Japanese or- thography of Ainu place names in 1869 marks the start of linguistic assimi- thography of Ainu place names in 1869 marks the start of linguistic assimilation (Maher 2001: 328). The teaching of spoken and written Japanese was lation (Maher 2001: 328). The teaching of spoken and written Japanese was promoted from 1871, when Ainu became ‘Japanese citizens’ (heimin) promoted from 1871, when Ainu became ‘Japanese citizens’ (heimin) (Oguma 1998: 54). Japanese schooling for Ainu children was introduced in (Oguma 1998: 54). Japanese schooling for Ainu children was introduced in 1875 (Maher 2001: 329). In 1879 Aborigine Education Centres (dojin 1875 (Maher 2001: 329). In 1879 Aborigine Education Centres (dojin kyōikujo) were established and special language textbooks were compiled as kyōikujo) were established and special language textbooks were compiled as a means of transforming Ainu into Japanese nationals (Kondō 2004). Two a means of transforming Ainu into Japanese nationals (Kondō 2004). Two more such centres were set up in Shakalin in 1909 (Kuroda 2002: 14). Ef- more such centres were set up in Shakalin in 1909 (Kuroda 2002: 14). Ef- forts to spread Japanese among the Ainu, however, remained fairly ad hoc forts to spread Japanese among the Ainu, however, remained fairly ad hoc and low key. Assimilationist fervour was much more prominent in the case and low key. Assimilationist fervour was much more prominent in the case of the Ryukyu Islands. of the Ryukyu Islands. The Ryukyu Kingdom was invaded and forcibly incorporated into the The Ryukyu Kingdom was invaded and forcibly incorporated into the Meiji state in 1872 (Kerr 1958). As migration to the densely populated Meiji state in 1872 (Kerr 1958). As migration to the densely populated

Ryukyu Archipelago was limited, Ryukyuans remained the majority popula- Ryukyu Archipelago was limited, Ryukyuans remained the majority population there, a situation that set Ryukyuans apart from the Ainu. Consequently, tion there, a situation that set Ryukyuans apart from the Ainu. Consequently, control over the Ryukyus proved more challenging. During the first eight control over the Ryukyus proved more challenging. During the first eight years of Japanese rule a policy of ‘preserving ancient customs’ (kyūkan years of Japanese rule a policy of ‘preserving ancient customs’ (kyūkan onzon) was implemented. At this time efforts to teach Ryukyuans Japanese onzon) was implemented. At this time efforts to teach Ryukyuans Japanese were driven by the need to close the communication gap between Japanese were driven by the need to close the communication gap between Japanese and Ryukyuans, a consequence of the mutual unintelligibility between the and Ryukyuans, a consequence of the mutual unintelligibility between the Ryukyuan languages and Japanese (Heinrich 2004). In 1879, the first two Ryukyuan languages and Japanese (Heinrich 2004). In 1879, the first two exceptions to the policy of preserving ancient customs were made. The exceptions to the policy of preserving ancient customs were made. The Meiji government ordered that “non-intervention in keeping with the policy Meiji government ordered that “non-intervention in keeping with the policy of preserving ancient customs shall not apply to the two issues of education of preserving ancient customs shall not apply to the two issues of education and industrial development” (Okinawa Kyōiku I’inkai 1965–1977, vol. II: and industrial development” (Okinawa Kyōiku I’inkai 1965–1977, vol. II: 20). As in the case of the Ainu, Japanese language spread was mainly car- 20). As in the case of the Ainu, Japanese language spread was mainly car- ried out through school education. ried out through school education. Following the reorganization of the Ryukyu domain (Ryūkyū-han) as Following the reorganization of the Ryukyu domain (Ryūkyū-han) as Okinawa Prefecture (Okinawa-ken) in 1879, Vice Minister of Education Okinawa Prefecture (Okinawa-ken) in 1879, Vice Minister of Education Tanaka Fujimaro (1845–1909) was dispatched to Okinawa in order to de- Tanaka Fujimaro (1845–1909) was dispatched to Okinawa in order to develop an educational policy there. Upon visiting the prefecture, Tanaka develop an educational policy there. Upon visiting the prefecture, Tanaka de- cided of his own accord that Ryukyuans had to learn Japanese and accord- cided of his own accord that Ryukyuans had to learn Japanese and accord- ingly ordered the establishment of a Conversation Training Centre (Taiwa ingly ordered the establishment of a Conversation Training Centre (Taiwa denshūjo) (Okinawa Kyōiku I’inkai 1965–1977, vol. II: 20). The Conversa- denshūjo) (Okinawa Kyōiku I’inkai 1965–1977, vol. II: 20). The Conversa- tion Training Centre was responsible for teacher training and the compilation Training Centre was responsible for teacher training and the compilation of a bilingual Japanese language textbook titled Okinawa taiwa (‘Oki- tion of a bilingual Japanese language textbook titled Okinawa taiwa (‘Oki- nawa Conversation’). The textbook, written by mainland officials (Fujisawa nawa Conversation’). The textbook, written by mainland officials (Fujisawa 2000: 193), was the very first Japanese second-language textbook. 2000: 193), was the very first Japanese second-language textbook. Compulsory school education was introduced in June 1879. The Con- Compulsory school education was introduced in June 1879. The Con- versation Training Centre was dissolved and reorganized as a ‘normal versation Training Centre was dissolved and reorganized as a ‘normal school’ (shihan gakkō), i.e., a school to train prospective teachers. In the school’ (shihan gakkō), i.e., a school to train prospective teachers. In the same year 19 elementary schools and one middle school were established in same year 19 elementary schools and one middle school were established in Okinawa Prefecture. The efforts to render Ryukyuans Japanese through Japa- Okinawa Prefecture. The efforts to render Ryukyuans Japanese through Japa- nese language spread grew more systematic after the proclamation of the nese language spread grew more systematic after the proclamation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890. Attention shifted from the need for Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890. Attention shifted from the need for communication to ‘national citizen education’ (kokumin kyōiku) and ‘impe- communication to ‘national citizen education’ (kokumin kyōiku) and ‘imperial subject education’ (kōminka kyōiku). These attempts grew more inten- rial subject education’ (kōminka kyōiku). These attempts grew more inten- sive after the Japanese victory in the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 (Shinzato sive after the Japanese victory in the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 (Shinzato 2001: 239). 2001: 239).

242 Patrick Heinrich 242 Patrick Heinrich

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 243 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 243

2.2 The start of Japanese language spread in Taiwan and Korea 2.2 The start of Japanese language spread in Taiwan and Korea Given the fact that Japan chose to include the culturally and linguistically Given the fact that Japan chose to include the culturally and linguistically distinct inhabitants of Ainu Mosir and the Ryukyus in the Japanese nation distinct inhabitants of Ainu Mosir and the Ryukyus in the Japanese nation through linguistic assimilation, it is unsurprising to see that the same policy through linguistic assimilation, it is unsurprising to see that the same policy was also applied to its first colony, Taiwan. Apart from the geographic prox- was also applied to its first colony, Taiwan. Apart from the geographic prox- imity, a cultural affinity between Japan and its colonial subjects in Taiwan imity, a cultural affinity between Japan and its colonial subjects in Taiwan were an influential factor in the choice of such a policy. This perception was were an influential factor in the choice of such a policy. This perception was captured by the slogan ‘same culture – same race’ (dōbun dōshu), which the captured by the slogan ‘same culture – same race’ (dōbun dōshu), which the Japanese and their colonial subjects were proclaimed as sharing. Japanese Japanese and their colonial subjects were proclaimed as sharing. Japanese emphasis on cultural and racial similarities also found expression in the des- emphasis on cultural and racial similarities also found expression in the designation of the colonies as ‘outer territories’ (gaichi) rather than ‘colonies’ ignation of the colonies as ‘outer territories’ (gaichi) rather than ‘colonies’ (shokuminchi), a Dutch calque, which became the standard designation for (shokuminchi), a Dutch calque, which became the standard designation for ‘colony’ only after 1945. The outer territories were juxtaposed with the ‘colony’ only after 1945. The outer territories were juxtaposed with the ‘homeland’ (naichi), and henceforth colonial rule, including Japanese lan- ‘homeland’ (naichi), and henceforth colonial rule, including Japanese language spread, was seen as part of a ‘homeland extension’ (naichi enchō). guage spread, was seen as part of a ‘homeland extension’ (naichi enchō). Home Minister Hara Takashi (1856–1921), influential in designing a Home Minister Hara Takashi (1856–1921), influential in designing a colonial policy for Taiwan, forcefully argued that Taiwan should be regard- colonial policy for Taiwan, forcefully argued that Taiwan should be regarded as a part of the Japanese territory, comparing Japanese rule there to Ger- ed as a part of the Japanese territory, comparing Japanese rule there to Ger- man rule in Alsace-Lorraine (Lee 1999: 27). Already in 1895 Hara pointed man rule in Alsace-Lorraine (Lee 1999: 27). Already in 1895 Hara pointed out that it was necessary to decide what kind of Japanese rule should be es- out that it was necessary to decide what kind of Japanese rule should be established and identified three basic options. Japanese rule could be modelled tablished and identified three basic options. Japanese rule could be modelled (1) on the colonies in the Western empires, (2) on the nations within Great (1) on the colonies in the Western empires, (2) on the nations within Great Britain, or (3) on the basis of states in the US. In other words, a decision Britain, or (3) on the basis of states in the US. In other words, a decision needed to be made whether differences between Japanese and Taiwanese needed to be made whether differences between Japanese and Taiwanese should be emphasized or played down. In the latter case, which Hara strong- should be emphasized or played down. In the latter case, which Hara strong- ly recommended, Japanese policy should follow the assimilation policies ly recommended, Japanese policy should follow the assimilation policies implemented in the nation state (Oguma 1998: 83–84). implemented in the nation state (Oguma 1998: 83–84). Taiwan was subject to high expectations on the part of its colonizers, Taiwan was subject to high expectations on the part of its colonizers, who sought to duplicate the accomplishments of nation-building in the Meiji who sought to duplicate the accomplishments of nation-building in the Meiji state. But while it was declared that Taiwanese were to be regarded as on a state. But while it was declared that Taiwanese were to be regarded as on a par with Japanese nationals, the reality was more complex. Real equality par with Japanese nationals, the reality was more complex. Real equality would have required, as Kerr (1974: 21–22) notes, that Taiwanese “must would have required, as Kerr (1974: 21–22) notes, that Taiwanese “must first be made (…) ‘true Japanese,’ speaking the national language and be- first be made (…) ‘true Japanese,’ speaking the national language and be- having and thinking as proper Japanese subjects.” Such radical transfor- having and thinking as proper Japanese subjects.” Such radical transfor- mation was perceived to require more time in Taiwan than in the Meiji state, mation was perceived to require more time in Taiwan than in the Meiji state, which led to the formulation of a hundred-year plan to bridge the cultural which led to the formulation of a hundred-year plan to bridge the cultural gap between Japanese and Taiwanese (Heylen 2001: 83). gap between Japanese and Taiwanese (Heylen 2001: 83). Japanese language dissemination policy in Taiwan started with the es- Japanese language dissemination policy in Taiwan started with the establishment of a Civil Administration Bureau for Education in June 1895, of tablishment of a Civil Administration Bureau for Education in June 1895, of which Izawa Shūji (1851–1917) was appointed director. Izawa shared the which Izawa Shūji (1851–1917) was appointed director. Izawa shared the 244 Patrick Heinrich 244 Patrick Heinrich view that Taiwan ought to be seen as a part of Japan and, therefore, support- view that Taiwan ought to be seen as a part of Japan and, therefore, supported a strict assimilationist policy (Oguma 1998: 94–99). Tsurumi (1984: 280, ed a strict assimilationist policy (Oguma 1998: 94–99). Tsurumi (1984: 280, emphasis in the original) writes that Izawa “hoped to duplicate all the func- emphasis in the original) writes that Izawa “hoped to duplicate all the functions of education that the home islands were now familiar with”. Conse- tions of education that the home islands were now familiar with”. Conse- quently, he propagated Taiwanese mass education and ordered the spread of quently, he propagated Taiwanese mass education and ordered the spread of Japanese through school education. Here, too, the model of Okinawa Prefec- Japanese through school education. Here, too, the model of Okinawa Prefec- ture was to be followed (Kyogoku 1991: 239–240). In 1896, 16 learning ture was to be followed (Kyogoku 1991: 239–240). In 1896, 16 learning centres were set up with the aim of establishing Japanese language educa- centres were set up with the aim of establishing Japanese language education. These were initially called Japan Learning Centres (Nihon denshūjo) tion. These were initially called Japan Learning Centres (Nihon denshūjo) but shortly afterwards renamed National Language Training Centres (Kokugo but shortly afterwards renamed National Language Training Centres (Kokugo denshūjo). At these centres prospective teachers and government employees denshūjo). At these centres prospective teachers and government employees received six months’ training in Japanese (Shi 1993: 31). received six months’ training in Japanese (Shi 1993: 31). Public school regulations were enacted in 1898. The first paragraph Public school regulations were enacted in 1898. The first paragraph stated that education aimed at fostering imperial loyalty through a thorough stated that education aimed at fostering imperial loyalty through a thorough knowledge of Japanese (Hsiau 2000: 35). From 1898 onwards, Japanese in- knowledge of Japanese (Hsiau 2000: 35). From 1898 onwards, Japanese influence was extended to private Chinese schools. School curricula and the fluence was extended to private Chinese schools. School curricula and the number of lessons were regulated, teacher training was reorganized and the number of lessons were regulated, teacher training was reorganized and the use of non-government-approved textbooks was prohibited (Tsurumi 1984: use of non-government-approved textbooks was prohibited (Tsurumi 1984: 284–285). These measures made the Chinese schools very similar to the 284–285). These measures made the Chinese schools very similar to the Japanese public schools in Taiwan (Chen 2001: 98). The private Chinese Japanese public schools in Taiwan (Chen 2001: 98). The private Chinese schools were tolerated until 1919, although pressure was put on parents to schools were tolerated until 1919, although pressure was put on parents to send their children to the newly established Japanese public schools. Japa- send their children to the newly established Japanese public schools. Japa- nese language spread policy was applied more vigorously from 1909 on- nese language spread policy was applied more vigorously from 1909 onwards, when languages other than Japanese were banned in Japanese lan- wards, when languages other than Japanese were banned in Japanese language classes and the number of classes in ‘written Chinese’ (kanbun) was guage classes and the number of classes in ‘written Chinese’ (kanbun) was gradually reduced. From 1920 onwards, all languages other than Japanese gradually reduced. From 1920 onwards, all languages other than Japanese were entirely banned in school education. were entirely banned in school education. Korea came under Japanese control next. Japan had quickly learned its Korea came under Japanese control next. Japan had quickly learned its lesson from the forced encounter with the Western powers and applied gun- lesson from the forced encounter with the Western powers and applied gun- boat diplomacy to force Korea to open itself to the outside world. Following boat diplomacy to force Korea to open itself to the outside world. Following the Japanese challenge, Korea started its own modernization efforts, as mani- the Japanese challenge, Korea started its own modernization efforts, as mani- fested in the institutionalization of compulsory school education in 1895. fested in the institutionalization of compulsory school education in 1895. Japanese rule in Korea interrupted such early modernization efforts. Already Japanese rule in Korea interrupted such early modernization efforts. Already in the years between 1905 and 1910, Japan made initial attempts to spread in the years between 1905 and 1910, Japan made initial attempts to spread Japanese in Korea. These efforts went hand in hand with attempts to reduce Japanese in Korea. These efforts went hand in hand with attempts to reduce the study of other foreign languages there, most notably Chinese (Inoue the study of other foreign languages there, most notably Chinese (Inoue 1992). 1992). Korea was formally annexed and incorporated into the Japanese em- Korea was formally annexed and incorporated into the Japanese empire in 1910. At the time, Korea had a population of 23 million – four times pire in 1910. At the time, Korea had a population of 23 million – four times larger than that of Taiwan. The sheer number of people upon whom Japa- larger than that of Taiwan. The sheer number of people upon whom Japa- nese rule was to be imposed was to have a decisive influence on coloniza- nese rule was to be imposed was to have a decisive influence on coloniza-

244 Patrick Heinrich 244 Patrick Heinrich view that Taiwan ought to be seen as a part of Japan and, therefore, support- view that Taiwan ought to be seen as a part of Japan and, therefore, supported a strict assimilationist policy (Oguma 1998: 94–99). Tsurumi (1984: 280, ed a strict assimilationist policy (Oguma 1998: 94–99). Tsurumi (1984: 280, emphasis in the original) writes that Izawa “hoped to duplicate all the func- emphasis in the original) writes that Izawa “hoped to duplicate all the functions of education that the home islands were now familiar with”. Conse- tions of education that the home islands were now familiar with”. Conse- quently, he propagated Taiwanese mass education and ordered the spread of quently, he propagated Taiwanese mass education and ordered the spread of Japanese through school education. Here, too, the model of Okinawa Prefec- Japanese through school education. Here, too, the model of Okinawa Prefec- ture was to be followed (Kyogoku 1991: 239–240). In 1896, 16 learning ture was to be followed (Kyogoku 1991: 239–240). In 1896, 16 learning centres were set up with the aim of establishing Japanese language educa- centres were set up with the aim of establishing Japanese language education. These were initially called Japan Learning Centres (Nihon denshūjo) tion. These were initially called Japan Learning Centres (Nihon denshūjo) but shortly afterwards renamed National Language Training Centres (Kokugo but shortly afterwards renamed National Language Training Centres (Kokugo denshūjo). At these centres prospective teachers and government employees denshūjo). At these centres prospective teachers and government employees received six months’ training in Japanese (Shi 1993: 31). received six months’ training in Japanese (Shi 1993: 31). Public school regulations were enacted in 1898. The first paragraph Public school regulations were enacted in 1898. The first paragraph stated that education aimed at fostering imperial loyalty through a thorough stated that education aimed at fostering imperial loyalty through a thorough knowledge of Japanese (Hsiau 2000: 35). From 1898 onwards, Japanese in- knowledge of Japanese (Hsiau 2000: 35). From 1898 onwards, Japanese influence was extended to private Chinese schools. School curricula and the fluence was extended to private Chinese schools. School curricula and the number of lessons were regulated, teacher training was reorganized and the number of lessons were regulated, teacher training was reorganized and the use of non-government-approved textbooks was prohibited (Tsurumi 1984: use of non-government-approved textbooks was prohibited (Tsurumi 1984: 284–285). These measures made the Chinese schools very similar to the 284–285). These measures made the Chinese schools very similar to the Japanese public schools in Taiwan (Chen 2001: 98). The private Chinese Japanese public schools in Taiwan (Chen 2001: 98). The private Chinese schools were tolerated until 1919, although pressure was put on parents to schools were tolerated until 1919, although pressure was put on parents to send their children to the newly established Japanese public schools. Japa- send their children to the newly established Japanese public schools. Japa- nese language spread policy was applied more vigorously from 1909 on- nese language spread policy was applied more vigorously from 1909 onwards, when languages other than Japanese were banned in Japanese lan- wards, when languages other than Japanese were banned in Japanese language classes and the number of classes in ‘written Chinese’ (kanbun) was guage classes and the number of classes in ‘written Chinese’ (kanbun) was gradually reduced. From 1920 onwards, all languages other than Japanese gradually reduced. From 1920 onwards, all languages other than Japanese were entirely banned in school education. were entirely banned in school education. Korea came under Japanese control next. Japan had quickly learned its Korea came under Japanese control next. Japan had quickly learned its lesson from the forced encounter with the Western powers and applied gun- lesson from the forced encounter with the Western powers and applied gun- boat diplomacy to force Korea to open itself to the outside world. Following boat diplomacy to force Korea to open itself to the outside world. Following the Japanese challenge, Korea started its own modernization efforts, as mani- the Japanese challenge, Korea started its own modernization efforts, as mani- fested in the institutionalization of compulsory school education in 1895. fested in the institutionalization of compulsory school education in 1895. Japanese rule in Korea interrupted such early modernization efforts. Already Japanese rule in Korea interrupted such early modernization efforts. Already in the years between 1905 and 1910, Japan made initial attempts to spread in the years between 1905 and 1910, Japan made initial attempts to spread Japanese in Korea. These efforts went hand in hand with attempts to reduce Japanese in Korea. These efforts went hand in hand with attempts to reduce the study of other foreign languages there, most notably Chinese (Inoue the study of other foreign languages there, most notably Chinese (Inoue 1992). 1992). Korea was formally annexed and incorporated into the Japanese em- Korea was formally annexed and incorporated into the Japanese empire in 1910. At the time, Korea had a population of 23 million – four times pire in 1910. At the time, Korea had a population of 23 million – four times larger than that of Taiwan. The sheer number of people upon whom Japa- larger than that of Taiwan. The sheer number of people upon whom Japa- nese rule was to be imposed was to have a decisive influence on coloniza- nese rule was to be imposed was to have a decisive influence on coloniza-

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 245 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 245 tion policy. From the start, Japanese rule in Korea was much more pervasive tion policy. From the start, Japanese rule in Korea was much more pervasive and repressive. However, as in the case of Taiwan, policymakers noted a and repressive. However, as in the case of Taiwan, policymakers noted a cultural affinity between the colonizers and the colonized, and the first gov- cultural affinity between the colonizers and the colonized, and the first governor-general, Terauchi Masatake (1852–1919), also claimed a shared cul- ernor-general, Terauchi Masatake (1852–1919), also claimed a shared cultural and ethnic linkage between Japanese and Koreans (Robinson 1988: 40). tural and ethnic linkage between Japanese and Koreans (Robinson 1988: 40). Educational objectives and school curricula in Korea were largely Educational objectives and school curricula in Korea were largely identical with those in Taiwan (Tsurumi 1984: 294). The proclamation of identical with those in Taiwan (Tsurumi 1984: 294). The proclamation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in Korea in 1911 laid the basis for the the Imperial Rescript on Education in Korea in 1911 laid the basis for the colonial education system. Paragraph Four stated that Japanese was the ‘na- colonial education system. Paragraph Four stated that Japanese was the ‘national language’ (kokugo) of Korea. Consequently, Japanese language text- tional language’ (kokugo) of Korea. Consequently, Japanese language textbooks were introduced and more than one third of the total hours of school- books were introduced and more than one third of the total hours of schooling were devoted to teaching the Japanese language (Lim 1996: 127–130). ing were devoted to teaching the Japanese language (Lim 1996: 127–130). A dual education system, one for mainland Japanese residents and one for A dual education system, one for mainland Japanese residents and one for Koreans, was justified on the grounds that Koreans were not yet sufficiently Koreans, was justified on the grounds that Koreans were not yet sufficiently cultivated to participate in the education system for the Japanese (Dong cultivated to participate in the education system for the Japanese (Dong 1973: 156). 1973: 156). As in the cases of Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyus and Taiwan, language As in the cases of Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyus and Taiwan, language spread policy centred on the school. In 1911, the ‘national language’ (koku- spread policy centred on the school. In 1911, the ‘national language’ (kokugo) was made the principal medium of instruction in all school subjects and go) was made the principal medium of instruction in all school subjects and classes. Teachers were instructed to speak only Japanese to their pupils and classes. Teachers were instructed to speak only Japanese to their pupils and Korean colleagues and to ignore questions addressed to them in Korean. In Korean colleagues and to ignore questions addressed to them in Korean. In addition, with a few exceptions for ‘moral’ (shūshin) and agriculture, all addition, with a few exceptions for ‘moral’ (shūshin) and agriculture, all textbooks were written in Japanese (Kim 1973: 138). textbooks were written in Japanese (Kim 1973: 138). While assimilationist policy within and outside Japan sought to imag- While assimilationist policy within and outside Japan sought to imag- ine a unified Japanese-speaking community throughout the Japanese state ine a unified Japanese-speaking community throughout the Japanese state and its colonies, these Japanese-speaking subjects were not treated as and its colonies, these Japanese-speaking subjects were not treated as equals. Discrimination exposed language policy to be mainly about control- equals. Discrimination exposed language policy to be mainly about control- ling, not empowering, the new speakers of Japanese. This undermined the ling, not empowering, the new speakers of Japanese. This undermined the efficacy of Japanese language spread policy and led to resistance against it. efficacy of Japanese language spread policy and led to resistance against it. This in turn required an adjustment of the measures implemented to spread This in turn required an adjustment of the measures implemented to spread Japanese. Japanese.

3. The limits of imagination 3. The limits of imagination The rationale for the Japanese language spread policy was that becoming The rationale for the Japanese language spread policy was that becoming imperial subjects would bring progress and equality. For many, however, imperial subjects would bring progress and equality. For many, however, being an imperial subject was deemed undesirable; others were not con- being an imperial subject was deemed undesirable; others were not con- vinced that Japanese domination and rule constituted progress, and even vinced that Japanese domination and rule constituted progress, and even those who complied with the assimilation policy found themselves assimi- those who complied with the assimilation policy found themselves assimilated at the lower levels of the imagined community they were joining. As lated at the lower levels of the imagined community they were joining. As 246 Patrick Heinrich 246 Patrick Heinrich this awareness grew, Japanese language spread policy had to be steadily in- this awareness grew, Japanese language spread policy had to be steadily intensified. tensified. The years between 1899 and 1901 mark a major turning point in the The years between 1899 and 1901 mark a major turning point in the linguistic assimilation of the Ainu. In 1899 the Hokkaido Former Aboriginal linguistic assimilation of the Ainu. In 1899 the Hokkaido Former Aboriginal Protection Act was promulgated and in 1901 the Ainu Education System Protection Act was promulgated and in 1901 the Ainu Education System was enacted. A total of 21 National Schools for Former Aborigines (Kokuritsu was enacted. A total of 21 National Schools for Former Aborigines (Kokuritsu kyūdojin gakkō) were established (Peng and Geiser 1977: 184). Henceforth, kyūdojin gakkō) were established (Peng and Geiser 1977: 184). Henceforth, education was conducted entirely through the medium of Japanese (Maher education was conducted entirely through the medium of Japanese (Maher 2001: 329). Segregated school education was abolished in 1908, but rein- 2001: 329). Segregated school education was abolished in 1908, but rein- troduced from 1916 to 1922. Ainu pupils were encouraged to give up what troduced from 1916 to 1922. Ainu pupils were encouraged to give up what were portrayed as ‘inferior habits’ of the Ainu, and consequently many were portrayed as ‘inferior habits’ of the Ainu, and consequently many started to develop negative attitudes towards their culture (Siddle 1995: 87). started to develop negative attitudes towards their culture (Siddle 1995: 87). Data compiled by the Hokkaido Prefectural government suggest that natural Data compiled by the Hokkaido Prefectural government suggest that natural intergenerational language transmission among the Ainu began to be inter- intergenerational language transmission among the Ainu began to be interrupted between 1900 and 1920 (see Heinrich 2012: 140–143). As a conse- rupted between 1900 and 1920 (see Heinrich 2012: 140–143). As a consequence, the Ainu language has been endangered ever since and is today in a quence, the Ainu language has been endangered ever since and is today in a stage of ‘critical endangerment’ (Moseley 2009). stage of ‘critical endangerment’ (Moseley 2009). In the Ryukyu Islands, too, linguistic assimilation did not end discrimi- In the Ryukyu Islands, too, linguistic assimilation did not end discrimination. Speaking Japanese in public did not suffice. Efforts were made to nation. Speaking Japanese in public did not suffice. Efforts were made to suppress Ryukyuan in all spheres of life and to erase all traces of Ryukyuan suppress Ryukyuan in all spheres of life and to erase all traces of Ryukyuan influence on the Japanese spoken in the archipelago (Kondō 1994: 66–70). influence on the Japanese spoken in the archipelago (Kondō 1994: 66–70). To this end, Ryukyuan languages were banned from schools in an Ordinance To this end, Ryukyuan languages were banned from schools in an Ordinance to Regulate the Dialects in 1907 (ODJKJ 1983, vol. III: 443–444). Starting to Regulate the Dialects in 1907 (ODJKJ 1983, vol. III: 443–444). Starting in the 1920s, Ryukyuans were also encouraged to change their family names in the 1920s, Ryukyuans were also encouraged to change their family names and read Chinese characters in Japanese, instead of in Sino-Japanese or and read Chinese characters in Japanese, instead of in Sino-Japanese or Ryukyuan (Nakamatsu 1996: 59). Japanese language dissemination activi- Ryukyuan (Nakamatsu 1996: 59). Japanese language dissemination activi- ties attained a new quality in 1931 when a popular movement called Move- ties attained a new quality in 1931 when a popular movement called Move- ment for the Enforcement of the Standard Language (Hyōjungo reikō undō) ment for the Enforcement of the Standard Language (Hyōjungo reikō undō) was established. The movement received much support from teaching staff was established. The movement received much support from teaching staff across the prefecture and was, from the late 1930s onwards, supported by across the prefecture and was, from the late 1930s onwards, supported by the local Department of Education (Itani 2006; Kondō 2006). the local Department of Education (Itani 2006; Kondō 2006). As a result of the language spread policy, Japanese replaced the As a result of the language spread policy, Japanese replaced the Shuri/Naha variety of Okinawan as the lingua franca in the multilingual Shuri/Naha variety of Okinawan as the lingua franca in the multilingual Ryukyuan Archipelago. Due to increasing population mobility, growing ex- Ryukyuan Archipelago. Due to increasing population mobility, growing ex- ogamy and infrastructural expansion, other Ryukyuan dialects also came un- ogamy and infrastructural expansion, other Ryukyuan dialects also came under pressure and were increasingly replaced by Japanese. Natural intergen- der pressure and were increasingly replaced by Japanese. Natural intergenerational language transmission was, however, interrupted much later in the erational language transmission was, however, interrupted much later in the Ryukyus than in Ainu Mosir. The language shift was not complete before Ryukyus than in Ainu Mosir. The language shift was not complete before the end of the 1950s, which is why Ryukyuan languages are less endangered the end of the 1950s, which is why Ryukyuan languages are less endangered than Ainu today (Moseley 2009). than Ainu today (Moseley 2009).

246 Patrick Heinrich 246 Patrick Heinrich this awareness grew, Japanese language spread policy had to be steadily in- this awareness grew, Japanese language spread policy had to be steadily intensified. tensified. The years between 1899 and 1901 mark a major turning point in the The years between 1899 and 1901 mark a major turning point in the linguistic assimilation of the Ainu. In 1899 the Hokkaido Former Aboriginal linguistic assimilation of the Ainu. In 1899 the Hokkaido Former Aboriginal Protection Act was promulgated and in 1901 the Ainu Education System Protection Act was promulgated and in 1901 the Ainu Education System was enacted. A total of 21 National Schools for Former Aborigines (Kokuritsu was enacted. A total of 21 National Schools for Former Aborigines (Kokuritsu kyūdojin gakkō) were established (Peng and Geiser 1977: 184). Henceforth, kyūdojin gakkō) were established (Peng and Geiser 1977: 184). Henceforth, education was conducted entirely through the medium of Japanese (Maher education was conducted entirely through the medium of Japanese (Maher 2001: 329). Segregated school education was abolished in 1908, but rein- 2001: 329). Segregated school education was abolished in 1908, but rein- troduced from 1916 to 1922. Ainu pupils were encouraged to give up what troduced from 1916 to 1922. Ainu pupils were encouraged to give up what were portrayed as ‘inferior habits’ of the Ainu, and consequently many were portrayed as ‘inferior habits’ of the Ainu, and consequently many started to develop negative attitudes towards their culture (Siddle 1995: 87). started to develop negative attitudes towards their culture (Siddle 1995: 87). Data compiled by the Hokkaido Prefectural government suggest that natural Data compiled by the Hokkaido Prefectural government suggest that natural intergenerational language transmission among the Ainu began to be inter- intergenerational language transmission among the Ainu began to be interrupted between 1900 and 1920 (see Heinrich 2012: 140–143). As a conse- rupted between 1900 and 1920 (see Heinrich 2012: 140–143). As a consequence, the Ainu language has been endangered ever since and is today in a quence, the Ainu language has been endangered ever since and is today in a stage of ‘critical endangerment’ (Moseley 2009). stage of ‘critical endangerment’ (Moseley 2009). In the Ryukyu Islands, too, linguistic assimilation did not end discrimi- In the Ryukyu Islands, too, linguistic assimilation did not end discrimination. Speaking Japanese in public did not suffice. Efforts were made to nation. Speaking Japanese in public did not suffice. Efforts were made to suppress Ryukyuan in all spheres of life and to erase all traces of Ryukyuan suppress Ryukyuan in all spheres of life and to erase all traces of Ryukyuan influence on the Japanese spoken in the archipelago (Kondō 1994: 66–70). influence on the Japanese spoken in the archipelago (Kondō 1994: 66–70). To this end, Ryukyuan languages were banned from schools in an Ordinance To this end, Ryukyuan languages were banned from schools in an Ordinance to Regulate the Dialects in 1907 (ODJKJ 1983, vol. III: 443–444). Starting to Regulate the Dialects in 1907 (ODJKJ 1983, vol. III: 443–444). Starting in the 1920s, Ryukyuans were also encouraged to change their family names in the 1920s, Ryukyuans were also encouraged to change their family names and read Chinese characters in Japanese, instead of in Sino-Japanese or and read Chinese characters in Japanese, instead of in Sino-Japanese or Ryukyuan (Nakamatsu 1996: 59). Japanese language dissemination activi- Ryukyuan (Nakamatsu 1996: 59). Japanese language dissemination activi- ties attained a new quality in 1931 when a popular movement called Move- ties attained a new quality in 1931 when a popular movement called Move- ment for the Enforcement of the Standard Language (Hyōjungo reikō undō) ment for the Enforcement of the Standard Language (Hyōjungo reikō undō) was established. The movement received much support from teaching staff was established. The movement received much support from teaching staff across the prefecture and was, from the late 1930s onwards, supported by across the prefecture and was, from the late 1930s onwards, supported by the local Department of Education (Itani 2006; Kondō 2006). the local Department of Education (Itani 2006; Kondō 2006). As a result of the language spread policy, Japanese replaced the As a result of the language spread policy, Japanese replaced the Shuri/Naha variety of Okinawan as the lingua franca in the multilingual Shuri/Naha variety of Okinawan as the lingua franca in the multilingual Ryukyuan Archipelago. Due to increasing population mobility, growing ex- Ryukyuan Archipelago. Due to increasing population mobility, growing ex- ogamy and infrastructural expansion, other Ryukyuan dialects also came un- ogamy and infrastructural expansion, other Ryukyuan dialects also came under pressure and were increasingly replaced by Japanese. Natural intergen- der pressure and were increasingly replaced by Japanese. Natural intergenerational language transmission was, however, interrupted much later in the erational language transmission was, however, interrupted much later in the Ryukyus than in Ainu Mosir. The language shift was not complete before Ryukyus than in Ainu Mosir. The language shift was not complete before the end of the 1950s, which is why Ryukyuan languages are less endangered the end of the 1950s, which is why Ryukyuan languages are less endangered than Ainu today (Moseley 2009). than Ainu today (Moseley 2009).

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 247 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 247

In Taiwan, too, attempts to spread Japanese through schools and to ed- In Taiwan, too, attempts to spread Japanese through schools and to ed- ucate pupils as imperial subjects were intensified. In 1915, the first middle ucate pupils as imperial subjects were intensified. In 1915, the first middle school in Taiwan was founded, albeit with lower standards than the middle school in Taiwan was founded, albeit with lower standards than the middle schools on the Japanese mainland. This situation remained unchanged until schools on the Japanese mainland. This situation remained unchanged until the promulgation of the Taiwan Education Rescript in 1922 (Tsurumi 1984: the promulgation of the Taiwan Education Rescript in 1922 (Tsurumi 1984: 287). Already with the Education Decree of 1919, first attempts were made 287). Already with the Education Decree of 1919, first attempts were made to create a unified and regulated education system (Heylen 2001: 168). Chi- to create a unified and regulated education system (Heylen 2001: 168). Chi- nese language education in public schools ceased to be compulsory. The nese language education in public schools ceased to be compulsory. The start of Japanese-Taiwanese coeducation after 1922 went hand in hand with start of Japanese-Taiwanese coeducation after 1922 went hand in hand with the suppression of Chinese private schools, whose number gradually de- the suppression of Chinese private schools, whose number gradually de- creased from more than 1,000 to just 17 in 1940 (Chen 2001: 97). In 1928 creased from more than 1,000 to just 17 in 1940 (Chen 2001: 97). In 1928 Taihoku (Taipei) Imperial University was established. It focused primarily Taihoku (Taipei) Imperial University was established. It focused primarily on research and had only a few dozen students (Heinrich 2002: 43). on research and had only a few dozen students (Heinrich 2002: 43). Although Japanese language spread met with resistance in Ainu Mosir, Although Japanese language spread met with resistance in Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyus and Taiwan, resistance was nowhere more pronounced than in the Ryukyus and Taiwan, resistance was nowhere more pronounced than in Korea. Among the Ainu, Kannari Tarō (1866–1897) addressed a petition to Korea. Among the Ainu, Kannari Tarō (1866–1897) addressed a petition to local authorities in which he asked for the funding of Ainu education. An- local authorities in which he asked for the funding of Ainu education. An- other noteworthy Ainu activist of that time was Iboshi Hokuto (1902–1929), other noteworthy Ainu activist of that time was Iboshi Hokuto (1902–1929), who gave a rousing speech at Kindaichi Kyōsuke’s (1882–1971) famous re- who gave a rousing speech at Kindaichi Kyōsuke’s (1882–1971) famous research circle on Ainu culture in 1925 (Siddle 1999: 128–129). However, search circle on Ainu culture in 1925 (Siddle 1999: 128–129). However, voices that spoke up for Ainu emancipation were few and far between, and voices that spoke up for Ainu emancipation were few and far between, and at the time they were ineffective. Resistance can also be noted in the Ryu- at the time they were ineffective. Resistance can also be noted in the Ryu- kyus, where students in mainland universities were for many years regarded kyus, where students in mainland universities were for many years regarded as ‘traitors’ by Ryukyuan society (Thompson 1997: 49). Ifa Fuyū’s (1876– as ‘traitors’ by Ryukyuan society (Thompson 1997: 49). Ifa Fuyū’s (1876– 1947) compilation of an Okinawan second language textbook can also be 1947) compilation of an Okinawan second language textbook can also be seen as an act of resistance. Ifa’s (1969: 2–3) opening remark that “due to seen as an act of resistance. Ifa’s (1969: 2–3) opening remark that “due to the similarities in pronunciation and grammar it is very easy for Japanese to the similarities in pronunciation and grammar it is very easy for Japanese to study Ryukyuan” can be read as a criticism of the one-sided language ac- study Ryukyuan” can be read as a criticism of the one-sided language accommodation by Ryukyuans. By far the best known example of resistance is commodation by Ryukyuans. By far the best known example of resistance is the so-called ‘dialect debate’ (hōgen ronsō) of 1940. The debate originated the so-called ‘dialect debate’ (hōgen ronsō) of 1940. The debate originated in a visit by a delegation of the Japan Folk Craft Society, which commented in a visit by a delegation of the Japan Folk Craft Society, which commented in discussions that it felt that the measures implemented to spread Japanese in discussions that it felt that the measures implemented to spread Japanese were exaggerated. These harmless comments triggered a debate in which the were exaggerated. These harmless comments triggered a debate in which the Department of Education defended its policy of spreading Japanese by all Department of Education defended its policy of spreading Japanese by all means, while the mainland visitors took the view that Ryukyuan should not means, while the mainland visitors took the view that Ryukyuan should not be suppressed in the way it was. The subsequent debate continued for more be suppressed in the way it was. The subsequent debate continued for more than a year and included detailed criticism of the Japanese language spread than a year and included detailed criticism of the Japanese language spread policy and the accompanying efforts to suppress the Ryukyuan languages policy and the accompanying efforts to suppress the Ryukyuan languages (Heinrich 2013). (Heinrich 2013). In Taiwan, the murder of 6 Japanese teachers by guerrilla forces in In Taiwan, the murder of 6 Japanese teachers by guerrilla forces in 1896 (Tai 1999: 511) was a drastic manifestation of resistance to Japanese 1896 (Tai 1999: 511) was a drastic manifestation of resistance to Japanese 248 Patrick Heinrich 248 Patrick Heinrich colonization and language spread. Furthermore, the Taiwanese New Cultur- colonization and language spread. Furthermore, the Taiwanese New Cultur- al Movement called early on for the preservation of Taiwanese languages al Movement called early on for the preservation of Taiwanese languages and cultures (Klöter 2005: 153), and petitions were submitted which re- and cultures (Klöter 2005: 153), and petitions were submitted which re- quested Chinese language education in public schools (Chen 2001: 97). In quested Chinese language education in public schools (Chen 2001: 97). In Korea, resistance against assimilation sprang up immediately after the Japa- Korea, resistance against assimilation sprang up immediately after the Japa- nese annexation and was more pronounced than in any other territory sub- nese annexation and was more pronounced than in any other territory subject to Japanese language spread. The biggest revolt occurred in March ject to Japanese language spread. The biggest revolt occurred in March 1919. The Japanese authorities reacted forcefully to peaceful demonstrations 1919. The Japanese authorities reacted forcefully to peaceful demonstrations for Korean independence during the so-called March First Movement. More for Korean independence during the so-called March First Movement. More than 40,000 Koreans were arrested and about 7,500 killed in the weeks of than 40,000 Koreans were arrested and about 7,500 killed in the weeks of unrest that followed (Oguma 2002: 125). Kim (1973: 139) summarizes the unrest that followed (Oguma 2002: 125). Kim (1973: 139) summarizes the motives for revolt against Japanese rule as follows: “First, the Japanese pol- motives for revolt against Japanese rule as follows: “First, the Japanese policy totally ignored the cultural tradition and the pride of Korean people. icy totally ignored the cultural tradition and the pride of Korean people. Second, the Korean spirit of independence was miserably deprived and, fi- Second, the Korean spirit of independence was miserably deprived and, finally, the Korean students rebelled against being indoctrinated to be loyal nally, the Korean students rebelled against being indoctrinated to be loyal subjects to a foreign emperor.” Such rebellion highlighted the failure of the subjects to a foreign emperor.” Such rebellion highlighted the failure of the assimilationist policy in Korea. As a result, a so-called ‘cultural policy’ assimilationist policy in Korea. As a result, a so-called ‘cultural policy’ (bunka seiji) was implemented in an effort to appease the Korean popula- (bunka seiji) was implemented in an effort to appease the Korean population. Peattie (1988: 235) writes about the effects of this policy: “Korea was tion. Peattie (1988: 235) writes about the effects of this policy: “Korea was granted a number of reforms of a kind never conceded to the more docile granted a number of reforms of a kind never conceded to the more docile colonial population of Taiwan. In 1920, the Japanese government an- colonial population of Taiwan. In 1920, the Japanese government an- nounced a number of social, political, and economic changes designed to nounced a number of social, political, and economic changes designed to permit greater self-expression for Koreans, to abolish abuses in the juridical permit greater self-expression for Koreans, to abolish abuses in the juridical system, to eliminate discrimination in the treatment of Japanese and Koreans system, to eliminate discrimination in the treatment of Japanese and Koreans in public service, to equalize educational and economic opportunity, to in public service, to equalize educational and economic opportunity, to promote agriculture and industry, and generally to give Koreans greater promote agriculture and industry, and generally to give Koreans greater voice in the management of their own affairs.” voice in the management of their own affairs.” The propagation of the new policy led to educational reforms. From The propagation of the new policy led to educational reforms. From 1920 onwards, Koreans were, in principle, granted the same educational 1920 onwards, Koreans were, in principle, granted the same educational rights as Japanese. Compulsory school education was extended from 4 to 6 rights as Japanese. Compulsory school education was extended from 4 to 6 years, and educational opportunities were expanded to include post-primary years, and educational opportunities were expanded to include post-primary education. A normal school was established in Seoul and one in each of the education. A normal school was established in Seoul and one in each of the 13 Korean provinces. Furthermore, measures were taken to ensure higher 13 Korean provinces. Furthermore, measures were taken to ensure higher school attendance rates (Dong 1973: 158). The 1920s also saw the relaxa- school attendance rates (Dong 1973: 158). The 1920s also saw the relaxa- tion of regulations for publications in Korean. Such reform notwithstanding, tion of regulations for publications in Korean. Such reform notwithstanding, Japanese authorities strengthened control over Korean society at the same Japanese authorities strengthened control over Korean society at the same time (Devine 1997). In 1922, the Second Imperial Edict on Education in time (Devine 1997). In 1922, the Second Imperial Edict on Education in Korea declared kokugo language education and moral education to be the Korea declared kokugo language education and moral education to be the main educational objectives in the colony (Lim 1996: 133). In 1924, Keijō main educational objectives in the colony (Lim 1996: 133). In 1924, Keijō (Seoul) Imperial University was founded. As in the case of Taipei Universi- (Seoul) Imperial University was founded. As in the case of Taipei Universi-

248 Patrick Heinrich 248 Patrick Heinrich colonization and language spread. Furthermore, the Taiwanese New Cultur- colonization and language spread. Furthermore, the Taiwanese New Cultur- al Movement called early on for the preservation of Taiwanese languages al Movement called early on for the preservation of Taiwanese languages and cultures (Klöter 2005: 153), and petitions were submitted which re- and cultures (Klöter 2005: 153), and petitions were submitted which re- quested Chinese language education in public schools (Chen 2001: 97). In quested Chinese language education in public schools (Chen 2001: 97). In Korea, resistance against assimilation sprang up immediately after the Japa- Korea, resistance against assimilation sprang up immediately after the Japa- nese annexation and was more pronounced than in any other territory sub- nese annexation and was more pronounced than in any other territory subject to Japanese language spread. The biggest revolt occurred in March ject to Japanese language spread. The biggest revolt occurred in March 1919. The Japanese authorities reacted forcefully to peaceful demonstrations 1919. The Japanese authorities reacted forcefully to peaceful demonstrations for Korean independence during the so-called March First Movement. More for Korean independence during the so-called March First Movement. More than 40,000 Koreans were arrested and about 7,500 killed in the weeks of than 40,000 Koreans were arrested and about 7,500 killed in the weeks of unrest that followed (Oguma 2002: 125). Kim (1973: 139) summarizes the unrest that followed (Oguma 2002: 125). Kim (1973: 139) summarizes the motives for revolt against Japanese rule as follows: “First, the Japanese pol- motives for revolt against Japanese rule as follows: “First, the Japanese policy totally ignored the cultural tradition and the pride of Korean people. icy totally ignored the cultural tradition and the pride of Korean people. Second, the Korean spirit of independence was miserably deprived and, fi- Second, the Korean spirit of independence was miserably deprived and, finally, the Korean students rebelled against being indoctrinated to be loyal nally, the Korean students rebelled against being indoctrinated to be loyal subjects to a foreign emperor.” Such rebellion highlighted the failure of the subjects to a foreign emperor.” Such rebellion highlighted the failure of the assimilationist policy in Korea. As a result, a so-called ‘cultural policy’ assimilationist policy in Korea. As a result, a so-called ‘cultural policy’ (bunka seiji) was implemented in an effort to appease the Korean popula- (bunka seiji) was implemented in an effort to appease the Korean population. Peattie (1988: 235) writes about the effects of this policy: “Korea was tion. Peattie (1988: 235) writes about the effects of this policy: “Korea was granted a number of reforms of a kind never conceded to the more docile granted a number of reforms of a kind never conceded to the more docile colonial population of Taiwan. In 1920, the Japanese government an- colonial population of Taiwan. In 1920, the Japanese government an- nounced a number of social, political, and economic changes designed to nounced a number of social, political, and economic changes designed to permit greater self-expression for Koreans, to abolish abuses in the juridical permit greater self-expression for Koreans, to abolish abuses in the juridical system, to eliminate discrimination in the treatment of Japanese and Koreans system, to eliminate discrimination in the treatment of Japanese and Koreans in public service, to equalize educational and economic opportunity, to in public service, to equalize educational and economic opportunity, to promote agriculture and industry, and generally to give Koreans greater promote agriculture and industry, and generally to give Koreans greater voice in the management of their own affairs.” voice in the management of their own affairs.” The propagation of the new policy led to educational reforms. From The propagation of the new policy led to educational reforms. From 1920 onwards, Koreans were, in principle, granted the same educational 1920 onwards, Koreans were, in principle, granted the same educational rights as Japanese. Compulsory school education was extended from 4 to 6 rights as Japanese. Compulsory school education was extended from 4 to 6 years, and educational opportunities were expanded to include post-primary years, and educational opportunities were expanded to include post-primary education. A normal school was established in Seoul and one in each of the education. A normal school was established in Seoul and one in each of the 13 Korean provinces. Furthermore, measures were taken to ensure higher 13 Korean provinces. Furthermore, measures were taken to ensure higher school attendance rates (Dong 1973: 158). The 1920s also saw the relaxa- school attendance rates (Dong 1973: 158). The 1920s also saw the relaxa- tion of regulations for publications in Korean. Such reform notwithstanding, tion of regulations for publications in Korean. Such reform notwithstanding, Japanese authorities strengthened control over Korean society at the same Japanese authorities strengthened control over Korean society at the same time (Devine 1997). In 1922, the Second Imperial Edict on Education in time (Devine 1997). In 1922, the Second Imperial Edict on Education in Korea declared kokugo language education and moral education to be the Korea declared kokugo language education and moral education to be the main educational objectives in the colony (Lim 1996: 133). In 1924, Keijō main educational objectives in the colony (Lim 1996: 133). In 1924, Keijō (Seoul) Imperial University was founded. As in the case of Taipei Universi- (Seoul) Imperial University was founded. As in the case of Taipei Universi-

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 249 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 249 ty, Seoul University served primarily as a research institution (Heinrich ty, Seoul University served primarily as a research institution (Heinrich 2002: 43). 2002: 43). Discrimination and unequal treatment of Japanese minorities and colo- Discrimination and unequal treatment of Japanese minorities and colonial subjects made it obvious that assimilation was forced, and that such as- nial subjects made it obvious that assimilation was forced, and that such assimilation policies were to the advantage of the mainland Japanese. This was similation policies were to the advantage of the mainland Japanese. This was a problem for policymakers, because once imbalances of power and interest a problem for policymakers, because once imbalances of power and interest are apparent, such imbalances can no longer be reproduced through ideolo- are apparent, such imbalances can no longer be reproduced through ideology. Hence, policymakers were left with two choices at this stage, (1) either gy. Hence, policymakers were left with two choices at this stage, (1) either base Japanese language spread on a new ideological foundation, or (2) stub- base Japanese language spread on a new ideological foundation, or (2) stub- bornly press ahead with existing policies. There were arguments for both bornly press ahead with existing policies. There were arguments for both sides, but those speaking in up in favour of assimilation through the spread sides, but those speaking in up in favour of assimilation through the spread of Japanese language as a national language kept the upper hand (Yasuda of Japanese language as a national language kept the upper hand (Yasuda 1997a). However, by now this policy could no longer be legitimized on ide- 1997a). However, by now this policy could no longer be legitimized on ideological grounds. Coercion replaced ideology. ological grounds. Coercion replaced ideology.

4. Coerced assimilation 4. Coerced assimilation From the 1930s onwards, and in particular after the start of efforts at ‘na- From the 1930s onwards, and in particular after the start of efforts at ‘national mobilization’ (kokka sōdōin) in 1937, assimilation efforts became ex- tional mobilization’ (kokka sōdōin) in 1937, assimilation efforts became ex- tremely oppressive. Language and cultures other than those of mainland Ja- tremely oppressive. Language and cultures other than those of mainland Ja- pan were prohibited in both Japanese and non-Japanese schools. pan were prohibited in both Japanese and non-Japanese schools. Native schools in Ainu Mosir were banned in 1937, leading to further Native schools in Ainu Mosir were banned in 1937, leading to further erosion of Ainu customs and life styles (Maher 2001: 330). Notwithstanding erosion of Ainu customs and life styles (Maher 2001: 330). Notwithstanding this, assimilationist policy lacked much of the fervour characteristic of the this, assimilationist policy lacked much of the fervour characteristic of the other polities discussed here. The Ainu were never high on the agenda of other polities discussed here. The Ainu were never high on the agenda of Japanese policymakers. They were at best perceived as a marginal problem Japanese policymakers. They were at best perceived as a marginal problem – a problem expected to vanish in time. Such expectations are best encapsu- – a problem expected to vanish in time. Such expectations are best encapsulated in the view that the Ainu constituted a ‘dying race’ (horobiyuku lated in the view that the Ainu constituted a ‘dying race’ (horobiyuku minzoku). Of course, the Ainu did not vanish. They were forcibly assimilat- minzoku). Of course, the Ainu did not vanish. They were forcibly assimilated into the lower strata of Japanese society. Such assimilation resulted in ed into the lower strata of Japanese society. Such assimilation resulted in continued economic, social, cultural, political and linguistic discrimination continued economic, social, cultural, political and linguistic discrimination by mainland Japanese. by mainland Japanese. In the Ryukyus, the Movement for Enforcement of the Standard Lan- In the Ryukyus, the Movement for Enforcement of the Standard Lan- guage compiled a policy platform called Programme for Education in guage compiled a policy platform called Programme for Education in Okinawa Prefecture (Okinawa-ken kyōiku kōryō) in 1939. It proved influen- Okinawa Prefecture (Okinawa-ken kyōiku kōryō) in 1939. It proved influential in setting up a system of supervising Japanese language dissemination in tial in setting up a system of supervising Japanese language dissemination in all municipalities. At the same time, a new ordinance prohibited the use of all municipalities. At the same time, a new ordinance prohibited the use of Ryukyuan languages in government and other public offices. People ad- Ryukyuan languages in government and other public offices. People ad- dressing the staff of post-offices or governmental offices in Ryukyuan lan- dressing the staff of post-offices or governmental offices in Ryukyuan languages had to be refused service and employees caught using Ryukyuan guages had to be refused service and employees caught using Ryukyuan 250 Patrick Heinrich 250 Patrick Heinrich languages risked being penalized (Kondō 1997: 41). Use of a punitive ‘dia- languages risked being penalized (Kondō 1997: 41). Use of a punitive ‘dialect tag’ (hōgen fuda), worn by pupils who spoke Ryukyuan dialects in the lect tag’ (hōgen fuda), worn by pupils who spoke Ryukyuan dialects in the classroom, increased dramatically in the 1920s and 1930s, peaking at the classroom, increased dramatically in the 1920s and 1930s, peaking at the time of the general mobilization campaign (Kondō 1999, 2000). time of the general mobilization campaign (Kondō 1999, 2000). Japanese language spread policy was also intensified in the colonies. In Japanese language spread policy was also intensified in the colonies. In Taiwan its express aim after 1937 was ‘making imperial Japanese subjects’ Taiwan its express aim after 1937 was ‘making imperial Japanese subjects’ (kōmin-ka). All Chinese language classes were abolished, and Chinese lan- (kōmin-ka). All Chinese language classes were abolished, and Chinese language columns in local newspaper were banned (Tani 2000: 77). Japanese guage columns in local newspaper were banned (Tani 2000: 77). Japanese became the sole language of education and administration (Chen 2001: 98), became the sole language of education and administration (Chen 2001: 98), and public institutions such as government offices and banks were accord- and public institutions such as government offices and banks were accord- ingly required to employ only Japanese-speaking personnel (Hsiau 2000: ingly required to employ only Japanese-speaking personnel (Hsiau 2000: 36). In addition, new measures were introduced to promote Japanese as the 36). In addition, new measures were introduced to promote Japanese as the language used in the family. This new policy is best encapsulated by the language used in the family. This new policy is best encapsulated by the keywords ‘everyday use of the national language’ (kokugo jōyō) and ‘con- keywords ‘everyday use of the national language’ (kokugo jōyō) and ‘con- version to the language of daily life’ (seikatsugo-ka). Language courses for version to the language of daily life’ (seikatsugo-ka). Language courses for adults were offered, and families who spoke Japanese were granted certain adults were offered, and families who spoke Japanese were granted certain privileges such as a better category of wartime ration tickets (Tsurumi 1977: privileges such as a better category of wartime ration tickets (Tsurumi 1977: 151, 157). In 1940, a ten-year plan was developed to secure the spread of 151, 157). In 1940, a ten-year plan was developed to secure the spread of Japanese across the entire population (Tai 1999: 518). In 1940, Taiwanese Japanese across the entire population (Tai 1999: 518). In 1940, Taiwanese were ordered to adopt Japanese names (Gōtsu 2001: 63), and more vigorous were ordered to adopt Japanese names (Gōtsu 2001: 63), and more vigorous efforts were made to spread Japanese among the aboriginal population of efforts were made to spread Japanese among the aboriginal population of Taiwan (Shi 1993: 35). Taiwanese settings in textbooks were replaced by Taiwan (Shi 1993: 35). Taiwanese settings in textbooks were replaced by mainland Japanese settings (Tsurumi 1977: 143). mainland Japanese settings (Tsurumi 1977: 143). In Korea, Japanese language spread policy also became more coercive. In Korea, Japanese language spread policy also became more coercive. A campaign was launched to foster ‘unity between the homeland and Korea’ A campaign was launched to foster ‘unity between the homeland and Korea’ (naisen ittai), and a strict Japanese monolingual policy was established (naisen ittai), and a strict Japanese monolingual policy was established (Yasuda 1997b: 175–178). According to the third Imperial Edict on Educa- (Yasuda 1997b: 175–178). According to the third Imperial Edict on Educa- tion in Korea of 1937, all school subjects had to be taught exclusively in tion in Korea of 1937, all school subjects had to be taught exclusively in Japanese (Kim 1973: 142). In 1940, Koreans were forced to adopt Japanese Japanese (Kim 1973: 142). In 1940, Koreans were forced to adopt Japanese names. Korean was abolished as a school subject in 1941 (Kim-Rivera names. Korean was abolished as a school subject in 1941 (Kim-Rivera 2002: 266–268). An Outline for Movements Spreading the National Lan- 2002: 266–268). An Outline for Movements Spreading the National Lan- guage (kokugo fukyū undō yōkō) was compiled. It sought to strengthen guage (kokugo fukyū undō yōkō) was compiled. It sought to strengthen awareness of being imperial subjects via enhanced Japanese language profi- awareness of being imperial subjects via enhanced Japanese language proficiency. The target group of this policy identified companies, factories and ciency. The target group of this policy identified companies, factories and mines as well as theatres and concert halls as spaces where the use of Japa- mines as well as theatres and concert halls as spaces where the use of Japa- nese ought to be more thoroughly enforced. It also recommended that Japa- nese ought to be more thoroughly enforced. It also recommended that Japa- nese language instruction should be made available to the entire population nese language instruction should be made available to the entire population through popular print media and broadcasts. In addition, awards for Japa- through popular print media and broadcasts. In addition, awards for Japa- nese-speaking families were handed out (Yasuda 1997a: 107–112). Publica- nese-speaking families were handed out (Yasuda 1997a: 107–112). Publica- tions in Korean were prohibited (Lee 2002), Korean linguists were arrested tions in Korean were prohibited (Lee 2002), Korean linguists were arrested and jailed for promoting and standardizing Korean (Rhee 1992: 94–95), and and jailed for promoting and standardizing Korean (Rhee 1992: 94–95), and

250 Patrick Heinrich 250 Patrick Heinrich languages risked being penalized (Kondō 1997: 41). Use of a punitive ‘dia- languages risked being penalized (Kondō 1997: 41). Use of a punitive ‘dialect tag’ (hōgen fuda), worn by pupils who spoke Ryukyuan dialects in the lect tag’ (hōgen fuda), worn by pupils who spoke Ryukyuan dialects in the classroom, increased dramatically in the 1920s and 1930s, peaking at the classroom, increased dramatically in the 1920s and 1930s, peaking at the time of the general mobilization campaign (Kondō 1999, 2000). time of the general mobilization campaign (Kondō 1999, 2000). Japanese language spread policy was also intensified in the colonies. In Japanese language spread policy was also intensified in the colonies. In Taiwan its express aim after 1937 was ‘making imperial Japanese subjects’ Taiwan its express aim after 1937 was ‘making imperial Japanese subjects’ (kōmin-ka). All Chinese language classes were abolished, and Chinese lan- (kōmin-ka). All Chinese language classes were abolished, and Chinese language columns in local newspaper were banned (Tani 2000: 77). Japanese guage columns in local newspaper were banned (Tani 2000: 77). Japanese became the sole language of education and administration (Chen 2001: 98), became the sole language of education and administration (Chen 2001: 98), and public institutions such as government offices and banks were accord- and public institutions such as government offices and banks were accord- ingly required to employ only Japanese-speaking personnel (Hsiau 2000: ingly required to employ only Japanese-speaking personnel (Hsiau 2000: 36). In addition, new measures were introduced to promote Japanese as the 36). In addition, new measures were introduced to promote Japanese as the language used in the family. This new policy is best encapsulated by the language used in the family. This new policy is best encapsulated by the keywords ‘everyday use of the national language’ (kokugo jōyō) and ‘con- keywords ‘everyday use of the national language’ (kokugo jōyō) and ‘con- version to the language of daily life’ (seikatsugo-ka). Language courses for version to the language of daily life’ (seikatsugo-ka). Language courses for adults were offered, and families who spoke Japanese were granted certain adults were offered, and families who spoke Japanese were granted certain privileges such as a better category of wartime ration tickets (Tsurumi 1977: privileges such as a better category of wartime ration tickets (Tsurumi 1977: 151, 157). In 1940, a ten-year plan was developed to secure the spread of 151, 157). In 1940, a ten-year plan was developed to secure the spread of Japanese across the entire population (Tai 1999: 518). In 1940, Taiwanese Japanese across the entire population (Tai 1999: 518). In 1940, Taiwanese were ordered to adopt Japanese names (Gōtsu 2001: 63), and more vigorous were ordered to adopt Japanese names (Gōtsu 2001: 63), and more vigorous efforts were made to spread Japanese among the aboriginal population of efforts were made to spread Japanese among the aboriginal population of Taiwan (Shi 1993: 35). Taiwanese settings in textbooks were replaced by Taiwan (Shi 1993: 35). Taiwanese settings in textbooks were replaced by mainland Japanese settings (Tsurumi 1977: 143). mainland Japanese settings (Tsurumi 1977: 143). In Korea, Japanese language spread policy also became more coercive. In Korea, Japanese language spread policy also became more coercive. A campaign was launched to foster ‘unity between the homeland and Korea’ A campaign was launched to foster ‘unity between the homeland and Korea’ (naisen ittai), and a strict Japanese monolingual policy was established (naisen ittai), and a strict Japanese monolingual policy was established (Yasuda 1997b: 175–178). According to the third Imperial Edict on Educa- (Yasuda 1997b: 175–178). According to the third Imperial Edict on Educa- tion in Korea of 1937, all school subjects had to be taught exclusively in tion in Korea of 1937, all school subjects had to be taught exclusively in Japanese (Kim 1973: 142). In 1940, Koreans were forced to adopt Japanese Japanese (Kim 1973: 142). In 1940, Koreans were forced to adopt Japanese names. Korean was abolished as a school subject in 1941 (Kim-Rivera names. Korean was abolished as a school subject in 1941 (Kim-Rivera 2002: 266–268). An Outline for Movements Spreading the National Lan- 2002: 266–268). An Outline for Movements Spreading the National Lan- guage (kokugo fukyū undō yōkō) was compiled. It sought to strengthen guage (kokugo fukyū undō yōkō) was compiled. It sought to strengthen awareness of being imperial subjects via enhanced Japanese language profi- awareness of being imperial subjects via enhanced Japanese language proficiency. The target group of this policy identified companies, factories and ciency. The target group of this policy identified companies, factories and mines as well as theatres and concert halls as spaces where the use of Japa- mines as well as theatres and concert halls as spaces where the use of Japa- nese ought to be more thoroughly enforced. It also recommended that Japa- nese ought to be more thoroughly enforced. It also recommended that Japa- nese language instruction should be made available to the entire population nese language instruction should be made available to the entire population through popular print media and broadcasts. In addition, awards for Japa- through popular print media and broadcasts. In addition, awards for Japa- nese-speaking families were handed out (Yasuda 1997a: 107–112). Publica- nese-speaking families were handed out (Yasuda 1997a: 107–112). Publica- tions in Korean were prohibited (Lee 2002), Korean linguists were arrested tions in Korean were prohibited (Lee 2002), Korean linguists were arrested and jailed for promoting and standardizing Korean (Rhee 1992: 94–95), and and jailed for promoting and standardizing Korean (Rhee 1992: 94–95), and

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 251 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 251

Korean pupils were encouraged to report any use of Korean by their fellow Korean pupils were encouraged to report any use of Korean by their fellow students (Kumatani 1990: 90). students (Kumatani 1990: 90). The coercive language spread policy affected the language repertoires The coercive language spread policy affected the language repertoires in the four polities discussed here. But the effects differed. in the four polities discussed here. But the effects differed.

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 251 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 251

5. Effects of Japanese language spread policy 5. Effects of Japanese language spread policy The different reactions to what was basically one and the same language The different reactions to what was basically one and the same language spread policy carries important lessons for our understanding of (1) the lan- spread policy carries important lessons for our understanding of (1) the language repertoires that emerged as an effect of Japanese language spread, (2) guage repertoires that emerged as an effect of Japanese language spread, (2) the limits of language policy and planning, and (3) the limits of imagining the limits of language policy and planning, and (3) the limits of imagining communities on the basis of language. communities on the basis of language. (1) While Japanese was added as a new language to the repertoires of (1) While Japanese was added as a new language to the repertoires of many people in the four polities studied here, the case of the Ainu stands out many people in the four polities studied here, the case of the Ainu stands out in that natural intergenerational language transmission of Ainu was inter- in that natural intergenerational language transmission of Ainu was interrupted so quickly. In general, societal bilingualism cannot be upheld if the rupted so quickly. In general, societal bilingualism cannot be upheld if the languages involved do not maintain distinct social functions for the commu- languages involved do not maintain distinct social functions for the communities speaking them. For Ainu no such popular function survived. As an ef- nities speaking them. For Ainu no such popular function survived. As an effect of the stigma attached to the Ainu language, Ainu born after 1920 have fect of the stigma attached to the Ainu language, Ainu born after 1920 have lived with Japanese as their first language. Ainu ceased to function as a lived with Japanese as their first language. Ainu ceased to function as a community language in the early 1960s (Kayano 1994: 106). While linguis- community language in the early 1960s (Kayano 1994: 106). While linguistic assimilation was rationalized as an ‘act of benevolence’ (buika) granted tic assimilation was rationalized as an ‘act of benevolence’ (buika) granted by mainland Japanese to an ‘inferior race’ (rettō no jinshu), domination, lin- by mainland Japanese to an ‘inferior race’ (rettō no jinshu), domination, linguistic assimilation and language replacement were in fact the result of a guistic assimilation and language replacement were in fact the result of a huge difference in power between the Ainu and the mainland Japanese. As I huge difference in power between the Ainu and the mainland Japanese. As I have written elsewhere in discussing the case of the Ainu (Heinrich 2012: have written elsewhere in discussing the case of the Ainu (Heinrich 2012: 96–97): “When lacking power, difference is interpreted as obsolescence, 96–97): “When lacking power, difference is interpreted as obsolescence, and progress is associated with assimilation to the dominating community.” and progress is associated with assimilation to the dominating community.” The introduction of Japanese also changed the language repertories in The introduction of Japanese also changed the language repertories in the Ryukyus, albeit not as drastically as among the Ainu. Japanese chal- the Ryukyus, albeit not as drastically as among the Ainu. Japanese challenged the function of the Okinawan Shuri/Naha dialect as an interregional lenged the function of the Okinawan Shuri/Naha dialect as an interregional variety. Domain after domain of language use was lost to Japanese. In the variety. Domain after domain of language use was lost to Japanese. In the mid-1950s Japanese entered the homes. Shortly afterwards Japanese also mid-1950s Japanese entered the homes. Shortly afterwards Japanese also became the default language in neighbourhoods (Anderson 2009). Ryukyuan became the default language in neighbourhoods (Anderson 2009). Ryukyuan language accommodation of Japanese monolinguals constitutes an instance language accommodation of Japanese monolinguals constitutes an instance of Ryukyuan language marginalization. Marginalization is a process in of Ryukyuan language marginalization. Marginalization is a process in which the subordinate status of language resulting from the narrowing of the which the subordinate status of language resulting from the narrowing of the language in question to restricted functions is reproduced. Such marginaliza- language in question to restricted functions is reproduced. Such marginalization is the direct effect of Japanese language spread policy (Heinrich 2004: tion is the direct effect of Japanese language spread policy (Heinrich 2004: 166–172). Using Ryukyuan language became increasingly regarded as 166–172). Using Ryukyuan language became increasingly regarded as 252 Patrick Heinrich 252 Patrick Heinrich marked language use in an ever-growing number of domains. But Ryukyuan marked language use in an ever-growing number of domains. But Ryukyuan was still used in the domains of the family, the neighbourhood, religion and was still used in the domains of the family, the neighbourhood, religion and ‘entertaining arts’ (geinō) in 1945. ‘entertaining arts’ (geinō) in 1945. Among the Japanese colonies, Japanese language dissemination policy Among the Japanese colonies, Japanese language dissemination policy was most pervasive in Taiwan (Shi 1993: 42). By the end of the colonial pe- was most pervasive in Taiwan (Shi 1993: 42). By the end of the colonial period, the majority of Taiwanese had at least basic skills in Japanese (Chen riod, the majority of Taiwanese had at least basic skills in Japanese (Chen 1983: 336). While it proved impossible to perpetuate Japanese in private 1983: 336). While it proved impossible to perpetuate Japanese in private domains such as the family, Japanese language spread nevertheless led to domains such as the family, Japanese language spread nevertheless led to some early instances of language shift. Chen (2001: 98–99) states that by some early instances of language shift. Chen (2001: 98–99) states that by 1945 “Japanese was the only language in which most educated people on the 1945 “Japanese was the only language in which most educated people on the island could read and express themselves effectively on formal occasions island could read and express themselves effectively on formal occasions and topics. Local Chinese dialects like Southern Min and Hakka were con- and topics. Local Chinese dialects like Southern Min and Hakka were con- fined to family and informal functions in the community. It was observed fined to family and informal functions in the community. It was observed that at the time no local Taiwanese brought up on the island had a functional that at the time no local Taiwanese brought up on the island had a functional literacy in Chinese on topics beyond the trivialities of everyday life.” Gōtsu literacy in Chinese on topics beyond the trivialities of everyday life.” Gōtsu (2001) shows that there were considerable differences in Japanese language (2001) shows that there were considerable differences in Japanese language proficiency between the rural and the urban population in general and, more proficiency between the rural and the urban population in general and, more specifically, between farmers and workmen on one hand and the educated specifically, between farmers and workmen on one hand and the educated classes on the other. In particular the Taiwanese elite embraced the Japanese classes on the other. In particular the Taiwanese elite embraced the Japanese language because they perceived it as a stepping-stone for social advance- language because they perceived it as a stepping-stone for social advance- ment (Hsiau 2000: 47). ment (Hsiau 2000: 47). By contrast, Japanese language dissemination efforts in Korea proved By contrast, Japanese language dissemination efforts in Korea proved less successful. A survey conducted by the Japanese authorities in 1933 re- less successful. A survey conducted by the Japanese authorities in 1933 re- vealed that approximately 80% of the population remained illiterate, and vealed that approximately 80% of the population remained illiterate, and could read neither Korean nor Japanese (Lim 1996: 164). Despite this, the could read neither Korean nor Japanese (Lim 1996: 164). Despite this, the influence of Japanese on Korean is still noticeable today. Baik (1992) and influence of Japanese on Korean is still noticeable today. Baik (1992) and Kumatani (1991) discuss Japanese influences on contemporary Korean at Kumatani (1991) discuss Japanese influences on contemporary Korean at the levels of morphology, syntax and the lexicon. the levels of morphology, syntax and the lexicon. (2) In considering the limits of language policy within the Japanese (2) In considering the limits of language policy within the Japanese state, two things are striking. Firstly, ad-hoc language planning for the Ainu state, two things are striking. Firstly, ad-hoc language planning for the Ainu speech communities continued for a long time. It was only at the turn of the speech communities continued for a long time. It was only at the turn of the twentieth century that planning efforts grew more organized. Secondly, the twentieth century that planning efforts grew more organized. Secondly, the implementation of radical language spread measures from the 1930s on- implementation of radical language spread measures from the 1930s onwards cannot be observed for the case of the Ainu for the very simple reason wards cannot be observed for the case of the Ainu for the very simple reason that they had already shifted to Japanese. However, since the Ainu could not that they had already shifted to Japanese. However, since the Ainu could not be easily ideologically included into the ethnic Japanese nation, they were be easily ideologically included into the ethnic Japanese nation, they were portrayed as a dying race. The situation was quite different in the case of the portrayed as a dying race. The situation was quite different in the case of the Ryukyus, where the superintendent responsible for the assimilation of the Ryukyus, where the superintendent responsible for the assimilation of the Ryukyus, Matsuda Michiyuki (1838–1882), declared without much ado that Ryukyus, Matsuda Michiyuki (1838–1882), declared without much ado that Ryukyuans and Japanese shared the same language, culture and customs Ryukyuans and Japanese shared the same language, culture and customs (Oguma 1998: 28–29). Hence, Ryukyuan languages were declared to be vari- (Oguma 1998: 28–29). Hence, Ryukyuan languages were declared to be vari-

252 Patrick Heinrich 252 Patrick Heinrich marked language use in an ever-growing number of domains. But Ryukyuan marked language use in an ever-growing number of domains. But Ryukyuan was still used in the domains of the family, the neighbourhood, religion and was still used in the domains of the family, the neighbourhood, religion and ‘entertaining arts’ (geinō) in 1945. ‘entertaining arts’ (geinō) in 1945. Among the Japanese colonies, Japanese language dissemination policy Among the Japanese colonies, Japanese language dissemination policy was most pervasive in Taiwan (Shi 1993: 42). By the end of the colonial pe- was most pervasive in Taiwan (Shi 1993: 42). By the end of the colonial period, the majority of Taiwanese had at least basic skills in Japanese (Chen riod, the majority of Taiwanese had at least basic skills in Japanese (Chen 1983: 336). While it proved impossible to perpetuate Japanese in private 1983: 336). While it proved impossible to perpetuate Japanese in private domains such as the family, Japanese language spread nevertheless led to domains such as the family, Japanese language spread nevertheless led to some early instances of language shift. Chen (2001: 98–99) states that by some early instances of language shift. Chen (2001: 98–99) states that by 1945 “Japanese was the only language in which most educated people on the 1945 “Japanese was the only language in which most educated people on the island could read and express themselves effectively on formal occasions island could read and express themselves effectively on formal occasions and topics. Local Chinese dialects like Southern Min and Hakka were con- and topics. Local Chinese dialects like Southern Min and Hakka were con- fined to family and informal functions in the community. It was observed fined to family and informal functions in the community. It was observed that at the time no local Taiwanese brought up on the island had a functional that at the time no local Taiwanese brought up on the island had a functional literacy in Chinese on topics beyond the trivialities of everyday life.” Gōtsu literacy in Chinese on topics beyond the trivialities of everyday life.” Gōtsu (2001) shows that there were considerable differences in Japanese language (2001) shows that there were considerable differences in Japanese language proficiency between the rural and the urban population in general and, more proficiency between the rural and the urban population in general and, more specifically, between farmers and workmen on one hand and the educated specifically, between farmers and workmen on one hand and the educated classes on the other. In particular the Taiwanese elite embraced the Japanese classes on the other. In particular the Taiwanese elite embraced the Japanese language because they perceived it as a stepping-stone for social advance- language because they perceived it as a stepping-stone for social advance- ment (Hsiau 2000: 47). ment (Hsiau 2000: 47). By contrast, Japanese language dissemination efforts in Korea proved By contrast, Japanese language dissemination efforts in Korea proved less successful. A survey conducted by the Japanese authorities in 1933 re- less successful. A survey conducted by the Japanese authorities in 1933 re- vealed that approximately 80% of the population remained illiterate, and vealed that approximately 80% of the population remained illiterate, and could read neither Korean nor Japanese (Lim 1996: 164). Despite this, the could read neither Korean nor Japanese (Lim 1996: 164). Despite this, the influence of Japanese on Korean is still noticeable today. Baik (1992) and influence of Japanese on Korean is still noticeable today. Baik (1992) and Kumatani (1991) discuss Japanese influences on contemporary Korean at Kumatani (1991) discuss Japanese influences on contemporary Korean at the levels of morphology, syntax and the lexicon. the levels of morphology, syntax and the lexicon. (2) In considering the limits of language policy within the Japanese (2) In considering the limits of language policy within the Japanese state, two things are striking. Firstly, ad-hoc language planning for the Ainu state, two things are striking. Firstly, ad-hoc language planning for the Ainu speech communities continued for a long time. It was only at the turn of the speech communities continued for a long time. It was only at the turn of the twentieth century that planning efforts grew more organized. Secondly, the twentieth century that planning efforts grew more organized. Secondly, the implementation of radical language spread measures from the 1930s on- implementation of radical language spread measures from the 1930s onwards cannot be observed for the case of the Ainu for the very simple reason wards cannot be observed for the case of the Ainu for the very simple reason that they had already shifted to Japanese. However, since the Ainu could not that they had already shifted to Japanese. However, since the Ainu could not be easily ideologically included into the ethnic Japanese nation, they were be easily ideologically included into the ethnic Japanese nation, they were portrayed as a dying race. The situation was quite different in the case of the portrayed as a dying race. The situation was quite different in the case of the Ryukyus, where the superintendent responsible for the assimilation of the Ryukyus, where the superintendent responsible for the assimilation of the Ryukyus, Matsuda Michiyuki (1838–1882), declared without much ado that Ryukyus, Matsuda Michiyuki (1838–1882), declared without much ado that Ryukyuans and Japanese shared the same language, culture and customs Ryukyuans and Japanese shared the same language, culture and customs (Oguma 1998: 28–29). Hence, Ryukyuan languages were declared to be vari- (Oguma 1998: 28–29). Hence, Ryukyuan languages were declared to be vari-

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 253 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 253 ants of Japanese before any research into such interrelationships was con- ants of Japanese before any research into such interrelationships was conducted (Kinjō 1944: 6). This proved handy because language spread could ducted (Kinjō 1944: 6). This proved handy because language spread could thus be declared to be part of Japanese language standardization, despite the thus be declared to be part of Japanese language standardization, despite the fact that the sociolinguistic effects of language modernization in the Ryu- fact that the sociolinguistic effects of language modernization in the Ryu- kyus differed considerably from other parts of Japan (Arakaki 2013). kyus differed considerably from other parts of Japan (Arakaki 2013). Taiwan and Korea diverge both from Ainu Mosir and the Ryukyus and Taiwan and Korea diverge both from Ainu Mosir and the Ryukyus and from one another. Whereas a policy of careful pacification was implemented from one another. Whereas a policy of careful pacification was implemented in Taiwan between 1895 and 1918, colonial policymakers adopted repres- in Taiwan between 1895 and 1918, colonial policymakers adopted repressive measures for the first decade of Japanese rule in Korea. In general sive measures for the first decade of Japanese rule in Korea. In general terms, the Taiwanese cooperated more than the Koreans, and Korean re- terms, the Taiwanese cooperated more than the Koreans, and Korean resistance continuously forced policymakers to implement new measures. It is sistance continuously forced policymakers to implement new measures. It is thus not coincidental that the radical policy of stamping out all local culture thus not coincidental that the radical policy of stamping out all local culture and language was most drastic in Korea. and language was most drastic in Korea. (3) Given the insights attained above, it is rather unsurprising to find (3) Given the insights attained above, it is rather unsurprising to find that there are limits in the imagining of communities on the basis of lan- that there are limits in the imagining of communities on the basis of language when they initially do not speak this language. Consider the Ainu guage when they initially do not speak this language. Consider the Ainu first. The Ainu did not develop any ideas about forming a nation of their first. The Ainu did not develop any ideas about forming a nation of their own before they came under Japanese domination, nor had they made any own before they came under Japanese domination, nor had they made any attempts at modernization. In spite of the fact that there was resistance to the attempts at modernization. In spite of the fact that there was resistance to the assimilationist policy, such resistance did not result in any policy changes. assimilationist policy, such resistance did not result in any policy changes. With very few exceptions, the Ainu lacked a modern educated class that With very few exceptions, the Ainu lacked a modern educated class that could have drawn attention to their issues and interests. The case of the Ainu could have drawn attention to their issues and interests. The case of the Ainu was simply brushed aside. Assimilation of Ryukyuans on the other hand was was simply brushed aside. Assimilation of Ryukyuans on the other hand was facilitated by the fact that the Ryukyu kingdom had been a vassal state of the facilitated by the fact that the Ryukyu kingdom had been a vassal state of the Japanese Satsuma domain for many centuries before Japanese annexation. Japanese Satsuma domain for many centuries before Japanese annexation. Before their incorporation into the Meiji state, Ryukyuans did not make any Before their incorporation into the Meiji state, Ryukyuans did not make any attempt to modernize, nor is there any evidence of popular Ryukyuan na- attempt to modernize, nor is there any evidence of popular Ryukyuan nationalism in this period. The absence of an indigenous Ryukyuan vision of tionalism in this period. The absence of an indigenous Ryukyuan vision of modernity considerably facilitated Ryukyuan Japanese language spread. The modernity considerably facilitated Ryukyuan Japanese language spread. The linguistic relationship between Ryukyuan and Japanese also allowed for the linguistic relationship between Ryukyuan and Japanese also allowed for the classification of Ryukyuan as ‘greater dialects’ (dai-hōgen) of Japanese (Tōjō classification of Ryukyuan as ‘greater dialects’ (dai-hōgen) of Japanese (Tōjō 1938). This consequently enabled the ideological integration of Ryukyuans as 1938). This consequently enabled the ideological integration of Ryukyuans as ‘full members’ into the Japanese nation. ‘full members’ into the Japanese nation. Since Taiwanese had not developed any popular ideas of Taiwanese Since Taiwanese had not developed any popular ideas of Taiwanese nationalism either and did not envision Taiwanese independence, resistance nationalism either and did not envision Taiwanese independence, resistance to Japanese colonial rule merely sought to improve the rights and liberties of to Japanese colonial rule merely sought to improve the rights and liberties of the colonial subjects. Widespread Taiwanese acceptance of the Japanese the colonial subjects. Widespread Taiwanese acceptance of the Japanese language spread policy was crucially facilitated by the fact that Taiwan was language spread policy was crucially facilitated by the fact that Taiwan was not an independent polity before the Japanese annexation. Domination from not an independent polity before the Japanese annexation. Domination from outside was nothing new. Development in terms of economy and infrastruc- outside was nothing new. Development in terms of economy and infrastruc- ture under Japanese colonial rule was another influential factor that fostered ture under Japanese colonial rule was another influential factor that fostered

6. Discussion 6. Discussion A comparison of the histories of Japanese language spread in Ainu Mosir, A comparison of the histories of Japanese language spread in Ainu Mosir, the Ryukyus, Taiwan and Korea reveals many parallels. It is worthwhile the Ryukyus, Taiwan and Korea reveals many parallels. It is worthwhile stressing these parallels as they tend to pass unrecognized because the Ainu stressing these parallels as they tend to pass unrecognized because the Ainu and the Ryukyuans were successfully assimilated. Japanese language spread and the Ryukyuans were successfully assimilated. Japanese language spread in the Japanese nation state and in the Japanese colonies, however, cannot in the Japanese nation state and in the Japanese colonies, however, cannot be discussed separately. The many parallels with the colonies make it abun- be discussed separately. The many parallels with the colonies make it abun- dantly clear that Japanese language spread in the Japanese state is not to be dantly clear that Japanese language spread in the Japanese state is not to be confused with language standardization in the Japanese-speaking regions of confused with language standardization in the Japanese-speaking regions of Japan. Japan. The events depicted above also remain relevant for our understanding The events depicted above also remain relevant for our understanding of present-day Japan and its difficult relations with its indigenous and mi- of present-day Japan and its difficult relations with its indigenous and mi- grant minorities on the one hand and its former colonies on the other. Japa- grant minorities on the one hand and its former colonies on the other. Japa- nese nation-building had features of colonization, and colonization had traits nese nation-building had features of colonization, and colonization had traits of nation-building. That is, Japanese colonization included the same at- of nation-building. That is, Japanese colonization included the same attempts to replace locally bound identities with that of a larger imagined tempts to replace locally bound identities with that of a larger imagined community as in the nation state. community as in the nation state. Ignoring the invention of the Japanese as a people united in language Ignoring the invention of the Japanese as a people united in language and culture is an impediment to understanding Japan’s present difficulties in and culture is an impediment to understanding Japan’s present difficulties in accepting large–scale, organized immigration – despite the country’s declin- accepting large–scale, organized immigration – despite the country’s declin- ing population, labour shortages and shrinking domestic markets. We saw ing population, labour shortages and shrinking domestic markets. We saw above that the image of a Japanese nation united since ancient times in a above that the image of a Japanese nation united since ancient times in a shared language, culture and history is an invention, not a fact. Taking such shared language, culture and history is an invention, not a fact. Taking such invention as the point of departure for discussions of immigration, i.e., the invention as the point of departure for discussions of immigration, i.e., the juxtaposition between the invented view of the ‘homogenous Japanese’ and juxtaposition between the invented view of the ‘homogenous Japanese’ and

254 Patrick Heinrich 254 Patrick Heinrich cooperation on the part of the Taiwanese. In the case of Korea, however, cooperation on the part of the Taiwanese. In the case of Korea, however, Japanese interruption of Korean modernization efforts resulted in the view Japanese interruption of Korean modernization efforts resulted in the view that nothing less than independence was acceptable. In contrast to Taiwan, that nothing less than independence was acceptable. In contrast to Taiwan, Korean society was also more strictly stratified and had in the yanba scholar- Korean society was also more strictly stratified and had in the yanba scholar- officials a traditional ruling class whose social position was challenged, if officials a traditional ruling class whose social position was challenged, if not abolished, by Japanese rule. As a result, Japanese colonization was op- not abolished, by Japanese rule. As a result, Japanese colonization was op- posed by this former elite from the very beginning. Japanese language posed by this former elite from the very beginning. Japanese language spread policy did not produce the loyal imperial subjects as envisioned, but spread policy did not produce the loyal imperial subjects as envisioned, but created anti-Japanese activists instead. Peattie (1988: 269) aptly writes that created anti-Japanese activists instead. Peattie (1988: 269) aptly writes that “Japan provided the negative and yet the most powerful symbol of Korean “Japan provided the negative and yet the most powerful symbol of Korean nationalism, a national enemy.” None of the measures policymakers chose nationalism, a national enemy.” None of the measures policymakers chose could stifle the aspiration for Korean independence. The opposite was true: could stifle the aspiration for Korean independence. The opposite was true: Japanese colonialism encouraged the vision of a Korean nation. Japanese colonialism encouraged the vision of a Korean nation.

Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 255 Japanese Language Spread in Japan, Taiwan and Korea 255 the heterogeneity that migrants represent creates artificial boundaries. It the heterogeneity that migrants represent creates artificial boundaries. It would be much more beneficial to stress that Japan has always been multi- would be much more beneficial to stress that Japan has always been multi- cultural. However, its historical experiences, and the missing reflection cultural. However, its historical experiences, and the missing reflection about modernization at its margins, remain an obstacle to this. Such history about modernization at its margins, remain an obstacle to this. Such history should be reflected upon and not serve uncritically as a template for discuss- should be reflected upon and not serve uncritically as a template for discussing the effects of immigration and globalization on Japan. Ignoring the is- ing the effects of immigration and globalization on Japan. Ignoring the issues discussed in this paper inhibits our understanding of what Japan is to- sues discussed in this paper inhibits our understanding of what Japan is today, and what it could be in the future. This, in turn, has significant implica- day, and what it could be in the future. This, in turn, has significant implica- tions for all minorities in Japan, and for Japan’s relations with its East Asian tions for all minorities in Japan, and for Japan’s relations with its East Asian neighbours. neighbours.

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Robinson, Michael Edson (1988): Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920– Robinson, Michael Edson (1988): Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920– 1925. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1925. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Shi, Gang (1993): Shokuminchi shihai to nihongo (Rule in the Colonies and the Shi, Gang (1993): Shokuminchi shihai to nihongo (Rule in the Colonies and the Japanese Language). Tōkyō: Sangensha. Japanese Language). Tōkyō: Sangensha. Shinzato, Keiji (2001): Okinawa ni okeru hyōjungo seisaku no kōzai (The Merits Shinzato, Keiji (2001): Okinawa ni okeru hyōjungo seisaku no kōzai (The Merits and Demerits of Standard Language Policy in Okinawa). In: Fumio Inoue et and Demerits of Standard Language Policy in Okinawa). In: Fumio Inoue et al. (eds): Ryūkyū Hōgen-kō (Considerations about the Ryukyu Dialects), vol. al. (eds): Ryūkyū Hōgen-kō (Considerations about the Ryukyu Dialects), vol. III. Tōkyō: Yumani Shobō, pp. 238–244. III. 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Tani, Yasuyo (2000): Dai-tōa kyōeiken to nihongo (The Greater East Asian Co- Tani, Yasuyo (2000): Dai-tōa kyōeiken to nihongo (The Greater East Asian Co- Prosperity Sphere and Japanese). Tōkyō: Keisō Shobō. Prosperity Sphere and Japanese). Tōkyō: Keisō Shobō. Thompson, Robin (1997): Aversion of Reversion. In: Anthony Philip Jenkins / Thompson, Robin (1997): Aversion of Reversion. In: Anthony Philip Jenkins / Sumant Rajendran (eds): Speaking Out on Okinawa. Naha: Hirugi, pp. 47–50. Sumant Rajendran (eds): Speaking Out on Okinawa. Naha: Hirugi, pp. 47–50. Tōjō, Misao (1938): Hōgen to hōgengaku (Dialect and Dialectology). Tōkyō: Tōjō, Misao (1938): Hōgen to hōgengaku (Dialect and Dialectology). Tōkyō: Shun’yōdō Shoten. Shun’yōdō Shoten. Tsurumi, Patricia E. (1977): Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895–1945. Tsurumi, Patricia E. (1977): Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895–1945. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Tsurumi, Patricia E. (1984): Colonial Education in Korea and Taiwan. In: Ramon H. Tsurumi, Patricia E. (1984): Colonial Education in Korea and Taiwan. In: Ramon H. Myers / Mark R. Peattie (eds): The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895–1945. Myers / Mark R. Peattie (eds): The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895–1945. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 275–343. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 275–343. Van den Berg, Marien E. (1986): Language Planning and Language Use in Taiwan. Van den Berg, Marien E. (1986): Language Planning and Language Use in Taiwan. Social Identity, Language Accommodation and Language Choice Behaviour. Social Identity, Language Accommodation and Language Choice Behaviour. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 59, pp. 97–115. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 59, pp. 97–115. Walker, Brett L. (2006): The Conquest of Ainu Lands. Berkeley, CA: University of Walker, Brett L. (2006): The Conquest of Ainu Lands. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. California Press. Yasuda, Toshiaki (1997a): Shokuminchi no naka no ‘kokugogaku’ (‘National Lin- Yasuda, Toshiaki (1997a): Shokuminchi no naka no ‘kokugogaku’ (‘National Lin- guistics’ in the Colonies). Tōkyō: Sangensha. guistics’ in the Colonies). Tōkyō: Sangensha. Yasuda, Toshiaki (1997b): Teikoku nihon no gengo hensei (Language Regimentation Yasuda, Toshiaki (1997b): Teikoku nihon no gengo hensei (Language Regimentation in Imperial Japan). Tōkyō: Seishiki Shobō. in Imperial Japan). Tōkyō: Seishiki Shobō.

258 Patrick Heinrich 258 Patrick Heinrich

Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 259–269 Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 259–269

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese Focusing on New Chinese-based Vocabulary Focusing on New Chinese-based Vocabulary

IWATSUKI JUNICHI* IWATSUKI JUNICHI*

Abstract Abstract In modern East Asia, including Vietnam and Japan, many Chinese-based neologisms In modern East Asia, including Vietnam and Japan, many Chinese-based neologisms combining two Chinese characters have been coined to indicate new scientific and combining two Chinese characters have been coined to indicate new scientific and abstract concepts derived from the West. Even today, these new terms, both national abstract concepts derived from the West. Even today, these new terms, both national and regional, continue to be used throughout East Asia. Previously, such a large- and regional, continue to be used throughout East Asia. Previously, such a large- scale reconstruction of vocabulary without loanwords was rare. For the last 30 years, scale reconstruction of vocabulary without loanwords was rare. For the last 30 years, many Japanese, Chinese and, recently, Korean scholars have investigated this phe- many Japanese, Chinese and, recently, Korean scholars have investigated this phenomenon, especially the role of Japanese intellectuals in the invention of several im- nomenon, especially the role of Japanese intellectuals in the invention of several important terms. In this article, I will briefly introduce the process of coining these ne- portant terms. In this article, I will briefly introduce the process of coining these neologisms, in particular focusing on Vietnam, to which few outside scholars have re- ologisms, in particular focusing on Vietnam, to which few outside scholars have referred. I will concentrate on the diversity rather than the parallelism within this phe- ferred. I will concentrate on the diversity rather than the parallelism within this phenomenon. nomenon. Keywords Keywords Chinese characters, East Asia, modern neologisms, loanword, Vietnam Chinese characters, East Asia, modern neologisms, loanword, Vietnam

Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 259–269 Internationales Asienforum, Vol. 44 (2013), No. 3–4, pp. 259–269

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese Focusing on New Chinese-based Vocabulary Focusing on New Chinese-based Vocabulary

IWATSUKI JUNICHI* IWATSUKI JUNICHI*

1. Historical background 1. Historical background Vietnam and Japan share a common cultural background with China, unlike Vietnam and Japan share a common cultural background with China, unlike other Southeast Asian countries. In both countries, classical Chinese was other Southeast Asian countries. In both countries, classical Chinese was used as the formal written language and, subsequently, the countries devel- used as the formal written language and, subsequently, the countries developed their own original writing systems based on Chinese characters. With oped their own original writing systems based on Chinese characters. With its polysyllabic morpheme structure, Japanese invented hiragana and kata- its polysyllabic morpheme structure, Japanese invented hiragana and kata- kana (syllabic phonograms). In contrast, Vietnamese, having a monosyllabic kana (syllabic phonograms). In contrast, Vietnamese, having a monosyllabic morphology similar to that of Chinese, independently combined radicals of morphology similar to that of Chinese, independently combined radicals of Chinese characters and created new characters, called chữ nôm (Ꮠၾ , “vulgar Chinese characters and created new characters, called chữ nôm (Ꮠၾ , “vulgar characters”) in Vietnamese, for the local vocabulary. In the second half of characters”) in Vietnamese, for the local vocabulary. In the second half of ______* IWATSUKI JUNICHI, Department of Language and Information Sciences, The Uni- * IWATSUKI JUNICHI, Department of Language and Information Sciences, The Uni- versity of Tokyo, Japan; [email protected] versity of Tokyo, Japan; [email protected] 260 Iwatsuki Junichi 260 Iwatsuki Junichi the nineteenth century, East Asian countries, including Vietnam and Japan, the nineteenth century, East Asian countries, including Vietnam and Japan, were occupied by Western powers, not only militarily but also culturally. were occupied by Western powers, not only militarily but also culturally. The East Asian literati translated many works on Western ideas into classi- The East Asian literati translated many works on Western ideas into classical Chinese; these works were widely shared among the supranational intel- cal Chinese; these works were widely shared among the supranational intellectual community in East Asia at the time. lectual community in East Asia at the time. To designate Western scientific concepts, many new words consisting To designate Western scientific concepts, many new words consisting of two or three Chinese characters, such as seiji (ᨻ἞ ,“politics”), keizai of two or three Chinese characters, such as seiji (ᨻ἞ ,“politics”), keizai (⤒῭ ,“economy”), jiyū (⮬⏤ , “liberty or freedom”), shakai (♫఍ , “society (⤒῭ ,“economy”), jiyū (⮬⏤ , “liberty or freedom”), shakai (♫఍ , “society or community”), and byōdō (ᖹ➼ ,“equality”), were coined by authors and or community”), and byōdō (ᖹ➼ ,“equality”), were coined by authors and journalists in China and Japan. In China, Yán Fù (ཝ᚟ , 1854–1921) trans- journalists in China and Japan. In China, Yán Fù (ཝ᚟ , 1854–1921) translated Evolution and Ethics (originally published in 1894) by Thomas Henry lated Evolution and Ethics (originally published in 1894) by Thomas Henry Huxley and published it in 1895. In the book, he coined many original Chi- Huxley and published it in 1895. In the book, he coined many original Chi- nese-based terms for concepts of social Darwinism. Meanwhile, in Japan nese-based terms for concepts of social Darwinism. Meanwhile, in Japan many writers, such as Nishi Amane (す࿘ , 1829–1897), Fukuzawa Yukichi many writers, such as Nishi Amane (す࿘ , 1829–1897), Fukuzawa Yukichi (⚟⃝ㅍྜྷ , 1835–1901), Nakae Chōmin (୰Ụ඙Ẹ , 1847–1901) and Katō Hi- (⚟⃝ㅍྜྷ , 1835–1901), Nakae Chōmin (୰Ụ඙Ẹ , 1847–1901) and Katō Hi- royuki(ຍ⸨ᘯஅ , 1836–1916), competitively coined new words. royuki(ຍ⸨ᘯஅ , 1836–1916), competitively coined new words. Some of the neologisms varied among authors, and they certainly dif- Some of the neologisms varied among authors, and they certainly differed between Chinese and Japanese. For example, the term “evolution” was fered between Chinese and Japanese. For example, the term “evolution” was translated as tiānyǎn ኳ₇ (ኳ = heaven; ₇ = enlargement) by Yán Fù, translated as tiānyǎn ኳ₇ (ኳ = heaven; ₇ = enlargement) by Yán Fù, whereas in Japanese it was translated as shinka 㐍໬ (㐍 = advance; ໬ = whereas in Japanese it was translated as shinka 㐍໬ (㐍 = advance; ໬ = change); “natural selection” and “struggle for existence” were tiānzé ኳ᧪ (ኳ change); “natural selection” and “struggle for existence” were tiānzé ኳ᧪ (ኳ = heaven; ᧪ = selection) and wùjìng ≀➇ (≀ = creation, things; ➇ = compe- = heaven; ᧪ = selection) and wùjìng ≀➇ (≀ = creation, things; ➇ = competition) in Yán Fù’s translation, and shizen-tōta ⮬↛Ὲử (⮬ = naturally; ↛ = a tition) in Yán Fù’s translation, and shizen-tōta ⮬↛Ὲử (⮬ = naturally; ↛ = a particle for adjectivalization; Ὲ = wash; ử = pour) and seizon-kyōsō particle for adjectivalization; Ὲ = wash; ử = pour) and seizon-kyōsō ⏕Ꮡ➇த (⏕ = life; Ꮡ = existence; ➇ = competition; த = struggle) in Japa- ⏕Ꮡ➇த (⏕ = life; Ꮡ = existence; ➇ = competition; த = struggle) in Japa- nese, respectively. There was much opposition among conservative intellec- nese, respectively. There was much opposition among conservative intellectuals in both China and Japan to these strange, newly coined words. Howev- tuals in both China and Japan to these strange, newly coined words. Howev- er, at the beginning of the twentieth century, when many Chinese intellectu- er, at the beginning of the twentieth century, when many Chinese intellectuals, politicians and students, such as Liáng Qǐchāo (ᱱၨ㉸ , 1873–1929) and als, politicians and students, such as Liáng Qǐchāo (ᱱၨ㉸ , 1873–1929) and Zhāng Bǐnglín (❶Ⅸ㯌 , 1869–1936), emigrated to Japan after the failure of Zhāng Bǐnglín (❶Ⅸ㯌 , 1869–1936), emigrated to Japan after the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform, these neologisms in Japanese came to be used the Hundred Days’ Reform, these neologisms in Japanese came to be used in (classical) Chinese books and magazines published in Tokyo and Yoko- in (classical) Chinese books and magazines published in Tokyo and Yoko- hama to spread their messages of anti-Manchurian nationalism and revolu- hama to spread their messages of anti-Manchurian nationalism and revolution, which were illegal in China. tion, which were illegal in China. Interestingly, at the time, the Japanese language was in the process of Interestingly, at the time, the Japanese language was in the process of developing a more colloquial written style, different from the traditional developing a more colloquial written style, different from the traditional style influenced by classical Chinese. All of the Japanese intellectuals men- style influenced by classical Chinese. All of the Japanese intellectuals mentioned above were well acquainted with the Chinese classics, and some even tioned above were well acquainted with the Chinese classics, and some even wrote articles in classical Chinese. However, they gradually shifted to using wrote articles in classical Chinese. However, they gradually shifted to using the more colloquial style of the new Japanese national language (ᅜㄒ , Ko- the more colloquial style of the new Japanese national language (ᅜㄒ , Ko- kugo), which was considered to be a combination of written and spoken kugo), which was considered to be a combination of written and spoken

260 Iwatsuki Junichi 260 Iwatsuki Junichi the nineteenth century, East Asian countries, including Vietnam and Japan, the nineteenth century, East Asian countries, including Vietnam and Japan, were occupied by Western powers, not only militarily but also culturally. were occupied by Western powers, not only militarily but also culturally. The East Asian literati translated many works on Western ideas into classi- The East Asian literati translated many works on Western ideas into classical Chinese; these works were widely shared among the supranational intel- cal Chinese; these works were widely shared among the supranational intellectual community in East Asia at the time. lectual community in East Asia at the time. To designate Western scientific concepts, many new words consisting To designate Western scientific concepts, many new words consisting of two or three Chinese characters, such as seiji (ᨻ἞ ,“politics”), keizai of two or three Chinese characters, such as seiji (ᨻ἞ ,“politics”), keizai (⤒῭ ,“economy”), jiyū (⮬⏤ , “liberty or freedom”), shakai (♫఍ , “society (⤒῭ ,“economy”), jiyū (⮬⏤ , “liberty or freedom”), shakai (♫఍ , “society or community”), and byōdō (ᖹ➼ ,“equality”), were coined by authors and or community”), and byōdō (ᖹ➼ ,“equality”), were coined by authors and journalists in China and Japan. In China, Yán Fù (ཝ᚟ , 1854–1921) trans- journalists in China and Japan. In China, Yán Fù (ཝ᚟ , 1854–1921) translated Evolution and Ethics (originally published in 1894) by Thomas Henry lated Evolution and Ethics (originally published in 1894) by Thomas Henry Huxley and published it in 1895. In the book, he coined many original Chi- Huxley and published it in 1895. In the book, he coined many original Chi- nese-based terms for concepts of social Darwinism. Meanwhile, in Japan nese-based terms for concepts of social Darwinism. Meanwhile, in Japan many writers, such as Nishi Amane (す࿘ , 1829–1897), Fukuzawa Yukichi many writers, such as Nishi Amane (す࿘ , 1829–1897), Fukuzawa Yukichi (⚟⃝ㅍྜྷ , 1835–1901), Nakae Chōmin (୰Ụ඙Ẹ , 1847–1901) and Katō Hi- (⚟⃝ㅍྜྷ , 1835–1901), Nakae Chōmin (୰Ụ඙Ẹ , 1847–1901) and Katō Hi- royuki(ຍ⸨ᘯஅ , 1836–1916), competitively coined new words. royuki(ຍ⸨ᘯஅ , 1836–1916), competitively coined new words. Some of the neologisms varied among authors, and they certainly dif- Some of the neologisms varied among authors, and they certainly differed between Chinese and Japanese. For example, the term “evolution” was fered between Chinese and Japanese. For example, the term “evolution” was translated as tiānyǎn ኳ₇ (ኳ = heaven; ₇ = enlargement) by Yán Fù, translated as tiānyǎn ኳ₇ (ኳ = heaven; ₇ = enlargement) by Yán Fù, whereas in Japanese it was translated as shinka 㐍໬ (㐍 = advance; ໬ = whereas in Japanese it was translated as shinka 㐍໬ (㐍 = advance; ໬ = change); “natural selection” and “struggle for existence” were tiānzé ኳ᧪ (ኳ change); “natural selection” and “struggle for existence” were tiānzé ኳ᧪ (ኳ = heaven; ᧪ = selection) and wùjìng ≀➇ (≀ = creation, things; ➇ = compe- = heaven; ᧪ = selection) and wùjìng ≀➇ (≀ = creation, things; ➇ = competition) in Yán Fù’s translation, and shizen-tōta ⮬↛Ὲử (⮬ = naturally; ↛ = a tition) in Yán Fù’s translation, and shizen-tōta ⮬↛Ὲử (⮬ = naturally; ↛ = a particle for adjectivalization; Ὲ = wash; ử = pour) and seizon-kyōsō particle for adjectivalization; Ὲ = wash; ử = pour) and seizon-kyōsō ⏕Ꮡ➇த (⏕ = life; Ꮡ = existence; ➇ = competition; த = struggle) in Japa- ⏕Ꮡ➇த (⏕ = life; Ꮡ = existence; ➇ = competition; த = struggle) in Japa- nese, respectively. There was much opposition among conservative intellec- nese, respectively. There was much opposition among conservative intellectuals in both China and Japan to these strange, newly coined words. Howev- tuals in both China and Japan to these strange, newly coined words. Howev- er, at the beginning of the twentieth century, when many Chinese intellectu- er, at the beginning of the twentieth century, when many Chinese intellectuals, politicians and students, such as Liáng Qǐchāo (ᱱၨ㉸ , 1873–1929) and als, politicians and students, such as Liáng Qǐchāo (ᱱၨ㉸ , 1873–1929) and Zhāng Bǐnglín (❶Ⅸ㯌 , 1869–1936), emigrated to Japan after the failure of Zhāng Bǐnglín (❶Ⅸ㯌 , 1869–1936), emigrated to Japan after the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform, these neologisms in Japanese came to be used the Hundred Days’ Reform, these neologisms in Japanese came to be used in (classical) Chinese books and magazines published in Tokyo and Yoko- in (classical) Chinese books and magazines published in Tokyo and Yoko- hama to spread their messages of anti-Manchurian nationalism and revolu- hama to spread their messages of anti-Manchurian nationalism and revolution, which were illegal in China. tion, which were illegal in China. Interestingly, at the time, the Japanese language was in the process of Interestingly, at the time, the Japanese language was in the process of developing a more colloquial written style, different from the traditional developing a more colloquial written style, different from the traditional style influenced by classical Chinese. All of the Japanese intellectuals men- style influenced by classical Chinese. All of the Japanese intellectuals mentioned above were well acquainted with the Chinese classics, and some even tioned above were well acquainted with the Chinese classics, and some even wrote articles in classical Chinese. However, they gradually shifted to using wrote articles in classical Chinese. However, they gradually shifted to using the more colloquial style of the new Japanese national language (ᅜㄒ , Ko- the more colloquial style of the new Japanese national language (ᅜㄒ , Ko- kugo), which was considered to be a combination of written and spoken kugo), which was considered to be a combination of written and spoken

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 261 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 261 styles and easier to understand. This colloquializing process was soon imi- styles and easier to understand. This colloquializing process was soon imi- tated in other East Asian countries. tated in other East Asian countries. East Asia, and especially Japan, was thus in a transition process of East Asia, and especially Japan, was thus in a transition process of merging mutually different and mixed language styles into a so-called uni- merging mutually different and mixed language styles into a so-called unified language. As a result, Chinese neologisms were easily absorbed into fied language. As a result, Chinese neologisms were easily absorbed into both the literary and colloquial styles of Japanese. These words were also both the literary and colloquial styles of Japanese. These words were also borrowed by Chinese, Korean (given further impetus by the Japanese occu- borrowed by Chinese, Korean (given further impetus by the Japanese occupation), and Vietnamese. pation), and Vietnamese. Some Japanese scholars, Ōno Susumu (1983: 9–12) and Suzuki Shūji Some Japanese scholars, Ōno Susumu (1983: 9–12) and Suzuki Shūji (1981: i–vi) among them, have insisted that the spread of a “made-in-Japan” (1981: i–vi) among them, have insisted that the spread of a “made-in-Japan” vocabulary was the country’s great contribution to East Asian intelligentsia. vocabulary was the country’s great contribution to East Asian intelligentsia. However, I am sceptical about this view. This phenomenon involved many However, I am sceptical about this view. This phenomenon involved many complex and even random factors with regard to not only the domestic situa- complex and even random factors with regard to not only the domestic situation in Japan, but also the manner in which information circulated through- tion in Japan, but also the manner in which information circulated throughout the whole of East Asia, which was going through major changes at the time. out the whole of East Asia, which was going through major changes at the time.

2. Vietnam in the nineteenth century 2. Vietnam in the nineteenth century French colonial rule (1867–1954) divided Vietnam into three regions: Ton- French colonial rule (1867–1954) divided Vietnam into three regions: Ton- kin to the north, Annam in the centre, and Cochinchina in the south. The kin to the north, Annam in the centre, and Cochinchina in the south. The government of French Indochina suppressed a rebellion by Vietnamese roy- government of French Indochina suppressed a rebellion by Vietnamese roy- alists approximately 30 years after the beginning of the French occupation. alists approximately 30 years after the beginning of the French occupation. The French administration tightly controlled the Vietnamese literati, The French administration tightly controlled the Vietnamese literati, who had an intellectual background in classical Chinese, which was incom- who had an intellectual background in classical Chinese, which was incom- prehensible to the French officers. The administration attempted to abolish prehensible to the French officers. The administration attempted to abolish Vietnamese scholarship based on classical Chinese by replacing it with Vietnamese scholarship based on classical Chinese by replacing it with Western, in particular French, civilization. Vietnamese intellectuals were Western, in particular French, civilization. Vietnamese intellectuals were thus advised to use French or a Romanized Vietnamese script as alterna- thus advised to use French or a Romanized Vietnamese script as alterna- tives. Resisting this pressure from the French regime, the Vietnamese literati tives. Resisting this pressure from the French regime, the Vietnamese literati continued to seek to obtain information about the outside world from publi- continued to seek to obtain information about the outside world from publications written in classical Chinese by Japanese and Chinese reformists. cations written in classical Chinese by Japanese and Chinese reformists. Although Romanized Vietnamese script had begun to be known as chữ Although Romanized Vietnamese script had begun to be known as chữ quốc ngữ (ᅜㄒᏐ , “letters for the national language”), the majority of tradi- quốc ngữ (ᅜㄒᏐ , “letters for the national language”), the majority of traditional Vietnamese intellectuals neither understood it, nor had any intention tional Vietnamese intellectuals neither understood it, nor had any intention of learning it. At the same time, it appears that the French colonizers avoid- of learning it. At the same time, it appears that the French colonizers avoid- ed sharing the ideas of the French Enlightenment with the Vietnamese. In ed sharing the ideas of the French Enlightenment with the Vietnamese. In Table 1 below, I provide a few examples of French terms used in the social Table 1 below, I provide a few examples of French terms used in the social and natural sciences along with their Vietnamese translations, as found in and natural sciences along with their Vietnamese translations, as found in the French-Vietnamese dictionaries compiled by the French or their Viet- the French-Vietnamese dictionaries compiled by the French or their Viet- namese collaborators in the nineteenth century. For the more abstract and namese collaborators in the nineteenth century. For the more abstract and modern meanings of these terms, there are also interpretations. modern meanings of these terms, there are also interpretations.

TABLE 1: Examples of Vietnamese translations of French words in the nine- TABLE 1: Examples of Vietnamese translations of French words in the nineteenth century* teenth century*

French (translation in Trương, Vĩnh Ký P.–G. V (1898) Dronet, J. B. (1903) French (translation in Trương, Vĩnh Ký P.–G. V (1898) Dronet, J. B. (1903) contemporary Viet- (1884) contemporary Viet- (1884) namese and written in namese and written in Chinese characters) Chinese characters) liberté (tự do, ⮬⏤) thong thả, thong Sự thong dong, phép Sự thong dong, phép liberté (tự do, ⮬⏤) thong thả, thong Sự thong dong, phép Sự thong dong, phép dong [gentleness, ở mặc ý mình [gen- rộng [softness] dong [gentleness, ở mặc ý mình [gen- rộng [softness] softness] tleness, to be suited softness] tleness, to be suited to one’s will] to one’s will] égalité (bình đẳng, Sự bằng nhau, sự Sự bằng, sự bằng Sự bằng, sự bằng égalité (bình đẳng, Sự bằng nhau, sự Sự bằng, sự bằng Sự bằng, sự bằng ᖹ➼) đều (đồng-đều) phẳng [equality, phẳng [equality, ᖹ➼) đều (đồng-đều) phẳng [equality, phẳng [equality, nhau [equality] flat] flat] nhau [equality] flat] flat] fraternité (bác ái, Tình anh-em, nghĩa- Tình anh em, sự Tình anh em, tình fraternité (bác ái, Tình anh-em, nghĩa- Tình anh em, sự Tình anh em, tình ༤ឡ) thiết ࠕ⩏ษࠖ thân huynh ࠕぶ඗ࠖ, nghĩa ࠕ᝟⩏ࠖ ༤ឡ) thiết ࠕ⩏ษࠖ thân huynh ࠕぶ඗ࠖ, nghĩa ࠕ᝟⩏ࠖ [warm relationship cùng nhau [warm [warm relationship [warm relationship cùng nhau [warm [warm relationship among brothers] heart among broth- among brothers] among brothers] heart among broth- among brothers] ers, coexistence of ers, coexistence of parent and brother] parent and brother] nature (tự nhiên, ⮬↛) Tự nhiên ࠕ⮬↛ࠖ, essence des choses; Tính; sự tự nhiên nature (tự nhiên, ⮬↛) Tự nhiên ࠕ⮬↛ࠖ, essence des choses; Tính; sự tự nhiên trời đất muôn vật, Bản tính tự nhiên ࠕ⮬↛ࠖ, giời đất; trời đất muôn vật, Bản tính tự nhiên ࠕ⮬↛ࠖ, giời đất; tính (tánh), tính khí ࠕ⮬↛ᮏᛶࠖ [essence đấng tạo hóa [char- tính (tánh), tính khí ࠕ⮬↛ᮏᛶࠖ [essence đấng tạo hóa [char- ࠕᛶẼࠖ [all things of things] acters, the sun and ࠕᛶẼࠖ [all things of things] acters, the sun and under the sun, cha- the earth, God] under the sun, cha- the earth, God] racters] racters] religion (tôn giáo, Đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ [the way] Đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ, giáo Sự đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ, sự religion (tôn giáo, Đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ [the way] Đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ, giáo Sự đạo ࠕ㐨ࠖ, sự ᐀ᩍ) ࠕᩍࠖ [the way, the thờ phượng, lòng ᐀ᩍ) ࠕᩍࠖ [the way, the thờ phượng, lòng teaching] đạo đức ࠕ㐨ᚨࠖ, teaching] đạo đức ࠕ㐨ᚨࠖ, nhà dòng, lòng ngay nhà dòng, lòng ngay [to pray and offer, [to pray and offer, morality, heart, sin- morality, heart, sin- cerity] cerity] société (xã hội, ♫఍) Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ phường Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ, phường Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ, phường société (xã hội, ♫఍) Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ phường Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ, phường Hội ࠕ఍ࠖ, phường ࠕᆓࠖ, công-ti ࠕᆓࠖ ࠕᆓࠖ, sự ở chung, ࠕᆓࠖ, công-ti ࠕᆓࠖ ࠕᆓࠖ, sự ở chung, (công-xi v.) ࠕබྖࠖ phép mọi người giữ (công-xi v.) ࠕබྖࠖ phép mọi người giữ bọn, phe; sự chung cùng nhau [to coex- bọn, phe; sự chung cùng nhau [to coex- nhau; sự làm bạn ist, the state in nhau; sự làm bạn ist, the state in (làm quen) [col- which everyone co- (làm quen) [col- which everyone co- league, to possess exists in the same league, to possess exists in the same jointly, to make place] jointly, to make place] friends or to get ac- friends or to get acquainted with] quainted with] * Underlined words ( ) are Chinese-based, followed by their equivalents written in Chinese * Underlined words ( ) are Chinese-based, followed by their equivalents written in Chinese characters. Bracketed words ([ ]) are English translations of Vietnamese or French inter- characters. Bracketed words ([ ]) are English translations of Vietnamese or French interpretations. pretations.

262 Iwatsuki Junichi 262 Iwatsuki Junichi

TABLE 1: Examples of Vietnamese translations of French words in the nine- TABLE 1: Examples of Vietnamese translations of French words in the nineteenth century* teenth century*

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 263 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 263

Recently, Murakami Ryūtarō and Imai Akio (2010) published a thesis on the Recently, Murakami Ryūtarō and Imai Akio (2010) published a thesis on the Chinese-based words in modern Vietnamese, concluding that most of the Chinese-based words in modern Vietnamese, concluding that most of the neologisms in Japan were not used by Romanized Vietnamese before the neologisms in Japan were not used by Romanized Vietnamese before the twentieth century. According to their research, of the 188 terms originating twentieth century. According to their research, of the 188 terms originating from Japan, only ten examples (ᶵᲔ , “machine” , ලయ , “concrete” , 㜚த , from Japan, only ten examples (ᶵᲔ , “machine” , ලయ , “concrete” , 㜚த , “struggle” , ໬Ꮫ , “chemistry” , ཎᏊ , “atom” , ᪉ἲ , “method” , ⏕⌮ [various “struggle” , ໬Ꮫ , “chemistry” , ཎᏊ , “atom” , ᪉ἲ , “method” , ⏕⌮ [various meanings], ⏕⏘ , “birth of a child” [different from other East Asian lan- meanings], ⏕⏘ , “birth of a child” [different from other East Asian languages], ▱㆑ , “intelligence” and ព࿡ , “meaning”) appeared in the French- guages], ▱㆑ , “intelligence” and ព࿡ , “meaning”) appeared in the French- Vietnamese dictionaries published in the nineteenth century; 25 were found Vietnamese dictionaries published in the nineteenth century; 25 were found in textbooks in the 1900s; and only 102 were in use after 1931. I think this in textbooks in the 1900s; and only 102 were in use after 1931. I think this was because the Vietnamese literati initially seldom referred to publications was because the Vietnamese literati initially seldom referred to publications in Romanized script and only began to become acquainted with chữ quốc in Romanized script and only began to become acquainted with chữ quốc ngữ after they realized the importance of spreading advanced scientific ngữ after they realized the importance of spreading advanced scientific knowledge and patriotism among the masses who read neither Chinese char- knowledge and patriotism among the masses who read neither Chinese characters nor chữ nôm. acters nor chữ nôm. In the 1900s, the Vietnamese literati no longer hesitated to use Chi- In the 1900s, the Vietnamese literati no longer hesitated to use Chi- nese-based vocabulary in Romanized Vietnamese. Phan Bội Châu (₫ి⌔ , nese-based vocabulary in Romanized Vietnamese. Phan Bội Châu (₫ి⌔ , 1867–1940) and Phan Chu Trinh (₫࿘ᴒ , 1872–1926) were typical anti- 1867–1940) and Phan Chu Trinh (₫࿘ᴒ , 1872–1926) were typical anti- French nationalists who travelled to Japan to seek political and financial aid French nationalists who travelled to Japan to seek political and financial aid from the Japanese. Phan Bội Châu also sent roughly 200 young students to from the Japanese. Phan Bội Châu also sent roughly 200 young students to Japan (Đông-Du ᮾ㐟 , the “Visit the East!” Movement). Although these stu- Japan (Đông-Du ᮾ㐟 , the “Visit the East!” Movement). Although these students were all expelled by the Japanese government at France’s request, it is dents were all expelled by the Japanese government at France’s request, it is difficult to examine whether they introduced Japanese neologisms directly difficult to examine whether they introduced Japanese neologisms directly into the Vietnamese language or not.1 into the Vietnamese language or not.1

3. The difficulty of unifying romanized and Hán nôm2 3. The difficulty of unifying romanized and Hán nôm2 Vietnamese Vietnamese In modern East Asia, where intellectuals began writing in a more colloquial In modern East Asia, where intellectuals began writing in a more colloquial style, they commonly faced criticism from the masses, who found it difficult style, they commonly faced criticism from the masses, who found it difficult to understand the terminology. This conflict often led to language purism to understand the terminology. This conflict often led to language purism

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 263 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 263

______1 One of the candidates for the last Imperial Examination (⛉ᣲ , kējǔ in Chinese, khoa cử in 1 One of the candidates for the last Imperial Examination (⛉ᣲ , kējǔ in Chinese, khoa cử in Vietnamese) at the court in Hue in 1919 returned from Japan and took the examination Vietnamese) at the court in Hue in 1919 returned from Japan and took the examination under a pseudonym (Ngô Đức Thọ 2006: 811). under a pseudonym (Ngô Đức Thọ 2006: 811). 2 Hán nôm (₎ၾ) means “Chinese characters and chữ nôm”, consisting of two morphemes 2 Hán nôm (₎ၾ) means “Chinese characters and chữ nôm”, consisting of two morphemes hán (Chinese characters) and nôm (domestic and “vulgar” Vietnamese). Originally nôm hán (Chinese characters) and nôm (domestic and “vulgar” Vietnamese). Originally nôm only implied “vulgarness”, but after the appearance of the Roman alphabet the Chinese only implied “vulgarness”, but after the appearance of the Roman alphabet the Chinese characters began to denote “ideographicity” or “abstruseness”. Thus, hán nôm has ambiv- characters began to denote “ideographicity” or “abstruseness”. Thus, hán nôm has ambiv- alent connotations because the two morphemes could be either antonymous or synony- alent connotations because the two morphemes could be either antonymous or synony- mous, depending on the context. mous, depending on the context. 264 Iwatsuki Junichi 264 Iwatsuki Junichi movements that refused to accept borrowed words (especially those from movements that refused to accept borrowed words (especially those from Chinese characters). Chinese characters). Students in Vietnam continued to sit the Imperial Examination until Students in Vietnam continued to sit the Imperial Examination until 1919. As new subjects such as essay writing on contemporary issues were 1919. As new subjects such as essay writing on contemporary issues were regularly added, the new Chinese-based loanwords became more familiar to regularly added, the new Chinese-based loanwords became more familiar to the traditional (but pro-French) literati than to the masses and the new Viet- the traditional (but pro-French) literati than to the masses and the new Viet- namese elite, who were well trained in French and Romanized Vietnamese. namese elite, who were well trained in French and Romanized Vietnamese. A division thus occurred between Romanized Vietnamese and Hán A division thus occurred between Romanized Vietnamese and Hán nôm Vietnamese. Whereas the former was written only in the Latin alphabet, nôm Vietnamese. Whereas the former was written only in the Latin alphabet, the latter was written in Chinese characters and chữ nôm (see Figure 1). One the latter was written in Chinese characters and chữ nôm (see Figure 1). One could be transliterated into the other, but the two styles were rooted in dif- could be transliterated into the other, but the two styles were rooted in different cultural communities. People using Chinese-based loanwords in Ro- ferent cultural communities. People using Chinese-based loanwords in Ro- manized Vietnamese were accused of pedantry. If a person was using a manized Vietnamese were accused of pedantry. If a person was using a Western pronoun in Hán nôm Vietnamese, the Latin alphabet could not be Western pronoun in Hán nôm Vietnamese, the Latin alphabet could not be used because it could not be understood; instead, the form had to be bor- used because it could not be understood; instead, the form had to be borrowed from Chinese, the pronunciation of which was completely different rowed from Chinese, the pronunciation of which was completely different from that of the original French (or other Western languages). from that of the original French (or other Western languages). To fill this gap and create a single unified Vietnamese language, some To fill this gap and create a single unified Vietnamese language, some intellectuals began to compile a comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary writ- intellectuals began to compile a comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary written and explained in Romanized Vietmanese, which contained the entire ten and explained in Romanized Vietmanese, which contained the entire group of abstract terms borrowed from Chinese characters. The first of these group of abstract terms borrowed from Chinese characters. The first of these achievements was the lexicon of neologisms by Phạm Quỳnh (Ⱳ⎟ , 1892– achievements was the lexicon of neologisms by Phạm Quỳnh (Ⱳ⎟ , 1892– 1945), published serially in the journal Nam Phong in 1917–1918. I com- 1945), published serially in the journal Nam Phong in 1917–1918. I com- pared all of the 1,074 terms recorded in the lexicon with the interpretations pared all of the 1,074 terms recorded in the lexicon with the interpretations found in the Vietnamese Dictionary (Viện Ngôn ngữ học 1992), which is the found in the Vietnamese Dictionary (Viện Ngôn ngữ học 1992), which is the authoritative dictionary in contemporary Vietnam. The results are presented authoritative dictionary in contemporary Vietnam. The results are presented in Figure 2. in Figure 2.

264 Iwatsuki Junichi 264 Iwatsuki Junichi movements that refused to accept borrowed words (especially those from movements that refused to accept borrowed words (especially those from Chinese characters). Chinese characters). Students in Vietnam continued to sit the Imperial Examination until Students in Vietnam continued to sit the Imperial Examination until 1919. As new subjects such as essay writing on contemporary issues were 1919. As new subjects such as essay writing on contemporary issues were regularly added, the new Chinese-based loanwords became more familiar to regularly added, the new Chinese-based loanwords became more familiar to the traditional (but pro-French) literati than to the masses and the new Viet- the traditional (but pro-French) literati than to the masses and the new Viet- namese elite, who were well trained in French and Romanized Vietnamese. namese elite, who were well trained in French and Romanized Vietnamese. A division thus occurred between Romanized Vietnamese and Hán A division thus occurred between Romanized Vietnamese and Hán nôm Vietnamese. Whereas the former was written only in the Latin alphabet, nôm Vietnamese. Whereas the former was written only in the Latin alphabet, the latter was written in Chinese characters and chữ nôm (see Figure 1). One the latter was written in Chinese characters and chữ nôm (see Figure 1). One could be transliterated into the other, but the two styles were rooted in dif- could be transliterated into the other, but the two styles were rooted in different cultural communities. People using Chinese-based loanwords in Ro- ferent cultural communities. People using Chinese-based loanwords in Ro- manized Vietnamese were accused of pedantry. If a person was using a manized Vietnamese were accused of pedantry. If a person was using a Western pronoun in Hán nôm Vietnamese, the Latin alphabet could not be Western pronoun in Hán nôm Vietnamese, the Latin alphabet could not be used because it could not be understood; instead, the form had to be bor- used because it could not be understood; instead, the form had to be borrowed from Chinese, the pronunciation of which was completely different rowed from Chinese, the pronunciation of which was completely different from that of the original French (or other Western languages). from that of the original French (or other Western languages). To fill this gap and create a single unified Vietnamese language, some To fill this gap and create a single unified Vietnamese language, some intellectuals began to compile a comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary writ- intellectuals began to compile a comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary written and explained in Romanized Vietmanese, which contained the entire ten and explained in Romanized Vietmanese, which contained the entire group of abstract terms borrowed from Chinese characters. The first of these group of abstract terms borrowed from Chinese characters. The first of these achievements was the lexicon of neologisms by Phạm Quỳnh (Ⱳ⎟ , 1892– achievements was the lexicon of neologisms by Phạm Quỳnh (Ⱳ⎟ , 1892– 1945), published serially in the journal Nam Phong in 1917–1918. I com- 1945), published serially in the journal Nam Phong in 1917–1918. I com- pared all of the 1,074 terms recorded in the lexicon with the interpretations pared all of the 1,074 terms recorded in the lexicon with the interpretations found in the Vietnamese Dictionary (Viện Ngôn ngữ học 1992), which is the found in the Vietnamese Dictionary (Viện Ngôn ngữ học 1992), which is the authoritative dictionary in contemporary Vietnam. The results are presented authoritative dictionary in contemporary Vietnam. The results are presented in Figure 2. in Figure 2.

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 265 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 265

FIGURE 1: Romanized Vietnamese text and Hán nôm-based Vietnamese text* FIGURE 1: Romanized Vietnamese text and Hán nôm-based Vietnamese text*

______* Quoted from the Governor-General of French Indochina (1923). The Vietnamese text is * Quoted from the Governor-General of French Indochina (1923). The Vietnamese text is the same in all cases. On the left, it is printed in Roman alphabet (chữ quốc ngữ) and on the same in all cases. On the left, it is printed in Roman alphabet (chữ quốc ngữ) and on the right written, possibly by hand, in Chinese characters and in chữ nôm after publica- the right written, possibly by hand, in Chinese characters and in chữ nôm after publica- tion. The attachment of Hán nôm manuscripts to printed official Romanized text suggests tion. The attachment of Hán nôm manuscripts to printed official Romanized text suggests that many Vietnamese traditional literati were still unable to read Romanized Vietnamese that many Vietnamese traditional literati were still unable to read Romanized Vietnamese at that time. at that time.

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 265 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 265

FIGURE 1: Romanized Vietnamese text and Hán nôm-based Vietnamese text* FIGURE 1: Romanized Vietnamese text and Hán nôm-based Vietnamese text*

Although this lexicon includes many terms that do not derive from Japanese Although this lexicon includes many terms that do not derive from Japanese neologisms, Vietnamese abstract vocabulary appears to have still been ra- neologisms, Vietnamese abstract vocabulary appears to have still been rather unstable at the time, because only half of the lexicon is still in use 100 ther unstable at the time, because only half of the lexicon is still in use 100 years later. (Another factor may be the linguistic purism movement in North years later. (Another factor may be the linguistic purism movement in North Vietnam from 1966 onwards.) Some of the words show an interesting Vietnam from 1966 onwards.) Some of the words show an interesting change in meaning, contrary to the major process of accepting Chinese- change in meaning, contrary to the major process of accepting Chinese- based neologisms from Japanese. For example, as a result of the transfor- based neologisms from Japanese. For example, as a result of the transfor- mation of its meaning by modern Japanese intellectuals bác sĩ ༤ኈ was in- mation of its meaning by modern Japanese intellectuals bác sĩ ༤ኈ was in- 266 Iwatsuki Junichi 266 Iwatsuki Junichi troduced as “doctoral degree (from modern universities)” in the Nam Phong troduced as “doctoral degree (from modern universities)” in the Nam Phong lexicon, with similar meanings currently found in other East Asian lan- lexicon, with similar meanings currently found in other East Asian languages (hakushi in Japanese, bóshì in Chinese, and paksa in Korean). How- guages (hakushi in Japanese, bóshì in Chinese, and paksa in Korean). How- ever, today it has the meaning of “medical doctor” in contemporary Viet- ever, today it has the meaning of “medical doctor” in contemporary Viet- namese, whereas “doctoral degree” is tiến sĩ 㐍ኈ , which corresponds to the namese, whereas “doctoral degree” is tiến sĩ 㐍ኈ , which corresponds to the name of the degree awarded for the highest grade of the Imperial Examina- name of the degree awarded for the highest grade of the Imperial Examina- tion. tion.

FIGURE 2: Usage in Vietnam in 1992 of modern Chinese-based words used FIGURE 2: Usage in Vietnam in 1992 of modern Chinese-based words used in Vietnam in 1917 in Vietnam in 1917

The first comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary was published in 1931 based The first comprehensive Vietnamese dictionary was published in 1931 based on this Nam Phong lexicon (Hội Khai Trí Tiến Đức (ed.) 1931). However, on this Nam Phong lexicon (Hội Khai Trí Tiến Đức (ed.) 1931). However, most of the Vietnamese specialists in the natural sciences, who were gradu- most of the Vietnamese specialists in the natural sciences, who were gradually increasing in number despite the reluctance of the French administra- ally increasing in number despite the reluctance of the French administration, preferred to communicate in French, which means that they did not tion, preferred to communicate in French, which means that they did not write in or translate their findings into Vietnamese. A breakthrough occurred write in or translate their findings into Vietnamese. A breakthrough occurred in 1942, when the interdisciplinary scholar Hoàng Xuân Hãn (1908–1996) in 1942, when the interdisciplinary scholar Hoàng Xuân Hãn (1908–1996) published a lexicon entitled Vocabulaire Scientifique in French and Danh từ published a lexicon entitled Vocabulaire Scientifique in French and Danh từ Khoa học in Vietnamese (Hoàng Xuân Hãn 1942). He compiled and com- Khoa học in Vietnamese (Hoàng Xuân Hãn 1942). He compiled and com- pared many specialist terms in French and Chinese in the fields of mathe- pared many specialist terms in French and Chinese in the fields of mathe- matics, physics, chemistry, mechanics and astronomy in order to introduce matics, physics, chemistry, mechanics and astronomy in order to introduce them into Vietnamese. This achievement contributed to the rapid substitu- them into Vietnamese. This achievement contributed to the rapid substitu- tion of Vietnamese for French in all of Vietnam as the medium of instruction tion of Vietnamese for French in all of Vietnam as the medium of instruction in primary education after 1945 and subsequently in higher education in the in primary education after 1945 and subsequently in higher education in the North after the conclusion of the Geneva Agreements. North after the conclusion of the Geneva Agreements.

266 Iwatsuki Junichi 266 Iwatsuki Junichi troduced as “doctoral degree (from modern universities)” in the Nam Phong troduced as “doctoral degree (from modern universities)” in the Nam Phong lexicon, with similar meanings currently found in other East Asian lan- lexicon, with similar meanings currently found in other East Asian languages (hakushi in Japanese, bóshì in Chinese, and paksa in Korean). How- guages (hakushi in Japanese, bóshì in Chinese, and paksa in Korean). How- ever, today it has the meaning of “medical doctor” in contemporary Viet- ever, today it has the meaning of “medical doctor” in contemporary Viet- namese, whereas “doctoral degree” is tiến sĩ 㐍ኈ , which corresponds to the namese, whereas “doctoral degree” is tiến sĩ 㐍ኈ , which corresponds to the name of the degree awarded for the highest grade of the Imperial Examina- name of the degree awarded for the highest grade of the Imperial Examina- tion. tion.

FIGURE 2: Usage in Vietnam in 1992 of modern Chinese-based words used FIGURE 2: Usage in Vietnam in 1992 of modern Chinese-based words used in Vietnam in 1917 in Vietnam in 1917

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 267 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 267

Interestingly, Hoàng Xuân Hãn mentions in the preface of Vocabulaire Sci- Interestingly, Hoàng Xuân Hãn mentions in the preface of Vocabulaire Sci- entifique his use of certain Japanese specialist lexicons and textbooks3 in addition entifique his use of certain Japanese specialist lexicons and textbooks3 in addition to many Chinese ones. Hence, we find further evidence of the direct influence of to many Chinese ones. Hence, we find further evidence of the direct influence of Japanese terminology on the development of Vietnamese vocabulary. Japanese terminology on the development of Vietnamese vocabulary.

4. Current situation and conclusion 4. Current situation and conclusion The vocabulary-building process observed in Vietnam occurred simultane- The vocabulary-building process observed in Vietnam occurred simultane- ously in other East Asian countries; at the same time, the process in each ously in other East Asian countries; at the same time, the process in each country gradually became increasingly independent of developments in oth- country gradually became increasingly independent of developments in other countries as intellectuals began to rely more on their own national lan- er countries as intellectuals began to rely more on their own national languages and less on the classical Chinese that had been common in East Asia. guages and less on the classical Chinese that had been common in East Asia. Thus, some Chinese-based neologisms began to take on different meanings Thus, some Chinese-based neologisms began to take on different meanings in each language, as I noted in the case of the examples ༤ኈ and 㐍ኈ above. in each language, as I noted in the case of the examples ༤ኈ and 㐍ኈ above. It is difficult for us to clarify the stabilizing process of each word. However, It is difficult for us to clarify the stabilizing process of each word. However, we can still find some interesting examples. The word 㓄ྜ , haigō in Japa- we can still find some interesting examples. The word 㓄ྜ , haigō in Japa- nese, pèihé in Chinese, paehap in Korean, and phối hợp in Vietnamese, nese, pèihé in Chinese, paehap in Korean, and phối hợp in Vietnamese, originally meant “to compound, to mix (medicine),” but it also means that originally meant “to compound, to mix (medicine),” but it also means that two or more organs cooperate to complete their common duty. Today, the two or more organs cooperate to complete their common duty. Today, the second meaning is common only in the Communist bloc (China, North Ko- second meaning is common only in the Communist bloc (China, North Ko- rea, and Vietnam), so it seems that the meaning spread as jargon among rea, and Vietnam), so it seems that the meaning spread as jargon among communists in East Asia, perhaps not through classical, but contemporary communists in East Asia, perhaps not through classical, but contemporary Chinese. Chinese. Furthermore, as mentioned above regarding Vietnam, a language pur- Furthermore, as mentioned above regarding Vietnam, a language purism movement that rejected Chinese-based vocabulary developed in Korea ism movement that rejected Chinese-based vocabulary developed in Korea (both North and South) and North Vietnam, and some words were replaced (both North and South) and North Vietnam, and some words were replaced by native equivalents, for example in Vietnamese, nhà nước instead of quốc by native equivalents, for example in Vietnamese, nhà nước instead of quốc gia (ᅜᐙ , state or nation) and máy bay instead of phi cơ (㣕ᶵ , “airplane”). gia (ᅜᐙ , state or nation) and máy bay instead of phi cơ (㣕ᶵ , “airplane”). However, since the Doi-moi (“renovation”) reforms in 1986, the status of However, since the Doi-moi (“renovation”) reforms in 1986, the status of Chinese-based vocabulary in contemporary Vietnamese has gradually re- Chinese-based vocabulary in contemporary Vietnamese has gradually re- vived. The Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences (Viện Khoa hoc Xã hội vived. The Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences (Viện Khoa hoc Xã hội Việt Nam: 㝔⛉Ꮫ♫఍㉺༡) was renamed as the National Centre for Social Việt Nam: 㝔⛉Ꮫ♫఍㉺༡) was renamed as the National Centre for Social Sciences and Humanities (Trung tâm Khoa học xã hội và Nhân văn Quốc Sciences and Humanities (Trung tâm Khoa học xã hội và Nhân văn Quốc gia: ୰ᚰ⛉Ꮫ♫఍ và ேᩥᅜᐙ) in 1993;4 the Vietnam National University in gia: ୰ᚰ⛉Ꮫ♫఍ và ேᩥᅜᐙ) in 1993;4 the Vietnam National University in ______3 He referred to three Japanese lexicons, ⌮໬㎡඾ (Lexicon of Physics and Chemistry), 3 He referred to three Japanese lexicons, ⌮໬㎡඾ (Lexicon of Physics and Chemistry), ᗄఱ㎡඾ (Lexicon of Geometry), and ௦ᩘ㎡඾ (Lexicon of Algebra), the bibliographical ᗄఱ㎡඾ (Lexicon of Geometry), and ௦ᩘ㎡඾ (Lexicon of Algebra), the bibliographical information for which has not been identified. information for which has not been identified. 4 The old name “Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences (Viện Khoa học Xã hội Việt Nam)” 4 The old name “Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences (Viện Khoa học Xã hội Việt Nam)” was restored in 2003, and a word, “Hàn lâm ⩶ᯘ (academy)”, was added (Viện Hàn lâm was restored in 2003, and a word, “Hàn lâm ⩶ᯘ (academy)”, was added (Viện Hàn lâm Khoa học Xã hội Việt Nam) in 2013. Khoa học Xã hội Việt Nam) in 2013.

Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 267 Neologisms in Japanese and Vietnamese 267

Hanoi (Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nôi: ኱ᏛᅜᐙἙෆ) was established in 1996; and Hanoi (Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nôi: ኱ᏛᅜᐙἙෆ) was established in 1996; and the Vietnam National Bank (Ngân hàng Nhà nước Việt Nam: 㖟⾜ Nhà nước the Vietnam National Bank (Ngân hàng Nhà nước Việt Nam: 㖟⾜ Nhà nước ㉺༡) was left unchanged. It is possible that this tendency is associated with ㉺༡) was left unchanged. It is possible that this tendency is associated with the restoration of traditional customs, such as rituals and festivals of ances- the restoration of traditional customs, such as rituals and festivals of ances- tor worship, or with Confucianism. tor worship, or with Confucianism. Numerous Chinese-based terms have been coined and spread inde- Numerous Chinese-based terms have been coined and spread independently in contemporary Vietnamese. For example, khả thi ྍ᪋ means pendently in contemporary Vietnamese. For example, khả thi ྍ᪋ means “feasible” in Vietnamese but is unintelligible in other East Asian countries. “feasible” in Vietnamese but is unintelligible in other East Asian countries. It is translated as kěxíng ྍ⾜ in Chinese and jitsugen-kanō or shilhyeon- It is translated as kěxíng ྍ⾜ in Chinese and jitsugen-kanō or shilhyeon- ganeung ᐇ⌧ྍ⬟ in Japanese and Korean (although the English loanwords ganeung ᐇ⌧ྍ⬟ in Japanese and Korean (although the English loanwords fījibiritī in Japanese and p‘ijibillit‘i in (South) Korean are more popular). fījibiritī in Japanese and p‘ijibillit‘i in (South) Korean are more popular). “Digital” is kỹ thuật số ᢏ⾡ᩘ in Vietnamese, whereas it is shùmǎ ᮦ⸷ in “Digital” is kỹ thuật số ᢏ⾡ᩘ in Vietnamese, whereas it is shùmǎ ᮦ⸷ in mainland China, shùwèi ᮮփ in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and dejitaru and mainland China, shùwèi ᮮփ in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and dejitaru and tijit‘eol in Japan and Korea, respectively. Thus, East Asian countries are tijit‘eol in Japan and Korea, respectively. Thus, East Asian countries are coining their own new words within their national languages, regardless of coining their own new words within their national languages, regardless of whether they use Chinese-derived stems or not. Japanese and (South) Kore- whether they use Chinese-derived stems or not. Japanese and (South) Kore- an prefer loanwords, that is to say, phonetic transcriptions of foreign, espe- an prefer loanwords, that is to say, phonetic transcriptions of foreign, especially English, words, whereas Chinese and Vietnamese tend to use loan cially English, words, whereas Chinese and Vietnamese tend to use loan translations by substituting native (or Chinese) words or etyma because of translations by substituting native (or Chinese) words or etyma because of the constraints of their monosyllabic morpheme structures. the constraints of their monosyllabic morpheme structures. As seen above, Vietnam and Japan once shared the same linguistic ap- As seen above, Vietnam and Japan once shared the same linguistic ap- proach as they introduced scientific terms by coining Chinese-based vocabu- proach as they introduced scientific terms by coining Chinese-based vocabulary, a rapid process during the period of language transition from universal lary, a rapid process during the period of language transition from universal classical Chinese to more colloquial, but nationally distinct languages. It classical Chinese to more colloquial, but nationally distinct languages. It thus appears that the four East Asian Countries, including Vietnam and Ja- thus appears that the four East Asian Countries, including Vietnam and Ja- pan, still constitute a linguistic community, but that we should pay more at- pan, still constitute a linguistic community, but that we should pay more attention to the complex variety in the semantics of Chinese-based vocabulary tention to the complex variety in the semantics of Chinese-based vocabulary than to the homogeneity or the one-way influence from Japan to other na- than to the homogeneity or the one-way influence from Japan to other nations. tions.

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