The Emperor Is Naked
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African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2017 For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924 Ian Marsh University of Central Florida Part of the African History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Marsh, Ian, "For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924" (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 5539. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/5539 FOR THE GOOD THAT WE CAN DO: AFRICAN PRESSES, CHRISTIAN RHETORIC, AND WHITE MINORITY RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1899-1924 by IAN MARSH B.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2017 Major Professor: Ezekiel Walker © 2017 Ian Marsh ii ABSTRACT This research examines Christian rhetoric as a source of resistance to white minority rule in South Africa within African newspapers in the first two decades of the twentieth-century. Many of the African editors and writers for these papers were educated by evangelical protestant missionaries that arrived in South Africa during the nineteenth century. -
South Africa's Anti-Corruption Bodies
Protecting the public or politically compromised? South Africa’s anti-corruption bodies Judith February The National Prosecuting Authority and the Public Protector were intended to operate in the interests of the law and good governance but have they, in fact, fulfilled this role? This report examines how the two institutions have operated in the country’s politically charged environment. With South Africa’s president given the authority to appoint key personnel, and with a political drive to do so, the two bodies have at times become embroiled in political intrigues and have been beholden to political interests. SOUTHERN AFRICA REPORT 31 | OCTOBER 2019 Key findings Historically, the National Prosecuting Authority The Public Protector’s office has fared (NPA) has had a tumultuous existence. somewhat better overall but its success The impulse to submit such an institution to ultimately depends on the calibre of the political control is strong. individual at its head. Its design – particularly the appointment Overall, the knock-on effect of process – makes this possible but might not in compromised political independence is itself have been a fatal flaw. that it is felt not only in the relationship between these institutions and outside Various presidents have seen the NPA and Public Protector as subordinate to forces, but within the institutions themselves and, as a result, have chosen themselves. leaders that they believe they could control to The Public Protector is currently the detriment of the institution. experiencing a crisis of public confidence. The selection of people with strong and This is because various courts, including visible political alignments made the danger of the Constitutional Court have found that politically inspired action almost inevitable. -
South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’S Mixed Hand Holds Promise for South Africa’S Future
South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’s mixed hand holds promise for South Africa’s future South Africa’s ruling party, the African National Congress, yesterday (20 December) concluded its 54th National Conference at which it elected a new leadership. South African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa was announced the ANC’s new leader against a backdrop of fast-deteriorating investor confidence in the country. The new team will likely direct the ANC’s leadership of the country for the next five years and beyond. Mr Ramaphosa’s victory is not complete. The election results have been the closest they have been of any ANC leadership election in recent times. The results for the top six leaders of the ANC (Deputy President, National Chairperson, Secretary-General, Treasurer-General and Deputy Secretary-General) and the 80-member National Executive Committee (NEC - the highest decision-making body of the party between conferences) also represent a near 50-50 composition of the two main factions of the ANC. Jacob Zuma, Mr Ramaphosa’s predecessor, still retains the presidency of South Africa’s government (the next general election is still 18 months away). It enables Mr Zuma to state positions difficult for the new ANC leadership to find clawback on, and to leverage whatever is left of his expanded patronage network where it remains in place. A pointed reminder of this was delivered on the morning the ANC National Conference commenced, when President Zuma committed the government to provide free tertiary education for students from homes with combined incomes of below R600 000 – an commitment termed unaffordable by an expansive judicial investigation, designed to delay his removal from office and to paint him as a victim in the event it may be attempted. -
Full Speech.Pdf
LECTURE BY THE PATRON OF THE TMF, THABO MBEKI, ON THE OCCASION OF THE CELEBRATION OF THE CENTENARY OF THE BIRTH OF OLIVER REGINALD TAMBO: JOHANNESBURG, 27 OCTOBER, 2017. Members and representatives of the Oliver and Adelaide Tambo Foundation, our hosts this evening; Dear Members of the Tambo family; Fellow South Africans; Comrades, friends, ladies and gentlemen: Had OR Tambo been alive, today we would have gathered in happy gatherings throughout our country to wish him a very happy centenary birthday! However as we meet today, to mark this centenary, we still wish to convey a heartfelt happy birthday message to Oliver Tambo, our beloved OR and esteemed leader, certain that he will hear our message wherever he is. Accordingly, today, October 27, 2017 our people, joined by the peoples of the rest of Africa and the world, stand up and say in unison – happy birthday our dear and respected Oliver Tambo, our beloved OR! However, at the same time as we celebrate a hundredth birthday, we have gathered here today at a time of great stress for OR’s movement, the ANC, and his country, South Africa. The comments we will make about Oliver Tambo as we celebrate the centenary of his birth will emphasise two matters. One of these is that periodically the ANC has had to confront and respond to threats which challenged its very existence. Another is that these threats and the ANC responses have also been related to the development of our country. PRIVATE BAG X444, HO UGHTON, 2041 REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AF RICA Tel +27 11 486 1560 Fax +27 11 486 0723 [email protected] WWW.MBEKI.ORG This describes what has been somewhat of an umbilical cord between the development of the ANC and the evolution of South Africa. -
Christina Landman Abstract
CHRISTINAH NKU AND ST JOHN’S: A HUNDRED YEARS LATERi Christina Landman Research Institute for Theology and Religion University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Abstract In 1906, at Derdepoort (Botswana), a twelve year old Tswana girl, Christinah,ii experienced the first of a series of divine visions that eventually led to the founding of a powerful African independent church. This article traces the history of Christinah Mokotuliiii Nku (1894-1988), as well as that of the St John’s Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa,iv the church she founded in 1939. The article also briefly examines the history of the St John’s Apostolic Church of Prophecy; the church that ensued from the rift experienced in 1972, and the present attempts at the unification of the St John’s churches, which currently constitute 39 splinter groups. The article is a preliminary history only, owing to the fluidity of the history, which is dependent on oral sources. However, the article is structured around a specific focus, namely healing. The story of Christinah Nku and St John’s, then, will be, firstly, the story of Ma Nku’s vision of the church as a place of healing, secondly, her healing ministry, which was strongly supported by indigenous knowledge, and thirdly, the proposed healing to be effected through the unification of the church. 1 INTRODUCTION Alleluiav We have seen peace by mother Nku. She was given to us by the Almighty to gather all lost sheep. Mother Christinah Mokotuli Nku, the daughter of Bolibe, an amazing person. She brought salvation to the world. -
Address by the Honourable Mayor of the City of Tshwane, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa at the National Interfaith Leaders Council – Gauteng Provincial Launch, 05 February 2010
1 ADDRESS BY THE HONOURABLE MAYOR OF THE CITY OF TSHWANE, DR GWEN RAMOKGOPA AT THE NATIONAL INTERFAITH LEADERS COUNCIL – GAUTENG PROVINCIAL LAUNCH, 05 FEBRUARY 2010. Programme Director; Gauteng Co-ordinator, Bishop Zondo; Chief Whip of the African National Congress, Mathole Motshekga; Deputy Vice-Chancellor and Vice-Principal of UNISA, Prof David Mosoma; Leaders of different faith based organisation from the length and breadth of South Africa; Members of the business community; Members of the media; Ladies and gentlemen; Good Morning, Dumelang! I am delighted to be here with you this morning to celebrate the provincial launch of the Gauteng Interfaith Leaders Council. This launch is special because it is a confirmation of the role that faith and religion can play in achieving moral regeneration, social cohesion and nation building in our country. 1 2 Early last year, President of the Republic, Jacob Zuma, made a call to religious community for a need to partner with Government in order to establish a cohesive and caring society including an enabling environment for sustainable development. I am delighted that this call has indeed been taken seriously. The launch today is a confirmation of a bold response to the president’s call. South Africa finds itself challenges by a number of morally complex issues that affect us all. All these issues require careful consideration, rather than resolutions by appeal to tradition, prejudice or superstition. Much blood has been spilt in the attainment of freedom and humanity. However, blood continues to be spilt through some of the violent crimes that is taking place within our communities. -
The Crisis of African Languages in the Context of the Formation of Modernity in South Africa
CULTURE © iStockphoto.com The Crisis of African Languages in the context of the Formation of Modernity in South Africa With the hegemony of the Sophiatown Renaissance intellectual constellation whose mode of creative practice was only in the English language, and whose cultural gaze and historical outlook was focused on Harlem and Hollywood rather than on their own literary landscape and cultural history, much was irretrievably lost. By Ntongela Masilela ne incontestable tragic fact of writers and artists. Many of the critical endorse and practically celebrate the African cultural history across texts and philosophical discourses hegemony of the European languages Othe twentieth century has on the nature of the African literary over the African languages. For all been the progressive diminishment project, including those written intents and purposes this cultural in the utilisation of African languages and articulated by Africans (the tragedy is practically confined to the as linguistic instruments of literary ideological position of the majority African continent. A comparison and expression by African intellectuals, of Europeans is obvious) confirm, delimitation in relation to the situation 32 THE THINKER CULTURE in India indicates the enormity and historically understood by tracing, African literature in the European glaring nature of the African tragedy. however schematically given its languages over African literature in The choice of India is appropriate complexity, the historical form that the African languages. The question because of the indisputable consensus enabled Europe to dominate Africa, of modernity imposes a fundamental that India is a postcolonial society like or for that matter, the Universal question to us Africans today: could many African countries which were the ‘Other’, from the first moment our predecessors in the eighteenth, former colonies of England and France, of the encounter: modernity. -
A Century of the Notorius 1913 Land Act
A CENTURY OF THE NOTORIUS 1913 LAND ACT. 1. INTRODUCTION. 2. THE HISTORICAL ROOTS AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LAND ACT. 3. CONSEQUENCES OF THE LAND ACT. 4. THE LAND ACT AND 2013. 5. CONCLUSION. 6. REFERENCES. By: Rudolph Alfred Kgolane Phala. 1. INTRODUCTION. The year 2013 represent a century since the passing of the diabolical Natives Land Act by the Union Parliament in 1913. Objects of the Act are stated as, “to make further provision as to the purchase and leasing of land by natives and other persons in the several parts of the Union and for other purposes in connection with the ownership and occupation of land by natives and other persons.” The Act was intended to legalise and legitimise into statute the massive land-robbery starting with settler colonialism itself and the wars of resistance and dispossession. For a period of 250 years the indigenous African people have been fighting spear in hand against mounted gunmen over land, cattle and freedom. The notorious Act was intended to make state law what had already been done by blood, death and sweat. The Act ensured that Africans lost ownership and control of their ancestral land to white settlers. It was intended to confirm what has been achieved with the defeat of the wars of resistance and dispossession. The Act was the cornerstone of separate development. The ruling ANC articulates this point even better in its submission to the TRC that, “it is necessary to emphasise that formal apartheid was preceded by a sustained period of dispossession, denial and subordination. The process of colonial conquest in South Africa lasted for over two centuries; from the destruction of Khoisan communities in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, through the bloody century of warfare in the present day Eastern Cape Province, to the military defeats further north in the late nineteenth century. -
Aspects of the Present Religious Scene in South Africa Christo Lombaard
Faith matters: aspects of the present religious scene in South Africa Christo Lombaard Christian Spirituality University of South Africa In preparation Some key points in the history of South Africa: ¢ “Golden Age” 1: Mapungubwe (1075–1220) ¢ 1652: Jan van Riebeeck Dutch and British colonialism ¢ “Golden Age” 2: mining (1870 ff) – gold, diamonds, charcoal, platinum ¢ Anglo-Boer / South African War, 1899-1902 (incl. guerilla warfare & concentration camps): → British rule ¢ 1948: Afrikaner (= National Party) rule Red danger, Black danger, Roman danger ¢ 1989: Fall of Berlin Wall ¢ 1994: African (= African National Congress) rule Population Groups in South Africa: ¢ Black (different language & tribal groups) ¢ White (Afrikaans & English) ¢ Indian ¢ Coloured ¢ Pop. ± 50 million ¢ 11 official languages; 9 provinces Literature Davenport, TRH & Saunders, C 2000. South Africa: a modern history (5th ed.). Basingstoke: Macmillan. Giliomee, H. 2003. The Afrikaners – Biography of a people. Cape Town: Tafelberg Publishers. Thompson, LM 2010. A history of South Africa (3rd ed.). Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. 1 Introduction If South African society had to be diagnosed, broadly, it would be have a doctor worried. Apart from the country’s economy (cf. e.g. Du Plessis & Smit 2007) and daily interpersonal relations in the urban areas, which are in good health, almost other all aspects of society are faltering. It is a traumatised society, still, even though the popular expectations around 1994, the year of the turn from white rule to black democratic rule that has been much idealised, had been much different. With crime and corruption in government and police services, as well as in broader society, crumbling (and at times failed) road and water and electricity infrastructure, courts and correctional services flailing, disastrous education policies and practices, unemployment at a rate of 40%, and with the country topping world scales of murder, rape and HIV/Aids rates (cf. -
The Expansion of Black Business Into the South A^ I“ N Economy with Specific Reference to the Initiatives of Th National African Federated Chamber of Commerce in The
THE EXPANSION OF BLACK BUSINESS INTO THE SOUTH A^ I“ N ECONOMY WITH SPECIFIC REFERENCE TO THE INITIATIVES OF TH NATIONAL AFRICAN FEDERATED CHAMBER OF COMMERCE IN THE Sheila May Susan Keeble Johannesburg, 1981 ii ABSTRACT Before the mid 1970s African business development was severely limited by Government legislation. This restriction resulted in a dependent African entrepreneurial class unable to compete with White business. The National African Chamber of Commerce (NACOC) formed in 1964 and the National African Federated Chamber of Commerce (NAFCOC), which evolved from this organisation in 1969, were established by Black businessmen who united to fight this restrictive legislation. By the mid 1970s they were in a position, as a strong, united, national commercial body, to press for changes and to initiate business ventures which gained them a place in the South African economy. Nevertheless, despite the co-operation and financial backina of White business, they were unable to bring about any effective changes in Government policy until after the Soweto riots of 1976. The concessions granted to Black businessmen after that time, together with the important role played by the National African Federated Chamber of Commerce, stimulated Black business development in the late 1970s although Black businessmen continued to fight for the removal of all discriminatory legislation affecting Black business. ACKtOflLEDGEMENTS To members of NAFCOC urd in particular Mr S. M. Motsuenyane (President) Mr S. Kutumela Mr S. J. j. Lesolang Mr M. J. Lefoka Mr M. Maubam To Mr J. w. Keeble, founder publisher of African Businas magazine. To Dr. P. L. Bonner for supervising this study. -
Ramaphosa's First 100 Days
Ramaphosa’s first 100 days And what it tells us about the shape of the South African state June 6, 2018 2 Rhamaphosa's first 100 days The Shape of Ramaphosa’s Presidency Cyril Ramaphosa came to power in South Africa 100 days ago facing a huge challenge: restore the Graphing the key changes – and credibility of the Presidency and put key remaining question marks South Africa back on the growth ▪ Cronyism and looting are now off the track after almost a decade of agenda disastrous rule and entrenched corruption by Jacob Zuma, whose ▪ Radical economic transformation is not years in power came to be known ▪ State-led hostility against the private as “state capture”. Even for someone sector is out with as varied a skill-set as Mr Ramaphosa’s - who has succeeded ▪ But a mixed economy, not free-market approach, replaces it as a trade union leader, politician and businessman – the challenge to ▪ Economic policy and state‐owned deliver what has been dubbed enterprises are no longer primarily “Ramaphoria” is enormous, for he geared to rent seeking needs to align this to society in a ▪ But what replaces this economic way that has rarely been done. approach is less evident His political geometry, employing a careful ▪ Political risk should recede but political distribution of power in his cabinet and noise and complexity are here for the benefiting from consultation with concentric medium term kitchen cabinets, is both hazardous and necessary. Mr Ramaphosa has moved with ▪ That means rule of law, including both determination and deliberation to start property rights, remains embedded rebuilding confidence in the Presidency and government in what he calls the “New Dawn.” ▪ Nefarious policy making is out, but Mr Ramaphosa’s conundrum of renewing a political and regulatory complexity divided party after winning with slim majority remains subject to court challenges to and trying to win a clear mandate in the next deal with policy certainty election will show that his agenda is clear, but how far he can go is less so. -
The African Patriots, the Story of the African National Congress of South Africa
The African patriots, the story of the African National Congress of South Africa http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp3b10002 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The African patriots, the story of the African National Congress of South Africa Author/Creator Benson, Mary Publisher Faber and Faber (London) Date 1963 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 968 B474a Description This book is a history of the African National Congress and many of the battles it experienced.