g vom Rings of Power in Halle (Saale) Ringe der Macht
o18 International Conference Conference International Internationale Tagun November o9–1o, 2o18 in Halle (Saale) Halle in 2o18 o9–1o, November o9. bis 1o. November 2 November 1o. bis o9. TAGUNGEN DESTAGUNGEN LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE Herausgeber Harald Meller, Susanne Kimmig-Völkner und Alfred Susanne Reichenberger Kimmig-Völkner Herausgeber Meller, Harald 2019 21/I
TAGUNGEN DES Ringe der Macht LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE Rings of Power 21/I 507972 ISSN 1867-4402 783944 – avancierte erschon 9
ISBN 978-3-944507-97-2 Unendlichkeit und Bindung verdeutlichend
Seit der Mensch in Urzeiten Gefallen daran fand, sich zu schmücken, gehörte gehörte zu schmücken, sich daran fand, Gefallen in Urzeiten Mensch der Seit Ring seiner dazu. Mit getragene Arm Hals oder an Finger, der auch immer Form – bald zum perfekten Machtsymbol. Wie kaum einem anderen Signum sprach sprach Signum anderen einem kaum Wie Machtsymbol. zum perfekten bald In einer Kraft und zu besitzen. Macht selbst zu, sogar man ihm mitunter Entwicklung die Bände diese verfolgen Zusammenschau gefächerten breit in Ringsymbolik Europa. der Varianten und Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle Band 21/I | 2019
Ringe der Macht Rings of Power
Internationale Tagung vom o9. bis 1o. November 2o18 in Halle (Saale)
International Conference November o9–1o, 2o18 in Halle (Saale)
herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Susanne Kimmig-Völkner und Alfred Reichenberger
Halle (Saale) 2o19 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.
issn 1867-44o2 isbn 978-3-9445o7-97-2
Redaktion Susanne Kimmig-Völkner, Nele Lüttmann, Alfred Reichenberger, Manuela Schwarz, Nico Schwerdt, Michael Strambowski Übersetzungen und Lektorat englische Texte David Tucker • Halle (Saale) Endredaktion Susanne Kimmig-Völkner, Nele Lüttmann, Nico Schwerdt, Manuela Schwarz Umschlagfotos Juraj Lipták • München Fotos der Seiten 13–15, 78–79, 132–133, 148, 16o–161, 223–225, 258–259, 28o–281, 34o, 4o7, 4o8–4o9, 42o, 44o, 468–469, 5o8–5o9, 588, 611–613 Juraj Lipták • München Vor- und Nachsatz Klaus Pockrandt • Halle (Saale); Fotos: alle Juraj Lipták • München Außer Nachsatz unten: Armreif von Rodenbach, Historisches Museum der Pfalz Speyer
Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.
© 2o19 by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrecht- lich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilm ungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.
Gestaltungskonzept Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Umschlagskonzept Klaus Pockrandt • Halle (Saale)
Layout, Satz und Produktion Brigitte Parsche Druck Salzland Druck GmbH & Co KG Inhalt
Band I
9 In Memoriam DDr. Olav Röhrer-Ertl
11 Vorwort der Herausgeber
RINGE UND MACHT
17 Alfred Reichenberger Von der Vielfalt der Ringe – eine Einführung
61 Anna Paola Rapelli A Deo rex, a rege lex. Symbols of power from ancient times to the Middle Ages. An artistic survey
DER RING VON PAUSSNITZ – GLAUBE UND ABERGLAUBE IM MITTELALTER
81 Arnold Muhl Das Ringen um den Ring. Fund- und Erwerbsgeschichte des Inschriftenrings von Paußnitz
91 Friedrich Röhrer-Ertl Paußnitz revisited oder: vom Ringe nichts Neues?
105 Claus Priesner Schutz und Schaden – Bemerkungen zum magischen Denken, besonders der Ringmagie
121 Susanne Kimmig-Völkner Religion oder Aberglaube? Ringe mit christlicher Ikonografie
GEHEIME BOTSCHAFTEN
135 Olav Röhrer-Ertl (†) Über numinose Zahlen als eine Möglichkeit der Musterinterpretation
149 Klaus Schmeh Kryptologie in der Renaissance MAGISCHE RINGE – REALIEN, GESCHICHTEN, MYTHEN
163 Klaus Graf Ringe in Kulturgeschichte und Erzählforschung
177 Rudolf Simek Der Ring in Mythologie und Kult des nordischen Frühmittelalters
189 Jörg Peukert Von den »vingerlîn«. Zwischen Fiktion und Realität, Symbol und Wert
211 Donat Wehner Mittelalterliche Glasfingerringe mit ovalem Kopf als Repräsentation geistlicher Macht
DER EINE RING
227 Thomas Honegger Tolkien und die Tradition der Ringe der Macht
247 James Gerrard The Vyne Ring in context: powerful people and powerful rings during the end of Roman Britain
VOM ANBEGINN DER RINGE
261 Juliane Weiß Paläolithischer Ringschmuck – eine Übersicht
MACHTVOLLE RINGE DER BRONZEZEIT
283 Harald Meller Vom Herrschaftszeichen zum Herrschaftsornat. Zur Entstehung des goldenen Ringschmucks in Mitteleuropa
301 Andrea Schaer Die Bronzehand von Prêles, Kanton Bern (Schweiz)
Band II
321 Michael Strambowski Goldene Bandfingerringe der mittleren Bronzezeit – eine Übersicht
341 Louis D. Nebelsick In höchsten Höhen und tiefsten Tiefen. Der Deponierungskontext jungbronzezeitlicher Ringdepots Mitteleuropas
363 Franziska Knoll Der goldene Eidring der jüngeren Nordischen Bronzezeit – Ein forschungsgeschichtliches Konstrukt neu betrachtet 375 Flemming Kaul Late Bronze Age oath rings from Boeslunde, Zealand (Denmark). Their function and meaning
389 Carola Metzner-Nebelsick »Die Ringe der Macht« revisited – Goldener Ringschmuck der Bronze- und Eisenzeit Europas im Vergleich. Zur Agency exzeptioneller Artefakte
RINGE IN DER ANTIKE
411 Fritz Blakolmer Siegelringe im minoisch-mykenischen Griechenland: Herrschaft, Religion und Prestige
421 Wolfgang Adler Der Torques als römische Kriegsbeute und donum militare. Zu einem frühkaiserzeitlichen Grabrelief aus Bartringen, Kt. Luxemburg
441 Stefanie Nagel und Anne Wolsfeld Prestige – Status – Macht. Fingerringe der römischen Kaiserzeit und Spätantike
STATUSSYMBOL UND DIPLOMATISCHES GUT
471 Alexandra Pesch Königliche Kostbarkeiten: Germanischer Ringschmuck vom ersten bis ins fünfte Jahrhundert
491 Matthias Becker Goldene Halsringe der späten römischen Kaiserzeit
499 Matthias Hardt Herrschaftszeichen, Prestigegüter oder kaiserliche Gaben? Hals- und Armringe aus Edelmetall zwischen Völkerwanderungszeit und frühem Mittelalter
MAGIE DER WORTE
511 Stefan Krabath Hoch- und spätmittelalterliche Fingerringe mit Inschriften – eine Übersicht zu archäologischen Funden in Europa
589 Eberhard Bönisch und Friedrich Beck Der Inschriftenring aus der mittelalterlichen Holzkirche in Horno/Niederlausitz
603 Mirko Gutjahr Zur (Be-)Deutung des Inschriftenrings von Horno, Lkr. Spree-Neiße (Brandenburg)
MODERNE RINGE DER MACHT
615 Thomas Richter und Georg Schafferer Schlaue Ringe – vom Ringträger zum Daten-Träger
The Vyne Ring in context: powerful people and powerful rings during the end of Roman Britain
James Gerrard
Zusammenfassung Abstract
Der Ring of Vyne im Kontext: mächtige Menschen und The inscribed late Roman gold ring found near Silchester mächtige Ringe am Ende der Römerzeit in Britannien has been considered as one of the inspirations for the One Ring in J. R. R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings trilogy. The ring is Der spätrömische goldene Inschriftenring, der nahe Silches- one of a small number of late Roman finger-rings from Brit- ter gefunden wurde, gilt als eine der Inspirationen für den ain that were usually manufactured in gold or silver. Their Einen Ring in J. R. R. Tolkiens Herr der Ringe Trilogie. Der iconography suggests that the wearers of these rings were Ring gehört zu einer kleinen Anzahl spätrömischer Finger- presenting themselves as members of an educated wealthy ringe aus Großbritannien, die üblicherweise aus Gold oder elite who advertised their position, religious beliefs, and Silber gefertigt worden sind. Ihre Ikonografie legt nahe, ideologies through the symbols engraved upon their finger- dass die Träger dieser Ringe sich selbst als Mitglieder einer rings. These rings offer a fascinating insight into society in gebildeten wohlhabenden Elite repräsentierten, die ihre Britain at the very end of the Roman period. Stellung, religiöse Überzeugung und Weltanschauung mit- tels der eingeschnittenen Symbole auf den Fingerringen nach außen trugen. Diese Ringe bieten einen faszinierenden Einblick in die Gesellschaft Großbritanniens am Ende der Römerzeit.
Fig. 1 The Vyne (or Senicianus) ring. Made from gold and discovered near Calleva Atrebatum, Silchester, Hampshire (United Kingdom), in 1786, dia 2.5 cm.
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The Vyne Ring raised metal bezel. The bezel is engraved with a left-facing bust of a spiky-haired, clean shaven, draped, and diademed The Vyne (or Senicianus) Ring was discovered in 1786 by a individual surrounded by a retrograde text reading farmer ploughing a field near the Roman town of Calleva VE-NVS. The exterior of the hoop is engraved, probably by Atrebatum near Silchester, Hampshire (United Kingdom) a different hand, with a further text reading SENICIANE (Fig. 1). The ring passed into the hands of a local landown- VIVAS IIN DE[O] (Senicianus may you live in god) (Corby ing family and today resides among a small collection of Finney 1994, 176–178). antiquities held by the National Trust at the Vyne Country This object is exceptional enough within the corpus of House nearby Sherborne St John, Hampshire (Corby Fin- Romano-British jewellery to arouse considerable interest ney 1994). (Corby Finney 1994). Typologically the ring is one of a small, The finger-ring is made from gold and weighs approxi- but growing number of all-metal finger-rings named after mately 12 g (Fig. 2). The hoop is faceted and ten-sided with a an example found at the Roman Shore Fort of Brancaster (Branodunum), Norfolk (United Kingdom) (Fig. 3; Johns 1996, 53–55). These »Brancaster Rings« are discussed more fully below, but clearly date to the very end of the Roman period in Britain, that is the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD. In art-historical terms the portrait on the bezel of the Vyne Ring also begs a number of questions: in no way can it be considered a representation (at least within the normal parameters of Classical art) of the Venus, the Roman god- dess of love. Instead, the clean-shaven diademed and draped bust bears close resemblance to 4th century imperial portraits on coins (below). Finally, the seemingly overtly pagan dedication of the ring to Venus sits uncomfortably with the secondary text on the bezel exhorting Senicianus to »live in God« – a typical Late Antique Christian formula (Garipizanov 2o15, 4). The story of this ring was considerably embellished dur-
1 cm ing the 193os when Sir Mortimer Wheeler excavated the Romano-Celtic temple dedicated to the god Nodens at Lyd- Fig. 2 A drawing of the Vyne ring and text. ney Park, Gloucestershire (United Kingdom). In his report
Fig. 3 The gold marriage ring from Brancaster, Norfolk (United Kingdom), no scale.
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The similarity of the name Senicianus on the Vyne Ring and the Lydney curse tablet has encouraged speculation that Silvianus was the original, pagan owner of the ring (Corby Finney 1994, 195; Johns 1996, 68). It was then stolen by Senecianus who added his name and Christian text to the hoop. From here the plot thickens further: Wheeler corre- sponded with J. R. R. Tolkien about the name of the god Nodens and Tolkien contributed to Wheeler’s publication on the Lydney excavations (Tolkien 1932). Proof is lacking, but it seems likely that Wheeler and Tolkien may also have dis- cussed the Vyne Ring and the Lydney curse (Forest-Hill 2o13, 2; Forest-Hill/Horton 2o14). If so, then the tale of a sto- len and cursed ring may have been Tolkien’s inspiration for the One Ring, with its inscribed hoop reading:
Ash nazg durbatulûk, ash nazg gimbatul, ash nazg thrakat- ulûl, agh burzum-ishit krimpatul (One ring to rule them all, one ring to find them, one ring to bring them all, and in the darkness bind them).
The supposed connection between the Vyne Ring and the Lydney curse is a tale that has also grown in the telling. At the great temple-bath complex of Aquae Sulis, Bath, Somer- set (United Kingdom), which is not far from Lydney, other curse tablets name Seneciani (not Seniciani) and this has led to the suggestion that Senicianus and his family were a Fig. 4 The curse table from Lydney (RIB 3o6), Gloucestershire (United group of late Roman thieves (Corby Finney 1994, 195). Sadly Kingdom), no scale. this suggestion, fun though it is, cannot be proven. Senicia- nus/Senecianus were reasonably common names. There are on the excavations Wheeler (1932, Fig. 28) published a lead two early Roman inscriptions and a probably 2nd- or 3rd- curse tablet that had been found at the site before 1817 century curse tablet from Leicester, Leicestershire (United (Fig. 4). This tablet read, in a palaeographically 4th or 5th Kingdom), naming Seneciani/Seniciani (RIB 367 and RIB century hand (Corby Finney 1994, 192–196): 3222; Tomlin 1998, No. 21) and a range of other inscriptions from elsewhere in the Western Empire (for instance CIL VI,41244; CIL III,1118o). To suggest the name alone is Deuo To the god Nodens: Silvianus has lost enough to link the Vyne Ring and the Lydney curse is a Nodenti Silvianus his ring and given half its value to stretch too far. The same logic would suggest that myself, Nodens. Among those who are called anilum perdedit Prof. Chris Gerrard, and Dr Sandy Gerrard were a family of Senicianus do not allow health until he archaeologists, while in truth (and to the best of my know- demediam partem brings it to the temple of Nodens. ledge) the three of us are not related by either blood or marri- donauit Nodenti (This curse) comes into force again age despite all working in the same academic field! inter quibus nomen From these speculations it is best to return to the Vyne Ring and consider what light it and the other known Bran- Seniciani nollis caster type rings can shed on their wearers during the twi- petmittas sanita light of the Roman Empire in Britain. pem donec perfera(t)
usque templum (No) The Brancaster type rings Dentis The Vyne Ring is an exceptional example of a small group of typologically related late Antique finger-rings (Johns 1996, Secondary text: Rediuiua 53; Gerrard/Henig 2o16). In Britain this form of ring is Tab. 1 The Lydney Curse and translation (RIB 3o6). named after the Shore Fort of Brancaster (Branodunum) where in 1826 a gold ring was »hoed up« by a farmer (Fig. 2; Henig 1995, 195; Johns 1996, 53). It, like the Vyne Ring, is a The semi-judicial style of the curse is typical of other famous jewel in its own right. A circular gold hoop is Romano-British and Gallo-Roman curse tablets (Scholz 2o11, adorned by a square gold bezel decorated with confronted 91). Silvianus, who had lost his ring, believed that one of the male and female busts and inscribed VIVAV/IN DEO. C. Seneciani had stolen it from him and sought to bring the Johns (1996, 53) identified this ring as the exemplar of the wrath of the god Nodens down upon the thief. eponymous Brancaster type which she defined as follows:
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Fig. 5 (top) An irregular FEL TEMP REPARA- TIO nummus. Fig. 6 (bottom) An irregular FEL TEMP REPA- RATIO nummus.
5
6
5 mm
»The characteristics of the form are that the hoop is of con- predominantly in silver or gold (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, 229). stant width and comparatively broad, and that the bezel is This is in contrast to the normal pattern: most Romano- noticeably raised, usually square or rectangular in shape, British finger-rings were produced in copper-alloy. and decorated in intaglio by direct engraving into the metal. As to the form of the rings, most conform to the defini- The form is found in gold, silver and bronze. Some rings tion established by Johns (1996, 53–54). They have solid with circular or polygonal bezels may be variants of the metal hoops, usually silver or gold, with raised square or rec- form.« tangular bezels containing an engraved design (Gerrard/ Johns based this definition on a mere 14 examples. Since Henig 2o16, 227–229). The Vyne Ring, with its ten-sided her work, the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS) – a national hoop, is a representative of a small group of diverse outliers. organisation in the United Kingdom that works with met- These have keeled or circular hoops and include octagonal, al-detectorists and other members of the public to record circular, or even stepped bezels. However, such rings are archaeological finds – and archaeological excavations have always in a minority. increased the corpus to over 5o examples. These were The decorative motifs engraved upon the bezel are, per- recently published in detail by the author and a colleague haps, the most intriguing aspect of the Brancaster ring (Dr Martin Henig) in the journal Bonner Jahrbücher (Ger- series. As we have seen, the Vyne Ring is decorated upon its rard/Henig 2o16). bezel with a portrait flanked by the inscription »VENUS«. Since that publication another Brancaster type ring has This portrait with its spiky, diademed, and draped bust has been recorded by the PAS (WILT-5299o2) and this means been the subject of some discussion. P. Corby Finney (1994, that the total number now stands at 55 examples. Neverthe- 19o), puzzled by what he interpreted as the bust’s »half-hu- less, the type remains a very rare form: the PAS alone con- man, half-animal« qualities, pondered if the portrait might tains records of several thousand Romano-British fin- be intended to represent »a barbarian tribal chieftain decked ger-rings and excavated examples would provide several out in ceremonial regalia, or with a bit more effort one might thousand more. What is even more remarkable is that the conjure the image of some unknown Celtic animal god.« majority of the Brancaster type rings were manufactured What he was certain of was that the bust could not be inter-
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preted as Venus, »at least not by any of the iconographic standards that are attested in the Greco-Roman tradition.« He went on to make a perceptive connection between the portrait on the Vyne Ring and the depiction of the imperial bust on certain 4th century irregular or imitation coinages struck in Britain, arguing that the engraving of a die to strike a coin was not so different to engraving the bezel of a finger-ring (Corby Finney 1994, 189–192). Any individual used to examining the irregular 4th cen- tury coinages of Roman Britain, particularly the widespread copies of the bronze GLORIA EXERCITUS and FEL TEMP REPARATIO issues (for instance Brickstock 1987), will be familiar with the diversity of attempts at rendering the imperial portrait. Some of the attempts are excellent imita- tions of the busts on officially minted coins. Others display a great diversity of style, although the hair, defined by promi- nent engraved lines and bound by the imperial diadem, along with a large eye, are features that are always included
(Fig. 3; 5–6). Very late Roman, probably early 5th century 1 cm imitations of silver siliquae from Britain should also be con- sidered (Guest 2o12, 98). These coins were struck to the same Fig. 7 The silver ring from Horncastle, Lincolnshire (United Kingdom), weight and purity as official issues and all display very com- decorated with a possible imperial bust. petently rendered imperial busts. It thus seems reasonable to argue, that whatever the inscription on the Vyne Ring says, the bust was intended to be a rendering of an imperial portrait. This claim receives support from a small sub-set of the Brancaster type rings. Three are engraved with busts that are plausibly interpreted as imperial portraits. The first of these is a silver ring from Roundway Down, Wiltshire (United Kingdom), with a diademed bust facing left and inscribed with the Greek NIKH (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 9). The second is a silver bezel from Horncastle, Lincolnshire (United Kingdom), with a spiky haired portrait facing left and an exaggerated diadem (Fig. 7; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 22). This bezel bears close stylistic comparison with the Vyne Ring. Finally, there is a silver ring from Chedworth, Gloucestershire (United Kingdom), with a portrait facing right, but lacking a diadem (Fig. 8; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 2o). This may, or may not, have been intended to depict the emperor. 1 cm Wearing such a ring must have been intended to demon- strate either the wearer’s loyalty to the imperial house, or Fig. 8 The silver ring from Chedworth, Gloucestershire (United King- imbue the wearer with some of the lustre of imperial power. dom), decorated with a possible imperial bust. In Late Antiquity imperial and military power were two sides of the same coin and this may have some bearing on another small group of Brancaster rings. Five rings have what can be plausibly interpreted as confronted helmeted and therefore martial figures. The first of these is a silver ring of exceptional quality from North Dorset (United King- dom) (Fig. 9). This is decorated in an idiosyncratic style, which recalls early medieval Quoit Brooch Style decoration (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 17). It is similar to a second ring from the Amesbury Hoard, Wiltshire (United Kingdom), which depicts four confronted helmeted busts in each of the bezel’s quadrants (Fig. 1o; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 6).
The third is a silver bezel from South Cambridgeshire 1 cm (United Kingdom) depicting two confronted helmeted heads (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 18). The fourth is a crude Fig. 9 The silver ring from North Dorset (United Kingdom) decorated silver ring from Tupholme, East Lindsey (United Kingdom), with helmeted figures.
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Fig. 1o The silver rings from the Amesbury hoard, Wiltshire (United Kingdom), no scale. The central ring is decorated with four helmeted busts. The ring to the left with a sea-stag and a bird and the ring to the right with a griffin.
which may be intended to copy or emulate the design on dots and weighs 8.4 g (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 23). It is diffi- the South Cambridgeshire ring (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. cult to interpret these two objects as anything other than 48). Finally there is a gold ring from the Shore Fort of Rich- the signet-rings of high-ranking ecclesiastics. The other borough (Rutupiae), Kent (United Kingdom), decorated rings are perhaps more likely to have been the possessions with a helmeted bust facing left in a remarkable and crude of wealthy Christians. style (Fig. 11; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 19). These helmeted Less explicit, but still probably predominantly Christian figures recall not only the helmeted imperial busts on in their iconography, are the rings decorated with birds some early 4th century coins, but also the late Roman hel- (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 11; 13–14; 3o–43). These form mets (Klumbach 1973). It is not too fanciful to also con- the most common type of decorative motif on the Brancas- sider the fierce helmeted masks on 6th century Anglo- ter type rings. Of the clearly Christian in intent are the Saxon button brooches (Suzuki 2oo8). The helmet as silver ring from Fifehead Neville, Dorset (United King- symbol of martial prowess, military power, and protec- dom; found with another ring decorated with a Chi-Rho) tion was an important element within the Late Roman (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 11), with its Rho Cross, flanked and early medieval symbolic repertoire (Alföldi 1932). by foliage with a dove above, and the dove, holding a sprig The imperial and apparently martial designs together of foliage in its beak, on the gold bezel from South Hol- form only a small number of the Brancaster rings. The land, Lincolnshire (Fig. 13; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 3o). majority of rings display a variety of iconographic motifs that can be described as having explicit or implicit Christian symbolism. Here three rings, two in gold and one in silver, with confronted male and female busts, belong to the well- known series of Late Antique betrothal and marriage rings (cf. Fig. 3; Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 1; 15–16). Even clearer examples of Christian symbolism can be found in the group of silver and gold rings decorated with the Chi-Rho or Rho Cross and a small number of rings bearing explicitly Chris- tian texts, such as VIVAS IN DEO and variants thereof (Ger- rard/Henig 2o16, No. 2–4; 1o–11; 23–24; 28–29). Of these rings the most exceptional are two examples in gold: one from Suffolk and the other from Brentwood, Essex (both United Kingdom), (Fig. 12). The Suffolk ring has an unusual octagonal bezel engraved with a retrograde Chi-Rho with a bird eating fruit from a vine above (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 2). It is a heavy piece at 27.55 g. The Brentwood ring has a Fig. 11 The gold ring from Richborough, Kent (United Kingdom), deco- circular bezel with a retrograde Chi-Rho within a border of rated with a helmeted bust (no scale).
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Fig. 12 The gold rings from Brentwood, Essex (United King- dom), (left) and Suffolk (United Kingdom), (right) decorated with Christian symbols (no scale).
Both are surely referencing the dove released by Noah in (United Kingdom), was engraved with two confronted sea- the aftermath of the Great Flood (Genesis 8:11). The beasts holding a ring or wreath (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. remaining rings depict birds either singly or in pairs and 12) and this arrangement of confronted animals is often associated with foliage, crescents, or wheel symbols. repeated on rings from the East Riding of Yorkshire and Some of these birds are executed in such a way that spe- Corsham (both United Kingdom), which are decorated cies can be determined. There are examples of peacocks (a with dolphins, an aquatic animal, and a bird respectively familiar Late Antique Christian symbol) as well as a duck (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 44–45). There is also a lost ring and a long-legged bird, perhaps intended to be a crane, from Richborough, which seems to show what may be heron, or stork (Fig. 14). either a long-tailed bird or a long-eared quadruped look- The last major group of Brancaster type rings includes a ing over its shoulder at a wheel motif (Fig. 15; Gerrard/ number decorated with fantastic or mythical beasts. Two of Henig 2o16, No. 33). Finally, there is the splendid recent the best examples are found in the Amesbury silver hoard discovery of a silver ring from Wiltshire (Gerrard/Henig (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 5; 7). This find of silver coins and 2o16, No. 54). Its square bezel seems to be decorated with a other objects included three Brancaster type rings. One of scaly serpent or wyrm in a spiral, devouring a hare or these, with its four helmeted busts has been discussed above, other small animal (Fig. 16). The inspiration for this the other two rings include one decorated with a stag with a design may have been the discovery of fossil ammonites, fishtail (Fig. 1o) and a bird above; the other depicts a griffin which are common in the sedimentary limestones of (Fig. 1o). A lost silver ring from Wantage, Oxfordshire south-western England.
1 cm 5 mm
Fig. 13 The gold ring from South Holland, Lincolnshire, decorated with a Fig. 14 The silver ring from Whorlton, North Yorkshire (United King- dove and an olive branch. dom), decorated with a long-legged bird.
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Neville were recovered long ago and were found in a pit cut through a mosaic pavement in a Roman villa (Middleton 1883). The rings formed part of a small hoard including other pieces of late Roman base-metal jewellery. Clearly the chronological context of this find should post-date the aban- donment of the villa. But when did this take place? The small coin list from the site runs to AD 364–378, but this does not preclude a date in the 5th century for the deposi- tion of the rings. Similarly, an unusual bezel from the amphi- theatre in Londinium was found in a layer of late or early post-Roman »dark-earth«, associated with the latest Roman bronze coins that are commonly found in Britain, dated AD 388–4o2 (Bateman et al. 2oo8, 93–95; 194 Fig. 99). The other rings with some chronological context are those from late Roman silver or sometimes gold hoards of 1 cm which Britain has a surprisingly large number. These occa- sionally include hacksilver, but usually comprise large num- Fig. 15 A copper-alloy ring (reconstructed) from Richborough decorated bers of 4th century silver coins known as the siliquae. The with a quadruped looking at a wheel motif. edges of these coins are often clipped to reduce them in size or weight. This is a phenomenon largely restricted to Britain, although a small number of clipped siliquae are known from southern Gaul and southern Scandinavia (Berdeaux- Le Brazidec/Hollard 2oo8; Rau 2o12). Quite why these coins were clipped remains uncertain, but the general consensus would place the clipping sometime after the usurpation of Constantine III and before the deposition of the Patching hoard, Sussex (United Kingdom) (c. AD 4o7–475) (Abdy 2o12; Bland et al. 2o12). Of the five hoards containing Brancaster rings the earli- est is a poorly-recorded antiquarian find from Wantage (Akerman 187o). This silver ring was found with coins described as »from Julianus II downwards«. This unclear description merely established the reign of Julian the Apos- tate as a terminus post quem (AD 361–363). The three silver Amesbury rings are another antiquarian find, discovered in a pottery vessel with an unknown number of silver and bronze coins (Ouvry 1859). These coins are described as dat- ing from the reigns of »Postumus to Theodosius II«. Coins as late as the reign of Theodosius II (AD 4o8–45o) are extremely rare in Britain and the identification is likely to be an error for Theodosius I (AD 379–395). There are also two silver
1 cm rings from South Ferriby, Lincolnshire (O’Neil 1935), and Whorlton, North Yorkshire (both United Kingdom) (Burnett Fig 16 The silver ring from Wiltshire decorated with a wyrm devouring 1979), which were associated with clipped siliquae of Hono- a hare. rius and Arcadius. A 5th century date of deposition seems appropriate for these rings. Finally, the gold ring from Great Chronology Stanmore, Harrow (United Kingdom) was found with a number of other precious objects. These included 4o gold In art-historical terms the Brancaster type rings are clearly a solidi, the latest of which was an issue of Constantine III (AD late Roman form (Henkel 1913, No. 98–99). The marriage or 4o7–411) (Gough 18o6, 1o8 pl. 12o). betrothal rings are clear members of a widely distributed The iconography also provides some clues as to the chro- Late Antique ring form that culminates in the well-known nology of these rings. One of the Fifehead Neville rings was series of Byzantine marriage rings (Vikan 1987, 33–39). The decorated with a Rho Cross. This form of the Christogram dating of the ring form can, however, be refined by a consi- was in use from the mid 4th century but was probably not in deration of the known findspots, associations between diffe- common usage in Britain until after AD 388, when the Rho rent artefact types (especially coins), and iconographic con- Cross appeared on bronze coins (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, 23o). siderations. Stylistically, a silver ring from South Norfolk inscribed VTI Only three Brancaster rings have been recovered from FELIX (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 27) bears close comparison archaeological excavations and close dating of these rings with a Merovingian ring from Poitiers, Vienne dép. (France), has not always been possible. The two rings from Fifehead inscribed with the monogram IANE/OVT (Dalton 1912, No.
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147). Another Merovingian silver ring from tomb 154 at The wearing of a signet ring advertised the wearer’s social Nimy, prov. de Hainaut (Belgium), has a slightly raised rec- and economic status. The precious metal used to manufac- tangular bezel decorated with a design interpreted as an ture the ring was a visual indicator of the wealth of the extremely moustachioed face (Hadjadj 2oo7, No. 413). Paral- wearer. The design engraved upon the bezel further indi- lels have been drawn between this ring and the rendering of cated the wearer’s religious or ideological beliefs. Finally, the faces on the gold bees from Childeric’s grave. In stylistic the very act of making an impression on wax may have indi- terms the Nimy ring is further from the Brancaster type cated (or implied) the wearer’s need to secure documents than the ring from Poitiers. Nevertheless, the raised bezel and valuables. Thus the ring became a physical embodiment and the design, recalling the opposed abstract compositions of the wearer’s social position. on some of the Brancaster rings, suggests it deserves consid- Late Roman society was both hierarchical and unequal eration here. Finally, we may consider the ring from North (Demandt 1989, 5o5; Alföldy 2o11, 3o6–319). At the pinnacle Dorset with its two opposed figures, in a very early medieval sat the emperor and his court. This position and the stability looking style (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, No. 17). of this court relied almost entirely upon military power and In summary, the independent dating evidence for the the loyalty of the soldiers. This helped to create an over-arch- Brancaster rings is rather poor. They are clearly a late Roman ing military ideology, in which the emperor was intimately form, and what dating evidence does exist suggests that they associated in art and literature with military prowess and were in use during the late 4th and early 5th centuries, with victory (McCormick 1986; Sivonen 2oo6, 115–117). The several being deposited in what are probably early to mid bond – real, imagined, and created – between the army 5th century silver hoards. Stylistics connections reinforce and the ruler was exhibited most overtly at the elevation this dating from the end of the 4th century until the middle of the emperor to the imperial throne and on the anniver- of the 5th century (Gerrard/Henig 2o16). saries of his accession (Hebblewhite 2o17, 14o–159). In frontier regions, such as Britain and along the Rhine-Dan- ube, militarised limes societies developed in which par- Wearing Brancaster rings: power and people during ticular militarised notions of masculinity became impor- the end of Roman Britain tant (Halsall 2oo7). The remainder of the provincial population can probably Late Antiquity was an age of ostentation and the wearing of be described as »civilian«. Nevertheless, this group was far gold and silver finger-rings was an element of this overt from homogenous. In late Roman law civilians were divided personal elite display. The individual who wore the Vyne into two classes: the honestiores (the »honourable men«) and Ring was wearing more than two solidi of gold on their the humiliores (the »humble men«). As the name suggests, finger. The Christian finger-rings from Suffolk and Essex the humiliores were the lower orders of society, subject to weighed the equivalent of six and two solidi respectively physical punishment in law, but even this social class con- (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, Tab. 1). In terms of monetary value tained significant hierarchies and social stratification. For alone the precious metals from which the majority of the honestiores, gradations of status were important and for- these rings were made identified their wearers as wealthy malised for the senatorial order by grading individuals as vir individuals. perfectissimus, vir clarissimus, vir spectabilis, and vir illus- The rings were also overt symbols of their wearer’s pre- tris (Jones 1964, 528–529; Näf 1995, 2o–21; Mathisen 2oo1). tensions to literacy and education. The engraved bezels are, What bound these elites together was a civilian identity in many cases, clearly intended to produce an impression on based on a body of individuals sharing and belonging to a wax. Various symbols, devices, and texts are reversed so common culture, heritage, and value system (Wickham that they would be orientated the correct way in impression. 2oo5, 157; Halsall 2oo7, 66–67). This commitment to paideia Even rings where the texts are not reversed may have served (shared elite culture, educations, and values) was explicitly as signet rings. It was not always necessary to read the advertised and displayed through domestic (villa) architec- impression. Instead, it was important to recognise the ture, dress and, critically, personal adornments, such as fin- design as that of an individual and to be assured that the ger-rings. seal was unbroken (Gerrard/Henig 2o16, 236). In Britain the end of the Roman period can be character- If the Brancaster type rings did serve as signet rings then ised as the collapse of the civilian ideology of paideia and they were at least in part intended to seal documents. If this the widespread adoption of a masculine martial ideology were the case then their wearers were displaying their abil- across much of lowland England (for instance Gerrard 2o13). ity to both write and secure documents (Garipizanov 2o15, Traditionally, this was seen as a consequence of the migra- 5–9). This alone, in a society where the majority of the popu- tion of barbarian groups from what is now northern Ger- lation were illiterate, set the wearer apart as an educated many and southern Scandinavia. Current scholarship would individual (Brown 2o12, 275–277). emphasise a more nuanced understanding of this process, Seals were not only used to secure letters. There is good which would include room for both migration, but also other evidence that wax seals (protected by so-called seal boxes) processes that transformed identities during the 5th century were applied to cords that secured bags of money (Andrews AD (Hills 2oo3; Halsall 2oo7). It is, I think, to this complex 2o12, 1o8). Ancient texts also tell us that a wax seal could be period from the late 4th to the middle of the 5th century that applied to furniture (Clem. Al. Paid. 3,11; Corby Finney the Brancaster rings fit. 1987). This was a way of stopping slaves and servants pilfer- The designs of the rings arguably symbolised their wear- ing the contents of cupboards and the like. er’s subscription to these shifting ideological perspectives.
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There are rings that demonstrate both education and learn- Roman period in Britain. These rings demonstrate the ing, rings with explicit religious messages, and rings that wealth and also the power, position, and occasionally beliefs seem to reference the emperor and martial qualities. There of the wearer. They come from a time when the long-estab- are also rings that seem to bear what can be interpreted as lished certainties that underpinned Roman provincial soci- the personal symbolic devices of individuals or families. ety were under stress, as the Western Roman Empire under- Thus the Brancaster rings are one material-cultural manifes- went its final transformation to emerge as early medieval tation of elite social status and position at the end of the Europe.
Bibliography
Abdy 2o12 the British Museum: early Christian, Byzan- Münchner Beitr. Vor- u. Frühgesch. 15 R. Abdy, The Patching Hoard. In: F. Hunter/ tine, Teutonic, Medieval and later bequeathed (München 1973). K. Painter (eds.), Late Roman Silver and the by Sir Augustus Woolaston Franks KCB Mathisen 2oo1 End of Empire: the Traprain Treasure in con- (London 1912). R. Mathisen, Imperial honorifics and senato- text (Edinburgh 2o12) 1o7–115. Demandt 1989 rial status in late Roman legal documents. In: Akerman 187o A. Demandt, Die Spätantike –Römische R. Mathisen (ed.), Law, Society and Authority J. Akerman, Silver ring from Wantage. Proc. Geschichte von Diokletian bis Justinian in Late Antiquity (Oxford 2oo1) 179–2o7. Soc. Ant. London 4, 187o, 38. 285–565 n. Chr. (München 1989). McCormick 1986 Alföldi 1932 Forest-Hill 2o13 M. McCormick, Eternal Victory: triumphal A. Alföldi, The helmet of Constantine I with L. Forest-Hill, Tolkien, Lydney and the Vyne. rulership in Late Antiquity (Cambridge Christian monogram. Journal Roman Stud. Unpubl. manuscript (2o13)
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tion of the prehistoric, Roman and post- Wickham 2oo5 Roman site in Lydney Park, Gloucestershire C. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle (London 1932). Ages (Oxford 2oo5).
Source of figures
1 © National Trust Images/Andreas 8 Bristol City Council, PAS GLO- 15 C. Davies, Pre-Construct Archaeol- von Einsiedel 3oDC46, CC-by-sa-4.o,
Address
Dr James Gerrard Senior Lecturer in Roman Archaeology School of History, Classics, and Archaeology Armstrong Building Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU United Kingdom [email protected]
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Bislang erschienene Bände in der Reihe »Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle«
Die Reihe der Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums wurde nationaler Autorinnen und Autoren entsprechend, erschei- 2oo8 ins Leben gerufen. Anlass dazu war die Konferenz nen viele Beiträge dieser Reihe in englischer Sprache mit »Luthers Lebenswelten«, die im Jahr 2oo7 in Halle ausge- deutscher Zusammenfassung. richtet wurde. Bereits der zweite Tagungsband widmete sich Mit dem bislang zuletzt erschienenen Tagungsband mit dem Thema »Schlachtfeldarchäologie« dem Mitteldeut- konnten die Vorträge des 11. Mitteldeutschen Archäologen- schen Archäologentag, der seit 2oo8 jährlich von Landesamt tags »Siedlungsarchäologie des Endneolithikums und der für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt veran- frühen Bronzezeit« in zahlreichen Artikeln renommierter staltet und zeitnah publiziert wird. Dem großen Anteil inter- Forscher verschiedenster Fachdisziplinen vorgelegt werden.
Band 1/2oo8 Harald Meller/StefanRhein/ Band 7/2o12 Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Hans-Georg Stephan (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa II. Luthers Lebenswelten. Internationale Tagung vom 19. bis 21. November Tagung vom 25. bis 27. September 2oo7 in Halle 2o1o in Halle (Saale). (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-9o-2, € 32,oo ISBN 978-3-939414-22-3, € 39,oo Band 8/2o12 François Bertemes/Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Band 2/2oo9 Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Neolithische Kreisgabenanlagen in Europa. Schlachtfeldarchäologie. Battlefield Archaeology. Neolithic Circular Enclosures in Europe. 1. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom Internationale Arbeitstagung 7. bis 9. Mai 2oo4 o9. bis 11. Oktober 2oo8 in Halle (Saale). in Goseck (Sachsen-Anhalt). ISBN 978-3-939414-41-4, € 35,oo ISBN 978-3-939414-33-9, € 59,oo
Band 3/2o1o Harald Meller/Kurt W. Alt (Hrsg.), Band 9/2o13 Harald Meller/Francois Bertemes/ Anthropologie, Isotopie und DNA – Hans-Rudolf Bork/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), biografische Annäherung an namenlose vorge- 16oo – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des schichtliche Skelette? Thera-Ausbruchs? 16oo – Cultural change in the 2. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom shadow of the Thera-Eruption? o8. bis 1o. Oktober 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). 4. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom ISBN 978-3-939414-53-7, € 29,oo 14. bis 16. Oktober 2o11 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-oo-2, € 69,oo Band 4/2o1o Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa I. Band 1o/2o13 Harald Meller/Christian-Heinrich Internationale Tagung vom 2o. bis 22. November Wunderlich/Franziska Knoll (Hrsg.), 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). Rot – die Archäologie bekennt Farbe. ISBN 978-3-939414-54-4, € 32,oo 5. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o4. bis o6. Oktober 2o12 in Halle (Saale). Band 5/2o11 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.), ISBN 978-3-9445o7-o1-9, € 49,oo Der Griff nach den Sternen. Wie Europas Eliten zu Macht und Reichtum kamen. Band 11/2o14 Harald Meller/Roberto Risch/ Internationales Symposium in Halle (Saale) Ernst Pernicka (Hrsg.), 16.–21. Februar 2oo5 (2 Bände). Me talle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber. ISBN 978-3-939414-28-5, € 128,oo Metals of power – Early gold and silber. 6. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 17. bis Band 6/2o11 Hans-Rudolf Bork/Harald Meller/ 19. Oktober 2o13 in Halle (Saale). Renate Gerlach (Hrsg.), ISBN 978-3-9445o7-13-2, € 119,oo Umweltarchäologie – Naturkatastrophen und Umweltwandel im archäologischen Befund. Band 12/2o15 Harald Meller/Helge Wolfgang Arz/ 3. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom Reinhard Jung/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), o7. bis o9. Oktober 2o1o in Halle (Saale). 22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den ISBN 978-3-939414-64-3, € 32,oo Zerfall der Alten Welt?
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22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for Band 18/2o18 Harald Meller/Detlef Groneborn/ the collapse of the old world? Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), 7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis Überschuss ohne Staat. Politische Formen in der 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale). Vorgeschichte. Surplus without the State. Political ISBN 978-3-9445o7-29-3, ¤ 1o9,oo Forms in Prehistory. 1o. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 19. bis Band 13/2o16 Judith M. Grünberg/Bernhard Gramsch/ 21. Oktober 2o17 in Halle (Saale). Lars Larsson/Jörg Orschiedt/Harald Meller (Hrsg.), ISBN 978-3-9445o7-83-5, ¤ 69,oo Mesolithic burials – Rites, symbols and social organisation of early postglacial communities. Band 19/2o19 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.), Mesolithische Bestattungen – Riten, Symbole und Der Aufbruch zu neuen Horizonten. Die Funde soziale Organisation früher postglazialer Gemein- von Nebra, Sachsen-Anhalt, und ihre Bedeutung schaften. International Conference Halle (Saale), für die Bronzezeit Europas. 18th–21st September 2o13. Abschlusstagung der Forschergruppe FOR55o ISBN 978-3-9445o7-43-9, ¤ 81,oo vom 26. bis 29. November 2o1o in Halle (Saale). (in Vorb.) Band 14/2o16 Harald Meller/Hans Peter Hahn/ Reinhard Jung/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), Band 2o/2o19 Harald Meller/Susanne Friederich/ Arm und Reich – Zur Ressourcenverteilung in Mario Küßner/Harald Stäuble/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), prähistorischen Gesellschaften. Rich and Poor – Siedlungsarchäologie des Endneolithikums und Competing for resources in prehistoric societies. der frühen Bronzezeit. Late Neolithic and Early 8. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 22. bis Bronze Age Settlement Archaeology. 24. Oktober 2o15 in Halle (Saale). 11. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 18. bis ISBN 978-3-9445o7-45-3, ¤ 89,oo 2o. Oktober 2o18 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-94-1, € 149,oo Band 15/2o16 Harald Meller/Alfred Reichenberger/ Christian-Heinrich Wunderlich (Hrsg.), Alchemie und Wissenschaft des 16. Jahrhunderts. Fallstudien aus Wittenberg und vergleichbare Befunde. Internationale Tagung vom 3. bis 4. Juli 2o15 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-48-4, ¤ 49,oo
Band 16/2o17 Harald Meller/Susanne Friederich (Hrsg.), Salzmünde – Regel oder Ausnahme? Salzmünde – rule or exception? Internationale Tagung vom 18. bis 2o. Oktober 2o12 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-11-8, ¤ 75,oo
Band 17/2o17 Harald Meller/Falko Daim/Johannes Krause/ Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), Migration und Integration von der Urgeschichte bis zum Mittelalter. Migration and Integration from Prehistory to the Middle Ages. 9. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 2o. bis 22. Oktober 2o16 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-61-3, ¤ 49,oo
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