Moroccan Society Under King Muhammad VI by Michael M

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Moroccan Society Under King Muhammad VI by Michael M A Difficult Inheritance: Moroccan Society under King Muhammad VI By Michael M. Laskier* This article addresses King Hasan II's legacy and the central problems facing his son and successor, Muhammad VI. These problems include the need for reform in human rights and democracy, the Islamist challenge, the role of women, and the Berber awakening. While Morocco has begun making key reforms over the past decade to better deal with these issues, in practice, even many of these reforms have been entirely stalled or only been partially implemented. On July 23, 1999, Hasan II died after DEMOCRATIZATION, HUMAN thirty-eight years as King of Morocco. In RIGHTS, AND FIGHTING the final years under his tenure, the CORRUPTION country underwent some reforms, and the Despite the proliferation of political accession of his son, Muhammad VI, parties that predate national added momentum to this process. independence, and since 1988, the Morocco, however, faces key challenges. founding of non-governmental (NGO) The population is expanding, from 10 human rights organizations, trends million in 1956 to 31 million in 2003, at toward genuine democracy in Morocco an annual growth rate of 2.1 percent--this, were of negligible importance before the despite its high infant mortality rate of 57 late 1990s. Human rights violations on per thousand. As a result, the country the part of the monarchy and the suffers from water scarcity and governments subordinate to it abounded, unemployment has reached 20 percent, while corrupt bureaucratic practices went according to official figures. The real unchecked. True, the 1996 Constitution figure, however, may be much higher, provided for a parliament and an and this percentage is increasing by 7 independent judiciary. However, under percent annually. In addition, there are the leadership of King Hasan II, as well major problems with accessing education, as under the current leadership, much of particularly in rural areas.(1) the political power within the country This article highlights four challenges rests with the palace. confronting the kingdom: 1) King Muhammad VI continues to democratization, human rights, and the preside over the Council of Ministers (the fight against corruption; 2) Islamist governing cabinet), appoints key radicalism capitalizing on the malaise members of the government, and may, at affecting Moroccan society; 3) the status his discretion, terminate the tenure of any of women; 4) Berber cultural and minister. He is invested with the authority linguistic awakening. to dissolve the parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. Since 1996, the bicameral legislature consists of a Lower House, elected every five years Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 7, No. 3 (September 2003) 1 Michael M. Laskier through universal suffrage and an upper October 2002 encouraged sweeping "Chamber of Counselors," whose reforms, including completely free members are elected by various regional, elections and the "closing of the books" local, and professional councils.(2) on Morocco's dark human rights past. In In March 1998, Hasan II named a November 1998, the government coalition government headed by announced measures to ensure wider opposition Socialist leader Abd al- human rights activism, including training Rahman Yussufi, composed largely of teachers and developing curricula to ministers drawn from the Union promote human rights in elementary Socialiste des Forces Populaires (USFP) schools.(5) and the nationalist Istiqlal party. This was Human rights and democratic reforms the first time since 1960 that the were inextricably linked when the matter monarchy entrusted authority to the of the forced disappearance of the opposition parties in forming a monarchy’s political opponents came up government. It came in the wake of the before and following Hasan II's death. November 1997 legislative elections as a Since 1998, the Yussufi government had confidence-building measure by King pledged to ensure that such policies Hasan toward increased democratization: would not reoccur and to disclose as a clear signal to these leading parties of much information as possible on past his intent for political unity and cases. Many of those who disappeared coexistence in order to grapple with the were members of the military implicated nation's chronically neglected domestic in attempts to overthrow the government problems. Some could argue that Hasan and monarchy in 1971-1972. Others considered reforms necessary to save the were inhabitants of the Western Sahara monarchy, especially once he would be occupied by Morocco in the 1970s, as gone and his inexperienced successor well as Moroccans who supported their would need to cope with the changes. In territorial claims. Most of those who line with this thinking, one might add that disappeared were held in secret prison the monarch preferred to involve the camps, notably the infamous Tazmamart opposition in this experience so that, in prison colony, while others were killed. case of failure, all sides would share the In the final two years of Hasan's blame.(3) tenure, the Yussufi government was A veteran Moroccan nationalist, Prime already allowed to free many detainees; Minister Yussufi served at one time as however, the most important gestures the editor of al-Tahrir, the daily came under Muhammad VI, who newspaper of the Union Nationale des facilitated the release of thousands of Forces Populaires (UNFP), the group prisoners between the end of 1999 and from which arose the USFP in 1975. He 2003. Simultaneously, leading exiled had been imprisoned in December 1959 political opponents or their families were for allegedly taking part in a plot against granted permission to return to Morocco, then Crown Prince Hasan. In the 1970s, such as the Marxist activist Abraham Yussufi was sentenced to death in Serfaty and the family of the late Mehdi absentia but received a royal pardon in Ben Barka, an opponent of King Hasan 1980. At King Hasan II’s urging, the killed by the Moroccan secret service in Yussufi government declared its Paris during the 1960s. At the same time, intentions to modernize the nation's hundreds of Moroccan families continued administrative and judicial structures, and to be deprived of information about to liberalize the economic and political missing relatives by the regime.(6) systems.(4) Violations of democratic principles, Unlike in previous governments, the especially freedom of expression and Yussufi cabinet of March 1998 to press, began under King Muhammad V 2 Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 7, No. 3 (September 2003) A Difficult Inheritance: Moroccan Society under King Muhammad VI between 1956 and 1961, and extended damage Morocco’s prospects for foreign into the era of Hasan II and Muhammad trade and investment.(9) VI. In theory at least, the 1996 Within months of Le Journal re- Constitution provides for freedom of opening (under the name Le Journal expression. Further, in the past two Hebdomadaire), its troubles reemerged decades the regime has tolerated the when two of its officials were sentenced publication and dissemination of a vast to short prison terms and heavy fines for array of newspapers and journals in defamation by then Foreign Minister French and Arabic belonging to both Muhammad Benaissa. The minister cited political parties and politically articles accusing him of corruption and independent organizations. Nonetheless, squandering public funds in real estate the Palace and the government restrict transactions while serving as Morocco's press freedom in certain areas. A 1958 ambassador to the United States. On decree, still in effect, authorizes the November 21, 2001, Ali Mrabet, editor of government to register and license Demain, received a four-month jail domestic newspapers and journals. The sentence and a fine for "disseminating authorities can thus use licensing to false information likely to disturb the prohibit the publication of data that they public peace."(10) claim crosses the threshold of tolerable The growing chorus of protests dissent.(7) pertaining to violations of democratic A good example of this can be found principles and corruption included in the sanctions adopted against international and local human rights newspapers that delved into sensitive groups. In the late 1980s and the 1990s, dossiers about past political opponents of NGO’s had urged Hasan II to enhance the Palace. This proved to be very costly liberties and lay the groundwork for a to three popular publications: the French- modern civil society. For instance, they language Le Journal, its Arabic sister pointed out that the parliamentary publication al-Sahifa, and Demain. In elections of November 1997 were not December 2000, Yussufi banned the three completely honest. They failed, however, weeklies for publishing and commenting to muster sufficient support to call for on a letter dating from the early 1970s new elections.(11) which implicated Moroccan socialist Despite the existence of many politicians, including Yussufi himself, in human rights groups, the authorities only an abortive 1972 coup against King recognized three multi-issue Hasan II. The restrictions were enforced organizations: the Organisation despite Muhammad VI's pledge to Marocaine des Droits de l'Homme eliminate all forms of press censorship. (OMDH), the League Marocaine de Justifying the ban, Minister of Culture Défense des Droits de l'Homme and Communication Muhammad Achaari (LMDH), and the Comité de la Défense argued that the newspapers had
Recommended publications
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
    HOW AN ISLAMIC SOLUTION BECAME AN ISLAMIST PROBLEM: EDUCATION, AUTHORITARIANISM AND THE POLITICS OF OPPOSITION IN MOROCCO By ANN MARIE WAINSCOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013 1 © 2013 Ann Marie Wainscott 2 To Tom and Mary Wainscott 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is hubris to try to acknowledge everyone who contributed to a project of this magnitude; I’m going to try anyway. But first, another sort of acknowledgement is necessary. The parsimonious theories and neat typologies I was taught in graduate school in no way prepared me to understand the tremendous sacrifices and risks of physical and psychological violence that individuals take in authoritarian contexts to participate as members of the political opposition; that is something one learns in the field. I’d like to begin the dissertation by acknowledging my deep respect for those activists, regardless of political persuasion, whose phone calls are recorded and monitored, who are followed every time they leave their homes, who risk their lives and the lives of those they love on behalf of their ideals. For those who have “disappeared,” for those who have endured torture, sometimes for years or decades, for those who are presently in detention, for those whose bodies are dissolved in acid, buried at sea or in mass graves, I acknowledge your sacrifice. I know some of your stories. Although most of my colleagues, interlocutors and friends in Morocco must go unnamed, they ought not go unacknowledged.
    [Show full text]
  • The Question of 'Race' in the Pre-Colonial Southern Sahara
    The Question of ‘Race’ in the Pre-colonial Southern Sahara BRUCE S. HALL One of the principle issues that divide people in the southern margins of the Sahara Desert is the issue of ‘race.’ Each of the countries that share this region, from Mauritania to Sudan, has experienced civil violence with racial overtones since achieving independence from colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. Today’s crisis in Western Sudan is only the latest example. However, very little academic attention has been paid to the issue of ‘race’ in the region, in large part because southern Saharan racial discourses do not correspond directly to the idea of ‘race’ in the West. For the outsider, local racial distinctions are often difficult to discern because somatic difference is not the only, and certainly not the most important, basis for racial identities. In this article, I focus on the development of pre-colonial ideas about ‘race’ in the Hodh, Azawad, and Niger Bend, which today are in Northern Mali and Western Mauritania. The article examines the evolving relationship between North and West Africans along this Sahelian borderland using the writings of Arab travellers, local chroniclers, as well as several specific documents that address the issue of the legitimacy of enslavement of different West African groups. Using primarily the Arabic writings of the Kunta, a politically ascendant Arab group in the area, the paper explores the extent to which discourses of ‘race’ served growing nomadic power. My argument is that during the nineteenth century, honorable lineages and genealogies came to play an increasingly important role as ideological buttresses to struggles for power amongst nomadic groups and in legitimising domination over sedentary communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco 2014: the Return of Authoritarianism
    Geographical Overview | Maghreb Panorama Morocco 2014: The Return of Authoritarianism Maâti Monjib (PJD) heading the coalition seems to have definitively Professor come to terms with royal hegemony over the execu- Mohammed V University, Rabat tive branch. It thus relinquished a democratic inter- pretation of the 2011 Constitution granting the exec- utive branch substantial powers while turning various Geographical Overview | Maghreb Geographical Overview 2014 was the third year of the Benkirane administra- royal powers – formerly discretionary – into limited tion. The cabinet led by him resulted from the early powers. After this reshuffle, control over key minis- elections brought on by the 20 February Movement tries such as those of the Interior, Foreign Affairs and protests (the Moroccan version of the so-called Education by palace officials has made the little pow- ‘Arab’ Spring) occurring over the course of 2011. er held by the Prime Minister dwindle even more. This is the first time in Moroccan history that an Isla- This return to pre-2011 monarchic authoritarianism mist party independent from the monarchy is head- has been accompanied by an increase in the weight ing the government. In any case, Benkirane, a mod- of security agencies in decision-making processes. erate conservative leader, only managed to stay at This is implicitly justified by the real threats to the the head of the coalition government during the sec- country by extremist groups, whether loyal to Daesh 176 ond half of 2013 by making significant political con- or al-Qaeda. Some two thousand Moroccans, a cessions to the pre-Arab Spring establishment, par- large part of them bearing European passports, are ticularly insofar as sharing power with the royal participating in the combats in Syria, Iraq and other palace camp.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Report MOROCCO
    Country report MOROCCO Summary Morocco’s stable growth and banking sector, despite the global crisis, mark the county’s present relatively sound economic state. Although Morocco suffered from lower inflows of remittances, less tourism and reduced textile exports related to contracting European markets, expansionary economic policies were feeding domestic demand and almost fully compensated for these external demand reductions. Growth reached over 5% in 2009. Unemployment, already high among younger Moroccans, remains an urgent issue as failure to reduce it may lead to social unrest. Morocco’s governance indicators are in line with most of its neighbouring countries, but clearly below the lowest west-European levels of Greece. Compared with its immediate peers, Morocco’s declining public debt at still 54% of GDP may be somewhat on the high side, but foreign debt is rather low at 20% of GDP. Foreign reserves are sufficient at 7 months of import value, indicating a favourable short term ability to pay. Economic policies and performance plus adequate political stability promise also favourable payment behaviour in the medium to longer term. Things to watch: • Growth in the European export markets • Prominence of currently minor militant Islamist groups Author: Leendert Colijn Country Risk Research Economic Research Department Rabobank Nederland Contact details: P.O.Box 17100, 3500 HG Utrecht, The Netherlands +31-(0)30-21-67063 [email protected] June 2010 Rabobank Economic Research Department Page: 1/7 Country report MOROCCO Morocco
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
    PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition.
    [Show full text]
  • N8 Qui Gère La Culture Dans Le Privé.Pdf
    conomiquement et socialement, le Maroc est mal classé à l’international, les relations qu’entretiennent les décideurs du privé avec les gardiens de la chose publique sont plutôt confuses, à croire qu’il n’y a pas assez de place pour accompagner, impulser et faciliter la dynamique créative qui se dessine. Nous l’avons testé dans le domaine (en éclosion) de la culture1, les conditions d’entrée sur le marché et de sortie demeurent inhibantes et parfois dissuasives, constituant un frein à la volonté, réelle et sous-jacente, des individus de créer de la valeur, matérielle et immatérielle. E Comme à l’accoutumée, La Revue Economia offre, en une livraison, un balayage des champs, social et économique. DIT Il en ressort quelques incohérences assez troublantes. Côté orientations, on note une faible adéquation entre politique économique et budget de l’Etat (2010), avec une incidence paradoxalement mitigée sur les classes moyennes (lire p 15). Côté réajustement des politiques, il s’avère que les indicateurs de classement sociaux O (ex. : IDH) et économiques (ex. : Doing Business) devant HYMNE À LA servir de détecteurs de zones de turbulences, donnent PLURALITÉ lieu, plus à une volonté de domestiquer les critères ET A LA STIMULATION internationaux d’évaluation, qu’à une redéfinition studieuse des politiques domestiques de développement (lire p.30). En regardant à quoi ressemblent les relations Par Driss KSIKES entre chefs d’entreprises et pouvoirs publics, il en ressort davantage une volonté de l’Etat de privatiser certaines de ses fonctions cardinales (ex. : la stratégie) qu’une valoriation institutionnelle de l’acteur privé.
    [Show full text]
  • A Framework for Cultural Heritage Digital Libraries
    2010 Heather Lea Moulaison ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A FRAMEWORK FOR CULTURAL HERITAGE DIGITAL LIBRARIES IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD: ACCESS TO NON-TEXTUAL INFORMATION FOR NON-LITERATE PEOPLE IN MOROCCO By HEATHER LEA MOULAISON A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Communication, Information and Library Studies written under the direction of Michael E. Lesk, Ph.D. and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey January, 2010 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION A Framework for Cultural Heritage Digital Libraries in the Developing World: Access to Non-Textual Information for Non-Literate People in Morocco By HEATHER LEA MOULAISON Dissertation Director: Michael E. Lesk The purpose of this study is to investigate the role that Digital Libraries (DLs) can play in the transmission of information for non-literate people in the developing world. People from oral cultures are well-positioned to exploit DLs as a way of accessing audio- visual (A/V) documents if the DL is properly adapted. Cultural heritage documents created by researchers during fieldwork may be audio, video, or images that can be sources of national pride for non-literate citizens; these documents could be stored in a cultural heritage DL (CHDL) for online access by non-literate citizens. The primary methodology employed in this study is a review of relevant literature. National culture and universal usability contribute to cultural usability, the human aspects of DL use being explored. Machine aspects of DLs are investigated within the Library and Information Science (LIS) framework, with an emphasis on theories of organization of information and information retrieval, and a complementary discussion of the read/write Web.
    [Show full text]
  • Marruecos Reino De Marruecos
    OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Marruecos Reino de Marruecos La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comuni- cación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios no oficiales. La presente ficha país no defiende posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. JUNIO 2013 5. Gran Casablanca Marruecos 6. Guelmim-Es Smara 7. El Aaiún-Bojador-Sakia el Hamra 8. Marrakech-Tensift-Al Haouz 9. Mequinez-Tafilalet ESPAÑA 10. Oriental Tanger 11. Ued Ed-Dahab-Lagouira 12. Rabat-Salé-Zemmur-Zaër 13. Suss-Massa-Drâa Océano Atlántico 14. Tadla-Azilal Rabat 15. Tánger-Tetuán 16. Taza-Alhucemas-Taunat 1.2. Geografía Marrakech El Reino de Marruecos está situado en el extremo noroeste del continente afri- cano. Está bordeado por el Mar Mediterráneo al norte y el Océano Atlántico al oeste. El desierto del Sahara se extiende por gran parte del sur y del este de ARGELIA Marruecos. Tanto su litoral marítimo como el desierto y el macizo montañoso del Atlas marcan su configuración geográfica más determinante y su clima. Éste es mediterráneo en el norte, en la zona septentrional aledaña al macizo SAHARA OCCIDENTAL del Rif (derivación de la cordillera del Atlas); oceánico al oeste; subtropical en © Ocina de Información Diplomática. 2012 la zona sur cercana al Océano; continental en la zona central del Anti-Atlas; de Aviso: Las fronteras trazadas no son necesariamente las reconocidas ocialmente.
    [Show full text]
  • 2Ème Trimestre 2014 1 SOMMAIRESOMMAIRE
    N° 37 - 2e Trimestre 2014 N° 37 - 2e Trimestre Le magazine de la Fédération de l’Énergie Efficacité Energétique dans l’Industrie Objectifs et mesures recommandés 4e édition de Hommage à Hydrocarbures et mines « POWER DAY » Moulay Abdallah ALAOUI 5 MMDH d’investissement Energie & Stratégie 2ème trimestre 2014 1 SOMMAIRESOMMAIRE Page - 6 Page - 7 5 Editorial 6-10 Evénement Page - 12 Page - 26 11-23 Actualité nationale 24-28 Actualité internationale 29-32 Focus 33-35 Spécial Page - 34 36-49 Dossier 50-57 Opérateurs & Associés 58-59 Activités de la Fédération de l’Energie 60-62 Analyse Page - 37 Directeur de publication : Mohamed FETTAH Comité scientifique : Rachid IDRISSI KAITOUNI, Ahmed NAKKOUCH, Moulay Abdelaziz TAHIRI et Said MOULINE 2 Energie & Stratégie 2ème trimestre 2014 Energie & Stratégie 2ème trimestre 2014 3 EDITORIAL EDITO Par Mohamed FETTAH Président de la Fédération de l’Energie Dynamique exceptionnelle Le Maroc vit actuellement une dynamique à la fois exception- « Noor » à Ouarzazate constitue une étape cruciale dans la nelle et prometteuse en matière d’énergie. L’exploration pétro- mise en œuvre du Plan solaire marocain. Ce Complexe solaire, lière est passée à la vitesse supérieure et l’engouement des qui devra atteindre à terme une capacité de production globale compagnies pétrolières et gazières, portées par des indices de 500 MW, illustre la volonté Royale d’optimiser l’exploitation pour le moins encourageants, en dit long sur les potentialités des ressources naturelles du Maroc, de protéger son environ- du Royaume, devenu très attractif sur ce plan. L’allure ascen- nement ou encore d’assurer l’avenir des générations futures.
    [Show full text]
  • MOROCCO © 2019 African Development Bank Group All Rights Reserved
    COUNTRY RESULTS BRIEF 2019 MOROCCO © 2019 African Development Bank Group All rights reserved. Published November 2018 African Development Bank Group COUNTRY RESULTS BRIEF 2019 – Morocco The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the African Development Bank (the Bank), its Board of Governors, its Board of Directors or the governments they represent. The Bank and its Board of Directors do not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accept no responsibility for any consequence of their use. By making any designation of or reference to a particular territory or geographic area, or by using the term “country” in this document, The Bank does not intend to make any judgments as to the legal or other status of any territory or area. The Bank encourages printing or copying information exclusively for personal and non-commercial use with proper acknowledgment of AfDB. Users are restricted from reselling, redistributing, or creating derivative works for commercial purposes without the express, written consent of the Bank. Note: In this report, “$” refers to US dollars. African Development Bank Group Avenue Jean-Paul II 01 BP 1387 Abidjan 01, Côte d’Ivoire CONTENTS THE FIRST CLIENT OF THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 1 CROSS-CUTTING AND STRATEGIC AREAS 4 LIGHT UP AND POWER MORROCO 9 Coming out of energy dependence 9 Executive summary 1 Becoming a pioneer in the development of clean energies 10 Partnering to reach middle-income status by 2025 3 An innovative
    [Show full text]
  • About Early and Medieval African
    CK_4_TH_HG_P087_242.QXD 10/6/05 9:02 AM Page 146 IV. Early and Medieval African Kingdoms Teaching Idea Create an overhead of Instructional What Teachers Need to Know Master 21, The African Continent, and A. Geography of Africa use it to orient students to the physical Background features discussed in this section. Have them use the distance scale to Africa is the second-largest continent. Its shores are the Mediterranean compute distances, for example, the Sea on the north, the Atlantic Ocean to the west, the Red Sea and Indian Ocean length and width of the Sahara. to the east, and the Indian Ocean to the south. The area south of the Sahara is Students might be interested to learn often called sub-Saharan Africa and is the focus of Section C, “Medieval that the entire continental United Kingdoms of the Sudan,” (see pp. 149–152). States could fit inside the Sahara. Mediterranean Sea and Red Sea The Red Sea separates Africa from the Arabian Peninsula. Except for the small piece of land north of the Red Sea, Africa does not touch any other land- Name Date mass. Beginning in 1859, a French company dug the Suez Canal through this nar- The African Continent row strip of Egypt between the Mediterranean and the Red Seas. The new route, Study the map. Use it to answer the questions below. completed in 1869, cut 4,000 miles off the trip from western Europe to India. Atlantic and Indian Oceans The Atlantic Ocean borders the African continent on the west. The first explorations by Europeans trying to find a sea route to Asia were along the Atlantic coast of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism
    Working Paper Parliamentary Agenda Priorities and Responsiveness Under Authoritarianism Marwa Shalaby, Ph.D. Fellow for the Middle East and Director, Women’s Rights in the Middle East, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy Abdullah Aydogan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy © 2016 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. Abstract Former studies have focused on issue prioritization in parliaments and compared the priorities of both political elites and citizens to measure their level of responsiveness to the general public. To date, this topic was examined in more than twenty countries, which are exclusively democratic systems. This paper aims to contribute to the comparative agendas’ politics literature by testing issue-congruency under competitive authoritarian regimes. Analyzing more than 10,000 legislative texts, mainly parliamentary draft bills and questions, and matching them with public opinion data on citizen priorities in Morocco, we found a substantial level of issue congruence between the priorities of the elites and citizens.
    [Show full text]