Chapter VII THE TRANSFORMATION OF A NATIONAL CULTURE: TOWARDS A TWO PARTY SYSTEM

In the early 1920'S Malta was more urbanized, less agricultural, rather more secular-minded than half-a-century earlier. There was a greater national and social consciousness, especially among industrial workers and lower grade employees. Economic policy began seriously to command the attention of politicians. Malta had better communications, more schools, was cleaner, and above all, felt reasonably free. Although certain topics of conversation and dispute were as familiar as the names of the party leaders, the grant of self-government marked a sense of achievement and naturally was accompanied by a determination to tackle the country's problems from a position of authority and responsibility. The theme of 'taxation without representation' could no longer apply: to that extent the often blind op­ position to taxes receded into the background. Similarly, the constant claims for constitutional reform had now been very largely met: to that extent the constitutional problem was solved. 'Religious' problems were almost non-existent: anticlericalism in nationalist politics had originated from criticism of the church hierarchy rather than from different religious views or beliefs - securalisation had affected attitudes to government rather than to religion - and the danger of proselytism was no longer presen t, now the government had control over activities by Protestant groups and churches. In 1921 (as in 1887) all parties were agreed that Roman Catholic­ ism should be Malta's established religion. But the earlier patriotic con­ sensus with regard to the Italian language did not exist: the language question, with its multifold connotations and repercussions, was still at the fore of public debate, just as a religious disposition continued to be central to the way of life. As the population doubled in half-a-century and educational facilities were extended and improved, the pro-English drive - first started by Savona and then pushed forward by Strickland began gradually to displace Italian from its well entrenched position. More significant in the long-term, perhaps, was Savona's introduction of the grammatical study of Maltese in government primary schools, partly for its own sake but also as a means whereby to anglicize. This move somewhat de-railed the italianitii creed

201 which had served Fortunato Mizzi's nationalists as the basis for asserting Malta's right to self-determination. In 192I (as in I880) electors were faced with a trilingual problem; but by now more than one-third of the population could read and there were about as many people who knew English as there were knowing I talian. The kinetic energy of anglicization at the mass level had been financial, 'practical', not educational or cultural. The utility of English had increased not only because of the availability of jobs with British employers, including the colonial regime itself, but also because of the movement of emigration away from the Mediterranean to English­ speaking countries Australia, Canada, the D.S.A. However, in view of past scholarship, family traditions and ideas about nationality, a proper Maltese education was barely possible without a knowledge of Italian. Italianita the idea of Malta as 'Italian-Mediterranean' rather than 'British-Imperial' still was at the heart of that secular patrimony which had aroused, inspired and guided the P.N.'s struggle for autonomy. Now that this constitutional ideal had finally been realised, the nationalists expected to make use of it. But whereas Fortunato had to uphold the Italian language-culture against a novel anglicization, Enrico would have to fight a rearguard action to try and rejuvinate the past. As a comparatively new and superimposed language, English in Malta did not have such roots as Italian had acquired throughout the centuries; but to a sizeable portion of the rising post-war generation Italian lacked the emotional or ideological commitment which at an earlier time, under different conditions, might have seemed natural and proper. As the electorate broadened, and Malta continued to be a vital part of the British empire, the appeal of italianita (so far as it was tied only or primarily to linguistic choices) was bound to decrease. Italy had sometimes served as a moral boost to the Maltese nation­ alist cause, but otherwise Britain provided jobs, prospects, security.

Braudel's theory of the donor says simply 'he who gives, dominates'. I There was then the problem of Maltese which, being truly the language of the people, could and did inspire a different nationalism - an 'objective' rather than a 'subjective' theory of nationality - thus leading to a curious conflict of nationalisms. As had always been recognized, Maltese was in­ dispensable as an aid to first instruction, but how far, if at all, was it worth­ while to study a language spoken only by a few hundred thousand people in a tiny island sixty miles away from a larger country whose language had long been the medium of education? So far only some avant-garde intel­ lectuais, particularly Oriental scholars, had been keen on the study of Maltese per se, although Savona's association of Maltese with nationhood in the I890S - developed later on by writers such as Emanuele Dimech, Giuseppe Muscat Azzopardi and Alfons Maria Galea - was already a pointer to what was to come. But the battle in the e

202 losing side, but still in the minds of many Maltese it was naturally linked to patria - Italian was 'us', English was 'them' and it was the 'pro-Italians', after all, who were elected to power in 1921, not Strickland, or Bartolo, or even Willie Savona: Giuseppe Muscat Azzopardi, who has been described as 'the father of Maltese literature', contested the 1921 election as a Panza­ vecchian nationalist. The love of Italian, which was paradoxically both accentuated and mummified by the movement against it ever since 1880, necessarily involved a certain regard for neighbouring Italy with all the customary associations of culture and religion, but it was not, on the whole, at all irredentist. Equally, however, by the 1920S, English was, rather like Italian, more than just another language: it was a symbol, an affinity, a gateway; and obviously it could be treated as much as a carrier of culture and education as Italian in fact the 1921 constitution recognized English and Italian as 'equal languages of culture'. To the Stricklandian imperialist, who believed Malta's fortunes to be closely and for ever linked to the British empire, English became what Italian was to the Mizzian-Panzavecchian nationalist: the measure and quantity of what was good, superior and worth promoting. The pro-Italian and pro-English standpoints became therefore a conflict as to what really constituted the 'national' or the 'public' interest: to a lesser or greater extent, both implied a practical as well as an ideal fulfilment. The pari passu system, endorsed in varying degrees by the Mizzian, Panzavecchian and Savonian parties, was a compromise well suited to the transition being experienced. But if Maltese was to be studied properly, this would have to take the place of one or other of the two major languages in conflict: Fortunato Mizzi had put the case decades earlier when he said "indusio unius est exdusio alterius." Unless children, somehow, were to be taught three languages, Maltese could not be studied much; on the other hand, if either of the two major languages was to win, the teaching of Maltese could serve as the wedge whereby to drive one or the other out, and consequently as a stool for anglicization or italianization. Maltese was, as someone said, a Cinderella. Influenced by cultural orientations, social classes, levels of education, financial interests and associations, and, not least, by party politics, the nationalists had one answer - pari passu - but the Stricklandians and also, conditionally, the L.P., had another: English taught through the medium of Maltese. What is striking about the Maltese 'language' question - the pivot of party politics is that it should have been so central and prolonged, so causitive and divisive. To explain this phenomenon we must look outside it, to the stresses in Maltese society itself that caused and sustained it: the cosmopolitan and the insular; the national and the parochial; patterns of value, of change, of honour and shame; overcrowding; mass illiteracy; family rivalries; lack of resources other than labour; smallness of size and utter weakness before larger powers; economic dependence on, and political subjection to, Britain; literary and sentimental ties with Italy; the theocratic nature of religious beliefs and structures; a romantic setting at the centre of a classic sea; an ancient history and a unique language without a literature. Boissevain's findings indicate that the study of rivalries at the parish level (between band clubs, saint feasts, family groups) could supplement what went on at the national level even in politics; 2 and it is amply clear that political parties from the start made use of such institutionalized rivalries as already existed at the local level- band clubs especially- for their own ends. Political parties originated and evolved in the context of the British occupation: they were consequently products of the time, an effect of the opportunities and benefits, the pressures and frustrations of the colonial system in its operation on the Maltese way oflife. Throughout the nineteenth century and later, Malta was governed primarily as a fortress. The con­ stitution itself could be trifled with, granted and revoked; even the language of education could be undermined. At best, the Maltese were in the position of well-fed slaves, as Chamberlain once implied, jokingly, with regard to Fortunato Mizzi: when Mizzi, in a lengthy impassioned speech, referred to the political enslavement of the Maltese, Chamberlain pointed out that he had never seen any person who reminded him less of a slave than the honourable gentleman. 3 The social-psychological effects of the persistently overbearing, soul-destroying treatment of the Maltese intelligentsia by the colonial regime could only be estimated from the ensuing effects - often the tangential, seemingly reactionary symptoms in national politics. It may seem strange that the nationalists were not fighting about things other than languages, constitutions and taxes, that they seemed to insist on preserving not on reforming, that they looked backwards not forwards. But there was one reform they generally clamoured for: the one that mattered most to them, and that was the right to govern themselves. When people feel op­ pressed they have surprisingly little interest in drains and sewers, water cisterns and gas light: they yearn for freedom. Whether focussed on language or religion, nationalist demands for constitutional reform were a yearning for the rights of citizenship, the representation of grievances, a regeneration of public affairs. Anglicization - the supreme grievance was a conscious policy on the part of the British, prodded by local anglophiles, utilitarians and collaborators. It was meant not only to widen the field of occupation for school-leavers or improve the prospects of emigrants; but also to assimilate the native population to 'superior' British ways, and to scotch mainly the lawyer-politicians, the so-called 'pro-Italians' and irredentists who were most critical of the colonial regime. As the anglicization drive began, so the nationalist opposition arose and intensified. Consequently the government tended to harden in its policy just as the opposition sought ways and means of being listened to - such as foolish elections, or else total non-cooperation. Those supporting the regime, usually a small minority, were a sufficient number to contest elections. Sir Victor Houlton had forseen in r879 that 'the adoption of the language of the governing race by the governed' would be 'the turning point in the history of Malta'; and Sir Adriano Dingli had at the same time prophesied that the acrimonious feeling engendered by the attempt to anglicize could 'continue long after its origin would be forgotten'. 4 For the most part, the anti-government side were 'anti-English' and/or 'anti-Protestant'; and they tended to be anti-everything because they simply had no confidence in the regime. The regime, on their part, usually treated opposition with contempt, indifference or discrimination: officials tried to play down what was said in criticism of government plans or actions, even to cast doubt as to the representative quality or mandate of the elected coun­ cillors. Yet after the franchise had been arbitrarily extended to illiterates in 1883, the P.A.R. still defeated the R.P. Even in 1921, when the franchise had been further extended, the nationalists did well. The P.N. was least popular in the 1890S when Savona's P.P. with some justification accused certain elected members of siding with Strickland's administration (a consequence of Alfredo Naudi's 'Party of Order'); but Mizzi had quickly severed connection with these elements. Those who were - or became - 'moderates' or 'liberals' - that is, critical of the regime but prepared to co-operate with it - were at regular intervals enticed to the official bench: in accordance with the system of 'appealing to personal interests' as laid down by Hely-Hutchinson and perfected by Strickland. These collaborators, whether executives (Savona, 1880-1887; Strickland, 1889-1902) or associates (Azzopardi, 1915-1919) became the whipping-boys of the opposition. Maltese political parties were seriously affected by this unrelenting and often enough irrational enmity between government and opposition, as if the two had nothing in common. The 'individualist' pro-English party appealed to the doctrine of utility, of opportunity, and the grandeur of empire, associating this with social reform and progress. The 'communal' pro-Italian party appealed to the 'people', the 'nation', the 'patria', wanting a constitution by means of which to regulate their affairs as they themselves thought fit. In the seemingly endless clash between the colonial dynamic and the patriotic consensus, the notion of common endeavour in the name of the motherland had gradually to make way to the doctrine of opportunity, ofsecurity, and indeed ofsurvival. It was a hard choice to make between the 'idealist' and the 'pragmatist': nor was it always easy to know whose side each was on. But the excessively 'pro' or 'anti' character of parties - almost reminiscent of the medieval duality of Good and Evil- was discernible from the second half of the nineteenth century. In the 1880s the bitter division was between two parties the Riformisti (pro-government) and the Anti-riformisti (anti-government). Inter-party differences, when not about language, or the constitution, were mainly about tactics and per­ sonalities. But the two party strain continued to characterize political alignments: as shown by the collapse of the Partito Unionista (1891-1893); and - from 19IO onwards - by the split in the P.N. between Astensionisti (anti-government) and Anti-astensionisti (pro-government). The third or 'independent' party was never a strong or lasting force. Was this just because the colonial system tended to polarise the public's disposition into either a 'collaborating' or an 'agitating' function? Or was it that natural dualism, or predestination, so well expressed in W. S. Gilbert's poem?

I often think it's comical, How nature always does contrive That every body and every gal That's born into the world alive, Is either a little Liberal Or else a little Conservative. In other words, were there two parties because it is natural to have one side opposing another, a party and a counter-party and then the labels stick? As party organisation increased, so did partisan fanaticism - fixed ideas, inborn prejudices, hero worship, stereotyped propaganda, as if life in a self-governing state was not any different, or any better, from that under the Crown Colony system. The 'entrenchment' of a two party system should not of course be understood to mean that each of the parties had identical 'democratic' qualities, that they differed only in matters pertaining to policy or priority. The parties were no doubt influenced by the British constitutional model, but they emerged in the grip of colonialism; so we have not in this case the gradual evolution of parliamentary government but rather the strained development of opposed forces in the shape of two large sections of the community - one more or less tending to adhere to the colonial government, its collaborators and intermediaries; the other more or less tending to identifY with the native intelligentsia, mostly traditionalist notables and professionisti of a vaguely bourgeois character. Party divisions were not so dependent on autochthonous conditions: they were much influenced by super-imposed pressures, rules, regulations and indeed con­ stitutions. Nor could party divisions be traced mainly to conventional 'marxist' social class criteria. In a fortress-colony so amenable to 'Mediter­ ranean' patron-client relationships, with a system of government bent on playing one group against another for its own ends, the 'class struggle' was not between the rich and the poor, the capitalists and the proletariat. On the contrary, it so happened that native labourers often found themselves on the pro-British side, in opposition to the nationalists, whose leaders came almost exclusively from the middle-classes, who tended to be less well-to-do than the former but more self-reliant than the latter. The division was rather between those who looked up to the British (and/or the colonial government) for profit, security, advancement, material and in some way even moral improvements through 'progress' and, on the other hand, those who looked down on the British (and/or the colonial govern­ ment) as overlords, intruders, heretics, exploiters and bigots. This goes some way to explain why the bulk of the proletariat tended to be on the

206 colonialist side; and so too there were, conspicuously, prominent members of the land-owning aristocracy and of 'big business'. In between, there were the numerous and varied middle classes, ranging from polite paupers, office clerks and prosperous small businessmen to proJessionisti, clergymen and farmers. In discussing issues of languages, mixed marriages, taxes and constitu­ tions, one cannot help wondering what really motivated the rank and file of the parties, what accounted for grassroot sympathies one way or the other, what (if anything) was in the minds of many of those who attended meetings and demonstrations, whether they were led by emotion - rather than by reason or principle, whether they attended to hear the band play or the speaker talk. Obviously issues relating to religion and taxation were more likely to draw the crowds (than questions of educa­ tional or constitutional development), but on the essentials of such matters the parties usually presented a similar or common facade. Was the party supporter's choice simply one influenced by face-to-face relation­ ships, by 'public relations', by region, environment or occupation, or was it more simply one of private interest or opinion? These are unanswerable questions of motivation; and Maltese party politics were often personalized and parochial. One cannot say, for instance, that the middle class was for 'the nation' whereas the working class was for 'the empire': first because no such clear-cut division is possible and especially so with regard to Maltese party alignments and, secondly, because colonial politics were not really about putting the class before the nation - for what 'class', except that of the plantation slave, can exist outside the nation? There was much overlapping and flux. Mizzi's P.N. were staunchly Catholic on the whole, but they were not so fanatically religious as the adherents to the Partito Popolare led by Savona and Panzavecchia with the beneplacitu of bishop and pope. Savona's party held themselves to be patriots and indeed opposed to the elimination ofItalian, but they undoubtedly had great admiration for the British empire and sought to promote anglicisation. Mizzi's party - and more so Panza­ vecchia's - held that they were not against the teaching of English provided that this did not serve to eliminate Italian: this was almost a contradiction in terms. In matters of taxation, Mizzi and Savona in the end were saying practically the same thing: 'no taxation without representation'; but whereas Savona originally had been more aware of relating social needs to fiscal policy, the Mizzi party saw taxation more as a political weapon. PrimaJacie, it would seem that Strickland's party was the easiest to explain, in so far as it was the most uncompromising; but, on reflection, it turns out to be, arguably, the most complex of all. Pretending to be simultaneously imperialist and patriotic; defending the nobility, the landowners, the capitalists, and at the same time posing as the champion of the working classes against the bourgeoisie, especially the professionisti; upholding the Maltese vernacular against Italian, but in favour of pushing English at all

207 costs; speaking a language of 'reform' and 'progress' but unwilling to treat local opposition with any respect; Strickland was hailed as 'saviour of the Maltese' on the one hand and castigated as 'a feudal lord' on the other. In such 'primitive' conditions, one is justly tempted to ask how far, if at all, may the language question be regarded as the chief motivator of Maltese party politics. That would only be a fair question, however, if this was merely a question of languages, what it most certainly was not - involving (as it certainly did) job prospects, educational possibilities, family upbring­ ing, environmental factors and possibly a whole outlook as to what mattered most in one's life. Another question then which lends itself to argument in this respect is whether religion may perhaps have been a more significant factor in party politics than cultural allegiance; whether, that is, one should speak of 'clericals' and 'anti-clericals' rather than of 'pro-Italians' and 'pro-Britishers' . To answer this, one has to see what the relation was between the parties in their attitudes to linguistic and religious controversies. It rather transpires that it was the so-called 'pro-Italians', i.e. the Mizzian nationalists, who were the more secular-minded, liberal and mundane in their Catholicism; whereas those who had prided themselves on being utilitarian anglophiles turn out to be the ultramontanes, behaving in a hysterical, inquisitorial manner, inciting the faithful to intolerance of dissenters. The linearity - at least so far as the leadership was concerned appears to be, essentially, one of human values arising from one group's disposition with regard to truth and to power in contrast with the other side: a consequence perhaps of educational attainment; which in turn could be simply the consequence of family conditions. To one side, you have as it were the individually more 'enlightened' mind, trained to be critical of authority, whether this be civil (i.e. the colonial government) or religious (i.e. the ecclesiastical hierarchy). To the other side, you tend to find the glorified babu, pretentious and over­ bearing in approach but in effect reverent towards constituted authority, and probably more addicted to spectacle. The operation of such traits of character or habits of mind should of course always be seen in a political context because in both cases these are liable to be substantially modified by the quest for power. Again Strickland appears to be the odd man out: being anti-Italian and anticlerical at the same time, but in leader­ ship style and in ideological frame he would clearly fit best into the 'Savon­ ian' typology of the strong man who has all the answers; he also fully realized that the poor man is more likely to want security from hunger than freedom from tyranny, unless these two factors are seen to be connected. This protracted, if camouflaged, differentiation in attitudes between the party of 'the educated' and that of 'the illiterates', the party 'against government' and the party 'for government', is probably the greatest and gravest internal contradiction of colonialism in the Maltese experience: the

208 ultimate expression of double standards, and false pretences, of the inversion and perversion of values; so that it may be possible to trace a polarization between the 'backward freedom-fighter' and the 'progressive hanger-on', or to put it still more bluntly, between those 'agitators' on the one hand who tended to be independent and critical, and those 'moderates' on the other hand who tended to be dependent and credulous. The gravitation towards a two party system was strong indeed. By 1926 Malta was once more set on that path. In January 1926 there was a re­ alignment of political forces as, on the one hand, the U.P.M. and P.D.N. united (or rather re-united) into a reborn P.N., while, on the other hand, the L.P. agreed hesitantly to form a 'compact' with the C.P. it was thus with the help of Savona's L.P. that Strickland became prime minister in 1927.5 Strickland's ascendancy led to bitter partisan exchanges and cul­ minated, as before, in a constitutional crisis and a 'politico-religious' dispute: there was 'trouble ofa most every conceivable kind'.6 Throughout the inter-war period, the two outstanding figures in Maltese politics were Enrico Mizzi, on the opposition side, and Strickland, on the government side; the L.P. was very nearly squeezed out of existence. In the 1932 election the L.P. returned only one member, Dr. (later Sir) Paul Boffa (1890-1962); but after Strickland's death in 1940 the C.P. ceased to be a significant force. In the post-war election the P.N. were heavily defeated by Boffa's party and Boffa became Malta's first Labour prime minister in 1947. 7 Henceforth Maltese politics were dominated by, on the one hand, the L.P., led by the Oxford-educated Dominic Mintoff (1916-), an architect, born in Cos­ picua, who ousted and succeeded Boffa in 1949, and, on the other hand, by the P.N., led by Dr. Giorgio Borg Oliver (1911-), a Malta-educated notary, born in Valletta, who succeeded Mizzi in 1950.8 As Ostrogorski observed in connection with his theory of social intimidation,

Two organizations, the two earliest in point of date, did just recognize each other's right to existence, but subject to the duty of every citizen to profess the creed of one or the other, according to his origin .... A place was vouchsafed to 'His Majesty's Opposition'; but all other opposition was 'illegitimate'. 9 Partly as an outcome of the colonial situation, and partly because Malta was a small island caught in an international cross-current, the Maltese two party system was fomented by a confounded attachment to two 'mother' countries, Italy and Britain, thus substantiating Acton's poignant com­ ments with regard to the dilemma of small states:

Their tendency is to isolate and shut off their inhabitants, to narrow the horizon of their view, and to dwarf in some degree the proportions of their ideas. Public opinion cannot maintain its liberty and purity in such small dimensions. In a small and homogenous population there is hardly room for a natural classification of society or for those inner groups of interests that set bounds to sovereign power. The government and the subjects contend with borrowed weapons. The resources of the one and the aspirations of the other are derived from some external source, and the consequence is that the country becomes the instrument and the scene of contests in which it is not interested. 1 0 'For Malta is surely abnormal', observed Hancock in I937:

There is surely no other community in the British Commonwealth whose domestic disputes are entangled so inextricably with the shattering controversies which divide principalities and powers. The petty politics of the island become suddenly oecumenical, awakening the slumber­ ing thunders of the medieval Papacy. They blow upon the smouldering rivalries of two modern empires, whose sea-communications intersect where fragile-seeming Malta lies low in the sea, a British fortress twenty-two minutes by air from an Italian bombing base. Is it fair to expect self-governing institutions to root themselves in a territory exposed to such fierce gusts blowing from outside? I I

But the struggle to maintain Italian as the national language of education had taken place to ward off'fierce gusts blowing from outside'. Anglicization similarly had been impelled by a fear of irredentism, hence the need of ensuring loyal submission. Following a crushing P.N. victory over the C.P. and L.P. (2I seats to IQ and I respectively) in a record poll (95.53%) in I932, Malta's constitu­ tion was (as in I903) revoked by Britain. In I934 English, as the language of the British empire, and Maltese, as the language of the people of Malta, were made Malta's official languages by the colonial minister: Italian was completely removed from government offices and elementary school curricula, made a subsidiary subject in the secondary schools and in the university (including the Faculty of Law) and Maltese was to replace Italian as the official language of the law courts. The Crown Colony con­ stitutions of I 936 and I939 confirmed these decrees: constitutionally, Malta was again in the hands of British generals and officials; culturally, Malta was supposedly a new creation. 12 Malta's identity conflict was resolved rather in accordance with Strickland's views and by his methods also; but the social currents on which political activity moved, though apparently very much more bitter and agitated than in the nineteenth century, may not have changed radically. There was however, particularly at the politico­ constitutional level, the Mizzian inheritance in the form of a national consciousness and democratic values. Whether by force or suasion, the popular culture-so far as native qualities such as language were concerned­ was coming to be more widely recognized and accepted, especially as the Maltese language slowly made headway in poetry, prose, journalism, and, eventually, in broadcasting and television. 13 Maltese italianita received a fatal blow during the second world war when Malta Fortress was of vital strategic importance to the Allies; and Italy this time was on the wrong side. On the initiative ofStrickland's party, Mizzi, who had escaped expulsion to Libya in I9I7, was now deported to Uganda together with several P.N. supporters (arrested under section I8 of the Malta Defence Regulations of I939, all without a charge): 'as a safeguard', said Bartolo's Chronicle, 'against any conscious or unconscious action which might endanger public safety'.14 Those deported included Sir Arturo Mercieca, the chief justice (who had supported first Fortunato Mizzi, then Azzopardi and subsequently

2IO Enrico), and a number of nationalist dockyard workers (hounded by Stricklandians) as well as such veteran 'Quislings' as the architeact Pasquale Calleja (who had been secretary of Panzavecchia's Comitato Patriottico) , Daniele German (whose family had been involved in administering the Malta newspaper ever since the 1880s), the artist Vincenzo Bonello (who had beena committee memberofMizzi's 'condemned' Dante branch, subsequent­ ly the Lega Nazionalista Maltese and Mizzi's friend Dr. Herbert Ganado, who was president of the Malta Catholic Action and editor of the church paper. And yet, observed Ganado in his memoirs, Strickland himself could say in the Council of Government, as late as April 1940, that he had 'the greatest regard for the Italain Nation and people and that he admired the magnificent improvement made in Italy under the present Italian Govern­ ment'. 15 It seems the crime was not to be a fascist, but to be a Nationalist. According to Strickland's Times of Malta, the news that Mizzi 'along with some score of more of his immediate brood' had been interned met with widespread approval. It is written in the Holy Scriptures that 'He that is not with me is against me'. 1 6

In his study of Britain's Mediterranean crisis in 1936-39, Laurence Pratt erroneously referred to the Maltese deportees as 'anti-British Italians'. 1 7 Ironically, that combination of anti-British and pro-Italian, pro-British and anti-Italian, accounted for much of what Maltese nationality was becoming. As English substituted Italian in administration and education, Maltese, akin to neither of the two languages by which it could have been swamped, came to be generally acknowledged as the 'national' language: Malta's independence constitution of 1964, obtained when the P.N. were in office, entrenched the clause safeguarding Maltese as such. Politicians could at least - at last - disagree writing their articles and speaking to each other in the same language. The acrimonious language battle, which mostly caused the formation of, and gave character to, Maltese political parties, had been fought, as Acton would have said, 'with borrowed weapons', but with Malta serving as a casting mould.

Nineteenth-century Maltese society is probably a unique example of the case in which trilin­ gualism became a battleground in the successful quest for a national identity. Maltese nation­ alism rotated in time on this triple paradox: the championing of Italian as a non-Maltese national language; the active promotion of the Maltese vernacular by the British Imperial power as a means of expunging Italian; and the gradual emergence of Maltese as a national tongue and as the prime expression of anti-British sentiments .... Anglicization could be accomplished only at great cost to human relations inside the colony. But in de-Italianizing Malta, the British forced the birth of a more home-grown product. In resisting assimilation and colonialism, pro-Italians and others engendered a national political consciousness upon which a body politic could feed. Paradoxically, the Maltese language energed as a synthesis of the pro-English and pro-Italian rivalry. The Maltese vernacular served as a social and emotive bond and became a 'natural' unifier.' B

To accept to speak in the same language, alas, is still not enough for a

211 people to break through the colonialist cycle. Even a home-made cultural stereotype may be only incidental to manifestations of nationality in practice; how much more so, then, when a nationality's colours and bound­ aries have been determined forcibly after the unleashing of bitter anta­ gonisms in a prolonged conflict? Because, as Alfred Zimmern observed, nations cannot achieve true freedom through diplomacy or even through war: they must win it for themselves in the region of the spirit:

... the aftermath of oppression will still remain the bitter memories and the inbred intoler­ ance which are so often the fruit of persecution, and the habits of servility and wire-pulling, of intrigue and agitation which inevitably grow upon individuals or groups who have been living for long years amid the excitements of propaganda, instead of leading a normal healthy social existence. I 9

Already during the inter-war period it was possible clearly to see recur­ ring patterns in the Maltese colonial experience: both at the social level in the form of clientelism, parochialism and abject philistinism; as well as at the political levels of behaviour - indeed the acquisition and subsequently the loss of Responsible Government in the 1930S (after 'politico-religious' and 'linguistic-constitutional' controversies) may easily be compared to the movement for Representative Government in the 1880s followed by its abolition later one. Colonialism was not just a question of the native versus the foreigner: on the contrary, it seriously affected the attitude of Maltese towards fellow Maltese. It is hypocritical or simply foolish of 'ex-colonial' politicians arbitrarily to blame 'the foreigner' for every ill they can think of when they themselves were so often and in so many ways parties to many original causes of the symptoms now complained of. 2 0 Suffice it to bring to mind how Malta's leading English-educated politicians, Sigismond Savona and Count Strickland, were at one time or another inclined to be outrageously tyrannical in order to pursue their 'reformist' ends when they had attained positions of power. The former at one point had recommended the abolition of representative government and instead a gubernatorial autocracy; he then changed course as it suited his ambition and the circumstances of the moment. The latter, a believer on his own admission in 'the survival of the fittest', hindered the path to self-government and (indeed) to its operation after 1921. Nationalists were affected in other ways. In their desperate effort to cling to traditional values, they suspected any move towards modernization in much the same way that they opposed assimilation and despotism. Their rapport with the working classes was limited, and no wonder if often enough they were literally not speaking the same language. It would seem that the colonial politician - particularly the 'progressive' or 'reformist' agent could neither realise nor measure the hollowness of which he was the product and the carrier. The failure of the 'snob' (who may rightly admire the English aristocracy) or of the 'mission-house Christian' (who may sincerely adopt the creed of which he is so poor an advertisement) is due not to his ideals but to his personality:

212 Their failure is due, not to wrong ideals, but to wrong methods of pursuing them: it is a failure of education. In reaching out after something which they feel to be higher they have lost themselves: they have severed their links with the past: and with that past has gone a portion of their own soul and strength. As the scout-boys of Oxford and Cambridge dress up to imitate the young bloods and even bet on the same horses if they can discover their names, so does the ambitious young Boston Jew from a Russian ghetto ape the manners and customs of New England, or the nimble-witted Bengali student adopt the facile phrases and opinions of Macaulay and Mill. In place of 'the young robust barbarians or heathens which they were before the Goddess of Progress laid her seductive hand upon them', this process of unregulated conduct and ill-assimilated education produced 'poor invertebrate and unamiable characters ... miserable specimens of civilisation, enervated exponents of enlightenment. .. .'21 This too is what Dr. Enrico Mizzi must have meant when he stated that 'freedom is not a cargo that gets exported from England.'22 The phenomenon of what may be termed the native colonialist class in its multifold manifestations has attracted the attention of various students of the colonial experience. Franz Fanon's intuitive exposition, with the Algerian experience in mind, is frightening:

When the native is confronted with the colonial order of things, he finds he is in a state of permanent tension. The settler's world is a hostile world, which spurns the native, but at the same time it is a world of which he is envious .... The native is always on the alert, for since he can only make out with difficulty the many symbols of the colonial world, he is never sure whether or not he has crossed the frontier .... He is in fact ready at a moment's notice to exchange the role of the quarry for that of the hunter. The. native is an oppressed person whose permanent dream is to become the persecutor. The symbols of social order - the police, the bugle-calls in the barracks, military par~des and the waving flags are at one and the same time inhibitory and stimulating.23 The suppressed yearning to make of hell his paradise as best he may is partly what produces and motivates the collaborator. It is what tends to make the overseer worse than the master, the manager worse than the proprietor, the chargeman worse than the supervisor, the blackleg worse than the employer. At the same time the vicious circle produced thereby further contributes to give the opposition "an abnormal and almost diseased frame of mind" :

Oppression and suppression have weighed so heavily upon them that they can think of nothing else, talk of nothing else, work for nothing else. There is a certain melancholy and tiresome monotony about the representatives of oppressed nationalities: their national wrongs and their national hopes are for ever on their lips. One feels as though they were reaching out after something which was indispensable to the completion of their manhood.24 The worst offenders then in the process of inter-action between imperial­ ism and nationalism are likely to be those who have had the dubious benefit of some education in the 'mother-country' or who are half-castes. These tend to be more exacting and insidious than the purely indigenous 'fixer'. As Albert Memmi says:

The recently assimilated place themselves in a considerably superior position to the average colonizer. They push a colonial mentality to excess, display proud disdain for the colonized and continually show olftheir borrowed rank, which often belies a vulgar brutality and avidity. Still too impressed by their privileges, they savour them and defend them with fear and harsh­ ness; and when colonization is imperilled, they provide it with its most dynamic defenders, its shock troops, and sometimes its instigators. 25 Whether a territory is actually 'colonized' or merely 'occupied' the effects are substantially the same also with regard to certain occupations (e.g. in the militia or the police corps) or with regard to certain categories ofjobs (e.g. inspectors, charge men) that are made available to locals by the colonial government. Memmi continues:

The representatives of the authorities, cadres, policemen, etc., recruited from among the colonized, form a category of the colonized which attempts to escape from its political and social condition. But in so doing, by choosing to place themselves in the colonizer's service to protect his interests exclusively, they end up by adopting his ideology, even with regard to their own values and their own lives .... Such is the history of the pyramid of petty tyrants: each one, being socially oppressed by one more powerful than he, always finds a less powerful one on whom to lean, and becomes a tyrant in his turn,'" In the 1980s a number of studies have appeared investigating various aspects of the Maltese colonial experience, sometimes tracing the story down to Malta's Independence, and even beyond that; there has also been a growing concern about national identity: linguistic, cultural, political; the human, economic and physical environment.27 Making independence work in a new state is never easy, least of all perhaps in a small, strategically-located one without mineral resources and, due to successive foreign dominations, without a stable home-growth tradition of a liberal, democratic and constitutional life. Evidently more time is needed before the post-independence period can be fully assessed with scholarly authority; what follows is a personal overview of the last two decades by way of an update and an epilogue. From 1964 to 1971 Borg Olivier's Nationalist government retained friendly relations with the former rulers. In return for financial aid and defence guarantees, the British retained a military presence while Malta continued to headquarter HAFMED, NATO's Allied Forces in the Mediterranean. In this climate, investment poured in and a substantive infrastructure emerged, re-orienting the economy from one based on British naval and military needs to one generating more tourism, manu­ facture and agricultural production. Educational facilities were expanded and modernized. The Malta government assumed responsibility for the former Royal Dockyard and its relatively large workforce. New jobs were generated, emigration decreased markedly. Although anchored with the Catholic Church, Borg Olivier's post-independence phase saw an opening up of society facilitated by secularizing forces, notably travel, tourism, TV and more international exposure. The government was liberal conserva­ tive, generally sober and unobstructive but increasingly lethargic, unin­ spiring and inconclusive. By comparison to Mintoff's charismatically propelled and tightly organized Malta Labour Party, Borg Olivier's Partit

214 Nazzjonalista was way behind, continuing to rely on traditional allegian­ ces and networks, the electorate's presumed common sense, and distrust or fear of Mintoff among sections of the propulation. Borg Olivier [d. 1980] and his cabinet old-timers' had long aspired to and finally obtaind independence from Britain in 1964. After that, they had to deal with a more dynamic and unfamiliar post-independence situation. Following two free elections, the Mintoff-Ied Labour Party won the June 1971 elections by a hair's breath. There was a peaceful transfer of power. Mintoff sought to re-direct public affairs differently. The British Gov­ ernnor-General, Sir Maurice Dorman, and NATO's Admiral Birindelli were given marching orders. After a stint of brinkmanship and uncertainty a more financially rewarding agreement was thrashed out with Britain by virtue of which the British military presence in Malta was extended from 1974, when it was due to end, until 1979. Constitutional monarchy was replaced by a republic and a Maltese president. Internationally, Malta ventured to re-define relations and perceptions and policies, as in the case of her insistence that the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe meeting in Helsinki agree to encompass Mediterranean security among its concerns. This posture was more controversial than earlier original initiatives sponsored successfully by Malta in the sixties had been, particularly the Law of the Sea at the UN. The government's bargaining stance rather soiled - although never spoilt altogether - relations with western Europe, which once Mintoff had the gall to refer to in Strasbourg as 'the Europe of Cain' in relation to the eastern haW In social policy, a new emphasis was placed on equality and spreading the cake, memorably in certain respects - while forgetting sometimes that wealth has to be created before it can be shared, and that certain politicians were not immune from such egalitarian principles as they were prone to preach. Banks were nationalized. The party card became precious. This brand of 'socialism' was increasingly abrasive and intolerant: from 1977 onwards political violence or the fear of it became rather characteristic of the place, just as external affairs veered towards treaties with such countries as Kim II Sung's North Korea, Ceausescu's Roumania and some other such countries. Malta's General Workers Union, for so long a member of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, was by mutual agree­ ment statutorily incorporated into the government party and later re­ mained 'wedded' to the Malta Labour Party in opposion - a stance which reinforced the appeal of the 'free trade unions' under the umbrella of the Confederation of Malta Trade Unions. 'Interference' by foreigners, in­ cluding non-resident Maltese citizens, became a criminal offence. The intimate relations fostered between Mintoff's Malta and Gaddafi's Libya during the seventies, to the point where Mintoff once referred to Libyans as 'blood brothers', temporarily came apart in August 1980 when Libya intervened militarily to challenge and to stop Malta searching for oils in waters claimed to be Libyan, a behaviour described by Mintoff as that of 'the worst enemy'. Relations with Italy were suddenly strengthened although the quarrel with Gaddafi was patched up when the matter was referred to the nternational court at The Hague. The 1981 elections, conducted in a tense, intimidating atmosphere, saw some extraodrinary things happen. Under a system of supposed propor­ tional representation, the party polling an absolute numbers of votes - Fenech Adami's Nationalist Party - ended up with a minority of seats, whereas Mintoff's Labour Party continued to have a majority of seats notwithstanding its losing the majority it had enjoyed at the polls. Since the introduction of universal suffrage in post-war Malta this was the first time that the Nationalist Party had amassed an absolute majority of the popular vote. That feat must have been due in part to the authoritarian 'macho' attitudes and not infrequently ill-advised policies championed by Labour, but it was also in line with the P.N.'s post-war trend forward, as well as a pruned 'Christian Democratic' leadership advocating a 'social market economy'. Mintoff publicly described the electoral outcome as 'perverse', while the Nationalists called it a 'gerrymander' and initially boycotted parliamentary sittings and the at times outrageously biased state-controlled media. The economy sagged. In 1984 Mintoff gave up the leadership of his party [after 35 years] and also the premiership, passing this on to 'a protege', Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici, who tried to rally the party around a less unpredictable image. Since 1949 a recurring slogan of Mintoff's had been 'either with us or against us'. After several grave incidents mainly against Nationalists, including some instances of police torture, it was agreed that henceforth the party polling an absolute majority of votes would govern. Fenech Adami thus assumed the premier­ ship in May 1987 when his party retained 51 % of the popular vote. On taking office the new government became party to the European Convention on Human Rights and by preaching 'reconciliation' endeav­ oured to restore to the body politic its democratic and 'tolerant' mould for which Borg Olivier had been most favourably remembered by friend and foe. This seemed to show that ultimately, notwithstanding the teething troubles, personality idiosyncracies and fanatical clashes of the post­ independence 'neocolonial' period, Malta had pulled through as a small democratic European state where government and opposition, however mobilised and polarised, could co-exist and alternate - subject to the rule of law and the majority principle.28 By a pertinent coincidence Malta was the venue chosen by Bush and Gorbachev to have the Cold War hatchet buried, in the rough seas of Marsaxlokk Bay, in December 1989. In February 1991 it was again in Malta - this time at Valletta's former Knightshall - that, in their first meeting after the Paris Charter of Novermber 1990, 34 states drew up a

216 first document meant to facilitate the peaceful settlement of disputes within the framework of the Conference on Security and Coop oration in Europe.29

NOTES

I F. Braudel: The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age if Philip If (Lond., 1975), ii.826. 2 SeeJ. Boissevain: Friends of Friends (Blackwell, 1974). 3 A. V. Laferla, op. cit., ii.15I. Mizzi had a stout, healthy-looking physique. Governor Grenfell's impressions of this incident as related in his memoirs (op. cit., p. 160) were as follows: 'Mr. Chamberlain received the Elected Members, the deputation being headed by Dr. Mitzi, the chief opponent of the Government. He made an impassioned speech on the political enslavement of the Maltese. Mr. Chamberlain made an excellent reply, refuting a good many of his arguments and pointing out that the political difficulties were accentuated by the indescreet actions of the elected members. As regards enslave­ ment of the Maltese, he informed Dr. Mitzi - who was a short, very fat man - that he never saw any person who reminded him less of the slave than the honourable gentleman. This made all the other members of the deputation laugh and we all parted good friends.' 4 Supra, i.1 I. 5 The L.P. retained a separate identity but was pledged to work with the C.P. Panza­ vecchia died in 1925. Savona the younger was never as influential as his father had been. 6 W. K. Hancock, op. cit., p. 420. 7 Boffa, who hailed from Vittoriosa,joined the L.P. in 1922, was first elected to the Assem­ bly in 1924, became leader in 1927; during the war he was medical district commissioner in the Cottonera area. After the split in 1949, Boffa's party was known as the Malta Workers' Party, Mintoff's as the Malta Labour Party (M.L.P.). 8 Dr. Eddie Fenech Adami (1934- ), of Birkirkara, succeeded Borg Olivier as leader of the P.N. and of the Opposition in April 1977. 9 M. Y. Ostrogorski, op. cit., ii.615-616. 10 Lord Acton, 'Nationality', Home and Foreign Re/liew, July 1862, reprinted in History of Freedom and Other essays (Lond., 1907), p. 297.

21 7 11 W. K. Hancock, op. cit., p. 406. 12 Ibid., pp. 425-428, J. J. Cremona, op. cit., pp. 26-41; D. Marshall, op. cit., p. 65. 13 See e.g. A. J. Arberry and P. Grech: Dun Karm Poet if Malta (Cambridge, 1961); Con- temporary Art in Malta (ed. R. England, Malta, 1973). 14 D.M.C., 2June 1940; H. Ganado; Rajt Malta Tinbidel (Malta, 1974), ii.213· 15 Times of Malta, 5 Apr. 1940; ibid., p. 202. 16 Times of Malta, I June 1940; ibid., p. 213. 17 1. R. Pratt: East of Malta, West of Suez (Cambridge, 1975), p. 40. 18 H. Frendo, 'Language and Nationality in an Island Colony: Malta', Canadian Review if Studies in Nationalism/Revue Canadienne des Etudes sur le nationalisme (Univ. of Prince Edward Island, 1975), vol. 3, no. I. 19 A. E. Zimmern, 'True and False Nationalism', op. cit., p. 70. 20 On this see E. Shils: Political Development in the New States (Mouton, 1966). 21 Ibid., p. 76. 22 'La liberta non e una merce che si esporta dall'Inghilterra.' Supra, v. 165· 23 F. Fanon: The Wretched if the Earth (Penguin, 1974) p. 41. Fanon's famous classic of anti-colonialism was first published in Paris by Fran~ois Maspero in 1961. Although Malta was not actually a settler colony the symptoms outlined by Fanon can be seen to apply to a large extent. 24 A. E. Zimmern, op. cit., p. 69. 25 A. Memmi: The Colonizer and the Colonized (Lond., 1974), p. 16. (This book was first published in French in 1957.) 26 Ibid., pp. 16-'7' 27 See e.g. E. Zammit: A Colonial Inheritance [Malta Univ. Press, VaIletta, 1984]; J. Bezzina: Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony [BugeIli, ValIetta, 1985]; A. Koster[ed]; Lord Strickland [Progress Press, Valletta, 1986]; J.M. Pirotta: Fortress Colony [Studia, Valletta, 1987]; V. Mallia-Milanes red]: British Colonial Experience [Minerva, Valletta, 1988]; T. Cortis red]: L-Identita Kulturali ta' Malta [Information Dept., ValIetta, 1989]; H. Frendo: Malta's Questfor Independence [Valletta Publishing, ValIetta, 1989], Lqn Cvern Responsabbli [Dalli, Pin, Valletta, 1990], and H. Frendo red]: Maltese Political Development 1798-1964 [Ministry of Education, Valletta, in press]. On the influence ofItalian fascism in Maltese colonial politics during the 1920s see this writer's contributions in History of European Ideas [Pergamon Press, Oxford, forthcoming 1992] and in S. Fiorini and V. Mallia-Milanes reds]: Malta: A Case Stut[y in International Cross-Currenta [Malta Univ. Press, Valletta, 1991]. 28 See, e.g., H. Frendo: 'Messages from Mintoff's Malta', Quadrant, Sydney, Dec. 1986, vol. xxx, no. 229, pp. 18-33; 'Freedom after Independence', World Review, Brisbane, June 1987, vol. 26, no. 2, pp. 37-68; 'A Western European or a Third World Model for the Maltese Islands?', Malta and the Securiry if the Mediterranean Region [International Security Council, New York, Jan. 1987], pp. 89-104; 'Malta: Winning power needs more than voters', The Australian, 12 May 1987; 'Pro-Western party wins power in Malta after 16 years', News WeeklY, Melbourne, no. 2222, 20 May 1987. Cf. also his The Popular Movement for a New Beginning [Valletta, 1981], a series of Sunday Times articles written in Geneva after the incidents of 15 October 1979 ['Black Monday'] under the nom-dc-plume 'Marengo'. 29 This writer covered both events on short-wave radio and for Valletta's Spnday Times [cf., e.g., 26 Nov., 17 Dec. 1989, 27 Jan., 3 Feb., 18 Feb. 1991].

218 APPENDIX 1 HISTORICAL CHART INDICATING THE EVOLUTION OF PARTIES, ALIGNMENTS AND FACTIONS IN THE MALTESE ISLANDS (1880-1926)

1880 REFORM PARTY (- c. 1891) PARTITO ANTIFORMISTA (PARTITO RIFORMISTA) (- c. 1884) V. Bugeja, S. Savona, (ANTI REFORMIST PARTY) Dr. P. Mifsud, Dr. F. Mizzi, F. S. De Cesare, Dr. Z. Roncali, W.]. Smith S. Cachia Zammit, [Public Opinion; Dr. Agost. Naudi, Malta Standard] Can. C. M. Muscat [11 Diritto di Malta]

1887 REFORM PARTY PARTITO NAZIONALE S. Savona Dr. F. Mizzi [Public Opinion] [La Gazzetta di Malta]

1889 REFORM PARTY PARTY OF ORDER PARTITO NAZIONALE S. Savona (PARTITO DELL'ORDINE) Dr. F. Mizzi [Public Opiniion] Count G. Strickland, [La Gazzetta di Malta] Dr. AIr. Naudi, E. Ciantar [Politica e Commercio]

1891 PARTITO UNIONISTA (UNIONIST PARTY) R.P. + P.N. = P.U. S. Savona, E. Castaldi

1893 REFORM PARTY PARTITO NAZI ON ALE S. Savona Dr. F. Mizzi, [Public Opinion] E. Castaldi, Mgr. A. Mifsud [Malta]

1895 PARTITO POPOLARE (POPULAR PARTY) S. Savona, Mgr. 1. Panzavecchia, A. DaIli, Dr. A. Pullicino [Malta Taglina, Public Opinion]

1897 PARTITO POPLARI PARTITO NAZIONALE S. Savona, Dr. F. Mizzi [Public Opinion, [Malta] Malta Taglina]

219 1899 ASSOCIAZIONE POLITlCA MALTESE (- c. 1905) (MALTESE POLITICAL ASSOCIATION) Dr. F. Mizzi, Mgr. 1. Panzavecchia, Dr. F. Sceberras, F. Azzopardi [Malta]

1905 ASSOCIAZIONE POLITICA MALTESE/PARTlTO NAZIONALE (c. 1910) F. Azzopardi [Malta]

1910 P.N. ANTIASTENSTIONISTA P.N. ASTENSIONISTA (Azzopardian) (Mizzian) F. Azzopardi, Dr. G. Mizzi, Dr. F. Sceberras, Dr. A. Pullicino, Dr. A. Mercieca A. Dalli, [L' Avvenire ] [Malta]

1911 COMITATO PATRIOTTICO (PATRIOTIC COMMITTEE) P.P. + P.N. = C.P. Mgr. 1. Panzavecchia

1914 P.N. ANTlASTENSIONISTA P.N. ASTENSIONISTA (N eo-Mizzian) (Panzavecchian) Dr. G. Mizzi, A. Dalli Dr. E. Mizzi Dr A. Pullicino [Malta] [11 Patriota, La Voce del Popolo]

1921 CONSTITUTINAL PARTY LABOUR PARTY Count Sir G. Strickland (LA CAMERA DEL LAVORO) [11 Progresso, Col. W. Savona Daily Malta Chronicle & [11 Hmar] Garrison Gazette]

PARTlTO PO POLAR El PARTITO DEMOCRATICO CNIONE POLITICA MALTESE NAZIONALISTA (MALTESE POLITICAL (DEMOCRATIC UNION) NATIONALIST PARTY) Mgr. 1. Panzavecchia Dr. Enrico Mizzi [11 Corriere Popolare, Malta] [L' Eco di Malta e Gozo, Malta]

1926 CONSTITUTINAL PARTY LABOUR PARTY PARTITO NAZIONALISTA Count Strickland Col. W. Savona U.P.M. + P.D.N. = P.N. [Progress, Chronicle] [Labour Opinio] Dr. U. Mifsud, Dr E. Mizzi [Malta] 'Compact'

220 APPENDIX 2 GOVERNORS OF MALTA (1813-1964)

Lieut.-General the Honourable Sir Thomas Maitland 1813-1824 General the Marquess of Hastings 1824-1826 Major-General the Honourable Sir Frederick Ponsonby 1827-1836 Lieut.-General Sir Henry Bouverie 1836-1843 Lieut.-General Sir Patrick Stuart 1843-1847 The Rt. Honourable Richard More O'Ferrall 1847-1851 Major-General Sir William Reid 1851-1858 Lieut.-General Sir John Gaspard Le Marchant 1858-1864 Lieut.-General Sir Henry Storks 1864-1867 General Sir Patrick Grant 1867-1872 General Sir Charles van Straubenzee 1872-1878 General Sir Arthur Borton 1878-1884 General Sir J. A. Lintorn Simmons 1884-1888 Lieut.-General Sir Henry Torrens 1888-1890 Lieut.-General Sir Henry Smyth 1890-1893 General Sir Arthur Fremantle 1893-1899 Lieut.-General Lord Grenfell I899-1903 General Sir Mansfield Clarke 1903-1907 Lieut.-General Sir Henry Grant 1907-1909 General Sir Leslie Rundle 1909-1915 Field-Marshal Lord Methuen 19 15-1919 Field-Marshal Viscount Plumt;r 19 19-1924 General Sir Walter Congreve 1924-1927 General Sir John du Cane 1927-193 1 General Sir David Campbell 193 1- 1936 General Sir Charles Bonham-Carter 1936- 1940 Lieut.-General Sir William Dobbie 1940- 1942 Field-Marshal Viscount Gort 1942- 1944 Lieut.-General Sir Edmond Schreiber 1944-1946 Sir F. (later Lord) Douglas 1946- 1949 Sir Gerald Creasy 1949-1954 Major-General Sir Robert Laycock 1954-1959

22I Admiral Sir Guy Grantham 1959-1963 Sir Maurice Dorman 1963-197 1 *

* Sir Maurice Dorman was 'Governor-General' of Malta after 1964. He was replaced by the Maltese ChiefJustice, Sir Anthony Mamo, in 1971.

222 APPENDIX 3 SECRETARIES OF STATE FOR WAR AND THE COLONIES (I8I2-I852)

1812 Earl Bathurst; 1827 F. J. Robinson (Viscount Goderich); 1828 Sir George Murray; 1830 Viscount Goderich; 1833 E. G. Stanley; 1834 Thomas Spring Rice; 1835 Charles Grant (Lord Glenelg) ; 1839 Lord John Russell; 1841 Lord Stanley (Earl of Derby) ; 1845 William E. Gladstone; 1846 Earl Grey; 1852 Sir John S. Pakington; 1852 Duke of Newcastle.

SECRETARIES OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (I854-I964)

1854 June 10 Sir G. Gray, Bt.; 1855 February Sidney Herbert; 1855 March Lord John Russell; 1855 July 21 Sir William Molesworth; 1855 November 17 Henry Labouchere; 1858 February 26 Lord Stanley (Earl of Derby) 1858 May 31 Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton; 1859 June 18 Duke of Newcastle; 1864 April4 Edward Card well (Viscount Cardwell); 1866 July 6 Earl of Carnarvon; 1867 March 8 Duke of Buckingham; 1868 December 10 Earl Granville; 1870 July 6 Earl of Kimberley; 1874 February 21 Earl of Carnarvon; 1878 February 4 Sir Michael E. Hicks Beach;

223 I880 April 28 Earl of Kimberley; I882 December I6 Earl of Derby; I885 June 24 Colonel F. A. Stanley; I886 February 6 Earl Granville; I886 August 3 Edward Stanhope; I887 January I4 Sir Henry Holland (Baron Knutsford, Viscount Knutsford) ; 1892 August 17 Marquess of Ripon; I895 June.28 Joseph Chamberlain; I903 October 9 Alfred Lyttleton; I905 December I I Earl of Elgin and Kincardine; I908 April I6 Earl of Crewe; I9IO November 7 Lewis Harcourt (Viscount Harcourt); 19 I5 May 27 A. Bonar Law; 19 I6 December I I W. H. Long; 19 I9 January I4 Viscount Milner; I92I February 14 Sir Winston Churchill; I922 October 25 Duke of Devonshire; 1924 January 23 J. H. Thomas 1924 November 7 L. C. Amery; I929 June 8 Lord Passfield; I93 I August 26 J. H. Thomas; 193 I November 9 Sir Phili p Cunliffe-Lister; I935 June 7 Malcolm MacDonald; I935 November 27 J. H. Thomas; I936 May 29 W. G. A. Ormsby-Gore; I938 May 16 Malcolm MacDonald; 1940 May I3 Lord Lloyd; I941 February 8 Lord Moyne; I942 February 23 Viscount Cranborne (Marquess of Salisbury) ; I942 November 24 O. F. G. Stanley; 1945 August 3 G. H. Hall (Viscount Hall); I946 October 7 A. Creech J ones; I950 March 2 J ames Griffiths; I95 I October 27 Oliver Lyttleton (Viscount Chandos); 1954 July 30 A. T. Lennox-Boyd (Viscount Boyd) ; I959 October I9 Ian Macleod; I96I October I6 Reginald Maudling; 1962 July I7 Duncan Sandys.

224 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Manuscript Sources (I) Private Collections in Malta: (a) Savona pepers (prop. of Major M. Calleja of Sliema, married to Savona relative) ; (b) Bencini papers (minutes and data relating to the early Labour Party, prop. of Mr. Giovanni Bencini of Sliema, founder-member and sec. of L.P. 1921-1933); (c) Dimech papers (donated to this writer by Dimech's two daughters Mrs. S. Dimech and Mrs. E. Magri nee Dimech). (d) Strickland papers (some details about the Strickland family made available by the Hon. M. Strickland, O.B.E.). (e) Felice Cutajar M.S., 8 Mar. 1803, prop. ofMr.J. Spiteri Paris ofValletta. (2) Colonial Office Original Correspondence. (Public Record Office, London): volumes 158/249 Uan.-July 1878) to 158/427 (1921, iv, Misc.); 158/434 (1924); 158/439 (19 2 5). (3) Foreign Office Papers (Public Record Office, London) : volumes 371/2006 (Italy, 1914); 371/3539 (Austria-Hungary, 1919); 371/5028 (Eastern, Egypt, 1920); 371/6291 (Eastern, Egypt, 1921). (4) Archives cif the Universi!J cif Malta (History Departmental Library, Royal Universi!J cif Malta, Tal-OJoqq) : Letter Book 1880-1884; Government Letters 1879-1883, vol. x; Report and Proceedings of the Education Committee of 1887; Senate 1887-1897. (5) Baptismal Records, Valletta: Church of Our Lady of Porto Salvo and St. Dominic, 1837 (S. Savona); 1844 (F. Mizzi); Collegiate and Parish Church of St. Paul Shipwrecked, 1860 (E. Dimech). (6) Archives of Her Majes!J's Criminal Court, Valletta: Police vs. G. Azzopardi et al., Procedure e Sentenze 1878, Atti di Accusa 1878; Police vs. E. Dimech, Alii d'Istruzione 1891 ;

Printed Primary Sources (I) Debates cif the Council cif Government of Malta (M.G.P.P., 1877-1922; Scic. Coli., R.H.L., 852- 89 0 ) : 22 Nov. 1876-25June 1877, sittings 21 to 42, vo!. i; 28 Nov. 1877-25 May 1878, sittings 43 to 63, vol. ii; 27 Nov. I 878-30 June 1879, sittings 64 to 86; vo!. iii; 3 Dec. 1879-2 June 1880, sittings 87 to I 16, vol. iv; 7 Dec. 1880-19 May 1881, sittings I to 20, vo!. v; 13 Nov. 1881-27 May 1882, sittings 21 to 39, vol. vi; 31 Oct. 1883-30 Sept. 1885, sittings I to 37, NO!. vii; 19 Nov. 1885-16June 1886, sittings 38 to 58, vol. viii; I I Nov. 1886-6 Apr. 1887, sittings 59 to 68, vol. ix; 21 Mar. 1888-26June 1888, sittings I to 17, vol. x; 31 Oct. 1888-25 Feb. 1889, sittings 18 to 36, vol. xi; 31 May 1889-4july 1889, sittings 37 to 42, vol. xii; 2gJan. 18go-25June 18go, sittings I to 15, vol. xiii; 15 Oct. 18g0-6 May 18gl, sittings 16 to 38, vol. xiv; 31 Oct. 18g1-15June 18g2, sittings 39 to 66, vol. xv; 12 Oct. 18g2-2 Aug. 1893, sittings I to 36, vol. xvi; 31 Jan. 18g4-20June 1894, sittings 37 to 56, vol. xvii; 100Ct. 18g4-2o Feb. 18g5, sittings 57 to 76, vol. xviii; 23 Oct. 1895-6 May 18g6, sittings I to 22, vol. xix; 14 Oct. 18g6-12 May 18g7, sittings 23 to 45, vol. xx; 27 Oct. 18g7-29 Apr. 18g8, sittings 46 to 72, vol. xxi; Ig Oct. 18g8-21 Dec. 18g8, sittings I to I1, vol. xxii; 22 Mar. 18gg-1 7 June 18gg, sittings I to 13, vol. xxiii; 18 Oct. 18gg-15June IgOO, sittings I to 35, vol. xxiv; ~I Oct. IgOO-21 June IgOI, sittings I to 37, vol. xxv; 25 Nov. Igo.I-23 May Ig02, sittings 38 to 59, vol. xxvi; 5 Nov. Ig02-17 June Ig03, sittings 60 to go, vol. xxvii; II Nov. Ig03-6July Ig04, sittings I to 28, vol. xxviii; 10 Nov. 1904-14June Ig05, sittings 2g to 56, vol. xxix; 16 Nov. Ig05-4July Ig06, sittings 57 to 85, vol. xxx; 14 Nov. Ig06-27 Mar. Ig07, sittings 86 to 102, vol xxxi; 27 May 1907-IOJune Ig08, sittings I to 33, vol. xxxii; 18 Nov. 1908-30June IgOg, sittings 34 to 68, vol. xxxiii; 24 Nov. Igog-8June IglO, sittings I to 28, vol. xxxiv; 16 Nov. IglO-lgJuly IgIl, sittings 2g to 63, vol. xxxv; 4 Nov. 19I1-5 May Ig12, sittings I to 26, vol. xxxvi; 25 Mar. 1913-31 July 1913, sittings I to 21, vol. xxxvii; 3Jan. Igl4-28July 1917, sittings I to 126, vol. xxxviii; 10 Dec. 1917-19 Sept. Ig21, sittings I to 158, vol. xxxix.

(2) Papers printedfor the use qfthe Colonial Office (listedfrom I848 to I9I6 as 'Mediterranean', inc. Malta, Cyprus, Gibraltar) : 883/4 (1887-18gl, esp. Med. 38); 883/5 (1895-1902, esp. Med. 52); 883/6 (esp. Med. 54 [lg03] and Med. 60 [lg05-lg06]); 883/7 (esp. Med. 76, conf. corr. re. drainage and water supply, Feb. 18g7-0ct. IgII). (3) Hansard: 1st ser. (1803-1820), 1803, xxxvi; 3rd ser. (1830-18gl), 1876, ccxxviii, ccxxix, ccxxx, ccxxxi; 1877, ccxxxii, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxv, ccxxxvi; 1878, ccxxxvii, ccxxxviii, ccxxxix, ccxl, ccxli, ccxlii, ccxliii; 1879, ccxliv, ccxlv, ccxlvi, ccxlvii, ccxlviii, ccxlix; 1880, eel, celi, celii, celiii, celv, celvi; 1881, celviii, eel x, celxiii, celxiv, celxv; 1882, celxx, celxxi, celxxii, celxxiii, cclxxv; 1883, celxxvi; 1884, cclxxxv, celxxxvii, ccxc, ccxciii; 1885, ccxvii, ecc; 1886, cccii, cccv, cccviii; 1887, cccxi, cccxiv, cccxvi, cccxvii, cccxviii, cccxx; 1888, cccxxii, cccxxiii, cccxxv, cccxxvii; 188g, cccxxxiv, cccxxxv, cccxxxvi, cccxxxix; 18go, cccxli, cccxliii, cccxliv, cccxlv, cccxlvi, cccxlvii, cccxlviii; I 8g I, cccli, cceliii, ccelv, ccclvi; 4th ser. (18g2-lg08), 18g2, i, ii, iii, v; 1893, viii, ix, xi, xii, xv; 1894, xx, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii; 18g6, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xliv; 18g8, lv, lxiii; 18gg, lxix, lxxii, lxxiii, lxxiv, Ixxvii; IgOO, lxxix, lxxx, lx?,xi~~~ lx~xiv, lxx~vi, lx~~viii; 1901, ?,cii, xciii, xci~, xcv, xcvi,. xcvii, xc.v~ii, xci~; 1902, Cl, CllI, elX, ex, eXl, CXVlll; 1903, CXXIV, cxxv, CXXVl; 1904, CXXIX, CXXXVl, CXXXVll, cxxxviii, cxxxix; Ig05, cxlii, cxlix; Ig06, cliii, clxi, elviii, elix, elx, elxii, clxiv, elxv; Ig08, clxxxv, clxxxviii, cxcv; 5th ser. (1909- ), 1909, iv, v, vi, viii, xii; 1910, xv, xvi, xviii; 191 I, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, xxviii; Ig12, xxxv, xxxviii; 1913, xlvii; Igl 7, c, cvi; Ig18, cix; Iglg, 113, I I 7, 118,121, 122, 123; Ig20, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136; Ig21, 141 , 145, 146, 147·

(4) Malta Government Gazettes (Public Record Office, Ashridge; Rl!}al Malta Library, Valletta): C.O. 162/22 (1874) to C.O. 162/34 (Igoo).

(5) Malta Blue Books (PublIc Records Office, Chancery Lane) : C.O. 163/95 (1876) to C.O. 163/117 (18g8). (6) Reports and Official Publications: (a) Censuses of Malta, Gozo and Comino for 1842 (M.G.G., 31 Dec. 1842) and those for 1871, 1881, 18gl, IgOI, IgII and Ig21, printed by the government press, Valletta, and usually published in the year following (1872, 1882, etc.) ; (b) Miscellaneous reports and statutes, given in chronological order: Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry, Aug. 1812, in Harlow & Madden, op. cit., pp. 130-132; full report, 1 May 1812, in R.M.L. BO-4,43; Reports of the Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into the Affairs of Malta (H.M.S.O., 1838); Fundamental Statute of the University of Malta (M.G.P., 1838); Report from the Commission appointed by His Excellency the Governor to enquire into and report upon the distress which is said to exist in these Islands (Valletta, 1868); Report by F. W. Rowsell, May 1887, ParI. Papers 1878, Iv (C. 2032); P.]. Keenan, 'Report on the Educational System of Malta,' ParI. Papers 1880, xlix (C. 2685) ; P. Julyan, 'Report on the Civil Establishments of Malta', ParI. Papers 1880, xlix (G 2684); S. Savona, 'Report on the Educational Institutions of Malta and Gozo', M.G.P.O., 1883; Report by G. F. Bowen and G. Smith Baden Powell with regard to dividing Malta into electoral divisions, M.G.G., 1888; Correspondence regarding Sir L. Simmons' Special Mission to the Vatican relative to the Religious Questions in the Island of Malta (May 18go, H.M.S.O., C. 5975); Report of the Select Committee on the Education Department, M.G.P.O., 18g7; Statute of the University and Lyceum of Malta 18g8 reprinted with amendments made up to November Ig06, M.G.P., Ig07; Report of the Royal Commission on the Finances, Economic Position, and Judicial Pro­ cedure of Malta, ParI. Papers 1912, xl (Cd. 60go); inc. Evidence taken before the Royal Commission (Cd. 6280) and Appendix (Cd. 2681); Report by the Malta Financial Investigation Committee, M.G.G., Ig13; Reports of the Commission appointed to enquire into the events of the 7th and 8th June Iglg and into the circumstances which led up to those events, M.G.P.O., Iglg; (c) Papers printed for Parliament, being mostly despatches on the political condition of Malta: (New Bodleian Library): 1868-186g, vo!. xliii; 1864, vo!. xxxvii; 186g-1870, xliii; 1870, xlix; 1878-1879, li (G 2317); 1878, Iv (G 2032); 1880, xlix (C. 2684, C. 2685); 18gg, lix; Ig00, xlvi; Ig01, xlvi (Cd. 715); Ig03, xliv (Cd. 1660); Ig04, Ix (Cd. 2023); IglO, lxvi (Cd. 5217); IgI2-1g13, xl (Cd. 60go, 6280,6281); Ig21, xxiv (Cmd. 1321). (d) Documenti Diplomatici Italiani (Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Rome): Ser. I: i-iv, xiii; ser. 2: i-iii, xxi; ser. 3: i-iii; ser. 4: xii; ser. 5: i; ser. 6: i; ser. 7, i-vi. (7) Newspapers: Malta, 1883-1g21; Daily Malta Chronicle, 1887-1g21; Public Opinion, 1867-18g8, Ig06-o8; 11 Diritto di Malta, 1880-1885; Malta Times, Malta Observer, Malta News, Malta Standard, 11 Portafoglio Maltese, 11 Filologo Maltese, Malta Taghna, In Nahla, 11 Bandiera tal Maltin (18g8-1g05, IgII-14); Politica e Commercio; 11 Patriota, L'Avvenire, La Voce del Popolo, 11 Currier Malti, Risorgimento, Fede ed Azione, Malta Herald, il Habbar ta' Sant' Antnin, Is-Salih, 11 Hahih, La Sferza, 11 Hmar, Progress, L'Unioni Maltia, 11 Haddiem, 11 Haddiem Malti, 11 Corriere Popolare, L'Eco di Malta e Gozo, Lahour Opinion: (8) Political Pamphlets and other publications, appeals, speeches, petitions, manifestoes, leaflets, letters, etc. (including biographies and autobiographies) : Anon: Appeals qfthe Nohility and People of Malta (181 I); Anon (? Baron Sir E. M. De Piro) : Squarci di Storia e Ragionamenti sull'Isola di Malta in confutazione mo di una gran parte di cio, che alla stessa si riferisce ne! I volume dell'opera irtglese intitolata 'Turkey, Greece and Malta', by Adolphus Slade, R.N., etc. (Malta, Tipografia Luigi Tonna, 1839); Anon: 11 Primo Periodo dell'Amministrazione dell'Onor. Sig. R. More O'Ferrall in Malta (Malta, Nov. 1849); Anon (? F. S. De Cesare): Appello ai Maltesi (Valletta, 1884); Anon: Qari gall Maltin, malirug mix-Xirka Xemia (Malta, 1885); L' Attualita: Indirizzo del Comitato Popolare-Sigismondo Savona, Capo del Partito del Popolo (Lorenzo Busuttil, Malta, I 895);

227 Anon: The Marriage Laws of Malta. A Record (Valletta, 1897); 'Astensionismo': Un Capitolo di Storia alla Vigilia della Prossirrw Elezione (Malta, 1916); Anon: 11 Qawmien tal-Haddiem Malti; Storja tal-Partit Laburista 1920-197°, l-ewwel volum 1920-1955 (Freedom Press, Malta, 197 I); Anon: L-Istorja tal-Partit Naz;:jonalista (Lux Press, Malta, 1972); Ballard, G. A.: The Development of Malta as a First Class Naval Base since its Inclusion in the British Empire (1917); Bartolo, A.: Malta, a Neglected Outpost if Empire (Valletta, 191 I) ; ..Bonnici, G.: L-IstorJa tal-Partit tal-Haddiema (Malta 193 I); Bullock Webster, W.: English Governors and Foreign Grumblers or Malta in 1864 (Lond., 1864); Cachia Zammit, S., et al.: I Membri Elettivi al Sig. F. W. Rowsell (Valletta, 1877); Casolani, C.: Suggestions with regard to the General Administration and Internal Affairs if Malta (Lane, Lond., L. Cretien, Malta, 1867); The Sanitary Question in Malta (Valletta, 1880; also published in Italian). Castaldi, S.: Maltesismi e Frasi Toscane (Valletta, 1883); 'Cato' (Sir Arturo Mercieca): The Awakening (Lux Press, Malta, 1949); Cellini, B.: Malta e la politica Stricklandiana; con un appendice di documenti (Leghorn, 1931); Chamber of Commerce: A Century of Progress 1848-1948 (Valletta, 1950); Cini, A.: La Libera Scelta ossia La Questione della Lingua in Malta secondo il Decreto-Legge del 26 Settembre 1901 (Syracuse, 1901); Origine e Progresso della Lingua Italiana in Malta ossia la Lingua Nazionale dei Maltesi (Catania, 1904); De Cesare, R.: 112 Luglio 1879 (Valletta, 1879); Dimech, E.: Is-Sisien tax Xirca Maltia (Colonial Library, Valletta, 1913); Ivan u Prascovia; Rumanz mictub bil Malti mill euuel mill professur Emmanuel Dimeclz (Tipografia Sengleana, L'Isla, 1905); Fallon, D.: On the Importance if the Study if English; an address delivered on the occasion if the re­ opening if the University and Lyceum (Malta, 1892); Flores, J.: L'Otto Settembre; Lettura Commemorattiva tenuta al Circolo 'La Giovine Malta' il di 8 Settembre 1931 (Malta press, 1931); Frendo, P. G. and Bencini, G.: L-Ghakda tal Haddiema; Chif inhi u ghalfeJn saret (Malta, n.d., ?1920) ; Frendo, P. G.: 11 Problerrw Scolastico; Breve Discorso pronunziato dal Prifessor Pier G. Frendo, LL.D., in occasione dell'inaugurazione dell'anno accademico il di 1° Ottobre 1924 (Stamperia del Governo, Valletta, 1924); Fraser, G.: Malta (bustions 1877-1887 (Lond., 1887); Galea, P. P.: 11 Kerk ta' d-Demoniu micxuff'Malta (Malta, 1912); Ganado, H.: RaJt Malta Tinbidel (Malta, 1974-76),4 vols.; Gauci, G.: Mizzi, Savona e Strickland (Malta, n.d., ?J891); Giusti, R.(Ed): In Difesa della Civilta Italiana a Malta; Raccolta di articoli difondo del'Malta', Organo del Partito Nazionale Maltese (Leghorn, 1931); Grech, S.: Dove sta la Ragione ed il Torto (Giov. Muscat, Valletta, 1893); Memoirs of Field-Marshal Lord Grenfell, P.C., G.C.B., G.C.M.G., with a preface by Maj.-Gen. Sir Ronald Lane, K.C.B., K.C.V.O. (Hodder & Stoughton, Lond., n.d., ?i925); Lettera di Quattro dei Membri Elettivi del Consiglio a Sua Gloria il Duca di Newcastle (Malta, 15 Feb. 1864; a petition promoted by the four lawyers R. Sciortino, F. Pullicino, P. Mifsud, F. M. Torreggiani, signed by 4.464 inhabitants). Litt missierijiet u l'ommijiet tat-ifalta l'IskeJjeltal Guern (Malta press, 1901); Lists if Ministers and Results if General Elections held under the 1921 and 1947 Constitutions (Giov. 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Dr. Carmelo Mifsud Bonncii (Valletta, 1933); Mizzi, E.: La lotta per l'italianita di Malta (Rome, 191 I); 11 Convegno di Malta e una nuova soluzione della questione maltese (Rome, 1912); Malta Italiana (Turin, 1912); Mizzi, F. and Cachia Zammit, S.: A Statement tifClaims and Grievances tifthe Maltese (Lond., 1899) ; Mizzi, L. 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Muscat, Valletta, 1925); 11 Chelliem tal "bat ilsna jew il Malti mharreg tajjeb b'Tahdit u Tfissir fl-ilsna Italian, Inglis u Francis (Malta press, Valletta, 1907); Dobie, E.: Malta's Road to Independence (University of Oklahoma Press, 1967); Duverger, M.: Political Parties (Paris, 1951; Lond., 3rd edn., 1964); Faure, G.: Li Storia Ta Malta u Ghaudex (Andolfo & Magro, Valletta, 1913-1916), vo!. iv; an incredibly naive, popular, patriotic narrative intended for semiliterates, containing various eye-witness accounts of public spectacles; Fanon, F.: The Wretched if the Earth (Paris, 1961, Lond., 1974); Fieldhouse, D. K.: The Colonial Empires; A Comparative Survey from the Eighteenth Century (Lond., 1966); Fishman,J. A.: Language and Nationalism; Two Integrative Essays (Newbury House, Mass., 1973); Gargan, E. T. (Ed.): Leo XIII and the Modern World (New York, 1961); Gavin, R. J.: Aden under British Rule 1839-1967 (Lond., 1975); Giglioli, P. P. (Ed.): Language and Social Context (Lond., 1973); Gianville,J. L.: Italy's Relations with England 1896-1905 (Baltimore, 1934; presented as a Ph.D. thesis at John Hopkins University in 1931); Goris, J.-A (Ed.): Belgium (University of California Press, 1945); Gungwu, W. (Ed.): Malaysia (Lond., 1964); Haldane, J. B. S.: The Races if Central Europe (Lond., 1939); Hales, E. E. Y.: Mazzini and the Secret Societies; The Making of a Myth (Lond., 1956); Halpern, P. G.: The Mediterranean Naval Situation, 1908-1914 (Harvard, 1971); Hancock, W. K.: Survry of British Commonwealth Affairs, vo!. i; Problems of Nationality 1918- 1936 (Oxford, 1937; Professor Edith Dobie, writing in The Historiography of thT British Empire-Commonwealth (Infra, under Winks), said Hancock's discussion of Malta here (pp. 406-428) was 'by far the best writing on Malta'.); Harlow, V. and Madden, F.: British Colonial Developments 1774-1834 (Oxford, 1953); Ionescu, G., and de Madariaga, I.: Opposition (Lond., 1968); Jennings, I.: Party Politics (Cambridge, 1960),3 vols.; Judd, D.: Baljour and the British Empire; A Study in Imperial Evolution 1874-1932 (Lond., 1968); JupP, J.: Political Parties (Lond., 1968); Kedourie, E.: Afghani and 'Abduh; An Essay on Religious Unbeliif and Political Activism in Modem Islam (Lond., 1966); Nationalism (Lond., 1971); Kee, R.: The Green Flag; A History of Irish Nationalism (Lond., 1972); Keith, A B. (Ed.): Selected Speeches and Documents on British Colonial Policy 1763-1917 (Oxford, 1933), 2 vols.; Speeches and Documents on the British Dominions 1918-1931 (Oxford, 1932, reprinted 1938, 1948); Kohn, H.: The Idea of Nationalism; A Study in its Origins and Background (New York, 1945); Lacey, T. A.: Marriage in Church and State (Lond., 1912, revised edn. by R. C. Mortimer, 1947); Laferla, A V.: British Malta (A. C. Aquilina, Valletta, 1947),2 vols.; still the most comprehen- sive work on colonial Malta, horribile dictu; Lee, H. I.: Malta 181,3-1914; A Study in Constitutional and Strategic Development (Progress Press, Valletta, 1972); Lippman, W.: Public Opinion (Lond., 1965); Lipset, S. M. (Ed.): Revolution and Counter-Revolution; Change and Persistence in Social Structures (Lond., 1969); Lowe, C. J., and Marzari, F.: Italian Foreign rolicy 1870-1940 (Lond., 1975); Lower, A R. M.: Colony to Nation; A History of Canada (Longmans, 4th edn., 1964); Macaulay, T. B.: Critical and Historical Essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review' (Lond., 1854), 2 vols.; Macmillan, A. (Ed.): Malta and Gibraltar (Lond., 1915); Mack-Smith, D.: Italy; A Modem History (Lond., 1959); A History of Sicily (Lond., 1968), vo!. iii; Marder, AJ.: From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow; The RoyalNaoy in the Fisher Era, 1904-1919 (Lond., 1961); Marsden, A.: British Diplomacy and Tunis 1875-1902; A case study in Mediterranean policy (Scot- tish Academic Press, Edin., 1971); Marshall, D.: A History of the Maltese Language in Local Education (MUP, 1971); Memmi, A: The Colonizer and the Colonized (1957; Lond., 1965); Micallef, J.: 11 Contributo del Maltese allo studio del Siciliano; problemi difonetica siciliana e maltese (Palermo, G. Mori, 1962); Michels, R.: Political Parties; A sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modem democracy (trans. from Italian by E. and C. Paul; Lond., 1915); Monk, W. F.: Britain in the Western Mediterranean (Lond., 1955); Monroe, E.: The Mediterranean in Politics (Oxford, 1938); Nationalism; A Report by a Study Group of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Oxford, 1939); O'Farrell, P.: England and Ireland Since 1800 (Oxford, 1975); Orr, C. W. J.: Cyprus under British Rule (Lond., 1918); Ostrogorski, M. Y.: Democracy and the organization of political parties (translated by F. Clarke; Lond., 1902),2 vols.; Owen, R. and Sutcliffe, B. (Ed.): Studies in the Theory of Imperialism (Lond., 1972); Peretti, J.: Les Aspects Linguistiques, Litteraires, Artistiques et Folkloristiques de l'Italianite de Malte (Tolentino, 1965); Pelling, H.: A Short History rif the lAbour Party (Lond., 1961); A History rif British Trade Unionism (Lond., 2nd edn., 1971); Pollard, S.: The Idea of Progress (Lond., 1968); Popperwell, R. G.: Norway (Lond., 1972); Price, C. A.: Malta and the Maltese; A StUt!;> in Nineteenth Century Migration (Georgian House, Melbourne, 1954); Psichari, H. (Ed.): Oeuvres Complefis de Ernest Renan (Paris, 1947-1961), vol. i; Robinson, K. and Madden, F. (Ed.): Essays in Imperial Government (Blackwell, 1963); Robinson, R. and Gallagher, J. : Africa and the Victorians; The Official Mind rif Imperialism (Lond., 1961 ); Rossi, E.: Lingua Italiana, Dialetto Maltese e Politica Britannica a Malta (Leghorn, 1929); Sammut Tagliaferro, A.: The History rif the Royal Malta Artillery (Malta, 1976); al-Sayyid, A. L.: Egypt and Cromer; A Stuffy in Anglo-Egyptian Relations (Lond., 1968); Seton-Watson, C.: Italy from Liberalism to Fascism (Lond., 1967); Smith, H.: Britain in Malta (Progress Press, Valletta, 1953),2 vols.; Stephens, R.: Cyprus: A Place rif Arms (Lond., 1966); Taylor, A. J.: lAissez-faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth Century Britain (Lond., 1974); Vella, A. P.: Malta and the Czars (MUP, 1964); The University rif Malta; A Bicentennial Memorial (MUP, 1969); Sto/ja ta' Malta (Klabb Kotba Maltin, Valletta, 1974), vol. i; Wight, M.: The Development rif the Legislative Council 1606-1945 (Lond., 1945); Will, H. A.: Constitutional Change in the British West Indies 1880-1903 (Oxford, 1970); Winks, R. W. (Ed.): The Historiography rif the British Empire-Commonwealth (Duke University Press, Durham, 1966); Wiseman, H. V.: The Cabinet in the Commonwealth (Lond., 1958); Zimmern, A. E.: Nationality and Government (Lond., 1918). INDEX OF NAMES

A Associazione Politica Maltese (A.P.M.), Acton, Lord, 209, 21 I, 215 132- 137,141 Adami, Dr. Goffredo, 77, 78, 89, 93 Astensionisti, 205 Aden, 5,12, 159 Austin, Dennis, 155, 178 Adkins, T., 53 Austin,John, 13, 16,53 Afrikaans language, 35, 36 Australia, 39, 57, 62, 99, 121, 166, 167, Agius, Edward Tancred, 101, 127 192, 193,202 Agius, Salvu, 192 Austria, 29, 30, I 16 Agius, Archpriest Paolo, 46, 83 Al'l'enire, L', 140, 160, I 76, 179 Agius, Dr. P. P., 105 Azzopardi, Francesco, 54, 55, 107, 109, Ahmed el-Serif, Sayid, 156 1l0, 119, 122, 131, 135-143, 160-163, Ahn, Dr. Franz, 21, 54 166-169,171,175,176,179,180,186, AI-Din al-Afghani,Jamal, 150 205,210 AIgiera, I 10, 146, 2 I 3 Alier, V. M., 92 B Alighieri, Dante, 28, 76, 157, 158 Baden-Powell, Sir George, 90 Allenby, Lord, 151, 177 Badger, G. P., 2,12 Amery,Julyan, 117, 122, 129, 171-173, Bagehot, Waiter, 10, 13 181,199 Balbi di Correggio, F., I I Amico del Popolo, L', 16 Ball, Sir Alexander, 5, 12 Amiens, Peace and Treaty of, 4 Balzan, 189, 191 Anderson, Sir John, 30, 44, 48, 54-56, 58, Bandiera tal Maltin, 105, 112, 135, 148, 59 150,174,175,177 Anglo-Boer War, 97, 146, 178 Barbaro, Arturo, 43 Anglo-Maltese Party (A.M.P.; Partit Barbaro, Eliodoro, 49, 59 Anglo-Malti), 185, 200 Barbaro, Prof. Ramiro, 114, 147 Anti-Astensionisti, 206 Barnard, F. M., 13 Appello ai Maltesi (pamphlet), 40, 55 Barron, Major-General Harry, 136, 138, Arabic language, the, 9, 11,21,26,28, 175 34-36 Bartolo, Antonio, 104, 125, 134 Arabs, the, 35, 36 Bartolo, Dr. Augusto, 141, 142, 144, 148, Arberry, A. J., 216 159,171,176,178,185,191,192,2°3, Archaeology Society, 98 210 Arena, Guglielmo, 16g, 185, 189 Barttelot, Rear Admiral Brian, 185, 198 Armenia, 120 Bathurst, Lord, 16 Ashley, Evelyn, 30, 33,40,42,55-57 Battersea College, 17 Asquith, Lord (British prime minister), Beligan revolution, the (1830), 24 15 1,159 Bencini, Giovanni, 166, 168, 185, 189 Assemblea di Cittadini, 49, 69, 141, 142, Bencini, Robert, 168 Assemblea Nazionale, 171, 172, 183, 186 Benson, Archbishop Edward, 71, 73, 74, 85

233 Bentham, Jeremy, 19 C Berlin, Congress of, 173 Cachia Zammit, S., 6, 8, 12, 13, 18,25, Bey, Enver, 156 26,76, 104, 114, II5, II9, 128, 137, 139, Bianchi, Icilio, 161, 179 162, 163, 175, 179 Birkirkara, 79, 80, 119, 123, 189, 19 1, 21 5 Calleja, Pasquale, 21 I Bishop, E., 10, 13 Cambridge Students Union, 47 Bismarck, Otto von, 30, 55, 178 Cambridge University, 66, Bissolati, Leonida, 157 Camera del Lavoro, La, 185 Blanke, R., 179 Cameron, Charles, (Civil Commissioner), Boers, the, 121 36 BofTa, Sir Paul, 209, 215 Campbell Bannerman, Sir Henry (British Boissevain,J., 130,204,215 prime minister), 122 Boland, John, I 16 Canada, 30,64,90, 97, 149, 188, 193,202 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 3, 5, 35, 97 Canning, Lord, 4 Bonar Law Andrew, 130, 179 Canon law, 71, 75,86 Bonavia, Giuseppe, 78, 79, 108, 198 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 71, 76 Bonello, Vincenzo, 2 I I Capitan Fracassa, 11 (irredentist organ), 29 Bonnici, Dr. Benjamino, 146 Carbo ne, Dr. Giuseppe (Crown Advocate), Borg, Dr. George, 166, 180 46, 48, 49, 58, 59, 132 Borg, M. A. 169, 184, 185 Carducci, Giosue, 157 Borg Olivier, Dr. G., 209, 215 Cardwell, Lord, 7, 8, 12 Borg Olivier, Oliviero, 141, 170, 181 Caribbean, 192 Borg Olivier, Notary Salvatore, 197 Carlton Club, 47 Borton, Sir Arthur (Governor), 10, 12, 13, Carnarvon, Lord, 7,41 25,29,40,41,43,44,53-59,91 Carnival, 52 Bourassa, Henri, 97 Carswell, Catherine, 200 Bowen, Sir George, 57, 90 Caruana, A., 92 Bowyer, Sir George, 4 Caruana, Dr. A. A., 57, 59, 108 Braudel, F., 202, 215 Caruana, Bishop Mauro, 161, 168, 180 Britain, Great, (England, British Empire, Caruana Gatto, Count Alfredo, 139, 141, H.M.G.), 4-6, 8, 10, 17, 18, 28-32, 34, 38, 142,168 42,44,48,65,70-72,74,75,79-81,86, Casino Maltese, 172, 189 97, 100, 102, 103, 106, 107, 114-124, 131, Cassar, Dr. Paul, 12 134-139, 143, 144, 148, 150- 161 , Cassar Desain, Marchese, 75 163-166,170-173,184-186,188,191- Cassar Torregiani, A., 169, 184 198,200,202,203,204,207,209,210, Cassels, A., 200 216 Castaldi, Evaristo, 61, 64, 68, 70, 73, 76, British Guiana, 131 77,90,92, 146, 191 British Labour Movement, 128 Castaldi, Dr. Salvatore, 28, 55 British North America, 62 Cathedral Chapter, the, 74, 82 British Parliament, the, 72 Ceylon, 138, 186 British Workers Union, 185 Chadwick, S.J., 174 Brook-Shepherd, G., 130 Chalmers, Sir Mackenzie, 146 Bubaqra, 190 Chamber of Advocates, 13, 81, I I I, 135 Buckingham, Duke of, 7 Chamber of Commerce, 66, 123 Buckland, P., 91 Chamberlain, Joseph, 5,12,79,86,90-95, Bugeja, Vincenzo, 4, 38, 42, 44-46, 144 97-102, 105,108,112,113, II5-117, Buhagiar, Bishop, Antonio Maria, 47, 119,120,122, 125-131,153,174,175, 61,70,72,91,159 199, 204, 21 5 Buhagiar, Dr. Francesco, 195 Chapelle, Baron Alessandro, 61, 68,73,90 Busuttil, Lorenzo, 93, 104, 124 Chartist Movement, 39 Butler, D., 127 Cheng, N. L., 56 Byatt, H. A., 162, 179 Chinese language (Cantonese), 33

234 Chircop, Rev. Salvatore, 84 Council of Government, the (Malta), 4, 6, Christ, Jesus, 84 7, 12, 17-19,23,28,32,38-42,44-46, Churchill, Sir Winston, 25, 136, 137, 138, 49, 53-58, 61, 65, 68, 69, 72-74, 76- 80, 15 1,159,177, 193, 198- 200 84, 86, 87, 90-95, 102, 106, 11 I, 11 5, Ciantar, Edward, 66, 68 119, 122, 125-132, 136-138, 140, Cini, Antonio, 116, 128 142- 145,161-168,170, '74-177, 179, Circolo Fortunato Mizzi, 49 180, 186, 198,211 Clarke, Governor, 91, 127, 131, 135, 136, Cousin, G., 53 174-176 Cousis & Co., A. G., 176 Clauson, Sir John, 148, 176, 177, 187, 193 Cremona,J.J., 12, 181,216 Cobden Club, 8, 27 Crewe, Earl, 67, 91,126,138,139,175,176, Cobden Richard, Cobdenite, 6, 18,24,89, 200 Colojanni, Dr. Napoleone, 116 Crimean War, the, 6, 173 Colocci, Marchese Adriano, 116, 152, 158, Crispi, Francesco, 4, 30, 116, 156, 159 159,178 Critien, J., 104 Colonial Office (C.O.), 10, 18,33,40,49, Cromwell, 0., 99 64,75,79,92,94,102, 105, 13 1, 15 1, Cuba, 75,92 159,168,173,176,177, '79, 180, 189, Cumbo, Prof. Salvatore, 37 192, 198 Curmi,130 Comitato Generale Maltese, Il, 4 Currie, Lord, 116, 117, 128, 129 Comitato degli Undici, 11, 49 Custer, General, 115 Comitato Nazionale, 11, I 18, I 19, 132 Cutajar, Felice, 12 Comitato Patriottico, 11, 142-144, 157, Cyprus, 10, 12,30,33,56, 123, 131, 154 160-162, 166, 180, 185, 189, 190, 198, Cyrenaica, 156 211 Comitato Permanente Uniuersitario, It, 120 D Comitato Popolare, 11, 132, 133 Daily Express, The, 105 Commissariat Department, 20 Daily Graphic, The, 153 Commons, House of, 122, 138 Daily Malta Chronicle, The, 93, 104, 105, Commonwealth, the British, 90, 210 125, 134, 141, 144, 148, 159, 172, 176, Congleton, Lord, 120, 129 178,192,193,200,210,216 Congresso Nazionale Maltese, 11, 3, Daily Record, The, 174 Congress Party (India), 88 Dalli, Antonio, 78,93, 102, 103, 133, 139, Conservative Party, the (British), 26,49, 144,162,166,168,175,176, '79, 180, 189 55,71,73 dal Verme, General Luchino, 116 'Conservative Party', the (Maltese), 31, 32 Danish language, 35 Consiglio Popolare, It, 3,7,31, 132, 133, D'Annunzio, Gabriele, 157 137,141 Darmanin, Cesare, 78, 103, 127 Constantinople, 191 Darwin, Charles, 97 Constitutional Party (C.P.), 184-191, Davis, Acting Governor, 54, 58 193-197,209,210,215 D~tt, Michael, 116, 128 Consular Courts, 191 De Cesare, F. S., 5, 25, 28, 29, 32, 39-42, Corbett, T. L., 134 48,49,77,83, 104, 142, 184, 19 1 Corda Fratres, 120 De Cesare, Roberto, 1325,54,55,80,104, Cornwell-Lewis, G., 12, 13, 16,53 129 Corradini, Enrico, 156, 158 De La Warr, Earl, 47 Corriere delta Sera, 11, 178, 186 Depeche Tunisienne, La, 69, 9 I Corriere Mercantile Maltese, 11, 16 De Piro, Baron Sir, E. M., 92 Corriere Popolare, It, 198, 199 De Piro, Marchesino Giuseppe, 25 Cospicua (Bormla), 7, 15, 16, 20, 25, 80, De Piro, Marchese Saverio, 84, 94 84,87,93, 119, 125, 163, 166, 188, 190, De Valera, Eamon, 193 191, 209 Depretis, Agostino, (Italian prime minister), Cottonera, 191 29

235 Derby, Lord, 12,41-45,54,55,57-59, Farrugia, L., 169 126 Fede cd Azione, 49, 59, 186 Devonshire Club, 8 Fenech Adami, Dr. Eddie, 215 Dimech, Emanuele, 105, 112, 124, Ferraro, Guglielmo, 156 148-151, 174, 177, 192,202 Ferri, L., 55 Dingli, Sir Adriano (Crown Advocate), Fiji, 123 11,13,19,25,41,66,74, 205 Filarmonica Sant' Elena, 123. See Birkirkara. Diritto di Malta, ll, 21-23, 25, 27, 29, 41, Filologo Maltese, Il, 37 54,55, 78, 114, 157 Fiorentini, Bianca, 12 Disraeli, Benjamin, 100 Fisher, Sir John, 102, 126, 153, 171 Dockyard, the Royal, 3, 15, 17,20,41,88 Fishman, J. A., 57 Donoughmore Commission, 63 Flood,J. E. W., 179, 199 Dorset Regiment, 98 Floriana,8, 16,49,80,81,87, 104, 119, Dundas, Henry, 12 135, 166, 190, 199 Dun Karm, 216 Flour Control Office, 169 Dundon, Lt. Col. Michael, 188, 189 Fogliero De Luna, Sofia, 23 Durham, Lord, 62 Foreign Office (F.O.), 86, 94, 151 Dutch Kingdom, 24, 36 Fox, CharlesJames, 4 Dutch language, 24, 30, 35 Fox, Major R. D., 193 Duverger, M., 79, 93 France, 4, 6, 21, 29, 31, 75, 86, 92, 110, 114,153,154,158,173 Frassati, Alfredo, 178 E Fremantle, Governor, 12, 65, 83, 85, 86, Education Committee, 59 9<>-95, 126-128, 130, 174 Edward VII, 119, 120, 123, 125, 129, 130 French language, the, 21, 24, 30 Egypt, 4, 88, 97,110,149,151,178 Frendo, Notary Cristoforo, 59, 186 Elgin, Earl, 134, 174-176 Frendo, H., 177, 181, 198,216 Ellis, W. D., 175, 179, 180, 199,200 Frendo, Dr. Pier Giuseppe, 186, 189 Engel, C. E., 11 Frendo Azzopardi, Sir Vincenzo, 132, 167 England, R., 216 English language, the, 8-1 I, 16-22,24, G 26,30-34,36-38,41-45,51,53,56, Gaelic (Irish), 34, 56 1 7 -73, 75,80,88,99, 100, 102, 104, 105, Gaelic League, The, 36, 116 107-117,122,123,132,133,139,144, Galea, Alfons Maria, 187,202 147,148,150,163,165,171,172,177, Galea, Rev. P. P., 177 18 18 0 6 5, 7, 19 , 193, 195, 19 , 198-205, Galicia, West, 33 20 7,210,211 Galli, Onor., 117 E.O.K.A., 29 Ganado, Dr. Herbert, 2 I I, 216 Eritrea, 30, 152, 154, 159 Gharghur, 189 Errington, George, 59 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 4, 12,31, 116, 128 Essay on Man, 76. See Pope, Alexander. Garibaldi, Ricciotti, 116 Eton, W., 12,53 Gauci, Gaetano, 91 Europe, European, 17,31,34,45,46,55, Gavin, R.J., 12 56, 132, 153, 186 German, Daniele, 21 I Executive Council (Malta), 19,50,51,59, Germany, 6, 29, 30, 33, 122, 153, 159, 165 60,62-64,67,69, 70,82, 103, 138, 141, Giahan, ll, 169 161, 167 Gibraltar, 89, 102, 114, 152-154, 174, 178, 19 1 F Giglio, Giovanni, 165, 179 Fabian Society, 21 Gilbert, W. S., 206 Fanon, Franz, 213, 216 Giles, Matthew, 185 Farmers Union, 184, Giolitti, Giovanni, 156 / I Giotto, 157 Herder,J. G., I I, 13,36, Gio11ine Malta, La, 120, 132, 134, 137, 171, Hewson, Col.J. L., Ill, 112 183, 185 Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael. 8.12.13, Giu La Maschera, 53 53-55 Gladstone, William, 28, 49, 7 I, 135 History, 91 Glanville, J. L., 129, 178 Hmar, 11, 169, 180, 185, 198, 199 Glasgow Herald, The, 134, 174 Holland, Sir Henry T. (Viscount Glenelg, Lord, 12 Knutsford), 49, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, Gonzi, Archbishop Michael, 90 64, 65, 74, 89-94, 178 Gozo, 16, 19,23,42,47,61,63,80,82, Hopkins, G. M., I I 105, 117-11 9, 137, 138, 143, 161-163, Hopwood, Francis (permanent under­ 166, 167, 184, 185, 187-190, 194 secretary of state for the Colonies), 175, Gran Comizio Nazionale, 11, 82 176 Grande, I talian consul, I 29~ 130 Horticultural Society, 98 Grand Harbour, 20, 106, 118 Houlton, Sir Victor (Chief Secretary), 10, Grant, Governor, 139, 175, 176 12,41,51,56,204 Granville, Lord, 29, 49, 58 Howard,Joseph, 144, 146176,187,193, Great Siege, the (1565), 2, 31, 155 195,200 Grech, P., 216 Howard Wriggins, W., 198 Grech, Dr. Salvatore, 59, 61, 86, 87, 191 Howe, Joseph, 65, 90 Grech, Rev. Salvatore, 92 Hughes, Quentin, I I Grech Mifsud, Dr. Oreste, 51, 90 Humphreys,John H., 188, 199 Greece, 155 Hunter-Blair, General, 165, 172, 181 Greek language, the, 30, 34 Hyde, Douglas, 36 Grenfell, Governor, 12,91,97-99, 102, 107, 111,116,121,123,125-131,174,177, I 199, 21 5 Idea Nazionale, L', 156, 158, 194 Grey, Lord, 24, 39, 121 Immaculate Conception, The, 74 Imperial Government Workers Union, H 185,186 Habib,II, 151 Imtarfa, 147 Haddiem, 11, 194, 200 India, 5, 6,10,20,88, 146, 154,213 Haddiem Malti, 11, 194,200 Inglott, Sir Ferdinando, 17, 35, 36, 53 Hamrun, 80, 103, 104, 166, 190, 199 Inglott, Dr. G. F., 143, 166, 168, 176 Hancock, W. K., 181,210,215,216 Ionescu, G., 95 Harcourt, Lewis, 144, 146, 175-I 79, LR.A.,29 199 Ireland, 8, 34, 49, 56, 71-73, 87, 91,116, Harding, H. W., 53 128, 134, 158, 173, 188 Hardman, W., 12 Isle of Wight, 29 Harlow, V., 12 Italia Irredenta, 29, 30 , 71 Harris, C. A., 98, 125, 128 Italian language, the, 2, 3, 9-11, 16-18, Hassuna Pasha, 156 20-24,26,28,30-38,43,44,53,65,76, Hawaii, 66 80,84,99, 100, 103, 104, 108-117, Hawkins, T. H., 53 121-123,132, 133, 142, 144, 148, 150, Healy, T. M., 71, 92 154, 186, 187, 190, 19 1, 193-196, Heine, Heinrich, 114 199-203,205,207,210,211 Heligoland, 159 Italic, 1', 123, 130 Hely-Hutchinson, Sir Waiter (Lieut. Italo-Turkish war, 173 Governor), 16,21,25,29,32-35,48, Italy, 6, 10,28-30,55, 104, 110, 114, 116, 51,53-59,100, 205 117,122,134-136,138,144,148, Herbert, Sir Robert, 13,30,33,42,48, 151-161,164, 165, 173, 178, 184, 185, 53-56,58,59,90,92,93 188,192,196,197,202,203,209,211

237 J Levant Herald, The, 191 Jamaica, 62, 90, 99, 13 1 Levanzin, Agostino, 141, 176 Julyan, Sir Penrose, 8-10, 13,36,54, 112, Levi-Strauss, C., 55 147,177 Liberal Party (British), 18,49 'Liberal Party' (Maltese), 31, 32 K Libya, 152, 153, 156, 157, 193,210,215. Karamanli family, 156. See Italo-Turkish See Tripolitania. War. Lija, 189 Kay-ShuttIeworth, Sir James, 17 Lloyd George, David, 171 Kedourie, E., 54,150,177 Lloyd Maltese, 11, 16 Keenan, PatrickJ., 8-10,13,17,19,20, Lombroso, Cesare, 156 28, 35-37, 53, 54 Long, Waiter, 54, 178-181 Keith, A. B., 90 Lords, House of, 44, 47 Kennedy, W. P. M., 90 Louis XIV, 19 Kimberley, Lord, 30, 39, 40, 54, 56, 57, Lowe, C.J., 55,178 59,91 Lower, A. R. M., 125 King George Ill, 90, 120, 164, 193 Lowther, James, 5 King of Great Britain, 3, 4 Lucente, Guido, 165 King of the Two Sicilies, 3 Luporini, Onor., I 17 King's Own Band Club, 124, 125 Luttrell, A. T., 11 Kirkop,190 Lyceum, the, 17,20,37,108, Ill, 121, Kirton, Capt. Cooper, 30,34,37,43,46, 148, 163, 187 144 Lyttelton, Alfred, 127, 174-176 Kitchener, Lord, 15 1, 159 Kohn, H., 55 M Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 17, 53, 213 L Macdonald, Sir MaIcolm, 90 Labour Opinion, 200 Mackintosh, W. H., 95 Labour Party (Malta Labour Party), Mack-Smith, D., 12,55,56 88, 184-190,194,203,209,210,214,215 MacNeilI, Eoin, 36 Labour World, The, 128 MacNeill,John, 134, 174 LaferIa, Dr. A. V., 53, 129, 181,215 Madariaga, I., 95 Lamberti, Vitaliano, 183 Madden, A. F., 12,90, 125 Lansdowne, Marquess, 129, 130 Magri, Manuel (folklorist), I I Lanzon, Gaetano, 180 Magro, Dr. Enrico, 102, 104, 163 La Primaudaye, Police Commissioner, 91, MaitIand, Sir Thomas (Governor), 16 94,177 Mallia Tabone, G. C., 3, 105 La Slella, Band Club. See King's Own Malta (P.N. organ), 42, 46, 50, 54, 58, 59, Band Club, 124 61,64,67,69,72,80,81,89,91-94, 101, Latin language, the, 34, 108, 121 105,107,116,126-129,135,140,142, Laurenza, V., 12 144, 156, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166, 169, La Valette, Grand Master, 2 174-177,179,180,194,211 La Valelle band club, 120, 124, 125, 176, Malta Catholic Action, 211 189 Malta Civil Service Association, 198 Lavigerie, Cardinal Charles, 47, 59 Malta Defence Regulations, 210 La Vincilrice brass band, 78. See Senglea. Malta Gliada Taglina, 104, 105, 124, 130, 194 Lawrence, D. H., 124, 130,200 Malta Government Gazelle (M.G.G.), 54, 55, uga Nazionalista Maltese, La, 211 57,59,60,90,93,94 Lee, H. I., 12 Malta Herald, The, 138, 159, 166, 176, 177, Leeward Islands, 123, 131, 167 180, 192 Le Marchant, Governor, 12 Malta Legislative Assembly, 173, 186, 188, Leo XIII, Pope, 70-73, 82, 86, 91, 94 193, 197, 199 Malta Maltija, 104 Micallef, Sir Antonio, 25, 199 Malta Naval Benefit League, 198 Michelet, Jules, 114 Malta News, 75, 92 Michels, R., 39, 57, 194,200 Malta Standard, The (M.S.), 25, 26, 29, 41, Mifsud, Mgr. Alfredo, 12,61,74,77,79, 42,49 82,86,92-94, 141, 198, 199 Malta Taglina, 80, 85, 87, 93, 94 Mifsud, Dr. Pasquale, 4, 8, 25, 26, 38, 42, Malta Times, The (M.T.), 21, 49, 53-55, 57, 69, 133 58, 135, 175 Mifsud, Sir Ugo, 189, 195 Malta Workers Party, 215 Mifsud Bonnici, Dr. Carmelo, 58 Maltese language, the, 2, 9,11,16-18,21, Military Society, 98 28,32-38,40,43,45,46,51,57,66,80, Mill, J ames, 213 81,88,100,104,109-111,113,114,117, Mill, John Stuart, 19, 22, 24 119, 12 7, 147-149, 154, 17 1, 187, 19 1, Milner, Lord, 129, 171-173, 176, 177, 181, 193,194, 196, 197,201, 203, 204,210, 198, 200 211 Milton, John, 18 Maltese Nobility, assembly of the, 47 Mintoff, Dominic, 155,209,214,215 Maltese Nobility, Association of, 123, 142 Mitrovich, G., 4, 12 Maltese Nobility, Committee of Privileges Mizzi, Dr. Enrico, 120, 150-167, 170, 171, of, 168 175-180, 184-186, 189, 190, 193, 198, Mamiani, Terenzio, 28, 114 202,209-211,213 Manara, Dr. Ernesto, 27, 28 Mizzi, Dr. Fortunato, 5, 6, 12,23-25, Manche, Dr. Lorenzo, 142 27-29,31-34,36,38-52,55-59,61-64, Mancini, Pasquale, 30 66-70,72,74-78,81,82,84,85,87-89, Mangion, G., 12 91,98, 101-108, 110, 112-122, 124-126, Mannheim, K., 150, 177 128,129,132-136,139-144,149-151, Manoel Theatre, 17 154, 155, 161, 165, 166, 185, 186, 189- Marder, A.J., 178 192, 194, 195,202-205,207,210,215 Marengo, Canon F., 130 Mizzi, Dr. Giuseppe, 140-144, 15 1, 159- Marshall, D., 57,216 163, 169 Marxism, 206 Mizzi, Dr. Lewis F., 164, 189, 19 1, 193, 199 Marzari, F., 55, 178 Morocco, I 10, 154 Maspero, Franyois, 216 Mosta, 84, 189 Mattei, Dr. Alfredo, 3, 55, 75, 79, 87, 89, Mowatt, Sir Francis, 146, 147, 177 92,137-139, 141, 142, 144, 152, 175, 189, Mqabba, 190 19 1 Msida,80,199 Mauritius, 99 Mument, 11-,216 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 4, 12,23,28,54, 183 Miinzer, Thomas, 150 Mazzone, Luigi, 196 Muscat, Andre, 138, 159 McCord, N., 53 Muscat, C. M., 43 Meade, Robert, 49, 53, 90, 91 Muscat, Giov., 92 Mediterranean, the, 6, 27, 28, 30, 47,100, Muscat, Ruggero, 144 106,114,122,137,147,148,152- 155, Muscat Azzopardi, Giuseppe, 15 1, 191, 160,178,193,202,206,211, 21 5 202, 203 Mellieha, 189 Mussolini, Benito, 30, 157, 196,200 Memmi, Albert, 213, 214, 216 Musu, F. S., 191 Mercieca, Sir Arturo, 65, 90, 126, 128, 129, 134,137,139, 148, 159,210 N Merewether, E. M. (Lieut. Governor), 131, Nahla, In, 53, 54, 141, I 76 132,135,1361 76 Namier, L. B., 56 Methuen, Lord, 54, 130, 161-166, 17 1, National Union of Teachers (Malta), 198 178- 181 , 193, 199 Naudi, Dr. Agostino, 23, 25, 34, 42, 43, 57 Metwally, M. M., 216 Naudi, Dr. Alfredo (Crown Advocate), 66,

239 90,92,94,101,106, Ill, 112, 126, 129, 185, 189, 191, 195,202, 205,209-211 , 132, 205 21 4, 21 5 N.A.T.O., 21 5 Partito Popolare (P.P.), 78-83,87,88,93, Naxxar, 189 103, 133, 139, 141, 143, 152, 162, 176, Na.?;Royal Navy, the, 22 Royetta, Girolamo, 183 Q. Rundle, Governor, 55, 139, 141, 145, Qormi, 104, 108, 119, 150, 199 148, 151, 165, 175-179 Qrendi, 190 RusselI, Lord]ohn, 90 Quebec. See Canada. Russia, 4, 21, 35, 213 Queen's Own Band Club, 124 Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878).15.173

R s Rabat, 80, 190 Safi, 190 Rampolla, Cardinal Mariano, 71,81,86, Salamone, Waiter, 189 91-93 Salisbury, Lord, 47, 49, 61, 91, 92,159 Rassegna di Politica Internazionale, La, 129, Sammut, Col. Achille, 187, 191 Rea, Russell, 146 Sammut, C., 56 Read, H.]., 125, ISO Samut Tagliaferro, Brig. A., 53 Red Sea, the, 159 San Giorgio band, 125. See Cospicua. Refalo, Dr. M. A. (Crown Advocate), 164, Sant Fournier family, 168, 169, 180. See 168, 180, 183 Maltese nobility. Reform Committee, 8, 18,23, 25, 51, 59 Santini, F. D., 160, 179 Reform Party (R.P.) 25-27, 31, 36, 38, Saunders,]. ].,54 40-43,50,51,60,62,68,69,88, 189, Savona, Sigismondo, 5, 6, 8, 13, 17-22,25, 195, 205 27,29,35-39,41,42,44-46,48,50-64, Renaissance, the, 3 I 66-7°,72-84,86-89,91,93,94,99, 100, Renan, E., I, Ill, 114 102-1°4, 107,108,110,112,113,119- Reynaud, Paolo, 120 121,124, 129, 133, 135-137, 141-144, Richards, T., 57 148-150, 161, 162, 167, 176, 184-191, Rigby, B. L., 12 194,195,201,202, 205, 207,212 Ripon, the Marques of, 74, 77, 78, 84, Savona, Vincenzo, 77 90, 93, 94, 130 Savona, Col. Willie, 186, 189,2°3,2°9,215 Risorgimento, Il (newspaper), 16,25,41, Sceberras, Dr. Filippo, 118, 119, 142, 171, 49,55,91,94, 104, 173 181, 183, 186 Risorgimento, the, 4, 22, 30 Sceberras, Tancredi, 31, 49, 56 Robertson, Lieut. Governor W. C. F., 118, Scicluna, Marchesa Corinna, 168 170,171,181, 193, 196, 198-200 Scicluna, Emmanuele, 4 Robinson, K., 90 Scicluna, Bishop, 43 Robinson, R. E., 19,54 Sciortino, Dr. Ruggero, 4 Roman Catholic religion, 7 I, 73-77, 86, 89, Scott Lindsey, Capt. Charles, 164 91,201, 207 Secolo, ll, I 17 Roman empire, the, 31 Sede Del Papa, La, 132 Roncali, Dr. Zaccaria, 6, 28, 29, 31, 33, Seely, CoL]. E. B., 138, 175 34,42,43,46-48,56, 105, 135, 174 Sei Maggio, 68, 69, 115, 184, 192,214 Rossi, E., 128, 177 Semini, Edoardo, 23, 54, 104, 120, 128, 129 Rousseau,].]., 150 Senglea (L-Isla), 7, 15, 16,20,26,78,80, RowselI, F. W., 6, 8-10,12,13,17,18, 82,84,85,87,88,93, 104, 134, 143, 15 1, 36,53,91, 127 161, 163, 179, 190, 191, 198 Royal Engineers, 20 Serre, Victor, 102 Royal Institute of International Affairs, 55 Selle Giugno, the, I 71-1 73, 184 Royal Malta Fencible Artillery, 17,20,89 Seton-Watson, C., 55, 91,178 Sfer;:;a, La, 58 Strickland, Mabel, 198 Shakespeare, William, 76, 89, 99 Strickland, Col. Roger, 198 Shaw, G. B., 34 Suez Canal, 6, 44, 216 Shck, K. C., 56 Suleiman the Magnificent, 2 Shils, E., 216 Sulzbach, W., 57 Sicily, 2, 12, 118, 155, 165, 196 Sutdiffe, B., 54 Sidmouth, Viscount, 47, 65 Sweden, 29 Siggiewi, 76, 80, 84, 184, 190 Simmons, General Lintorn (Governor), T 44-49,51,54-56,58-61,70-74,81, Ta' Braxia meetings, 119, 120, 124 90-93, 126, 178 Ta' Ghajn Znuber farmlands, 68 Sires, R. V., 90 Tanti Bellotti, G., 127 Sisters of Mercy, 98 Tasmania, 167, 193. See Australia. Sliema,190 Tarring, C.J., 129 Sloan, T. H., 134 Tartarini, Marchesa, 116 Smith, A. D., 60 Taylor, A.J., 13 Smith, W.J., 43 Testaferrata Abela, Baron Ugo, 59, 142 Smith Baden-Powell, Sir George, 57 Thayer,J. A., 158, 178 Smyth, Governor, 52, 54, 57, 64, 90-94 Times, The, 6, 8, 12, 13,47,49,51,59,92, Societa Dante Alighieri, La, 116, 120, 159-162, 117, 128 178, 179, 2 I I Times of Malta, The, 21 1,216 Societa Filologica Maltese, La, 38 Tonna, Luigi, 92 Societa OperaJa Cattolica San Giuseppe, La, 198 Torreggiani, Dr. F. M., 4 Societa Promotrice Cattolica Maltese, La, 49 Torrens, Governor, 54, 61, 64, 89, 90 Socrates, 24 Trade Union Council (Maltese), Somalia, 159 173, 187, 198 Sonnino, Baron Sidney, I 17 Treasury, the (British), 33 Sore!, Georges, 157 Treitschke, Heinrich von, 24 South Africa, 30, 36, 56, 97, 99, 105, I 17, Trent, Council of, 7 I, 86 119, 123, 124, 126, 154 Triple Alliance, the, 29, 160 Southern Rhodesia, 173 Tripoli, Tripolitania, 114, 122, 152, 155, Spain, 110, 155 156, 158. See Libya. St. Dominic Church (Valletta), 53, Tse, K. K., 56 St. Ignatius College, 23, 37, 59, 187 Tunis, Tunisia, 29, 35, 47, 56, 91, 101, 110, St. john's College, 53 118, 146, 155 St. Julians, 184 Turkey, 114, 154, 156 St. Paul Collegiate Church (Valletta), 83 Turkish language, the, 30, 32 Stampa, La, 178 Stanhope, Edward, 49, 54, 55, 58, 59 U Stanley, Lord, 12,48,55,56,58 Uganda, 210 Straubenzee van, Governor, 12, 13 Ulster Unionism, 71, 91. See Ireland. Steed, W. H., 117, 129 Union Club, 75 Step hen, Judge, 120 Unionfor Religion and Country, 82 Stephens, R., 174 Unione Cattolica San Giuseppe, 198 Stewart, J. D., 95 Unione Politica Maltese (U.P.M.), 185-191, Strickland, Lady Edeline;,:168 194-196, 198, 209 Strickland, Count Gerald, 24, 47-50, 54, United National Party (Ceylon), 186 59,61,63-70, 73, 76, 77, 79,87,90-g2, University of Gratz, 120 94,97-101, 103-1 I I, 115-121, 123-127, University of Innsbruck, 120 130,131,135,141,145:146,148,149, University of Malta, 2, 8,17-20,29,32, 154,167-169,174,175,180,184-187, 35-37,41,46,56,57,70, 108, Ill, 115, 189-199 121, 123, 127, 142, 165, 187.210 University of Rome, 140 Walpole, Sir Robert, 39 University of Trieste, 120 War Office (W.O.), 33,106,146,170,176, University ofUrbino, 151 177,180 Urabi Pasha, 149 Webster, R. E., 91 U.S.A., 66,147, 192, 193,202,213 Wedgwood, Col., 90, 173 Weinreich, U., 55 V Wellington, Duke of, 5 Valletta, 2, 3, 8, 15-17,20,26,49,52-55, Welsh language, 34, 56 60,63,66,68,72,76,78,80,83,85,87, West Indies, 12I. SeeJamaioa. 89, 101, 117, 120, 123, 124, 134, 135, 141, Westminster, Archbishop of, 86 142, 146, 161, 162, 164, 166, 168, 171, Wettinger, Francesco, 103, 133 184, 187, 189, 190, 191, 198, 199, 209, White, F. A., 178 214 Wight, Martin, 173, 181 Van Jaarsveld, F. A., 56 Wilkie, Acting Governor, 90 Vassalli, M. A., 36 Will, H. A., 125 Vassallo, Dean, 82 Wilson, Woodrow, 170 Vassallo, Giovanni, 78 Windward Islands, 123 Vassallo, Giuseppe, 168, 184 Wingfield, Edward, 48, 53, 59, 90, 9 1, 93, Vassallo, E. P., 59, 90, 200 94,99,112, 125,128 Vatican, the, 47, 61, 70-72, 74,81,82,86, Wise man, Cardinal, 17 9 1 Wise man, H. V., 90,198 Vaughan, Cardinal, 86 Wolf, Lucien, 153 Veil a, Dr. E. L., 101 Wolsey, Cardinal, 89 Vella, Prior Enrico, 83 Wong, S. L., 56 Veil a, Dr. Serafino, 163 Woods, Sir Albert, 47,59 Verdi, Giuseppe, 28 Workers Union Branch No. I, 198, Versailles, Peace of, 173 200 Vessillo Cattotico, It, 93 Workers Union Branch No. 3, 185 Vice-Admiralty Courts, 20 Vico, Gianbattista, I 14 X Victoria Lines, 98 Xirka Maltija (Society of the Enlightened), Victoria, Queen, 18,28,73,74,76,81,85, 148-151 120, 124 Xirka Xemia (Semitic Society), 35, 56 Villari, L., 129 Xuereb, Benoit, 46, 47, 49, 58, 59 Villari, Pasquale, I 16, 129 Xuereb, Archpriest Paolo, 68, 73 Virchow, Rudolf, 155, 178 Visconti-Venosta, Emilio, 117, 129, 130 z Vital, David, 216 Zabbar, 76, 84 Vittorio Emmanuele Ill, I 17 Zammit, Dr. Enrico, 53, 54, 57, 72,85 Vittoriosa (Birgu), 7, 15-17,20,49,61,80, Zammit, Giuseppe, 162, 167 84,87,93,163,166,188,190,191,215 Zammit Hammet, Salvatore, 186, 187, Voce del Popoto, La, 83, 166, 168, 169, 176, 189 178,180, 183, 185, 198 Zanzibar, 159 2ebbug, 76, 104, 119, 199 W Zejtun, 76, 80, 84, 104, 11 9, 179 Wafd party (Egypt), 88 Zimmern, Alfred E.\ 21, 54, 212, 216 Wales, 34, 56, 100 Zurrieq, 190

243

The Author

Henry Frendo is Professor of History at the University of Malta. Henry Frendo's writings have con­ centrated on aspects of colonial nation­ alism, language and culture in national identity, political parties and govern­ ment, especially with regard to Malta and the Mediterranean region. In Malta his findings and analyses from 1970 onwards pioneered a school of 'post­ colonial' historiography. During sev­ eral years spent working for refugees and as an emigre, Henry Frendo started writing about refugee and migrant is­ sues. For some years he has been re­ searching Anglo-Italian relations in the 'British' Mediterranean during the Fascist period. A doctoral graduate of Oxford Uni­ versity, a former daily newspaper edi­ tor and UN diplomat, he taught Euro­ pean and Soviet politics at La Trobe University, and Multicultural Studies at the Phillip Institute of Technology, in Melbourne, Australia. Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience

Henry Frendo

'Although the work focuses on the emergence of party rivalry and national sentiment in the islands of Malta and Gozo, the historical and sociological dimensions complement the po­ litical one, as Frendo examines the interaction ofsociety and politics during the colonial period. Thus The Maltese Experience is of interest not only as one of political conflict within the former British Empire and the development of a two-party system, but is also important as a study of Mediterranean life,in general, and the formation of national character in Malta in particular. It provides the best general account of the origins of Maltese party politics and national identity in the English language.' Frank Coppa Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism

'It is not possible to do justice to the wealth of new insights offered in this book, providing so much that is new and so much that may serve as a model both for undergraduates and for fellow scholars. Frendo has succeeded not only in tracing and elucidating complicated and hith­ erto obscure issues concerning the compiex evolution of party politics in Malta and placing them firmly in their historical context; he has also succeeded in recreating the spirit of the age with great accuracy, the intensity beneath im­ pulses, attitudes, tendencies and highly contro­ versial issues, with superb objectivity and thoroughness ... a book of such high calibre.' Victor Mallia-Milanes Melita Historica I .J Party Politics in a Fortress ~ .' ., Colony: r .1..... __ . The Maltese ,. Experience

!-

Henry Frendo