Sächsische Leute und Länder Benennung und Lokalisierung von Gruppenidentitäten im ersten Jahrtausend Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung 10 zur Sachsenforschung Neue Studien

ISBN 978-3-932030-84-0 Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung 10

Sachsenforschung_Bd10_US.indd 1 08.01.20 09:21 Sächsische Leute und Länder Benennung und Lokalisierung von Gruppenidentitäten im ersten Jahrtausend Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung Band 10

herausgegeben vom Braunschweigischen Landesmuseum

in Verbindung mit dem Internationalen Sachsensymposion

durch Babette Ludowici Sächsische Leute und Länder Benennung und Lokalisierung von Gruppenidentitäten im ersten Jahrtausend

herausgegeben von

Melanie Augstein und Matthias Hardt Gedruckt mit Unterstützung des Leibniz-Instituts für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen e. V. in Leipzig. der Grundlage des vom Sächsischen Landtag beschlossenen Haushaltes.

Alle Beiträge wurden einem Verfahren zur Qualitätssicherung (peer review) unterzogen.

Umschlaggestaltung: Karl-Heinz Perschall Satz und Layout: Matthias Halle

Redaktion: Melanie Augstein und Matthias Hardt (Korrektorat der englischen Texte durch Madeleine Hummler und Daniela Hofmann)

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ISBN 978-3-932030-84-0 Vorwort

Im Jahr 2015 wurde in Leipzig der Ersterwähnung des Ortes Melanie Augstein zum Jahr 1015 durch den Bischof und Chronisten Thietmar Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte am Heinrich Schliemann-Institut für von Merseburg gedacht. Das Stadtjubiläum ist mit einer Altertumswissenschaften der Universität Rostock breiten Palette von Veranstaltungen begangen worden, unter anderem mit einer Ausstellung im stadtgeschichtlichen Matthias Hardt Leibniz-Institut für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Europa in Leipzig Museum unter dem Titel »1015. Leipzig von Anfang an«. Das Geisteswissenschaftliche Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Babette Ludowici Ostmitteleuropas an der Universität Leipzig (jetzt Leibniz- Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum Institut für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Europa) hielt Arbeitsbereich Sachsenforschung dieses Jubiläum für angemessen, die »Arbeitsgemeinschaft zur Archäologie der Sachsen und ihrer Nachbarvölker in Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Nordwesteuropa« in die Stadt einzuladen und ihr damit zum Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen ersten Mal in demjenigen Land Gelegenheit zur Zusammen- Vorsitzender des Internationalen Sachsensymposions kunft und zur Diskussion zu geben, das in der Gegenwart als einziges unter vielen anderen den Namen der Sachsen ohne differenzierenden Zusatz trägt. Es lag nahe, bei dieser besonderen Gelegenheit über »Sächsische Leute und Länder« und die »Benennung und Lokalisierung von Gruppenidentitäten im ersten Jahrtausend« nachzudenken. In enger Kooperation mit dem Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte am Historischen Seminar der Universität Leipzig wurde unter dieser Themenstellung vom 12. bis zum 16. September 2015 das 66. Internationale Sachsensymposion in den Räumen des GWZO und der Universität ausgerichtet. 89 Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler aus Belgien, Dänemark, Deutschland, England, Frankreich, den Nieder- landen, aus Norwegen, Österreich, Polen, Russland, Schweden, aus der Schweiz, aus und aus den USA nahmen daran teil und tauschten sich über Sachsen und ihre Namen, ihre Regionen und Identitäten ebenso wie diejenigen anderer Gentes, Gruppen und Einzelpersonen zwischen Römischer Kaiserzeit und hohem Mittelalter sowie über aktuelle Funde und Forschungen aus. Ziele der Exkursion waren das Museum für Ur- und Frühgeschichte des Archäologischen Landesmuseums Thüringen in Weimar und der Merseburger Dom mit dem zugehörigen Museum im Rahmen der Vereinigten Domstifter zu Merseburg, Naumburg und des Kollegiatsstifts Zeitz. Die im Rahmen dieses Bandes versammelten 21 inter- disziplinären archäologischen, historischen und sprachwis- senschaftlichen Beiträge sind das Ergebnis des Leipziger Sachsensymposions. Ihre Veröffentlichung wäre nicht gelungen Überarbeitung der englischsprachigen Texte haben Madeleine Hummler (York) und Daniela Hofmann (Bergen) vorgenommen, Layout und Satz übernahm Matthias Halle (Leipzig).

5 Inhalt

Matthias Hardt und Melanie Augstein Sächsische Leute und Länder – Eine Einführung 9

I. Identitäten und Imaginationen

Walter Pohl Sächsische Identitäten und die Bedeutung der Ethnizität im frühmittelalterlichen Europa 23

Christian Zschieschang (Die) Sachsen – Ein Terminus im Spannungsfeld dreier anderer: Denotat, Identität und Raumordnung 33

James M. Harland Imagining the in Late Antique 45

Barbara Yorke Saxon Identity in Southern England 57

Ludwig Rübekeil Singularität in jütischen Ethnika 65

II. Symbole und Verkörperungen

Lone Claudi-Hansen and Morten Axboe Gudum on Zealand – A New ›Gudme‹ Emerging? 79

Bente Magnus Strange Creatures – S-shaped Brooches from the Migration Period in Norway 95

The ›Lynx Ladies‹ – Burials Furnished with Lynx Skins from the Migration and Merovingian Periods found in Present-day Sweden 103

Ulrich Lehmann In Search of the Snake – The Hidden Symbolism of Early Medieval Sword Blades 121

Michael Neiß Ein weibliches Herrschaftszeichen? Überlegungen zur wikingerzeitlichen Elec-Spange 133

III. Räume und Routen

Pernille Kruse Show me your House – And I will tell you who you are? 147

6 Nancy L. Wicker Thuringian Links to Jutland and Western Norway as Reflected in Scandinavian-type Migration Period Bracteates – A Family Affair? 155

Karen Høilund Nielsen The Cemetery at Viumgård in North-Western Jutland and the Chronology of the Sixth Century 167

Ingo Eichfeld und Daniel Nösler Bauern, Händler, Seefahrer: Ein neu entdeckter Handelsplatz des 1. Jahrtausends n. Chr. an der südlichen Niederelbe 183

Mirko Oehlert Stein oder nicht Stein. Die »urbs Libzi« im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert 201

Joanna Wojnicz Der Hortfund von Cortnitz in der Oberlausitz 211

IV. Kontinuitäten und Transformationen

Bertil Helgesson Vång, Blekinge, Sweden – A Place of Eternity 219

Melanie Augstein and Hans-Jörg Karlsen Nienbüttel – New Research on Old Graves 227

Christoph G. Schmidt Totengedenken und Identität: Beobachtungen am jüngerkaiserzeitlichen Fundplatz Frienstedt in Thüringen 237

Sven Jäger Gekommen – Geblieben – Gewandelt: Beziehungen des spätkaiserzeitlich-germanischen Fundmaterials aus dem nordwestlichen Baden-Württemberg und deren Bewertung 249

7 Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer des 66. Internationalen Sachsensymposions vor dem Leipziger Opernhaus am Augustusplatz (Foto: Kristin Opitz).

8 Imagining the Saxons in Late Antique Gaul

James M. Harland

The other contributions to this part of the volume illustrate the Late Roman West, causing shockwaves that would reverberate throughout and which may be seen as one of the many factors millennium AD. The involvement of the diverse peoples known in the Empire’s end ( 2012). A crisis in patronage to the later by that name in the transformation management from the fourth century onwards produced principales and the lower aristocracy in (Yorke, this volume; for a recent statement, see 2013). town curiae. As excluded curiales turned to new patrons – ›the The literary representation of Saxons in other dioceses of the Barbarians‹ – the Empire ceased to exist ( 2012, 491). during its fourth- to sixth-century transformation is not extensively studied (but see retraction of imperial governance. One reason for the change 2014; 2017). This silence is understandable. Saxons in the status of the Church across this period was its being rarely feature in texts of the period and the contexts for their a rare symbol of ideological continuity ( 2012, 482), appearances are often unreliable ( 1984). Our but this beacon of continuity was not external to the societal authors only provide enough detail to allow for a range of shift underway. The Gallic Church was by no means a cohesive, interpretations (contrast, for example, 1984 with 1999). Where mention of saxones is certain, secular landowner. It had to be continually fought for, unlike the we are faced with a Classical ethnographic framework that relative security of the Late Roman landed aristocrat ( does not necessarily permit the representation of the realities 2012, 496). As a result, as imperial authority degraded, mental outlooks became dispersed; a homogenising metropolitan 2007a, 45–57). Even in those instances where the written centre shattered into a landscape of numerous vantage points, documentation is relatively detailed, such as with late antique varying regionally and conceptually ( 2013). Yet descriptions of the end of and the aduentus many social structures which had organized people’s lives saxonum (Gildas, De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, DEB remained the same ( 2003, 27–29). What had changed hereafter), considerable epistemological and empirical barriers were the conceptual frameworks within which these were impede the scholar who would seek to use written sources in regarded, after the removal of the conceptual centre, what conjunction with archaeological material ( 2011). It is (2015, 15) calls a victory of ›local Romanness‹. We start with the imperial perspective, at its most extreme use such sources to construct an authentic depiction of late due to crisis, in the work of . This entailed antique Saxon society ( 2017a 2017b). the Roman Empire being the cultural centre with the Barbarians Attempts to do so rely on approaches to ethnic identity that have been dismantled by modern sociology ( 2004). caused ’s ideological centrality to decline. Eventually, the This article therefore takes a different approach to the only stabilizing centre to survive would be the Church. We study of Saxon identity. It does not seek the ›true‹ Saxons behind these written accounts. Instead it aims to unravel the subconsciously, by Rome’s successor in Gaul – the Merovingian purposes of their depiction, and how these were pursued in kingdom. Consciously, however, Gregory treated his own the Late of Gaul between texts from the mid- Saxons were depicted by two authors of similar background: truth. This unveils some nuances in ethnic perception in Gregory Sidonius Apollinaris and . Although both of Tours’ work which have until recently been overlooked. were Gallic of senatorial descent, the vast changes that occurred across this period produced authors with very different outlooks. Sidonius on the Saxons In this article I examine the two authors’ personal under- standings of Saxons and how these were deployed in their Sidonius Apollinaris’ (c. AD 430–489) invaluable insight on texts. A shift in mentalité is found which demonstrates the the Empire’s transformation in Gaul has long been recognized effect of Christian thinking on the ›middling classes‹ in the ( 1933; 1994). His poetic and epistolary works

45 of its immediate context to shed light on the Anglo-Saxons’ appear in texts that engage with varied, confusing political purported Germanic ancestors (e.g. 2010, 40). The circumstances, the result of the massive political upheavals description reads: that took place during the erstwhile of Rome, then of Clermont’s life. concerning yourself and your household. But behold, while I Despite this, a constant of his work, where the Saxons are concerned, is concern with the Goths in . The a sudden messenger from Saintonges! With him I prolonged some hours in discussion to learn of you, and he assuredly Rome upon the accession to the consulship of his father-in- law Eparchius (AD 456), whose imperial claim was the duty now of a sailor, now of a soldier, to be wandering supported by Theodoric II (Sidonius Apollinaris, Carm. 7). The the twisting shores of the ocean against the curved galleys of second is a letter, sent perhaps around AD 470, from Sidonius the Saxons, of whom however many rowers you see, you may reckon as many to be an arch-pirate: thus all simultaneously Biscay (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.6). The third is a small command and obey, teach and learn to engage in piracy. Of the panegyrical poem in a letter from Sidonius to Lampridius, a many reasons that might give you cause for caution, this is the teacher of rhetoric at Bordeaux who found favour in ’s court, which was sent in c. AD 478 as Sidonius awaited of all foes. He approaches unforeseen and, when foreseen, freedom in Bordeaux following his capture at the Siege of slips away. He despises obstacles, and scatters the incautious. Clermont (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.9). Sidonius is far from exclusively concerned with the Goths in Aquitaine, train him, not terrify him. His is not a mere acquaintanceship so the presence of Saxons in these particular works is not with the crises of the sea, but intimacy. A storm makes those coincidental. Their use by Sidonius, I will show, was conscious, who are to be attacked unguarded; it prohibits his attack from deliberate, and controlled. being seen. He gladly risks rough rocks and seas in hope of The political purposes of Sidonius’ panegyric to Avitus making a surprise attack. are well known. Beyond its main objective – praising the Moreover, before they open up their sails from the new emperor – the panegyric addresses concerns such as the mainland toward their native country, that they might raise establishment of Avitus on par with or above the recently- their biting anchor from an enemy channel, a custom of those deceased general Flavius Aëtius, and the defence of Avitus’ returning is to kill a tenth of the captives through an equal alliance with the Goths of Toulouse before a hostile Italian and torturous punishment, more sorrowful on account of its court ( 1989, 87–91; 1994, 67–70). Some treat being superstitious, and to disperse the inequity of death Theodoric II’s support of Avitus’ seizure of power as marking over this collected crowd of the doomed via the equity of ›an important stage in the involvement of Germanic peoples lots. With such great vows are they bound that they must be in internal Roman affairs‹ ( 1994, 54). Yet to see the political involvement of the Goths of Toulouse in Avitus’ rise to polluted with sacrilege, the perpetrators of this slaughter think power as a chapter in a grand narrative of ›Germanic‹ conquest it religious to extract torment from their captive rather than of the Roman Empire blinds us to the subtleties of these events ransom‹ (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.6.13–15; translation and literary responses to them. Treating these concerns as author’s own). questions of Sidonius’ allegiance to a putatively coherent entity Let us read this in context. Exceptis iocis, ›joking apart‹, (›the Goths‹) is overly simplistic. Sidonius’ allegiance to Rome opens the passage: to which joke does Sidonius refer? was to an abstract ideal, not to particular late antique rulers or Immediately before, Sidonius asks about Namatius’ life, factions ( 1992). The position of Sidonius’ grandfather as praetorian prefect for the usurper Constantine ›III‹ and rank‹, then argues for Namatius’ poor skill as a hunter, due Sidonius’ possible involvement in a revolt against the Emperor to his useless, ›most merciful‹ dogs, and observes ( 2000) are here instructive; the tradition of that his prey ›will rarely be overcome with you in pursuit‹ loyalty to ›Rome‹, formative in Sidonius’ upbringing, did not (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.6.12). Clearly the joking is not demand loyalty to the regime in . over: we see a dichotomy of the successful and unsuccessful Sidonius’ letters were carefully edited pre-publication; there hunter. We may read an emphasis on the Saxons’ actions is no reason not to believe that they received similar treatment compared to Namatius: what might be rendered in English before their dispatch, especially to certain recipients. All letters as ›if he pursues, he intercepts; if he Si referring to Saxons address recipients in Euric’s service, and sequandur, intercipit; si fugiat, evadit; Sidonius Apollinaris, were written after the siege of Clermont. It seems likely that Epist. the contents were shaped with prying Gothic eyes in mind. more than an outlet for Sidonius’ concern for his friend. Not Sidonius’ letter to Namatius is a rare example, thus often reliable ethnographic description. Namatius’ Saxons existed, cited, of a lengthy description of Saxons. It is frequently misread. but Sidonius’ observations on them need not be taken as fact. Most previous work indiscriminately takes the passage out

46 the Saxons were like. What could Sidonius tell him? I disagree But this was not a universal principle. Sidonius had lived with (2014, 63–65; 2017, 46-48), who suggests most of his life under imperial rule; he had been Prefect of that Sidonius shared accurate information with Namatius. The Rome. Others disagreed ( 2012, 404–407). By the claim is derived from (1995, 168), who argues this –60s those with the means and desire to leave Gothic on precisely the same grounds from which I have argued the Aquitania had done so ( 1984, 166). Namatius’ opposite: that it seems odd for Sidonius to have shared such family had perhaps stayed. Even Sidonius begrudgingly information with a military commander setting out against the Saxons. But reading this part of the letter as a joke allows means by which the best men can be distinguished from their us to set this in a clearer context: as part of a wider set of inferiors, hereafter the only mark of nobility will be knowledge actions undertaken by Sidonius to Romanize those in Euric’s of letters‹ (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.2.2). If Namatius had service through his correspondence. This has a clearer textual always lived in Gothic Gaul, t basis than Kaufmann’s speculative assertion that Namatius is likely to have had no meaning for him. Instead, he found must only have recently begun serving against the Saxons position and status in Euric’s service. His romanitas, which ( 1995, 168). Sidonius opposed to Saxon barbarism, came not from imperial For Sidonius, such jokes originated from ›insecurity in a service but from learning and culture, prompted by the changing world‹ ( 2002a, 95). He offers us a civilizing, militarization of the provincial aristocracy in the later empire Romanizing depiction of Namatius. Unlike the Saxon, he is not and the adoption of stereotyped Barbarian aesthetics by a hunter, savage and fearless, but an agriculturalist. But we the Roman military ( 1997; 2007a, 101–110; have, too, an illustration of Roman identity in crisis. Hunting 2007), with legal measures taken by the fourth was a traditional Roman aristocratic pastime: why would century to curb such ›barbaric‹ display (Cod. Theo. 14.10.1–2). a Roman be bad at it? After voicing his concern, Sidonius The de-barbarizing processes which Sidonius suggests that remarks that he has enclosed two works of literature he Namatius undertake make sense in this context, illustrating the impact that the erosion of imperial authority in the north secure ... some leisure ... you will be able, after cleaning your weapons, to remove likewise from your lips their linguistic rust‹ century. The barbarism of military service was now something (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.6.13). Here, zeugma highlights that had to be consciously addressed ( 2007). the dichotomy of Roman/Barbarian in war. After the otium of But how non-Roman were these Goths? (2015) military duty, the man, too, had to be cleansed. Yet Namatius, has compellingly demonstrated that we cannot speak of the frequently assume on account of his name that he was a before Euric’s treaty with Odoacer. She shows that treating Roman in service to the Goths, rather than a Goth himself the Goths in Aquitaine before this as a coherent, distinct ( 1984 fn. 28; 1992, 91–92; 1992, polity is to fall prey to a mirage of the historiography; they 174). Burns even suggests that Namatius’ employment by the should instead be seen as military leaders, deeply involved in Goths was due to successful efforts by Flavius Constantius to Roman political affairs. No mention of Namatius’ paymasters keep naval power out of Gothic hands ( 1992, 370). But being Gothic is made in Sidonius’ letter. Nor is this the case for Leo and Lampridius. In the letter to Leo, the only Goths considerable breakdown of imperial authority and constant mentioned (albeit in Classical ethnographic form, as getae) interaction between Gothic and Gallo-Roman populations – are ›quarrelsome, drunken, vomiting‹ women (Sidonius the Goths needed a Gallo-Roman to command their ships is Apollinaris, Epist. 8.3.2). This is a far cry from Sidonius’ re- far too essentialist. Namatius’ appointment came not from presentation of Euric, a ›famous king‹ who makes a foedus some putative ethnic folk knowledge of Roman shipbuilding, ›with the trembling Barbarians on the Waal‹ (Sidonius but from politics that led senators to ally with their local Apollinaris, Epist. 8.3.3). It is unlikely that Sidonius would armed forces. Namatius has even been seen as a traitor (e.g. have overtly associated Euric with such women. This was 1992, 91–92), on par with Arvandus, a friend of perhaps an attempt to avoid falling foul of Euric’s wrath. In Sidonius and praetorian prefect of Gaul, prosecuted for writing these works, Sidonius consciously crafts his presentation of to Euric, urging him to divide Gaul between himself and the Euric as masculine, civilized and, so it would appear, Roman. Burgundians. But Namatius might have been born into the Sidonius’ letter to Lampridius presents a common panegyrical Gothic sortes, serving its kings loyally his entire life. Were trope, the list of Barbarian supplicants, with Euric in the role these categories really so static? of emperor. The Saxons are part of this list: ›there we see the Sidonius implied as much. Praising Johannes, a teacher of blue-eyed Saxon, unaccustomed to fearing the land facing rhetoric in Bordeaux, for example, he says, ›…for [your pupils] the sea‹ (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.9.5, 21–22). This have been so moulded and trained by your teaching that, seems so like similar lists in Claudian’s and, indeed, Sidonius’ though now in the midst of a people, however alien, they panegyrics that, had we not known the context of this poem, will preserve the signs of their ancient birthright‹ (Sidonius its recipient would not have been thought a Barbarian at all. Apollinaris, Epist. 8.2.2).

47 Robert Flierman’s recent monograph interprets this poem Granted, Sidonius’s primary motivation was to build a slightly differently, suggesting that the appearance of Saxons good relationship with Euric, but this at least tells us how alongside Romans as (he alleges) broadly equal supplicants Euric’s court wished to be seen. Sidonius clearly felt that the best means of keeping good relations with the Gothic court was by emphasizing its Roman qualities. Within a decade seafaring without its usual connotations of piracy‹ ( of Euric’s death, the letters of Ruricius of Limoges suggest a 2017, 45). One may wonder if this downplays the Romanising similar, cordial relationship with Gothic recipients ( ethnographic framework that still very much shaped Sidonius’ 2001, 111). There is an explicit reference by Sidonius to the thought. Namatius was no less a servant of Euric than Goths under Euric being Gothic in Sidonius’ panegyric to Avitus Lampridius. One struggles to believe that a mention of the delivered in Rome (Sidonius Apollinaris, Carm. 7), but this was Saxon, ›afraid of land, accustomed as he is to the sea‹ would in a very different context. The Italian senatorial class were carry such peaceful connotations for one member of a relatively well aware of Avitus’ alliance with the court of Theoderic II. intimate circle of aristocrats in Euric’s service, whilst another Given political tensions between Gallic and Italian senatorial factions at this time ( 2007a, 268), to attempt to deny The Saxons’ stereotyped description surely emphasizes their Theoderic I’s ›Gothicness‹ would have been perceived as an barbaric qualities. Flierman also overlooks that the mention unacceptable omission of controversial elements of Avitus’ rise of Romans at court relates to their gaining salvation (salutem) to power ( 1989, 88–89). from the , the ›Scythian hordes‹, and the Persian Empire (2001, 44–47) shows that the presence of Roma- (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.9.5, 36–40). This surely would nized elements in Euric’s Code should not lead us to fruitlessly have evoked memories of the famed commander Aëtius’ search for obviously ›Roman‹ or ›Barbarian‹ elements of the alliance with Euric’s father against at the Catalaunian Plains in AD 451. Flierman also makes a classic Vienna was not binary division; it was as diverse as the regions where School-style reading of the Saxon hairstyle described in this Roman culture dominated ( 2014). Euric’s opposition to poem, shaved at the scalp, as potentially indicative of ethnic the res publica is not incompatible with Romanized depictions costume ( 2017, 45; after 1998). He treats this of his rule. Why do we not, therefore, simply interpret his as a marked change from the treatment of Saxons as more behaviour as a ›legitimate‹ claim to Roman identity in a ›generalized outsiders‹ ( 2017, 45). One wonders if this argument is sustainable. Flierman himself notes that an with what has usually been assumed to be Anthemius’ regime interpretation of this hairstyle as ethnic costume cannot be in Ravenna, and a single passage from Ennodius, which applied to Saxon dress more widely, and even in this example depicts Euric as hostile to Rome to the point that he relied such an interpretation is on shaky ground. Long hair was on interpreters in public (Ennodius, VE 89; 2001, 40). typically seen not merely as barbaric, but as a symbol of Such opposition collapses in light of Christine Delaplace’s valour associated with the Roman military ( 2007, proposal that at the point at which these letters appear, in the 222–224). Flierman omits that not merely the Saxons but also build up to and aftermath of the siege of Clermont, Euric and the , in the lines immediately following, are described Anthemius were in fact in a military alliance against , as shaven-headed, explicitly in the context of their military his successor Gundobad, and their Burgundian faction, with defeat (Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 8.9.5, 28–30). Moreover, whom Sidonius had recently been aligned ( 2012, elsewhere in Sidonius’ letters the trope of shaven heads 276–281). Ennodius wrote later, for an audience in Italy at the is mentioned, as symbolic representation of enslavement moment of its transition to rule under , and after military defeat (in this case of Seronatus’ rebellion by he had connections to the Avitii family. His account describes Anthemius; Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. 2.1.4; 1994, 60- a dispute between Euric and Julius Nepos. It would hardly be 61). It is well known, and noted by (2017, 45–46), politic for him to extol the romanitas of the Visigothic court. that distinguishing Franks and Saxons as fellow inhabitants (2003) that the Barbarian regna usually saw themselves as members of this light it surely makes more sense to interpret this as a the res publica generalized trope of the defeated Barbarian supplicant, rather Kulikowski suggests that Diaspora Studies might be a useful than as a ›strategy of distinction‹. These points all suggest framework for interpreting the negotiation of Roman and that Sidonius’ representation of Saxons, as mere supplicants, Barbarian identities in the absence of a metropole, using cannot be treated as indicative of a general decline in the Alaric’s sack of Rome as a case study for ›colonial mimicry‹, distinction between ›a superior Rome and its barbarian foes‹ a misreading of the discursive grammar of imperial ideology, (2017, 45) Sidonius’ text placed Euric on par with culminating in its downfall: ›...over several decades of soldiers the might of Rome, but we need not conclude that Barbarians jockeying for position within the imperial system by threatening therefore ceased to be Barbarians, merely that Sidonius did not to destroy it, the decayed and dysfunctional system ceased to treat Euric as one in this poem. 2010, 81).

48 The putative contradiction between Euric’s hostility to the peoples, religions, and cultures, and treated the Franks simply imperial regime and his imperial aspirations should be seen as as one social identity among others, with a view to integrating the progression of this trend to a point where Roman legitimacy them into a universal Christendom. This overcomes what ceased to have any meaning, without the realization of this by those competing to claim it. The Saxons may simply be read, between those who emphasize the constructed nature of then, as an ideological resource in this competition. early medieval ethnicity and those who insist nevertheless on its power to shape the world ( 2013, 262). These developments in historiography and the presence of Saxons in Gregory of Tours: The post-Roman perspective some of Gregory’s more explicit ›ethnic‹ material suggest that further investigation is prudent. ›While ... the Bretons were raging vigourously around the cities of Nantes and Rennes, King ordered an army to move against them, putting the duces Beppolen and Ebrachar at its Gregory’s ethnic ignorance head ... for , when she heard that Beppolen was departing in arms, because even now she was hostile towards Who or what a Saxon ›was‹ in Gregory’s days is hard to him due to previous events, ordered the Saxons of the Bessin, answer. Prevailing attitudes are that this is knowable, but was dressed in clothing and shorn hair according to the manner it? Gregory’s text is decidedly unclear, for example ( and style of the Bretons, to go in aid of Waroch. However, Beppolen having arrived with his followers, they entered battle from various sources place Saxons in cis-Rhenan locations, and after two days many of the Saxons and Bretons were Sidonius Apollinaris, killed‹ (Gregory of Tours, DLH 10.9). Carm. 8.9), Angers (Gregory of Tours, DLH 2.18), Caledonia (Claudian, Carm. 7.88–90) and the Orkneys (Claudian, Carm. of Burgundy, and Waroch, ruler of , is often cited in 8.31–32). (c. AD ; Venantius discussions of ethnicity in Gregory of Tours’ (c. AD 538–594) Fortunatus, Carm. 3.9) refers to Bishop of Nantes and work, Decem libri historiarum (DLH). In 1983, Saxon pagans. (1983, 6) has previously claimed that (2010, 213) attacked what he saw as misinterpretation of Felix faced Saxon pirates, but there is nothing in the poem to such stories, arguing that Gregory shows little interest in the suggest this. Felix simply baptises them, the poem’s subject ethnicity of particular groups, suggesting that ›[his] systematic being not piracy, but Easter. Given the evidence for an earlier insensitivity to ethnic differences went hand in hand with Saxon presence on the , the poem may simply refer to the levelling of earthly dignities and pretensions‹. He himself Saxons who were already living in Felix’s civitas. By the sixth century, Saxons could also as easily have come from Britain distinctions between Roman and Barbarian can be said to be (Gildas, DEB less meaningful ( 1998; 2014). Nevertheless, the that Gregory, who wrote before the formation of Carolingian presence of ethnic groups makes it worthwhile to examine Saxony, and had read sources placing Saxons elsewhere, the uses to which they are put in Gregory’s text. One of the referred to this region when he spoke of Saxons? Ignorance the histories – the ›distinctive costume and hairstyle‹ of the Bretons – makes its appearance as something adopted not by Bretons, but by Saxons in disguise ( 2010, 21; Gregory Gregory’s didactic purpose of Tours, DLH 10.9). Furthermore, (1998, 66) claims that the only ethnicities Gregory distinguished were those Gregory‘s concern with the gens saxonum was primarily for of outsiders. This overlooks some subtleties. Gregory’s civic didactic ends. Take, for example, the following from Book IV: ›[the Saxons were] incited by Childebert and were indignant ethnic identities is problematic, but the Arverni in particular are at the Franks for their actions the previous year‹ (Gregory of 2013, Tours, DLH 4.16). It is clear from Childebert’s later invasion 17). Recent work in this area has sought to unify Christian (once he believed Chlothar to have been killed) that this was theological understanding of chronology and topography with an orchestrated assault, launched as part of the war between the emergence of ethnic phenomena ( and the sons of Clovis and two rulers of the Merovingian kingdom, 2013a; 2013b). (2013, 269; 2015) shows that Chlothar and Childebert, which Gregory narrates mainly in Gregory of Tours’ historiographical framework, though it granted no central role to the Franks, still handled ethnicity self-consciously. Gregory acted as a ›cultural broker‹ who The rebellion and the Saxon attacks seem linked. From ›constituted and promoted [communities and social groupings the sequence listed above, the Saxon invasions of Chlothar’s (2013, territory seem less the assaults of a disgruntled Barbarian group 273–278) Gregory occupies the middle ground, between of tributary status on a distant border of Frankish territory, and

49 Chapter Events 4.6 dies. Chlothar succeeds to the kingdom and marries Theudebald’s wife Vuldetrada, for which he is rebuked by bishops – he leaves her. He sends his son Chramn to the Auvergne. 4.7 Saxon rebellion against Chlothar – Chlothar ›destroys the greater part‹ and devastates Thuringia. The bishop Cato succeeds to the See of Tours, and arranges with Chramn to eject Cautinus from Clermont so he might hold it, but this does not happen. There is hostility between Cautinus and a priest named Anastasius over Anastasius’ rightful property. 4.8 Chramn has his residence in Clermont at this time. He is senseless in his acts. ›None capable of good or sound advice was gathered round him‹. He commits many evil deeds. A passage from Sallust is given, declaring it a ›hard task to write history‹, since one ›must make words correspond to facts‹ and ›most readers put down to malevolence and envy any strictures you may make upon offences‹. 4.9 Saxon rebellion against Chlothar who is ›making his progress round‹ his kingdom. The Saxons refuse to pay tributa, there is an exchange 4.10 Chramn commits diverse ill deeds at Clermont. Sickens with fever. Chramn leaves Clermont for . He desires to go over to Childebert, prepared to betray his father. He conspires to betray Chlothar and then enters Limoges and reduces under his own dominion ›all parts of his father’s kingdom through which he had formerly made progress‹. Chlothar sends Charibert and Guntram against him. Chramn tricks them into believing their father is dead and they ›return with the utmost speed‹ to Burgundy. Chramn pursues them and besieges them at Chalon-sur-Saône. 4.11 champaign of .

Table 1. The Saxons and Chramn in Book IV of Gregory of Tours’ Histories. more a key thrust of Childebert and Chramn’s campaign. The repeatedly offer a greater part of this land to the Saxons, relative lack of focus on Saxons shows that detailing their actions is not the purpose of these chapters. (2007b) in two battles, and the Saxons are utterly defeated (Gregory of Tours, DLH 5.15). The chapter thus cautions against greed, poor behaviour towards another rebellious king, , to whom Book V’s preface was perhaps addressed. The Saxons from the church of St Martin at Tours in 577 (Gregory of Tours, are merely extras in this narrative. The details about them are DLH 5.14). The reason why such a theme was selected later unimportant for Gregory’s purpose. What matters are their actions, and how these related to Chramn. Childebert’s failure Section: Sentence: Subject: to advise Chramn against betraying his father is emphasised, and biblical passages are read by the of Dijon to A 1–2 Introduction: bad civil war determine Chramn’s fate (Gregory of Tours, DLH 4.16). His subsequent death is depicted similarly to Valens’, as described B1 3 Refer to earlier examples by Orosius after the battle of Adrianople, as punishment for B2 4 Example of Rome B3 5 Appeal to kings: wage good wars Valens’ Arian heresy (Gregory of Tours, DLH 4.20; Orosius B4 6 Example of Clovis: overcame for- 7.9–15). Religious demands of obedience are clearly the issue eigners at stake; the Saxons are simply a stylistic tool. Perhaps their reputation for treachery (Gregory of Tours, DLH 4.14) rendered C1 7 Clovis had no or silver C2 8 Kings questioned: what do they want? C3 9 They have lots of gold and silver usurpation of his father. Book IV later describes the return to Gaul of some Saxons C4 10 They lack the peace of God (who, according to Gregory, had entered Italy with the C5 11 Kings questioned: why do they covet? Lombard ) to ›the place from which they had originally C6 12 Warning: they will destroy each other gone forth‹ (Gregory of Tours, DLH 4.42). On their journey, B1I 13 Study earlier examples they pillage regions as distant and diverse as Riez, Nice and B2I 14 Example of Carthage Avignon. Eventually defeated, they enter Frankish service, B3I 15 Appeal to kings: beware civil war settling in Sigibert’s kingdom (Gregory of Tours, DLH 4.16). B4I 16 They will be destroyed by for- The reappearance of this group in Book V is chronologically eigners AI 17 Epilogue: wage ›good‹ civil war Chronicle of Marius of Avenches), the war the Saxons fought against the Figure 1. The chiastic structure of the Preface to Book V of Gregory of Tours’ to recover land ›left void‹ when they went to Italy. The Suebi Histories (from 2007b, used with kind permission).

50 A1 Preface: civil war is bad, greed is bad. Spiritual war is good. B1 B2 Bishop (Felix) falsely accuses another bishop (Gregory). B3 Miracles at the tomb of St Martin. People are blind to the truth of the Church. B4 Good, saintly people die. C1 Guntram Boso, escapes capture by King Guntram’s duke. C2 C3 Theuderic (Breton) defeats Macliav after dispossession. C4 Guntram kills two sons of Magnachar for their wealth. He is then left childless for his sins. C5 Merovech dies – A punishment for civil war and for invoking a soothsayer. Digression – Moral: those who are generous always have wealth. C6 Salonius and Sagittarius make war, are stripped of bishoprics, do not amend their ways. C7 Young son of Chilperic dies of dysentery. Many signs are seen. C8 Guntram Boso slays and escapes King Chilperic’s duke, aided by St Martin. C9 C10 C11 Chilperic imposes heavy taxes. C12 The Bretons ravage. Constantinople digression – Moral: conspirators and plots are always overcome. C13 C14 Many signs are seen, Chilperic’s sons die of dysentery. B5 Many bad people die from dysentery. B6 Many portents are seen, pestilence. Many are blind to the truth of the Church. B7 An archdeacon at Rodez accuses Bishop (Dalmatius) falsely. A2 Salvius sees the sword of divine wrath hanging over the house of the Merovingians.

Figure 2. The chiastic structure of Book V of Gregory of Tours’ Histories. becomes clear. In chapter seventeen, King Guntram kills two sons of Magnachar, ostensibly for slandering Austrechild, of events that Gregory describes is surely slight. Why was this taking their wealth. He then loses his own children to disease, tale chosen? which he recognizes as punishment for his sins. Yet he and The structure of Book V, never before considered, offers his nephew, Childebert, then set out to conquer territory from an answer. (2007b) demonstrated that the Preface Guntram’s brother Chilperic (Gregory of Tours, DLH 5.17). The to Book V forms a chiasmus outlining the overall message Saxon chapter thus portends the consequences of greed and of Gregory’s Histories, juxtaposing the virtue of spiritual war war-mongering. But why was this chronologically displaced against the sin of civil war (Fig. 1). Even closer examination, story used to make the point? This has been a source of some prompted by this clue, reveals that the entire book is in fact confusion, for both other early medieval authors, and modern chiastic in structure, as illustrated by the above diagram historians ( 2017, 68–70). A similar story is described in Book IV, giving context to Unsurprisingly, obedience to the chiasmus is not wholly Chramn’s war. Chlothar demands tribute from some Saxons. perfect since the organisation of such a range of material The Saxons continually make larger concessions for peace. would have been complex. Furthermore, if (2007b) is Chlothar accepts but his Franci (nobles) refuse, forcing a war, correct about the relative chronology of the Histories, Gregory where the Saxons defeat Chlothar (Gregory of Tours, DLH was writing Book V as events unfolded, rendering the latter 4.14). (2003, 136) suggests that Chlothar’s men were motivated primarily by the opportunities for advancement Books I–IV, written more clearly after the event. Still, a basic and material reward afforded by warfare. This chapter’s folk- chiastic structure can be observed, conforming well to chapter tale-like motifs are a clear precursor to V.15. The chapters distribution and echoing the message outlined in the preface seem to be intended to recall one another (a point also made – the inevitable failure of earthly civil war and the success of by 2014, 93–94; 2017, 70). But the spiritual war. achronological position of V.15 remains unexplained. The

51 The mirroring of the B sections is particularly clear – The greater part of the chapter is dedicated to sections 3–5. miracles mirror portents, deaths of mirror the deaths The Saxon defeat is the only event of the war that is actually of sinners, and civil war waged by the Merovingians mirrors Gregory’s spiritual war against heretics and his success at the to Chilperic’s victory are left out: the repulsive, gritty details of trial at Berny-St-Rivière. An interesting pattern of parallels warfare do not interest Gregory (pace 2002, 363). involving Guntram Boso. In both, this is immediately followed Gregory thought important. The Saxons of the Bessin are a by a chapter about Saxons at war with a non-Frankish people small detail, given disproportionate weight to serve the chias- and both halves feature Bretons in nearby chapters. In both, mus. The placing of chapters 44–49 out of correct chrono- a king who has committed sins of greed and war loses his logical position suggests, too, that Gregory wished to stress his sons to disease and Chilperic’s loss is continually referred to in religious method ( 2002b, 340–341). both halves. Both pull our gaze to Constantinople at the same This might explain the fate of the Saxons of the Bessin point, in chapters containing stories with a positive outcome in Book X. This has similarities with the above passage: and clear moral message. Each half takes the reader through again there is a war between Franks and Bretons. Again it is a comprehensive demonstration of the outcomes of greed and civil war, though it is made clear that damnation could be disguised as Bretons. Again, many Saxons die, and a major averted with repentance. The material is carefully selected and sequenced to allow this message to emerge. combatant, Beppolen, is slain after Ebrachar retreats to usurp The chapter containing Saxons in section C1 (Gregory him. After Beppolen’s death, Waroch sues for peace, again of Tours, DLH 5.26) is chronologically placed; the preceding making oaths that he breaks. On their journey, Beppolen chapter is dated to the third year of Childebert’s reign (Gregory and Ebrachar commit many crimes. There is a difference: this of Tours, DLH 5.25), and the following chapter is dated to the fourth year (Gregory of Tours, DLH 5.27). Unlike chapter Waroch’s treachery (Gregory of Tours, DLH 10.9). V.15, no indication of date is given, which would imply that Why do the Saxons of the Bessin adopt Breton dress? this chapter, describing an earlier defeat of the Saxons of the Goffart calls it ›a stratagem by a queen considered to be Bessin by Waroch’s Bretons than that outlined at the start particularly wicked‹ ( 1982, 80). Flierman argues of this chapter, is present because its events happen in the similarly, after Goffart and Daily ( 2017, 67; third year of Childebert. This, then, explains Gregory’s reason 2015, 152–160). But, although this is the case for many of for again mentioning the return of the Saxons from Italy in Gregory’s tales about Fredegund, in this particular instance chapter 15. The war with the Sueves has parallels in the war the characterisation may be unfair. It is hard to believe that with the Bretons as both are against non-Franks, involve Saxon the discovery of Saxons in the Breton army would have combatants (though in the latter the army is Frankish), Saxons are defeated, and the invading factions are shown to be sinful. frequently involved in military action in the region. Flierman The Saxon war with the Sueves is probably the only other has suggested, misreading Halsall, that they may have been instance of such a war which Gregory would have known, mercenaries, in a social bond with their employer that would selected simply to maintain a neat parallelism between the have rendered their discovery damning for Fredegund. But such two ›C‹ halves of the book, aiding the coherence of the book’s suggestions are highly speculative, and I would propose that chiastic structure and thus the force of the book’s argument. This interpretation of the use of Saxons in Book V is the post-Roman period renders this less likely an interpretation supported by the odd prioritisation of concerns in chapter than Flierman suggests, given the other reasons Halsall gives twenty-six: to doubt the existence of mercenaries in this period ( 1. Chilperic’s forces against Waroch, and camp on the 2017, 67, citing 2003, 111–112). A different view river Vilaine. is possible. Goffart notes that Fredegund dies unpunished for 2. The Bretons fall upon the Saxons of the Bessin and kill far greater crimes ( 1982, 80). Few other persons so them. often avoid divine retribution in Gregory’s work. But Goffart 3. Waroch makes peace three days later, surrenders hostages, rightly associates many of Fredegund’s crimes with Gregory’s swears an oath to Chilperic, restores the city of Vannes on few references to ethnic traits – might Gregory’s words have the condition that he maintain his claim on it, and pays its had a symbolic meaning? annual tribute. 4. Chilperic orders a ban to be enforced against the poor and Halsall proposes that Gregory’s portrayal of Chilperic and servants of the cathedral and church of St Martin. Fredegund as consistently negative may be mistaken, arguing 5. Waroch breaks his promise, seeks to annul his act, and that Gregory feared Guntram more and suggesting that accounts returns the bishop of Vannes to Chilperic. The bishop is of Guntram’s actions reveal his true merits, despite Gregory’s banished. apparent praise ( 2002b, 342, 348–349). The passage

52 he highlights as evidence for a positive portrayal of Chilperic saw them both as ›Saxons‹, and felt a mirroring of the two and Fredegund is that at the end of the C section of the chiasmus in Book V, in which Fredegund bitterly repents her the , to serve his purpose. Surely there is sins, with phrasing similar to Book V’s preface ( 2007b, 303–304). Gregory’s focus on Fredegund and her Saxons may but this does not mean the two groups were related, or had subtly criticize Guntram, re-invoking the same themes as Book much in common. Thus, though the Franks were themselves V, with the previously offending party now in the right. not central to his histories, their perspective on the world, with Compare the statements about Fredegund in this passage its own inherited Classical ethnographic frameworks, shaped with those of Guntram’s duces. They commit many crimes. Gregory’s own. This led him to subconsciously homogenize For the entire journey they blaspheme, taunt, and insult diverse peoples, even if the ethnic assumptions made in his one another. Upon arrival in the Vilaine, they destroy local choice of material were overruled by the conscious rhetorical dwellings. Finally, Ebrachar betrays Beppolen, suffers harm ends to which they were put. As attested in the symbolic at Waroch’s hands, pillages the territory of Tours, and is re-imagining of the Saxons of the Bessin in two similarly- reproached by Guntram (Gregory of Tours, DLH 10.9). All we learn of Fredegund is her grudge against Beppolen. Waroch’s morally neutral. Gregory perceives historical phenomena as crimes are hinted at, but far less obviously than the duces’. ›[embodiments of] spiritual patterns historically acting in and In comparison to the relative success of Chilperic’s campaign, through visible and palpable human events‹ ( 2002, itself far from morally virtuous, Guntram’s campaign is an 279). The Saxons were put to use, then, as an indicator for the unmitigated disaster. Such demonstrations of incompetence, direction in which divine retribution fell at a given moment. paint him in good light. Fredegund, though no , is not the villain. The order for the Saxons to adopt Breton dress Conclusion is a metaphorical re-shaping of the events of 5.26. Where previously the Saxons fought for the sinning party, in adopting What do these authors tell us about this period of transition? the mantle of the Bretons they become those who deliver They speak of a transition of emphasis: as imperial authority degraded, a dispersal of mental perspectives took place. From the singular, organized in relation to a homogenizing imperial and metropolitan centre, to a multiplicity of viewpoints Gregory’s ethnic perspective grounded in a landscape of numerous, varying regional and conceptual loci. The conceptual dichotomy of Roman/ (1982, 89, 99) once called Gregory an ethnic ›non- Barbarian is exchanged for that of Godly/Sinful. Ethnic partisan‹, considering his sympathies ›not [to be] involved with groups simply become one of many means by which this any ethnic group as such, but with actions whose morality eschatological world view is represented. Can we learn much he approved of‹, giving the Saxon wars with the Sueves and about the Saxons as a gens, about their political structures or Chlothar as examples. Yet Goffart was surely mistaken when he stated that ethnicity to Gregory was a simple matter of the Saxons in time and space ( 2003), and identifying ›identifying labels, of no interest in itself‹ ( 1982, 94). ethnic groups through archaeological means ( 2004; The above reveals Gregory doing precisely the sort of cultural 2011; 2017b) lead me to doubt this. But by brokerage Reimitz has outlined. Gregory’s downplaying of using the Saxons as a lens to focus our reading, we achieve ethnicity as a divisive force was conscious, derived from his greater understanding of the shifting mentalités of those who particular eschatological worldview ( 2015, 65–69). Yet, would represent them. subconsciously, assumptions persisted about ethnic groups. His exposure to political information beyond Gaul came from Merovingian sources, and (2002, 138) has shown that Acknowledgements Saxons, among others, were seen in Merovingian discourse within a generalized belt of Barbarian gentes. Thus, although This article is based on a far more unwieldy MA dissertation Gregory consciously considered foreignness unimportant, he completed at the University of York in 2013. I am grateful to still held implicit assumptions about foreigners. Flierman’s Prof. Guy Halsall, who supervised it, for his continued support proposal, that the Saxons functioned as part of a framework in bringing the better aspects of the arguments contained of ›calculated deconstruction‹ of the notion that groups such therein to print as I completed my doctoral thesis. Veronika as Saxons were ›automatic outsiders‹, is surely correct. But Egetenmeyr, Sam Barber, Kat Fliegel, Catherine Hailstone and even authors consciously attempting to dismantle Roman Aaron Brown also read the manuscript at various stages, and Andrew Welton offered numerous helpful comments. The by them. Though Gregory knew the two mirrored groups of article is much improved by their input. I wish to thank the Saxons in Book V were of different geographical origins, he organisers of the Sachsensymposion in Leipzig in 2015 for

53 inviting me to participate as a late addition to the programme, 1992 and for their subsequent invitation to contribute to this volume. V. Burns, The Visigothic settlement in Aquitaine: Imperial motives. Historia: Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte 41, 1992, 362–373.

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James M. Harland DFG Center for Advanced Studies 2496, ›Migration and Mobility in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages‹ Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen Keplerstr. 2 DE 72074 Tübingen [email protected]

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