Screening the Extradition of the Balts from Sweden

Article

Painful Neutrality: Screening the Extradition of the Balts from Sweden

LARS KRISTENSEN, University of Skövde, Sweden; email: [email protected] CHRISTO BURMAN, Linneaus University, Sweden; email: [email protected]

72 DOI: 10.2478/bsmr-2018-0005 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE ABSTRACT The article deals with the extradition of Baltic soldiers from Sweden in 1946 as represented in Per Olov Enquist’s novel The Legionnaires: A Documentary Novel (Legionä- rerna. En roman om baltutlämningen, 1968) and Johan Bergenstråhle’s filmA Baltic Tragedy (Baltutlämningen. En film om ett politiskt beslut Sverige 1945, Sweden, 1970). The theoretical framework is taken from trauma studies and its equivalent within film studies, where trauma is seen as a repeated occurrence of a past event. In this regard, literature and moving images become the means of reaching the traumatic event, a way to relive it. What separates the extradition of the Baltic soldiers from other traumas, such as the Holocaust, is that it functions as a guilt complex related to the failure to prevent the tragedy, which is connected to Sweden’s position of neutrality during World War II and the appeasement of all the warring nations. It is argued that this is a collective trauma created by Enquist’s novel, which blew it into national proportions. However, Bergenstråhle’s film changes the focus of the trauma by downplaying the bad conscience of the Swedes. In this way, the film aims to create new witnesses to the extradition affair. The analysis looks at the reception of both the novel and film in order to explain the two different ap- proaches to the historical event, as well as the two different time periods in which they were produced. The authors argue that the two years that separate the appearance of the novel and the film explain the swing undergone by the political mood of the late 1960s towards a deflated revolu- tion of the early 1970s, when the film arrived on screens nationwide. However, in terms of creating witnesses to the traumatic event, the book and film manage to stir public opinion to the extent that the trauma changes from being slowly effacing to being collectively ‘experienced’ through remembrance. The paradox is that, while the novel still functions as a vivid reminder of the painful aftermath caused by Swedish neutrality during World War II, the

73 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE film is almost completely forgotten today. The film’s mode of attacking the viewers with an I-witness account, the juxtaposition and misconduct led to a rejection of the narrative by Swedish audiences.

In January 1946, 146 soldiers from the (Baltutlämningen. En film om ett politiskt Baltic countries boarded the Soviet ship beslut Sverige 1945, Sweden, 1970). Inter- Beloostrov at the Swedish harbour of national literature on the Baltic question Trelleborg. They were Baltic soldiers wear- makes no mention of the event (e.g. Hiden ing German uniforms, who had fled their et al. 2008), and the debates related to the native countries in the spring of 1945 as extradition have largely been confined to the Red Army advanced into Europe. While Sweden. This article seeks to fill this gap thousands of civilian refugees from the Bal- in the academic literature by providing an tic region were granted refugee status and account of how this debate unfolded. We eventually Swedish citizenship, the soldiers contend that the two accounts of the events in Trelleborg were sent back to the now – Enquist’s book and Bergenstråhle’s Soviet Union as part of the peace agree- film – had quite different receptions, and ment between the major warring nations. that the reason was not only the different Neutral Sweden had agreed to return Ger- focuses of the two accounts, which reflect a man Wehrmacht soldiers, but the request deep split between the two different media from the Soviet authorities to extradite the depicting the historical events, but also the Baltic soldiers to the Soviet Union was ten- time that lapsed between the release of tative. Could a distinction be made between the book and the premiere of the film. We the victorious nations? Was the Soviet argue that while Enquist’s documentary Union a peaceful and just nation or a brutal novel was well received by readers and crit- and unscrupulous dictatorship? It was by ics and is still promoted and read today,1 no means a straightforward matter, and the Bergenstråhle’s film has mostly been for- fact that the Swedish authorities could not gotten and its images obliterated from the guarantee the safety of the soldiers once Swedish consciousness. We will show that they were back in their Soviet-controlled both the novel and film were influenced by countries made the matter take on epic left-wing politics and in particular Marx- proportions. The soldiers themselves were ist ideas about accounting for historical certain that they would face court martials events, i.e. that the present is an experience and possible executions, which led them to of what once was or what no longer exists organise a collective hunger strike in pro- (Mazierska 2014: 253). However, the two test against the extradition. A few even took productions were eclipsed by the dramatic their own lives while still in Sweden. events of 1968, which saw a Marxist upris- The extradition of the Baltic soldiers ing in the West, also known as May 1968, from Sweden after World War II became a and the end of the Prague Spring caused by hot topic in the late 1960s and again in the early 1970s due, initially, to the release 1 The book was re-released in 2018 by the publisher of Per Olov Enquist’s The Legionnaires: Norstedt as part of the novel’s 50th anniversary. In the new preface entitled ‘A Swedish Trauma’ A Documentary Novel (Legionärerna. En (‘Ett svenskt trauma’), by the Norwegian reporter and roman om baltutlämningen, 1968), and later author Åsne Seierstad, she argues that Enquist’s novel is a testimony against the rise of ‘alternative facts’, Johan Bergenstråhle’s film A Baltic Tragedy ‘fake news’ and ‘individual truths’ (Seierstad 2018: 10).

74 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE Soviet military intervention in the East only which trauma studies seeks to develop a a few months later. We argue that Enquist treatment along the lines of clinical psy- wrote his book in the spirit leading up to chology. Trauma studies have also been May 1968, while Bergenstråhle’s film suf- conceptually adopted by other fields in the fered the consequences of the failures of humanities, of which literature and film May 1968, which culminated with Here and studies are the best-known. In the literary Elsewhere (Ici et ailleurs, Jean-Luc Godard, branch of trauma studies, the focus is on an Jean-Pierre Gorin, Anne-Marie Miéville, ‘afterwardness’ that can be both realistic France, 1976), a failed revolutionary film and artistic in its representation, but which project, which signalled the end of an era. coalesces different time periods into the In French academia during the mid-1970s, present. According to Robert Eaglestone, even ‘a reference to Marx became a mark of trauma studies is about the ‘structure of ignominy’ (Matheron 1997: 9). By the time experience’ (Eaglestone 2014: 17). The Hol- A Baltic Tragedy was broadcast on Swed- ocaust and the study of the remembrance ish television in January 1978, the political of the Holocaust dominate this branch of winds had turned completely from the time study, to which we can add Enquist’s and when Enquist started his investigation over Bergenstråhle’s creative endeavours. How- a decade earlier. ever, as already mentioned, there are dif- The argument will be structured as ferences between their work, and it can be follows. In the first part of the essay, we will asserted that Enquist is the starter culture, deal with Enquist’s book and its reception. and Bergenstråhle the follower. We suggest Here we show that a genuine discussion that Enquist’s book created public aware- about the representation in the book only ness about the event’s traumatic propor- occurred after the voices of the Baltic dias- tions, and in a sense, it can be considered pora in Sweden entered the public debate. to be the creator of the trauma. Bergen- In the second part, we will look at the pro- stråhle’s film, however, is aimed at creating duction, exhibition and reception of the film new witnesses to this newly established in cinemas, as well as the discussion of the trauma and to giving it national proportions. event as it unfolds on national television. In Drawing on the works of the feminist this account, we will provide a combination trauma researcher Elizabeth Waites, Janet of textual and reception analysis, together Walker argues that trauma ‘impoverishes with a discussion of how the aftermath of fantasy life by generating an endless rep- the film was influenced by politicians, crit- etition of flashbacks that almost mechani- ics and the members of the film crew who cally reproduce the remembered trauma, were not at all happy with the result. The and it contributes to fantasy life by helping final section will focus on the screening to generate structures that depart from of the film on television, which reignited literal transcriptions of the past events’ something that was, by that time in the (Walker 2005: 10). The repeated nature of late 1970s, a national war trauma. Before trauma is echoed by Ann E. Kaplan and returning to Enquist’s historical novel, we Ban Wang (2004: 5) in their introduction to first need to address the concept of trauma Trauma and Cinema, in which the traumatic in cinema. event ‘takes the form of repeated, intrusive hallucinations, dreams, thoughts or behav- TRAUMA STUDIES AND FILM ior’ (Kaplan, Wang 2004: 5). We argue that Trauma studies is a separate discipline, Enquist established a Swedish war trauma associated mainly with Holocaust studies, that was not self-evident in the social but the origins of which lie in the writings imagination before his novel. The event of Sigmund Freud. It is the research into was seen as a controversial political deci- the psychological consequences of violent sion, but not as a traumatic one. Enquist, events – such as war, political torture or in contrast, elevates this historical event to other tragedies of massive human loss – for the level of trauma and thereby creates an

75 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE ‘impoverished’ imagination about the ethically bound up in the atrocities (Torchin extradition of the Baltic soldiers. 2012). Thus, we also move into the notion of The fact that the trauma is regener- creating witnesses, i.e. that watching mov- ated and reproduced repeatedly, forming ing images, even if they are reconstructed, a Freudian link of trauma to fantasy and extends responsibility onto the viewer. fiction, is vital in this regard. Trauma ‘pro- Leshu Torchin is one of the main advocates vides a way of connecting the unconscious of this concept, saying that and history’ (Kaplan 2001: 202). Departing from factual writing about past events is the capacity of film to do some- part and parcel of creating trauma. While, thing to the spectator is a long- for the most part, the literature on trauma standing concern in film study deals with victims of violence or mass per- [which] suggests that the en- secution, it is important to emphasise that counter with the screen does Enquist’s creation of a Swedish war trauma something to the viewer – shap- is narrated from the perspective of the per- ing him ideologically or provoking petrators. In some sense it is about a lack, her into response. This notion of or an emptiness, that the author seeks to inevitable transformation carries address (Thurah 2002: 34). There is some- into assumptions or demands thing wrong before the novel begins, and around viewing distance suffer- this emptiness can be filled with a trauma ing, where audiences are made (Thurah 2002: 19). Thus, it is about not responsible for what they have acting or saving lives, e.g. sending Jewish seen. (Torchin 2012: 11) refugees back to Nazi Germany or Baltic soldiers back to the Soviet Union. Above all, It is Torchin’s argument that since its it is about the problem of claiming neutral- inception media technology has enabled a ity as a moral high ground, which is effectu- transfer of responsibility onto viewers. This ally equated with being on the same side as ability is evident from the very early days the perpetrators. Traumatic memory works of cinema. In regard to the genocide film to Enquist’s advantage because ‘traumatic Ravished Armenia (Oscar Apfel, USA, 1919), memory is distinguished from other eviden- which screened the eyewitness testimony tiary forms precisely because it eludes the of Aurora Mardiganian, who also starred binaristic “it happened or it didn’t”’ (Walker in the film, Torchin asserts that ‘these new 2001: 212). What actually happened is media enabled more immediate contact not as significant as establishing a social with suffering at a distance, presenting imagination, or ‘fantasy life’, that repeats trauma for the viewers “at home”’ (Torchin the event over and over again. 2006: 215). The key concepts for Torchin Moving to the visual representation of include testimony and witness, because the traumatic event and Bergenstråhle’s these ‘oblige’ the viewer to act through legal film, we are introduced to the I-witness, procedures, political actions or financial who provides an account of the atroci- support of charities, as was the case with ties. According to Shoshana Felman and Ravished Armenia. Another approach to Dori Laub’s work on Holocaust witnesses, memory and moving images is mnemonic ‘media technology became the means by rationality, in which memory is seen ‘as a which survivors recovered their traumatic relational process that encompasses bio- experiences, possibly for the first time’ logical, mental, social and material dimen- (Ashuri 2010: 174). If an I-witness narrative sions, thus creating changeable mnemonic is seen as dealing with a traumatic event, assemblages’ (Erll 2017: 7). We can argue which by no means necessitates a truthful that creating witnesses is a neurological or accurate storytelling (Walker 2001: process of mnemonic assemblage in which 216), then screening such narratives also the emotions of trauma are felt although helps create new witnesses, who are through the stories of others. While A Baltic

76 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE Tragedy does carry a few I-witness accounts in order to remember atrocities they must in terms of featuring the Baltic soldiers, it be represented and discussed. However, mainly strives toward historical accuracy the latter view also creates the burden of by casting diaspora actors and the choice history, i.e. there is so much out there (in of its locations. Thus, it does aim to create particular regarding the Holocaust) that it is witnesses through its screenings. It pre- impossible to comprehend all the available sents a war trauma for Swedish viewers, material. Mazierska writes that the burden but what actions did the filmmaker expect of history ‘might overwhelm a person who from the spectators? This question sets inherits the painful memories, either due the film apart from other witness films like to being personally connected with their Ravished Armenia, because A Baltic Tragedy owner or due to belonging to an (imagined) does not have a clear purpose other than community connected by these memories’ to produce a sense of guilt in the general (Mazierska 2011: 26). Individual and collec- population. tive memories are linked through trauma Based on the writing of Susan Sontag, (Buelens et al. 2014: 2), which means that Neil Narine points out that ‘bearing witness a shared sense of guilt can easily function readily induces guilt’ (Narine 2010: 120) and as the linkage between individually expe- this works in the case of Bergenstråhle’s rienced and collectively imagined trauma. film. That said, screening A Baltic Tragedy We argue that the memory of the extradi- for a Swedish audience is also about cre- tion of the Baltic soldiers is an imagined ating awareness of what happened in the community memory that connects Swedes aftermath of World War II in Sweden. This to a shared trauma event, which happened becomes evident, not when the film was in the final stage of World War II. Enquist shown in cinemas, which generally did not resuscitates this trauma with the aim of attract attention, but when it was broad- social critique of the role of Swedes during cast on national television with accompany- the war, but instead creates a collective ing debates and current affair programming sense of trauma, which can be connected to about the film. The film was talked about on national awakening rather than critiquing. national television thereby creating the wit- We argue that this can be observed in the nesses. It can be argued that a traumatic discrepancies related to the reception of event of this scale creates a community and the book and the film, whereby the diaspora shared sense of national guilt (Mazierska rejects the memory while the majority of 2011: 24) on a much larger scale than the the population accepts the trauma as valid. book can. This is the second phase of our argument, i.e. once the film was actually ENQUIST’S NONFICTION NOVEL broadcast on television in 1978, its aes- Truman Capote claimed to have created the thetic and political style of filmmaking was genre of the nonfiction novel with his book generally rejected by the audiences and In Cold Blood (1966). His factual account of the critics but, by then, the memory of the the brutal murder of a farm family in Hol- trauma had already become a fact. comb, Kansas, was dramatised to fit the Exploring the concept of post-memory, form of the novel. The anchor of the story Ewa Mazierska finds that there are two is Truman Capote himself, and the work views on how trauma, and in particular the is semiautobiographical, delivered in the Holocaust, can be represented (Mazierska form of a witness narrative. In the history 2011: 22–27). One view is that barbarity of literature, fact and fiction can be seen cannot be represented, since any repre- as the relationship between realism and sentation would be incomplete and thus romanticism, which in the absence of a futile, a view that Theodor W. Adorno held divine authority, starts appearing in both with respect to the Holocaust. The other fiction and nonfiction writings in the 18th view is that any representation is better century (Johansson 2008: 35). Capote was than no representation, which means that obviously not the first, but his term has

77 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE been accepted in English literature studies, to convey an image of a young writer and and today goes under the umbrella of crea- critic who had already proven his skills as a tive nonfiction. Laura Tansley and Micaela poet, essayist and novelist. The questions Maftei explain: on which we are focusing are why and how Enquist selected this traumatic war event Unclear boundaries between for literary examination. What were his rea- fact and fiction can be freeing, sons, and in which form did he choose to do allowing authors to tell stories so? After that, we will provide an account using structures, techniques and of the book’s reception in order to establish language of fiction, poetry and whose trauma we are dealing with. non-fiction, creating unique and Enquist offers his reasons for writ- personal testimony. In this way ing it in the book itself. These include the creative non-fiction can become neutrality of Sweden during the war and a highly individual truth. Such the position that Sweden took in the post- testimony may be felt by the war period as a leading political economy author to be truthful if not wholly in the world. Sweden experienced an eco- factual. (Tansley, Maftei 2015: 5) nomic boom during ‘the record years’, when modernisation, social reforms and a high Thus, creative nonfiction is highly individual standard of living became the norm. The but emotionally affecting, regardless of boom was similar to the ones experienced whether it is factual or not. This is also in West Germany and Japan, but it was the Enquist’s relationship with fact and fic- Swedish model – built on a partnership tion, which is expressed in the literature between industry and the labour unions – about trauma as being like a Freudian link that stood out as the most advanced and between the unconscious and the fac- forward-thinking. Sweden was progressive tual event in history. The fact and fiction and, to some, even overconfident. It is in this dichotomy can also be seen as a Deleuzian attitude that we find the seeds of Enquist’s link between reality and thinking, which inquiry into Sweden’s role during the war can exist without ‘their immanent relation- years; in particular, the sense that Swedish ship’ (Johansson 2008: 202). Neither is it politics had all the answers to the world’s a purely Western literary dichotomy, as problems, i.e. if everyone was more like the Japanese literature has shōsetsu, which is Swedes, the world would be a better place a ‘chronicle-novel’, in which memories are to live in. ‘somewhat embroidered and colored but This attitude was not reserved for the essentially nonfiction all the same’, as in labour market or the economy, but was also Yasunari Kawabata’s novel The Master of apparent in terms of social welfare, as well Go (名人) from 1951 (Seidensticker 1972: as gender and racial equality. In regard to v). Based on Capote’s example, whose book the latter, the book starts with Enquist, In Cold Blood was negatively reviewed by called ‘the investigator’ in the book, attend- Enquist in 1966 (Enquist 1966), The Legion- ing a civil rights protest in Jackson, Mis- naires is felt, or thought, to be truthful by sissippi. The investigator is hesitant and the author, while at the same time not being reluctant to participate – ‘is their problem wholly factual. my problem?’ he asks – which becomes It was with this work, his sixth novel, synonymous with Sweden’s role in World that Enquist’s career as a novelist truly War II: ‘…he was there but did not partici- began. Enquist has since published over pate. It felt fine’ (Enquist [1968] 2018: 35; 30 novels and plays, won numerous literary our translation2). Especially the conditional awards and been called one of Sweden’s greatest living authors (Brown 2016). We 2 Unless indicated, as here, we will use Alan Blair’s will not deal with Enquist’s other works, but translation (Enquist 1973). In this instance, we found that the nuance in Enquist’s language, which we read hope that this short introduction will suffice into the sentence, was not rendered in the English version.

78 follow-up sentence, ‘it felt fine’, is indica- making peace [lugnar] with their tive of a moral superiority that comes from bad conscience. (Maurina 1968: the role of neutrality. Enquist is later con- 192–193) fronted for having this laissez-faire attitude toward world affairs by an American friend: In our view, this shows that the extradition of the Balts was a historical event The world’s conscience. I know, that popped up on certain occasions, but I’ve lived in Sweden. The Swedes nothing that was spoken about or actively have the world’s only transport- debated during the time leading up to able conscience; they go around 1968. In fact, when reading Maurina’s dia- like professional moralists. They ries one is struck by the lack of awareness never speak of the situations on the part Swedes regarding their Baltic when they themselves have neighbours. Maurina writes that Latvians been faced with moral conflicts. might just as well come from the moon, The troop transits, the extradi- that’s how ignorant Swedes are about her tion of the Balts. What do you country of birth (Maurina 1968: 151). Our know about the extradition of the point is that by the time Enquist starts his Balts? (Enquist 1973: 31) investigation, the extradition is about to fade from the memory of the population, For Enquist, the extradition of the Balts which is evident from Osvalds Freivalds’ becomes a trauma he was not aware of and The Tragedy of the Baltic Prisoners in Swe- therefore has to investigate. The trauma den 1945–1946 (De internerade balternas becomes a sort of dark energy that the tragedi i Sverige år 1945–1946), which writer was obsessed by; it becomes his duty was also published in 1968. In the pref- and personal responsibility to report on it ace to Freivalds’ book, which was entitled (Mazierska 2011: 26–27). However, since ‘It is hard to remember – but necessary!’, it is also linked to the Swedish national Bishop Sven Danell writes that ‘for many conscience, it is about unearthing an event Swedes, what happened is a constant ach- that collectively resonates with national ing abscess [böld]. It is a blow that cannot cohesion. In other words, it is a trauma that heal by itself. It must be opened’ (Freivalds speaks to many rather than only a few. It 1968: 5). It is not a wound yet, but we argue is a national trauma rather than a trauma that it is what Enquist’s book does to this of the Baltic diaspora. In order to demon- ‘aching abscess’ that cannot be forgotten. strate this, we can point to the diaries of Enquist’s account breaks open the abscess Zenta Maurina who fled to Sweden after the and a national trauma erupts out of it. Sud- war and worked in Uppsala as a writer and denly, everybody is aware of the extradition scholar. Published in Swedish in the same and this leads to the ‘public discussions’ of year as Enquist’s book, Maurina makes no the event (Ekholm 1984: 21). It is this crea- mention of the extradition in her diaries, tion of the national trauma that we want to except in a passage about Hungarian refu- examine in the reception of the book. gees in 1956. Maurina writes, Most of the reviews of the book in the national press were positive. We did the Hungarian refugees are met not detect any differences in the recep- with greater care, humanity and tion based on the political agendas of the friendliness than the refugees newspapers, or between the tabloid and from 1945. Those who flee the broadsheet press. According to the reviews, Red Terror are no longer driven Enquist’s book is about ‘national guilt’ towards suicide as the only solu- (Liffner 1968), as well as about a political tion. They are received without tragedy (Uisk 1968) that gradually ‘glided’ demands for health certificates into being without any serious attention or other payments, thereby from the politicians behind it (Linder 1968).

79 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE (Figure 1) The victims of the tragedy are Swedish freedom fighters are those that believed the anti-Soviet propa- able to see Fascism and Nazism ganda and committed suicide in Sweden, in the Baltic people’s urge to real- but overall, Enquist is thought to be right ise human rights in their home in his analysis that extraditing the Baltic countries. (Laks 1969) soldiers to the Soviet Union was the correct decision (Lagerlöf 1968). The timing of The irony is not lost on the Swedish reader the reviews is also important, as the book here, as it is the same moral superiority was published just weeks after the Soviet or transportable conscience that Laks is invasion of Czechoslovakia, which crushed attacking. This illustrates that the trauma any notion of ‘socialism with a human face’. that Enquist revives with his investigation Had it been released a couple of weeks is far from being about the victims of the before, the reception would likely had been tragedy or historical facts; rather, the book different (Nilsson, Yrild 1972). In this light, is about stirring a sense of national guilt. Enquist’s conclusions became a bit ‘naïve’ Another war emigrant who seeks to or even ‘dead’ in the contemporary climate refute Enquist’s narrative is Arturs Lands- (Lagerlöf 1968). The critical voices attacked manis, who had worked in the Latvian the form of the investigation, arguing that it Legion, but escaped to Sweden as a civilian. may be a brilliant novel, but it is bad history Landsmanis is very thorough in his deal- (Unger 1968), and that the form of the novel ing with Enquist’s book, providing data and is what becomes real rather than reflecting statistics that seek to add nuance to the reality (Lagercrantz 1968). It is about Swed- event. The title of the pamphlet is The Mis- ish ‘egocentric introversion’, according to interpreted Legionnaires: A Baltic Argument one reviewer (Sjöström 1969), which sup- (De misstolkade legionärerna. Ett baltiskt ports the view of the book as dealing with debattinlägg), and it was published by the oneself rather than the Other. Latvian National Foundation, which since It took about six months for the Baltic 1947 had worked for the restitution of an diaspora to enter the debate, and when independent Latvia, and since 1991, has they did, they claimed that Enquist’s worked as a charity in Latvia. According to account of the events was misleading. Landsmanis, Enquist’s mistake is that he Under the title ‘A Baltic View on The Legion- misrepresents the Baltic region and its peo- naires’, Harri Laks wrote that Enquist gives ple; their ‘reality is different’, argues Lands- his readers sleeping pills to avoid facts; manis (1970a: 9). In particular, it is the facts that would accurately explain the context of why the Baltic soldiers wore Ger- situation of the Baltic soldiers. For exam- man uniforms that Landsmanis deals with. ple, Enquist deals selectively with the For Enquist, the soldiers are proto-fascists, events of first Russian occupation in the but for Landsmanis they are national patri- Baltic countries and says nothing about the ots seeking to restore the independence deportations and NKVD’s torture methods, of their country. Thus, Landsmanis rejects which, according to Laks, renders Enquist’s Enquist’s claim that 30 or 40 of the soldiers inquest into why the soldier takes his own were guilty of war crimes (Landsmanis life at Trelleborg harbour ‘distasteful and 1970a: 55). It is clear that Landsmanis’ false’ (Laks 1969). For Laks, the answer perspective is different from Enquist’s, and is obvious – it was the fear of deportation that Landsmanis reads Enquist’s account and torture. Laks continues, of the event as more of a documentary than fictional account. The two, Landsmanis a Balt who reads The Legionnaires and Enquist, argued over this matter on a continues to have reflections few occasions and it would become appar- extending far beyond the topic of ent that the diaspora was divided on the the book. Or are they connected? matter (Enquist 1970a, 1970b; Landsma- [---] Certain heroic international nis 1970b). Also obvious is the fact that in

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FIGURE 1. Liffner’s review inAftonbladet of Enquist’s novel. Scan of microfilm, Gothenburg University Library.

81 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE Enquist’s version the trauma is not about Another character that Zetterström the victims of the event, i.e. the Baltic sol- deals with is a young Swedish woman who diers that suffered deportation, but ‘the becomes involved with the protest move- trauma of the Swedish guilty conscience’. ment when the soldiers go on a hunger This can also be seen in the form of the strike in order to stall the extradition. This book, as alluded to in the reviews above. unnamed woman and her feelings toward When we discuss the novel in terms of the soldiers are elevated to national pro- its form, we also need to take a closer look portions. On the way home from a meeting, at the political orientation of the author, she cries. She is happy (lycklig) as she has and in Enquist’s own words, his ‘unbro- experienced something strange, and for a ken movement towards the political left’ brief moment, participated in something (Enquist 1973: 31–32). The period during big. But when the soldiers are extradited which Enquist wrote the book is called ‘the she cries about something different. The red 60s’ by the Swedish historian, Kjell sense of being involved has disappeared Östberg (2008: 339). For Östberg, 1965 is and this leaves her with an empty feeling the demarcation line in the rise of Sweden’s (Zetterström 1970: 527). Zetterström con- New Left, and it neatly frames Enquist’s nects this woman’s feelings to Enquist’s research and writing period (Östberg 2008: resignation during the demonstration in 341). Enquist associates himself with Marx- Jackson, Mississippi. But we can also see it ism but disassociates himself from Soviet as indicative of the general national mourn- Communism: ‘I am a socialist, but this is ing over an incurable trauma. The woman is not linked to the Soviet Union’, he says in an not likely to have existed, but her feelings interview with the weekly journal Vår kyrka resonate with the Swedish audience, which (Our Church) (Gustafsson 1968: 8). The takes us back to the objective of creative Marxist approach to history is evident in his nonfiction and Truman Capote’s term of the character description in The Legionnaires, ‘nonfiction novel’. In his review of In Cold where he amalgamates several people or Blood, Enquist is very critical of Capote’s historical facts into a single character. Mar- objectives. Conceding that Capote’s book is gareta Zetterström (1970) points this out in about objectivity (saklighet), Enquist criti- her analysis of the book. In particular, this cises it for being a romanticised objectiv- can be detected in the descriptions of the ity, for popularising human suffering and Swedish characters engaged in protesting aestheticising human degradation (Enquist the extradition, the people who are affected 1966). At the end of the review, Enquist by the ‘Swedish propaganda’ ignited by generalises the objective of an author of a the right-wing press and the diaspora nonfiction novel, stating that In Cold Blood community at the time. Enquist describes is a failure, because ‘one wants one’s novel one of the protest meetings and a person to affect one’s opinion in a certain way, and named Eriksson, who is beaten up and give new insights into it’ (Enquist 1966). loses a tooth, but Enquist has never met Capote is reactionary, but Enquist wants this person (Zetterström 1970: 525). The to be a Marxist progressive without sugar character is a synthesis of several persons coating his narratives; he wants to fill the amalgamated into one. This does not render empty space left by the passing of history. the character inauthentic or false, but it is The conclusion that Enquist draws from given dramaturgical purpose by the author. Capote’s book is ‘hang the brutes’, which is Enquist has created a person that stands also the title of his review, indicating that for many, thus making it easier for most Capote generates no sympathy in his read- readers of the novel to identify with him. Of ers for the main characters. Enquist, on the course, doing this to the Baltic soldiers and other hand, creates his characters out of a their plight upset those who had a vested Marxist synthesis, where both truth and fic- interest in their description, like the tion are equal components. But this is how Baltic diaspora as demonstrated above. his Swedish characters are created, not the

82 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE Baltic soldiers, whose one-dimensionality fact that the historical event is now elevated is a thorn in the side for the people in the to the status of a trauma, a source of guilt diaspora. and pain that cannot be healed. The assertion that Enquist’s novel In the summer of 1970, Bergenstråh- targets the local (Swedish) audiences and le’s film was set to have its world premiere therefore resonates well with Swedish at the Berlin International Film Festival. readers is something that we will transfer (Figure 2) However, the festival competition to the account of the film. Although only was cancelled due to disagreements among two years elapsed between the publica- the jury and no prizes were awarded, due tion of the book and the release of the film, mainly to a controversy surrounding the the two were received very differently; we participation of Michael Verhoeven’s anti- propose that one reason is that the film war film o.k. (West Germany, 1970). The talks down to its audiences, trivialising the Swedish newspapers still reported on the multi-dimensional Swedish characters of film and the world premiere in Berlin, with Enquist’s book. The film, we argue, focuses Lasse Bergström claiming that the film- more on the I-witness narrative of the Baltic makers’ choice of a method that combines soldiers than on the national sentiments of different kinds of material is the local audiences. difficult to handle but Bergen- THE FILM: A BALTIC TRAGEDY stråhle makes it work. Like Res- There was significant attention surround- nais in Night and Fog, he achieves ing the production of the film, including a sort of effect of coincidental several newspaper reports from the shoot- levels of time by keeping the ing period during the autumn of 1969. One reconstruction in colour against such report compares the scenes from the the black-and-white journal film to historical stills and also notes that images from 1945–1946, and Enquist wrote the screenplay together with he can constantly regulate the Bergenstråhle (Stawonius 1969); another objectivity of the filmmaking with mentions the four potential layers of the the grey and relentless truth in film: reconstructions/re-enactments of the documentary sequences. historical events (shot in 35mm colour); (Bergström 1970) documentary material (shot in 16mm black and white); interviews with politicians Furthermore, Bergström points out that around 1945–1946; and, last but not least, the film ‘is made in a condition and by a a dialogue about these events at the time of generation that is characterised by a kind the shooting (shot in 16mm colour) (Edberg of fear that differs from the fears of ter- 1969). Bergenstråhle is quoted as empha- ror that were at the bottom of our Swedish sising these layers and their sources as a reactions to the Baltic tragedy’ (Bergström kind of morality and honesty (Edberg 1969). 1970). This comment is relevant because He says: ‘I want to make it as documentary the documentary sequences support as possible, avoiding any kind of theatre. the fictional enactment. Although some- No known faces. Thus, for example, Swed- what obvious, pointing to the historical ish actors are excluded. I have mostly used differences between the most immedi- amateurs, Balts for example’ (Stawonius ate post-war era and the late 1960s, the 1969). It is important to note that this was film enforced a contemporary reading as only a year after the publication of the book opposed to an understanding of an his- and the subsequent debate. Enquist was torical event. Hans Schiller, on the other still promoting his book (Gustafsson 1969) hand, thinks that those who have not read as reports of the film’s production appeared the book are likely to ‘get lost in this com- in the news. The historical event was thereby plicated mosaic’ narration of history, and repeated over and over, which supports the especially ‘a foreign audience … may have

83 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE difficulties’ deciphering the film (Schiller onwards, the Soviets controlled Sweden’s 1970a). The latter supports our claim that attitude toward the question of the status the trauma is limited to a collective national of the Baltic people and their countries. The conscience. (Figure 3) film and book only enhanced this argument In Berlin, the film also encountered and acted as painful reminders of Sweden’s its first protests by the diaspora, as did the neutrality during World War II. novel. Gunnar Pavuls, a native Latvian, who The opening sequence of the film played a small role in the film, appeared shows the structure of the work as a whole. at the film’s press conference and posed We see a man (played by Yrjö Tähtelä, one of a question regarding the problems of the few professional actors in the film) pull- conducting interviews in Soviet-occupied ing a bed into the frame. Then he starts un- Latvia (Cato 1970). This was a sensitive dressing. He goes to a cupboard and picks subject, as the producers at Svensk Film- up a knife. Suddenly we hear a voice-over industri and Bergenstråhle needed to get (by Bengt Ekerot) informing us that this man approval from the Soviet authorities to work will soon be dead, and telling us the time, in Riga – according to Pavuls this was a date and place of the incident. (Figure 4) somewhat naively achieved success, since The cause of death is suicide. The voice-over the Soviets would not allow any process asks who is this man, then tells us his name, that was not in their interest (Svedgård Oscars Lapa, and wonders whether decid- 1970). In other words, the film was not ing to extradite him was the right thing to objective but compromised by Soviet col- do. The film then intercuts between Oscars laboration. In the book, Enquist devoted an Lapa and the Swedish politicians discuss- entire section to this methodological ques- ing the extradition of the Balts, until Lapa tion, while the film does not mention it. This commits suicide. The opening illustrates feeds into the fact that as early as August how the narrative is constructed, focusing 1940, and as the only country in the world, on the questions posed by the extradition, Sweden granted de facto recognition to the but chronologically ending at the harbour in annexation of the Baltic states by the Soviet Trelleborg. Union. When the Swedish government In an early interview Enquist said: accepted the handover of the Baltic delega- ‘We wanted to give the film a factual, dry tions in Stockholm to the Soviet authorities, tone, in which the sound layer is extremely it meant that Sweden had accepted that important. A recurring voice-over keeps the Baltic states had become Soviet Repub- asking questions, giving us facts that some- lics (Freivalds 1971: 7–13).3 From this point times coincide with the image, and some- times collide with it’ (Edberg 1969). While 3 Neither the United Kingdom nor the United States of Enquist had used character compression to America reacted in this way; in both countries, the individual diplomatic delegation of Estonia, Latvia and synthesise the existing and fictional people Lithuania continued, in accordance with UN reso- in his book, the juxtaposition in the film is lutions, to act as representatives of their now occupied countries. Sweden acted differently, apparently to between the images and sound – some- remain neutral (interpreting the annexation as volun- thing that Bergenstråhle would continue tary and not as part of the war effort), but this decision casts a shadow over future decisions, such as the to work on in his filmmaking. In his review extradition of the Baltic soldiers, where Sweden acted of the film, Hans Schiller recalls one of the as if it was locked into a position of de jure rather than de facto recognition of the Soviet occupation of the most distinct scenes: Baltic states. The status of the 1940 recognition of incorporation of the Baltic countries into the Soviet Union was debated continuously in the Swedish On screen we see the burning parliament (see Freivalds 1971: 9–11). In the early torches at the protest meetings 1970s, when Olof Palme became a champion of the small nations and spoke out against the war in against the extradition, and on Vietnam, the question of the status of the Baltic states the sound track we hear a scene was raised. Does this concern include the fate of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania? Andres Küng asks, but from a few years earlier, of Jews it is obvious that it does not (Küng 1970). The decision applying for and being refused remained in place until the early 1990s and the collapse of the Soviet Union. permits to enter Sweden.

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FIGURE 2. The poster for Johan Bergenstråhle’s A Baltic Tragedy (Baltutlämningen, Sweden, 1970). Designed by Ragnar Sandgren.

FIGURE 3. Johan Bergenstråhle, A Baltic Tragedy (Baltutlämningen, Sweden, 1970). Dream sequence of one of the Baltic soldiers illustrated by double exposure images.

85 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE The parallel provides two dreamed of the camps afterwards – that aspects. The first being that the I would have felt guilty [about being in the refusal of the government to carry army]. That’s wrong. That never happened’ out the extradition to the Soviet (Anonymous 1970). Union could be perceived as fur- The film had its Swedish premiere on thering the position of neutrality; 30 September 1970, but it totally flopped and the second being that it was at the box office – a fact we will return to easier for Swedish public opinion later. The critics, on the other hand, were to protest after the danger and mostly positive, discussing not only the film fear of Nazi Germany was over, but also the historical course of events and and the Balts could be the object the film’s relation to Enquist’s novel. Jurgen of sympathy instead of the Jews. Schildt in Aftonbladet described the film as (Schiller 1970b) ‘a cold and shaking testimony’ and wrote about ‘the scenes in this series of taboos, According to Schiller, this makes the faces and statements that, with coolness expression of the film ambiguous in regard of contrast and recollection, create a rift in to the historical events. Another problem- the secure people-friendly world’ (Schildt atic sequence is the one in which a Baltic 1970). Hanserik Hjertén wrote that ‘there soldier sticks himself in the eye with a is something problematic in the way Ber- pencil in order not to be extradited. Hav- genstråhle has made the film version, in the ing done so, the film immediately cuts to thinning of the key dimensions of the book’, the soldier’s dream sequence, where he and yet – according to the voice-over – sees a Lat- vian nurse beckoning him to come home. it tells about something unbeliev- As we hear the traditional Neapolitan Song able that happened in the Swed- of Lucia (St. Lucy), as it is sung in Swedish ish idyll, and about ourselves at the Feast of Saint Lucy every Decem- and our conscience in the great ber, we see the images of war, ruins, fire horrible game with people. I still and concentration camps showing death think Bergenstråhle has rescued and destruction. (Figure 5) This episode is his film with an impact that will based on a true story told by Edvins Alksnis, reach a broader audience than who survived such a suicide attempt. How- the book. (Hjertén 1970) ever, he protested ‘against the way in which his suicide attempt in the film is accom- The most emphatically negative review was panied by images of murdered people in written by Jonas Sima who was annoyed the Baltics’. The sacred account of an indi- by Bergenstråhle’s form of expression vidual’s history seemed to be violated by and criticised it as ‘wound-fetishism that painting with a broad allegorical brush, so smears the document and directs the dis- that the images of the extermination of the cussion of the events in an undesirably Jews become the narrative context. Alksnis impassioned direction that does not match asserts, ‘I have never killed anyone, either the generally balanced tone of the movie at the front or behind the lines’, and there- and the book’ (Sima 1970). (Figure 6) Ber- fore it is unfair that ‘his person has been genstråhle would later criticise Sima for the used for a story that does not correspond unfavourable review, which according to with the truth’ (Julin 1970). As we saw with Bergenstråhle spoiled the film’s chances at Enquist’s account of the Baltic soldiers, the box office. In addition to this, the Greek their connection to the German Wehrmacht immigrant writer Theodor Kallifatides also was debatable and overall an infected attacked Sima, writing: issue. Alksnis is reported to have protested against this contextualisation, saying that Sima’s review also expresses another ‘I get upset when I see that I would have common misconception, namely that

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FIGURE 4. Johan Bergenstråhle, A Baltic Tragedy (Baltutlämningen, Sweden, 1970). The opening of the film. A montage of the suicide, title and intertitles, parliamentary debate, film credits and the arrival of the soldiers on the island of Gotland.

87 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE objectivity and impartiality require about the individual scenes and, as Ber- emotional scarceness. This is false genstråhle states, that ‘these scenes result moralism combined with overconfi- in people asking what they knew about dence in the ability to be objective. the extradition: What did I really feel? And [---] A dimension of the film has not why?’ (Frankl 1970). It is clear that the been examined enough – something I I-witness account was at the forefront of would call ‘dialectic objectivity’. It con- the filmmaking, and that it aimed to create sists of the artist not only describing a witnesses to the trauma. Bergenstråhle situation but also discussing the nar- wanted his audiences to get involved and to rative and the underlying values with ‘react emotionally’ (Frankl 1970). his audience without claiming clear As already mentioned, the film was objectivity. In that way, the common a failure at the box office, seen by no reality becomes the subject of dia- more than 75,000 people in the cinemas logue. (Kallifatides 1970) (Bergqvist 1970, Vinberg 1970). There were many explanations about why the film did Bergenstråhle and Kallifatides would later not find its audience. Björn Vinberg dis- collaborate on Kallifatides’ own autobio- cusses several possible reasons for the fail- graphical story, which was titled My Name ure, such as lack of film stars and a political Is Stelios (Jag heter Stelios, Sweden, 1972). theme, but also proposes that ‘the film is In a recent interview with Kallifatides, he about a sensitive chapter in Swedish his- recalls that Bergenstråhle ‘was more inter- tory. Our blue-eyed conscience is (with or ested in provoking’ and that he was ‘just without cause) a bit sick. We do not want to like the period, temperamental and politi- be worried again’ (Vinberg 1970). We believe cally committed’ (Aretakis 2017). The point that Vinberg’s observation supports our is that while Bergenstråhle was provocative view that the film aimed to create witnesses towards his audiences, using juxtaposi- to the trauma through inducing a guilt com- tions and dialectics in order to prompt them plex in the audience. This assignment of to reflect, Enquist’s book does all that in a guilt was underlined in a televised debate far subtler manner, while always keeping organised at the time of the premiere. In the question of trauma at hand. The film is it, the politicians who were involved in the actively unsettling to its viewers, while the decision to extradite the Balts together with book leaves the unnerving features to the diaspora historians were interviewed about readers to discover. the objectivity of the film. Although very few The dialectic perspective proposed by of the television viewers had actually seen Kallifatides is supported by Bergenstråhle’s the film, the question of guilt was a hot own statements about the film. While still topic. filming, Bergenstråhle stated in an inter- There is no question that more wit- view, ‘there is a dialectic in the book that nesses were created when the film was we want to transfer to film’ (Edberg 1969). broadcast on national television seven However, the omission of the investigator, years later in January 1978. However, we which had proved so vital for the I-witness believe that the political climate of the component of the book is an important period had changed by this time and that aspect of the film. Bergenstråhle explains the left-wing Marxism that had coated his focus: ‘I have left out the investigator the cinematic style of the film, as well as of the book and gotten a hold of the parts the narrative form of the book, had mostly that together tell a linear story, by mov- evaporated (Östberg 2008: 347–348). We ing the action forward’ (Stawonius 1969). can see this in the changing views of two There is a sense here that identifying with specific reviews, which were published in an investigator would come between the connection with the film’s broadcast on spectator and the spectacle. The aim is television. In one of them, Hans Schiller for the audience to have strong emotions argues that a clarifying statement from the

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Johan Bergenstråhle, A Baltic Tragedy (Baltutlämningen, Sweden, 1970).

FIGURE 5. The narrator says: ‘A Latvian nurse in a Russian uniform stood by his sick bed asking him to come home...’

FIGURE 6. A protest inside the incarceration camp. The sign reads ‘Be Human, Kill Us’.

89 BALTIC SCREEN MEDIA REVIEW 2018 / VOLUME 6 / ARTICLE filmmaker is missing, and, more impor- and that Bergenstråhle’s film exacerbates tantly, he deemed Bergenstråhle’s docu- this trauma by creating eyewitnesses to mentary method to be immoral (Schiller the event. The twist to the tale is that the 1978). The emotionally provocative style of film’s stylistic and argumentative expres- filmmaking was deemed too argumentative sion faded in the aftermath of the May and propagandistic. Lasse Bergström, in his revolt and Prague invasion of 1968. Creat- second review of the film, refers to Sima’s ing witnesses through politically engaged critique highlighted above, pointing out, in a spectatorship would die before the decade rather negative tone, that the film will hope- was over. This is evident in the demise of fully find its proper format on the television Bergenstråhle’s career. The same year as A screen (Bergström 1978). While there is no Baltic Tragedy was broadcast on television, audience data for the television broadcasts, Stig Björkman wrote an essay on Bergen- we assert that more people saw the film on stråhle, pointing out that there can be no television than on the big screen. objectivity regarding this film. Björkman emphasises that the scenes from the camp CONCLUSION ‘cannot help but affect the viewer’ and In conclusion, we would like to reiterate although ‘Bergenstråhle strives for objec- that while Enquist’s novel is still gaining tivity through this versatile illumination, currency as a book that disrupted the foun- the results are predictable. No argument in dation of contemporary Swedish society, the real world can have the same impact as the film has now been forgotten. The extra- the bloody and violent images that appeal dition of the Baltic soldiers is still recur- directly to our compassion’ (Björkman ring as a collective national trauma, as an 1978: 122–123). Björkman continues: ‘Even example of what happens when a society if all views are considered, the form of A fails to act according to its moral principles Baltic Tragedy invokes engagement without and humanistic ideals. This is despite the responsibility’ (Björkman 1978: 123). The fact that many consider the decision to film has now been relegated to the history extradite to be a politically correct one. In books. order to maintain neutrality, the politicians had to act even-handedly in order to ensure a balanced handling of foreign affairs. This meant bending to the Soviets, as well as to the other victors of World War II. What we have tried to do in this article is to conflate three different time periods, in order to track the making of a national trauma. The first event is the actual extradition, which was hastily forgotten, although it was a dramatic event, especially for the various political divisions, as well as different national and diasporic groups. What is being ques- tioned at this time is the idea of post-war Sweden and how the nation should have reacted in the face of outside pressure. The second period is the late 1960s, when Enquist resuscitated the event as a political act in order to provoke the same question of bowing to pressure, while also probing the ideas of national cohesion. We have argued that Enquist’s book managed to elevate the historical event to a collective trauma,

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