sign in sign up
<<
Home , Ancient Armenia, Aram Manukian, Armenian Highlands, Defense of Van (1896), Defense of Van (1915), Drastamat Kanayan

Cabinet of , 1920

MUNUC 32 TABLE OF CONTENTS

______

Letter from the Crisis Director…………………………………………………3

Letter from the Chair………………………………………….………………..4 The …………………………………………………………6

The …………………………………………………14

Current Situation………………………………………………………………17 Character Biographies……………………………………………………....27

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………...37

2 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 LETTER FROM THE CRISIS DIRECTOR

______

Dear Delegates,

We’re very happy to welcome you to MUNUC XXXII! My name is Andre Altherr and I’ll be your Crisis Director for the Cabinet of Armenia: 1920 committee. I’m from New York City and am currently a Second Year at the University of Chicago majoring in History and Political Science. Despite once having a social life, I now spend my free-time on much tamer activities like reading 800-page books on Armenian history, reading 900-page books on Central European history, and relaxing with the best of Stephen King and 20th century sci-fi anthologies. When not reading, I enjoy hiking, watching Frasier, and trying to catch up on much needed sleep.

I’ve helped run and participated in numerous Model UN conferences in both college and high school, and I believe that this activity has the potential to hone public speaking, develop your creativity and critical thinking, and ignite interest in new fields. Devin and I care very deeply about making this committee an inclusive space in which all of you feel safe, comfortable, and motivated to challenge yourself to grow as a delegate, statesperson, and human. We trust that you will conduct yourselves with maturity and tact when discussing sensitive subjects. No forms of bigotry will be permitted. The period of history in which this committee is set may be tragic at times, but it includes timely lessons that are more important today than ever. If you have questions about what conduct is and isn’t acceptable, feel free to email me at

With all of that being said, Model UN should be an activity that is, first and foremost, fun! We hope that you will work collaboratively and honestly, and that you will leave this committee with new friends and new interests.

All the best,

Andre Altherr

3 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR

______

Howdy everybody!

My name is Devin, and I am very excited to be your Chair! I’m from St. Louis, Missouri by way of Davis, California, but I am now a second-year at UChicago studying political anthropology, international relations, and screen-writing.

Outside of classes, I work as a research assistant for an environmental anthropologist. I’ve spent my summers working for EducationUSA Mexico City, the Chris Koster for Missouri Governor campaign (RIP), a WashU ecologist, and a St.-Louis-based pizza law firm (ask me what “pizza law” is, I dare you).

Beyond work and academics, I enjoy such totally-normal hobbies as growing hundreds of carnivorous plants and orchids, watching foreign films and movie musicals, and seeing just how inexpensively I can backpack other countries without getting myself killed. And hiking and rock- climbing, but those are more unironically normal.

I genuinely love Model United Nations as an activity, and I am a believer in its ability to inspire substantive interests and effect communicative skills. I went to MUNUC as a delegate three times while in high school, and I can genuinely say it changed my life. Before I went my first time, I had never heard of the University of Chicago and thought I wanted to be a botanist. At MUNUC, though, I fell in love with international politics, and I now dream of working in embassies rather than greenhouses. It is also largely responsible for my interest in UChicago, and I couldn’t be happier that I’m here now. Going to MUNUC each year was one of the highlights of my high school years; I looked forward to next year’s MUNUC as soon as closing ceremony ended, and it was the prospect of going the coming year that kept me going through the summer jobs I worked to pay my way. I want to make MUNUC as meaningful for you as it was for me.

4 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 I had a wonderful experience working as an AC on the MUNUC XXXI Cabinet of Chile last year, and I can’t wait to chair this committee! This committee will deal with mature themes often avoided in high school conferences, but Andre and I trust that you will treat this topic with the respect, dignity, and empathy that it deserves. If you have any concerns or committee questions, feel free to shoot me an email at [email protected].

I can’t wait to meet all of y’all and look forward to a hoot of a conference!

Cheers,

Devin A. Haas

5 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 The History of Armenia

Iranian : 1502-1828

While history of Armenia arguably begins with , the first Armenian kingdom, it existed almost 2,800 years before this committee begins. While is fascinating, this background guide will focus on modern Armenian history, beginning in the 16th Century.

Armenia and the rest of the Caucuses were the object of both Ottoman and Persian ambitions, leading to frequent wars and partitions during this period. changed hands fourteen times between 1513 and 1737 alone.1 In the early 1600s, Shah Abbas, initially greeted by as a liberator from the Ottomans, began a scorched-earth campaign to destroy Armenian land and forcibly displace Armenians to complicate future Ottoman invasions. As part of this displacement, thousands of Armenians were ordered to march to Persia; only one-fifth survived these marches.2 However, following the 1639 , the would more or less maintain its claims to , while Persian dynasties would maintain claims to Eastern Armenia. These claims persisted until gained control over the at the end of this period, although there were still some lingering conflicts.3 While violence, political instability, and corruption led many Armenians to move westward from Western Armenia to and to European countries, Persia created two Armenian provinces out of Eastern Armenia and allowed Armenians to develop commercial networks with the outside world, leading to the emergence of a new group of wealthy Armenian merchants and church elite.4 As the Persian Armenian economy expanded, many Armenians developed ties in the Russian economic sphere of influence as Christian Armenians split between two Muslim empires gravitated economically and culturally toward predominantly Christian Russia.5 After Armenian merchants presented Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich with a richly- decorated throne, he granted them the right to monopolize certain sectors of Persian commerce in Russia (like silk), built a Volga port to facilitate commerce, recruited Armenians for the Russian

1 Rachel Goshgarian, “Armenian Global Connections in the Early Modern Period,” in Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the , edited by Helen C. Evans, (Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2018), 172. 2 Simon Payaslian, The History of Armenia (New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2007), 106. 3 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 106. 4 Ibid, 106-107. 5 Ibid, 107.

6 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 bureaucracy, and permitted the construction of Armenian churches within Russia.6 As the Armenian community prospered, religious and secular leaders alike sought to revive a sense of Armenian “nationhood” and sought to secure liberation from Muslim rule; the Armenian Church sent multiple delegations to throughout this period to petition European emperors and popes for support, but to no avail.7 After the Safavid empire fell in 1722 and the emerged as the new governing power of Persia, prolonged political upheaval prompted many Armenians to move to and St. Petersburg, and their petitions for national liberation coincided with increasing Russian interests in the Caucuses.8

Russian Eastern Armenia: 1828-1917

As the 19th century dawned, Tsarist Russia became increasingly bullish about imperial expansion into the Caucuses. Following a series of and wars with Persia in the 19th century’s first three decades, tsarist military conquest in the region concluded in 1828 with the Treaty of Turkmenchay, which brokered peace with Persia and gave Russia control of Eastern Armenia and parts of modern-day and . While Armenians had been a minority in Eatern Armenia since Timur’s 14th century campaigns, emigrated to neighboring predominantly Muslim states following the 1828 Treaty, and Russia encouraged Armenians from Persia and the Ottoman Empire to settle in . By 1832, there were an equal number of Armenians and Muslims in Armenia.

While Armenians were initially hopeful that they would be granted some semblance of autonomy, the tsarist government instead moved to bring it under the control of a centralized Russian . Tsar Nicholas I moved to reduce the political power of Armenian churches and asserted his authority over the process of choosing clergy. Official discrimination and the denial of equal educational opportunities also came with the new regime9.

6 Ibid, 108. 7 Ibid, 108. 8 Ibid, 109. 9 Richard G. Hovannisian. “Russian Armenia: A Century of Tsarist Rule.” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas Neue Folge, 19(1) March 1971, pp. 31-48.

7 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Russian rule also brought Armenia into the sphere of European thought and markets. had developed a reputation as entrepreneurs and merchants long ago, and capitalism and industrialization finally came home to roost in Russian Armenia. As industries for the production of cotton, copper, leather, and wine developed, so did an Armenian middle class. Armenian businessmen bought up land from the declining Georgian nobility and oil fields in Azerbaijan, adding economic tensions to ethnic and religious ones already existing between Armenians, , and Azeris10. Economic development did not reach all, though, and a large majority of Armenians remained poor farmers.

Tsarist administration brought the Armenian intelligencia away from Middle Eastern thought and into the European traditions of the Enlightenment and . Armenian newspapers, authors, and poets rose in prominence. Armenian intellectuals remained largely pro-Russia until the Russian-Turkish War and subsequent rule of Tsar Alexander III.

In 1877, Russia went to war with the Ottomans over the treatment of Christians in the . Russia stoked Armenian patriotism and dislike of the Turkish treatment of Western Armenians and mobilized Armenian fighters to open a second front in the Caucuses. Russian forces made substantial territorial gains in Western Armenia, and the 1878 treaty ending the war gave Russia a part of Western Armenia and guaranteed the rights of the remainder of Western Armenians still under Ottoman rule against oppression. Great Britain and , Russia’s rivals, however, were alarmed by the scale of Russian gains and forced Russia to give back its territorial gains and remove the protections for Western Armenians. There was an influx of Western Armenians moving from Ottoman territory into Russian Armenia, and Armenians gained a solid demographic majority in their homeland for the first time in centuries.

The new tsar, Alexander III, only made Armenians more unhappy. While the previous tsar had been a reformer, Alexander III was ultra-conservative, autocratic, and concerned about rebellions from Russia’s ethnic minorities. While Armenians were among the most pro-Russian of the empire’s minorities, Russian officials became suspicious of their economic dominance in the Caucuses and

10 Stephen F. Jones. “Russian Imperial Administration and the Georgian Nobility: The Georgian Conspiracy of 1832.” The Slavonic and East European Review 65(1) Jan., 1987, pp. 53-76.

8 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 viewed them as untrustworthy and likely to revolt. Armenians were increasingly described in racist terms and a program of saw the closing of Armenian parish schools in favor of Russian ones and a prejudice towards the . This only brought about the thing the tsar had wanted to prevent in the first place: Armenian . In 1890, the socialist Armenian Revolutionary Federation—whose members were called Dashnaks—was formed.

Though the Armenian clergy and middle-class had been wary of the Dashnaks, Russification, the closure of Armenian schools, newspapers, cultural associations, and libraries, and the seizure of Armenian church property drove these groups to abandon their pro-Russian sympathies and ally themselves with the Dashnaks. Russian forces used deadly force to put down Dashnak demonstrations and strikes, and the Dashnaks retaliated with the assassination of tsarist officials.

Tsar Nicholas walked back the severity of Russification measures after inter-ethnic resentments caused a strike in to turn into a violent clash between Armenians and Azeris and unrest across Russia culminated in the 1905 Revolution. As tensions thawed, the Armenian middle-class and clergy regained their pro-Russian sympathies and order was restored.

World War I and the Armenian

At the turn of the 20th Century, the Ottoman Empire seemed to be on the verge of collapse. It responded to instability with force. There were massacres of Armenians in 1894, 1895, 1896, and 1909, and the situation only worsened after The , discontented junior army officers determined to modernize and “Turkify” the Ottoman Empire, seized power in 1908 and lost huge swaths of territory in the Balkans War of 1912-1913. In March of 1914, the Young-Turk-led Ottoman Empire entered on the side of the — and Austro-Hungary. It launched an eastward campaign into the Russian-controlled Caucuses in an ill-fated attempt to seize Baku, and after this failure, the Young Turks blamed the Armenians in the area and said that they had sided with Russia. Indeed, many Armenian nationalists did fight and cooperate with Russia in

9 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 World War I, but the Young Turk government portrayed the 2.1 million Armenians living in Ottoman East and Western Armenia as an enemy from within.11

On April 24, 1915, Ottoman forces rounded up several hundred Armenian intellectuals, arrested them, and executed them. This was the beginning of a genocide that included rape, beating, and mass murder. The Young Turks ordered the military to “deport” anyone they “sensed” was a security threat, leading to death marches of men, women and children across the to concentration camps. Abandoned Armenian property was seized by the Ottoman state. Armenians in the Ottoman military were disarmed and transferred to labor battalions where they were worked to death or executed. Many died along the way from exhaustion, exposure and starvation. At least 1.5 million Armenians were killed. The genocide is typically said to have lasted from until 1917, although smaller scale massacres continued until 1923. While there were 2,133,190 Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1914, there were only about 387,800 by 1922.12

Accounts of the genocide prompted outrage at the Ottomans in the Allied Powers but drew little to no public response in the Central Powers. Reports of massacres of the Armenians first prompted Raphael Lemkin to investigate the idea of intentional campaigns to wipe out an entire people, and he would later coin the term “genocide” in midst of the Holocaust in 1943.13

11 John Kifner, “ of 1915: An Overview,” . 12 Kifner, “Armenian.” 13 Ibid.

10 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Denial of the Armenian Genocide remains widespread to this day. As of late 2019, the governments of Turkey and Azerbaijan deny the Armenian Genocide, and in exchange for Azerbaijani support (specifically on issues pertaining to ), Pakistan does not recognize Armenia as a country.14 After multiple attempts by members of the U.S. Congress to recognize the Genocide were put on hold for fear of angering Turkey, a NATO ally, the U.S. House of Representatives has passed a resolution to officially recognize the Armenian Genocide in October 2019. However, as of the time of this being written, the resolution has repeatedly been blocked in the U.S. Senate by Republican Senators who have stated that they are blocking it at the request of the Trump Administration.15

Denial of the Armenian Genocide will not be tolerated in this committee. Please do not make attempts at humor on the subject; it is a sensitive subject, and its impacts are still felt by millions of people to this day. Do not include any genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, or ethnicity-, religion-, or race-specific oppression in your crisis arcs or directives; doing so will result in disciplinary measures. We trust that, by electing to participate in this committee, you accept the standards of maturity and decency that we expect.

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and Russian Withdrawal

The Bolshevik Revolution ended the period of Russian successes in Eastern Anatolia, as other Russian fronts collapsed under the might of German armies and progress was undone by the near- total collapse of discipline in many units. With the more focused upon securing Russia than continuing to wage what they deemed an imperialist war, they agreed to the Brest Litovsk Ceasefire in December 1917, to last until the end of negotiations between the Central Powers and Russia. In Eastern Anatolia, this was supplemented by the Erzincan Ceasefire, which brought peace between Russian and Transcaucasian units and their Ottoman enemies. As the Russian government negotiated, their formations in Anatolia disappeared, leaving the far less numerous Armenian troops to take their place.16

14 “Nilufer Bakhtiyar: "For Azerbaijan Pakistan does not recognize Armenia as a country," Today.Az, September 13, 2006. 15 Jonathan Swan, “Scoop: White House directed block of Armenian genocide resolution,” Axios, November 24, 2019. 16 Simon Payaslian, The History of Armenia (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 149.

11 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 The Short-Lived Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic

In November 2017, in the aftermath of the Bolshevik , the first Transcaucasian government—the Transcaucasian Commissariat, consisting of Armenia, , and Azerbaijan— was formed. Following Ottoman military victories and Russia’s exit from the war, the Ottoman Empire requested that this government accept its terms; it refused and declared itself the independent Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic on April 22, 1918. War with the Ottoman Empire ensued. were sympathetic with the Ottomans, and Georgians and Armenians also disagreed with each other and Azerbaijanis on the best path forward. On May 26, 1918, the Democratic Republic of Georgia declared its independence. Azerbaijan and Armenia immediately followed suite.17 While very short-lived, was the first time in centuries that Armenians had played a leading role in governing themselves, and a united Caucuses offered the potential for great prosperity. Now, though, the Armenians had a country of their own for the first time in modern history. The First Republic of Armenia was born.

Turkish Invasion

The rapid departure of Russian forces from the border with the Ottoman Empire following the Bolshevik Revolution and the declaration of the Erzincan Ceasefire left only around 20,000 Armenian troops to guard a vast and porous front.18 Although the Armenians did their best to organize forces to secure the front lines, the situation was such that, when Ottoman forces broke the ceasefire, they were able to advance rapidly, seizing many of Armenia’s major cities in a matter of weeks. After a brief pause in the fighting following Transcaucasian acceptance of Turkish peace terms, fighting resumed, owing mostly to outrage at increased Turkish demands. It was in this context that Transcaucasia dissolved and Armenia took its first steps as an independent nation. Although Armenian armies managed to drive the Turks back at the key battles of Karakilisa, Abaran, and Sardarbarad, the government, facing a complete exhaustion of crucial military supplies, renewed negotiations, resulting in the signing of the Peace of Batum in .19 Although Armenia had

17 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 150-151 18 John Douglas, The Armenians (New York: J.J. Winthrop Corp., 1992), 362. 19 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 152.

12 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 managed to stave off complete annihilation as a , its territories had been significantly reduced, with much of what remained devastated by the Turkish armies.

Territorial Losses

Conflicts with Neighbors

Following the dissolution of Transcaucasia, the many territorial disputes between Armenia and her former partners came to a head in a pair of wars with Georgia and Azerbaijan. The war with Georgia was relatively short, only lasting for the majority of December 1918, and was fought over the majority-Armenian region of Lori. In the end it was settled via a British-mediated truce, which established the region as a neutral zone under British supervision. Although this settlement initially led to some bilateral cooperation on transportation and finances, mutual suspicion has undermined these efforts and once again raised tensions in the region.20

The conflict with Azerbaijan, on the other hand, was a far more desperate and difficult war. Fought over the border of and Zangezur, it was largely fought on the Armenian side using irregular units commanded by General Ozanian, who waged war from the mountainous regions with little support from the central government. Although it was hoped that British mediation would result in the awarding of the majority-Armenian areas to Armenia, the local British commander instead sided with the Azeris, and to local outrage, sanctioned the appointment of Khosrov Ben Sultanov as governor, known for his brutality in dealings with Armenians. Although the ceasefire has held, border clashes continue, and many in both countries clamor for renewed conflict to achieve their full territorial aims.21

20 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 155. 21 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 155-6.

13 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 The Geography of Armenia

The borders of Armenia have moved through time, but the people of Armenia have generally lived in the space in between the Anatolian and Iranian plateaus, from as far north as the South to as far south as the Karadagh Mountains and Moghan Steppe. These lands are known as the , given that they are 3,000 to 7,000 feet above sea level on average. Due to a long history of seismic activity, the land is incredibly mountainous, the highest peak being which rises to 16, 946 feet.22 Given the Anatolian fault in the region, the Armenian highlands are prone to seismic events ranging from small tremors to unrelenting earthquakes that have leveled whole cities. These have been recorded dating back to the ninth century.23

The land is composed primarily of basalt, limestone, quarts, and obsidian and is filled with minerals such as copper, iron, lead, silver, , and . The primary river is the Arax River, which flows from

22 George A. Bournoutian, A Concise History of the Armenian People: From Ancient times to the Present (Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, Inc., 2006), 5. 23 Bournoutian, A Concise History, 7.

14 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Western Armenia to the Caspain Sea. Water from this river enables much of the agriculture that occurs in the region. Another important river is the , which is also critical for agriculture. 24

In the Armenian highlands, there are also many , the most significant of which are Van, , and Lake . is in present-day Turkey, Lake Sevan is in present-day Armenia, and is in present-day . The largest of these lakes is Lake Van, but the water is not drinkable, given the high borax concentration.25

Being positioned in Anatolia, Armenia’s climate offers long winters and hot summers. This range of temperatures has allowed a huge variety of flora and fauna to flourish in the region.

Historical Implications of Geography

Being situated at the crossroads between Europe, , and the , Armenia has had immense exposure to a variety of cultures through the years. This has defined the experience of the Armenain people and has been both a blessing and a curse. It has enabled Armenia to take a central role in many important trade routes through history and play an important part in enabling culture and goods to move between regions. That said, it has also meant that when states from one of these regions is looking to expand their influence into another region, they pass through Armenia. The Armenian highlands have seen the Assyrians, Aabs, , , , , Romans, Russians, and Turks take over parts of the Armenian highlands at various points in time.26 Even with near constant threat of invasion throughout history, the Armenian people have maintained a strong cultural identity through time. The incredibly mountainous terrain divides the land in a way that facilitates decentralized government. This means that when foreigners invade the land, the people have turned to the local elites to help govern locally and preserve identity.

24 Ibid, 6. 25 Ibid, 6. 26 Ibid, 7.

15 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32

16 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Current Situation

Political Divisions

Note: These parties serve only to indicate ideological alignment, and will not factor into the function of committee

Dashnaktsituiun Party (Armenian Revolutionary Federation)

Originally formed decades ago with the intent of agitating for Armenian independence, it is a big- tent party that nominally backs , but is in essence the more nationalist party, having played a key role in ensuring the creation of an independent Armenia. The Dashnaks, as they are generally known, are most popular amongst the peasantry that make up the vast majority of the nation, ensuring that it continues to be the largest party by far.27 It is, however, an unwieldy force; it faces numerous internal divisions, particularly between the more conservative elements and the socialist members, who have recently been divided over such issues as the nationalization of parochial schools. On the whole, it should be seen less as a cohesive party and more as an alliance of convenience between historically aligned factions, united mainly in their desire for a secure Armenian nation.

Armenian Populist Party

A liberal party that originated from the Russian Constitutional Democrats, the Populists draw most of their support from the educated middle classes from more cosmopolitan Caucasian cities such as Baku and Tiflis.28 It espouses traditionally liberal ideals of gradual reform and free trade, and given its base of support, prioritizes close relations with foreign powers, whose support it sees as essential to ensuring a modern and prosperous Armenia.29 Along with the Social Democrats, the Populists were crucial in pushing for the Armenian Declaration of Independence from Transcaucasia,30 but are

27 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 1918-1919 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 63. 28 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 17. 29 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 63. 30 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 151.

17 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 generally suspicious of the more nationalist agendas of some of the other parties. As their supporters are mainly of the richer bourgeois classes, the Populists are viewed with suspicion by the Social Democrats and Social Revolutionaries.31

Social Democratic Party

The most truly socialist of the main parties, the Social Democrats primarily represent the Armenian lower-classes in Yerevan and other Caucasian cities. They have often been at odds with the Dashnaks over the latter’s inconsistent devotion to socialism, especially in regards to their refusal to prioritize the interests of the gradually increasing number of urban laborers.32 Despite their Marxist ideology, the Social Democrats are intensely suspicious of Bolshevik Russia, especially after the Bolshevik purge of the more moderate . Despite leading the push for independence from Transcaucasia,33 the Social Democrats have repeatedly condemned the Dashnaks for their nationalistic policies, blaming them for Armenia’s continual conflicts with neighboring states.34

Social Revolutionary Party

Another broadly socialist party,35 the Social Revolutionaries draw their greatest support from Russian Armenians, many of whom originate from deep in the former or from elsewhere in the Caucasus.36 They have opposed even the more moderately nationalistic policies of the other parties, instead urging greater cooperation with those moderate revolutionary groups that still remain in Russia.37

31 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 40. 32 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 43. 33 Payaslian, The History of Armenia, 151. 34 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 17. 35 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 17. 36 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 41. 37 Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 43-44.

18 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Foreign Claims

Negotiations in London

In many ways, the fate of one of the most crucial elements of the Armenian state, its borders, has been taken out of its hands. To the intense frustration of the Armenian people and government, even a year after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Great War, the Allied powers have yet to sign a treaty formally dealing with the defeated Empire. Only now do the Allied powers appear to be acting on this front, with the Allied Supreme Council gathering in London in February to settle the peace with the Ottomans. So long as Armenia lacks internationally recognized borders, it will be difficult for the government to confidently assert its authority in outlying regions or to deal with neighboring states on an equal level. Furthermore, in order for Armenian to be truly viable as an independent state in a tumultuous region, it requires international guarantees, sustainable borders, or preferably both. Some powers have suggested that the might accept a mandate over Armenia, placing it under US protection and guidance, a suggestion that President Wilson has responded favorably towards. Some question whether it is wise to place our trust in the United States for our protection, given the great distances involved and the isolationist leanings of many in their Congress. In any event, we must find a foreign power to support our independence and territorial integrity against our neighbors, but given the current state of war-weariness amongst foreign citizenry, this will be a significant challenge at best.38

Concerning the negotiations regarding the exact extent of the borders of a future Armenia, there are numerous considerations that the government must take into account when pressing its claims. Many within Armenia have argued that in order to be sustainable in the long run, Armenia requires a port of its own from which it can freely conduct trade, without fear of the embargoes by neighbors that have challenged it thus far. Unfortunately, the two available ports, those of Trebizond and Lazistan, are primarily inhabited by Turks, making Armenian claims to them dubious, leading some to argue that Armenia should settle for guarantees of free passage or the declaration of one of the ports as a self-governing “free city.” In essence the question is whether the Armenian

38 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1919-1920 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 405-406.

19 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 government wishes to settle for a more compact territory or to make more ambitious territorial claims. While the smaller state would include far less economically viable lands, it would present the benefit of allowing for relative ethnic homogeneity, while a larger state would both include large numbers of non-Armenians as well as excite a much greater reaction from the Turkish government, whose threat to Armenia’s independence should not be discounted.39

The Neighbors of the First Republic of Armenia in 1920

Democratic Republic of Georgia

Relations between the First Republic of Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia are tense, to say the least. The two countries fought the three-week-long Georgian-Armenian War of 1918, just 6 months after their respective declarations of independence. Georgia seized the Armenian-majority regions of Lori and Akhalkalaki from the withdrawing Ottoman army. Armenia also claimed these regions, though, and after diplomatic talks failed, war broke out. Britain intervened and brokered a deal in which Akhalkalaki and several other Armenian settlements would remain under Georgian control, Lori would be governed by a joint Armenian-Georgian civil administration, and no Georgian settlements would remain under Armenian control.

In the spring of 1919, tensions flared again when Georgian officials slowed the transport and demanded shares of provisions and food being sent by American relief organizations to Armenia by railroad. Eventually, rail traffic picked up, and in late 1919, Georgia and Armenia began negotiating a transit treaty. As of early 1920, the region and several predominantly Armenian settlements are administered by Georgia, but claimed by Armenia.

Ottoman Empire

As of early 1920, the future of the Ottoman Empire looks uncertain… but not promising. The Allied and Central Powers are convening in Sèvres, for negotiations, and the Allied Powers plan to the Ottoman Empire. It is likely that the once grand empire that stretched from the

39 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 439-440.

20 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 to Arabia through Anatolia and the Balkans may soon cease to be if the Allied Powers get their way. The Turks are furious about this. In late October of 1919, the increasingly powerful Turkish revolutionaries of the Turkish National Front, led by Mustafa Kemal , and the Ottoman imperial government agreed to the Amasya Protocol, which says they will jointly work to preserve national independence and unity. It seems that Kemal’s nationalist revolutionaries will fight any loss of territory with violence.

The Ottoman Empire oppressed Western Armenians for decades until it perpetrated an appalling genocidal campaign against them during World War I. Eastern Armenians fought against the Ottomans in the Russo-Turkish War and again in World War I, and despite the , there continues to be territorial disputes between the First Republic of Armenia and Ottoman Turkey. It is safe to say that the First Republic of Armenia does not view Ottoman Turkey in any semblance of a positive light, and the potential for conflict appears to be very high.

Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan

Very severe hostility exists between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Azeris are ethnically and religiously close to Turks and aided many of their efforts during WWI; Armenians and Azeris are separated by economic, linguistic, religious, cultural, and racial differences. The border between Armenia and Azerbaijan is undefined, and Azerbaijan claims most of the territory on which Armenia sits, including Elizavetpol, Tiflis, Yerevan, and Batum. Diplomacy and British mediation has failed to calm tensions, and violent conflicts in Baku, Nakhichevan, Karabakh and Syunik have erupted throughout 1918 and 1919 between Armenians and Azeris. Azeri attempts to claim predominantly-Armenian settlements have been greeted with forceful resistance from their Armenian residents. There is now a young and tenuous ceasefire, but there has been no long-term settlement to these clashes, and they will likely continue through 1920—and possibly further into the future—unless a border agreement and treaty with Azerbaijan are reached.

21 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Bolshevik Russia

Armenia has been ruled by Russia for the last nine decades, and while it has finally gained independence and sovereignty, it is possible that the new Bolshevik government may try to retake lost territory in the Caucuses. While the Russian Provisional Government established after the of 1917 was relatively popular with Armenians, the Bolshevik Government established later that year was unpopular, leading Armenians to join the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic before declaring their own nation-state. Bolshevik Russia has turned its eye outwards and has been looking to regain control over various parts of the former Russian Empire, notably invading Poland and Ukraine. It is unclear what is to become of Armenia’s future relationship with this new Bolshevik regime, and it is also unclear what the Bolsheviks’ future relationship with Ottoman Turkey will be.

Qajar Persia

During and immediately following WWI, parts of Persia, then ruled by the , were occupied by British, Russian, and Ottoman troops. The last Qajar Shah of Persia was overthrown by Reza Khan in February 1921 in a coup d’état, leading to considerable internal instability.40 While ties exist between Armenians living in the First Republic of Armenia and in Persia, what few roads and bridges connected Armenia to Persia were destroyed in WWI. As Persia struggles to push out occupiers and figure out who is actually in charge, relations with Armenia are not a high priority for it.

Internal Challenges

Food Crisis

Even without the recent devastation brought about by the Turkish invasion of the eastern half of the country in 1918, Armenia still would have struggled to feed its greatly increased population in a country with large areas generally unsuitable for farming. The Turkish invasion, however, has

40 Hassan Arfa, “Reza Shah Pahlavi,” Encyclopedia Britannica, October 10, 2019.

22 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 pushed this potential issue to the brink of a humanitarian disaster. Not only did Turkish depredation cause immediate human suffering, it also led to the destruction of many agricultural buildings, the slaughter of huge numbers of draft animals necessary for agricultural work, and the loss of large amounts of seed grain necessary for ensuring future harvests. In addition, the loss of imported grain from Russia means that even areas that were not invaded are suffering from severe shortages. Although the passage of time means that the situation is not as severe as in the Winter of 1918-1919, the specter of famine nonetheless hangs over the head of the nation, as isolated communities request immediate famine relief, peasants slaughter what remaining animals they have, and refugees, both internal and external, complain of the minimal rations provided by government relief organizations. The government’s food stores, although ample, do not appear sufficient to support the country until the next harvest, whose prospects seem dismal in any event given the current state of agricultural communities.41 Various long-term plans to increase food production have been proposed, including the expansion of the country’s limited irrigation network, the diversification of food production, and the mechanization of agriculture, but given the limited capabilities of the government, questions have been raised about how realistic these plans are.42 One thing is clear, however; unless more steps are taken to improve the state of food production, the present food woes will never completely disappear.

Refugee Crisis

The genocide of the communities in the Ottoman Empire during the war resulted in hundreds of thousands coming to reside in the new republic. As Western Armenia was more productive and cosmopolitan than the East, its former inhabitants include many trained craftsmen, merchants, and educated men alongside the preponderance of farmers. Whatever their skills or previous occupations, their economic situation is dire, with a lucky few having been able to save a few personal possessions while the majority have been left with only the clothes on their backs. Most are therefore entirely dependent upon the goodwill of their brethren and governmental assistance to ensure their continued survival, and knowledge of this has left many despondent and resentful. In addition to these external refugees are those created by the Turkish

41Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 5-6. 42 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 308-309.

23 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 invasion of Armenia, which left many traumatized and angry. Although many have returned to their homes in the last year and are working to rebuild their former livelihoods, a sizeable number remain homeless and dependent upon government aid. Aside from feeding these refugees, there is the equally pressing problem of finding sufficient housing, either within present communities, which are often already at the limits of their resources, or in now-abandoned areas that have yet to recover from recent events.43 In addition, while these refugees are currently preoccupied with the daily struggle to survive, they represent a dangerous force within the nation, increasingly resentful of their inability to find meaningful work and of their status as government dependents.

Rural Development and Education

Eastern Armenia had always been the least developed part of the larger Armenian community, being composed of largely mountainous and underdeveloped areas. Following the tragedies of recent years, this is the only Armenia that is left, and therefore must be made to sustain a new state. Perhaps the most immediate issue is the current state of Armenia’s infrastructure, namely the lack of it. Many of the roads in outlying areas are badly maintained, which has left many communities isolated both from government assistance and control. The few railroad lines in the country are not only of a fairly primitive nature but are also suffering from a lack of proper staff to operate them, with many having departed for Russia at the end of the war, limited the government’s ability to transport large quantities of goods, most importantly food.44 Without some plan to improve the condition and maintenance of the present infrastructure, shortages and local separatism will only grow worse.

Another pressing issue is that of land distribution, especially in light of the large number of landless refugees. Although there has never been enough contiguous fertile land to allow for the creation of vast estates, much of the available farmland operates under a landlord system, in which richer peasants and communities hold title to the land upon which much of the population works and depends. Under the influence of the Dashnaks, in 1918 the government nationalized all land in Armenia, appointing committees to investigate the value of the lands and redistribute any holding

43 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 6-7. 44 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1919-1920, 9-10.

24 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 larger than 108 acres as well as the large amount of land abandoned in the last few years. Despite these noble intentions, in practice, the process appears to have been corrupted, with very little land actually being distributed, and in cases where it is distributed, the best lands are often given to richer villages and wealthy peasants, leaving the intended beneficiaries of the process with the least fertile scraps. This has been a source of great resentment amongst many peasants, especially given their precarious economic situations, and if the government fails to act to correct the abuses of the redistribution, it is possible that they might take matters into their own hands.45

Despite the influx of more educated refugees from the west and the presence of a small intelligentsia in government, on the whole, the educational condition of the population is woefully inadequate. The Russian government devoted few funds towards education, and outside of the larger cities there are few elementary schools, let alone any schools of higher learning. There are few trained instructors available in rural areas, and even fewer funds to devote to the construction of schools or procurement of supplies, leaving the government’s goal of achieving universal elementary education nothing more than a pipe dream.46 One possible solution raised by some deputies in the government has been the nationalization of parochial schools, leaving only seminaries under the control of the Armenian Church. This has, however, sparked opposition amongst more conservative circles, with some arguing that this is part of a broader anti-religious campaign by the left and more pointing to the difficulty of opposing a church that still has great influence over the hearts of many Armenians. One way or another, however, if Armenia is to form itself into a more cohesive and prosperous nation, it must find a way to ensure at least some level of universal education.

Industry and Capital

Unlike its neighbors in the Caucasus, Armenia lacks any sort of significant industry or trade which would allow it to procure capital. The only cash-crop that the government has access to is the relatively limited amount of cotton grown in a few areas of the country, and even this has to be exported through the Georgian-controlled port of Batum, often resulting in numerous and costly delays in sales. This has created a severe shortage of hard currency with which to buy foreign goods

45 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1919-1920, 306. 46 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 310.

25 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 to sustain itself and its modernization efforts, leading to a severe state deficit which has in turn led to severe inflation as the government produces currency to meet its needs.47 The situation can only be remedied by significant cash injections, but so long as Armenia’s future remains undecided on the diplomatic front, lenders are unwilling to provide the necessary funds.48 The only bright spot thus far has been donations by wealthy Armenian communities from elsewhere in the Middle East and even further afield, but so far these have been disorganized and in quantities too small to fix the cash shortage.

47 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 7-8. 48 Richard Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1918-1919, 13.

26 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Character Biographies

Hakob Madatian - Representative of the Noble Houses

The eldest son of an ancient Armenian royal house, he grew up in relative luxury in a grand house in the heart of Yerevan before being sent to the Imperial University in Moscow. The came just as Hakob was finishing his education in Moscow, giving him first-hand experience about the dangers of giving too much power to the common rabble. On the other hand, his service as an officer in the war against the Turks gave him an appreciation for the abilities of the common peasant and the daily hardships they face. The devastation wrought by the Turkish invasion on many noble estates, including his own, and the threat of nationalization of what remains has driven the leaders of the most prominent noble houses to designate him as their representative to the government.

Misha Dasni - Minister of Ezidi Affairs

Born into a family of the upppermost Ezidi caste—sheikhs—in the Eastern half of the Ottoman Empire, at a young age he, along with many of his compatriots, fled to Russian Armenia to avoid forced Islamization and regular violent assaults by the Turkish government. Many Ezidis, including his own family, were victims of the genocide perpetrated by the Turks during the war, and this, along with the bravery of his primarily Ezidi division in the war against the Turks, has tied the Ezidis to the success of their new Armenian home. This genocide of Ezidi and Armenians alike was not the first of the Ezidi, but the most recent in a line of over five dozen. Reputation and honor are the most important things in Ezidi society, and as a sheikh, Dasni and his family collect gifts from the lower two castes with the understanding that these will be paid back in times of hardship. Although generally respected by prominent and educated Armenians, the Ezidis still face some discrimination for their religious beliefs, a situation that Dasni hopes to remedy in his new post.

Bijan Esfahani - Minister of Muslim Affairs

The son of a Turkish family with small landholdings around Erzerum, he was given a secondary education at the local Mosque before taking control of the management of his family’s lands. Although initially supportive of the Turkish war effort, he was appalled by the genocidal policies of the government, and he sheltered many Armenians and transported them to Russian-controlled

27 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 lands at great personal and financial risk to himself. With the discovery of his actions by the Turkish government, he fled to the new state of Armenia, where he has since dedicated himself to the cause of local Turks, Kurds, Iranians, and Azerbaijanis who are viewed with outright hostility by many Armenians. He is fighting an uphill battle to gain recognition for these communities as an integral part of the Armenian state.

Vartan Avakian - Minister of Education

The son of a wealthy Armenian merchant from , he was lucky enough to be sent to Saint Petersburg Imperial University, where he studied Education and witnessed firsthand the unsuccessful Revolution of 1905. Emigrating to Armenia in the aftermath of the fall of the Russian Empire, he quickly set about raising money for a series of free primary schools in Yerevan. Now, as Minister of Education, he envisions a series of secular schools spread across the country to ensure that both rural and urban populations are given a modern education, building both their value as workers and their loyalty to the state as good Armenians. He is generally aligned with the left- Dashnaks.

Kris Audri Chantalian - Chairman of the Central Bank

The only son of a wealthy merchant family in Constantinople, he was able to travel to London for his education, gaining a degree in Economics from London University. Joined by his family in Britain, during the war he helped to raise money for Armenian relief programs, eventually emigrating to Armenia in order to help the new state gain a firm economic footing. As Chairman of the nascent Central Bank, his greatest efforts are devoted to the stabilization of the Armenian Ruble through a limiting of government expenditures, which would allow for a reduction in inflation and the procurement of foreign goods. He maintains contacts from his university days and is optimistic that international assistance can provide the answers Armenia has been looking for. He is generally aligned with the Populists.

28 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Garo Simonian - Minister of Intelligence

A man with a mysterious background, he is generally believed to have been born to an Armenian family in Tsarytsin, Russia. He served for many years in the Okhrana, the Russian secret police, where he worked to infiltrate and crush communist and democratic organizations alike, before fleeing to Armenia at the outset of the Russian Revolution. As Minister of Intelligence, he has begun to recruit a small number of agents to monitor both internal and international crises, although given the state’s limited budget, the Ministry remains relatively small. He is almost entirely apolitical, which is just as well, as many view him with a great deal of suspicion and not a small amount of fear. Garo Simonian is purely a pragmatist, ready to do whatever necessary to ensure the prosperity of the Armenian Republic.

Rahan Kachian - Minister of Agriculture

The son of a poor peasant family from Central Armenia, he witnessed the dangers of allowing landlords to run roughshod over their tenants, as the greed of his family’s landlord pushed his village to the brink of starvation. Lacking any formal education, he nonetheless rose to prominence after the fall of the Russian Empire, when he organized bands of peasants to force the landlords out, redistributing the land instead as smallholdings for the peasants themselves. A proponent of radical land redistribution and government investment in the countryside, he has worked tirelessly as Minister of Agriculture to ensure that the peasant majority is properly looked after. He is generally aligned with the left-Dashnaks. While lacking the vast reserves of personal wealth held by many of his colleagues, Rahan Kachian is extremely popular in rural communities and is one of the most well- known names in the entire country.

Haig Sarajian - Minister of Housing and Urban Development

Growing up as a street urchin in Baku, he was painfully aware of the need for greater focus on providing ample and affordable housing for the poor. While in the Russian Army during the war, he was tasked with providing temporary housing for Armenian refugees, eventually gathering around him a group of highly dedicated Armenians who, although lacking in formal engineering training, became adept at assembling low-cost structures for the refugees. Now, as Minister of Housing and

29 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Urban Development, he looks to remedy the housing crisis by building up Armenia’s cities, looking forward to an urban Armenia with plentiful and affordable housing. He is generally aligned with the Social Democrats. He remains in charge of a sizeable detachment of engineers currently tasked with providing housing in the most economically disadvantaged parts of Armenia.

Raffi Neresian - Minister of Transportation

As a young man growing up in the heart of Yerevan he showed such an aptitude in practical engineering that the Russian governor agreed to sponsor his education at the St. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute, where he received a degree in engineering. Returning to Armenia, he eventually found himself as one of the engineers tasked with running and maintaining the few railway lines, and with the departure of almost all of the other engineers with the fall of the Russian Empire, he was appointed Minister of Transportation. As one of the few trained engineers left in the country, he is a man of grand vision, looking forward to a day when the entire country will be connected by a modernized rail line, yet lacking in any of the resources necessary to achieve this vision. His political views are largely shaped by the willingness of various factions to fund his infrastructure efforts. He maintains contacts in the largest railway company in Armenia, and he was college roommates with the head of the ’s Ministry of Transportation who will surely be a vital contact going forward.

Aram Tufenkian - Minister of

During his childhood in Tbilisi, enjoyed his status as the only Armenian in an otherwise entirely Persian neighborhood Over years of sitting and playing on his Persian friends’ carpets, he grew an immense appreciation for their beauty. He began a -weaving apprenticeship in , and after the untimely death of his master, he stepped up to become the owner of Tabriz Tapestries, Inc., at the age of only 17 and 7 months. In order to maximize his profits, he formed a carpet cartel informally referred to as the “Rugrats” to fix prices and avoid competition. This, along with relying on shadier material suppliers, allowed him to obtain significant wealth at a relatively young age. He spent years living up the “Carpet Bro” lifestyle with the elite of Tabriz and and wrote the best-selling business advice book “Kerman Get It: Qom and Claim Your Success,” but the outbreak of WWI saw a sharp decrease in demand for carpets and his business neared bankruptcy. Following the

30 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 dissolution of Transcaucasia, he moved his operations to Yerevan, representing the first step of a major government effort to encourage domestic trade and industry. Although still relatively wealthy, much of his business was disrupted in the turmoil of the last few years, with his business at risk should the transportation or diplomatic situations fail to improve. He dreams of expanding his carpet-production from Tabriz and Gabbeh rugs to include kilims and soumaks and one day hopes to finally tour the Rug Belt on vacation with his wife, Esfir. He was appointed Minister of Carpets by this new government owing to his knowledge of the carpet industry. In this capacity, he oversees all carpet exports and the regulation of dye, wool, and other materials.

Vahid Ghorbani - Powerful Iranian Landowner

Born to a family of ethnically Iranian landowners in Eastern Armenia, he spent most of his early years learning how to manage his family’s limited properties. In the flight of Muslims that followed the proclamation of the Armenian state and conflicts with Azerbaijan, he managed to expand his once- meagre holdings, buying up unused lands and safeguarding them through hefty bribes. Now wealthy enough to ensure a place in most government debates in Yerevan, he opportunistically aligns himself with those most likely to ensure his protection from aggressive neighbors, tax collectors, and restive tenants. He cares little for politics and seeks rather to expand his personal wealth and influence. He has a reputation as a high roller and regularly hosts lavish parties with the rich and powerful in Yerevan.

Hovanes Khupatyan - Minister of Justice

One of the oldest and most well-respected ministers in the present government, he started life as the son of a prominent peasant in a village in Eastern Armenia. Over the years, he distinguished himself with his wisdom, with many villages referring their internal disputes to his judgement. Such was his renown that when the new government was formed, he was appointed Minister of Justice, responsible for overseeing Armenia’s nascent police force and monitoring the conduct of its rather primitive criminal justice system. Although overtly apolitical, his innate tends to lead him to spurn radical policies, instead looking to tradition to guide his judgments. He has a strong moral compass and has thus earned the nickname “Hovanes the Incorruptible.”

31 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Arev Babikian - Minister of Trade

Despite being given a decent education as the son of a prosperous grain merchant in Baku, he spent much of his formative years in poverty; his father’s business collapsed in the face of the Russian governor favoring rival Russian grain firms. While he would go on to build a reliable income as a broker with a Tbilisi firm, he never forgot the humiliation of his youth, and with the independence of Armenia, he took up the position of Minister of Trade. He has since dedicated himself to building up domestic and international trade through diplomatic efforts and the removal of burdensome government interference, waging war against unnecessary government interference and unfair trade practices alike. He is generally aligned with the Populists. He still holds a deep-seated resentment towards the Soviets for the actions of that Russian governor so many years ago.

George V - Catholicos of All Armenians

Since entering the Church almost five decades ago, he has devoted himself entirely to his flock and been rewarded, rising through the Church hierarchy until being proclaimed Catholicos a decade ago. His efforts on behalf of Armenain refugees have gained him great respect both within and outside of his followers, while his support for the army and bravery during the recent war with the Turks has given many a soldier faith in the Church. As head of the Church, he has looked to safeguard its position in a rapidly changing Armenia, especially given the suspicion with which the Church is held by many of the socialists in government. He simultaneously supports the nationalistic ambitions of the new state such that all of his flock may be brought into its borders.

Hovhannes Kajaznuni - Chairman of Parliament

Born in a modest town in Georgia, he gained his degree from the Citizens’ Architectural Institute in Moscow, working in construction and architecture before moving into politics. He went on to serve as a prominent leader of the Dasnaks in the government of Transcaucasia, helping to negotiate the peace settlement with the Turks, before being elected as the first Prime Minister of Armenia. Upon the collapse of his government, he spent time on diplomatic missions to Europe and the United States, and has recently returned to the mostly honorary position of Chairman of Parliament. Despite the lack of formal power, he holds great sway within the party, and understanding the need

32 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 for unity if Armenia is to have any success abroad, he looks to ensure unity between the left and right-wing Dashnaks. He does have some power in setting parliamentary agendas and controlling the personnel who staff Armenia’s legislature.

Ruben Ter-Minasian - Minister of Defense

The middle son of a peasant family in a modest town in southern Georgia, he received only a secondary education and joined the Dashnaks early on in their history. He engaged for many years in running battles with Ottoman troops in Eastern Anatolia and spent much of the war aiding Armenian villages in organizing self-defense forces against Turkish and Kurdish bands. He faces an uphill battle in his current post as Minister of Defense, having to contend both with the pitiful state of Armenia’s armed forces and the frequent obstinacy of its generals when faced with orders from the central government. He does, however, have great personal power in the army’s organization and equipment, controlling the budgeting for the Ministry set by the Central Government. He is generally aligned with the right-Dashanks.

Simon Vratsian - Minister of Labor

Born to peasants in , he gained degrees in law and education at Saint Petersburg Imperial University, where he became heavily involved with the Dashnaks. He travelled across Europe and for the party, working to promote its alignment with socialism, before joining the Russian-aligned Armenian volunteers during the war. As Minister of Labor, he has worked tirelessly to better the working conditions and wages of both urban and rural workers, and has therefore pushed for greater government involvement in the economy. Given his past, he looks outward for sources of economic improvement, and he hopes to leverage his contacts in American and British labor unions to do so. He is aligned with the left-Dashnaks.

Aram Manukian - Minister of Internal Affairs

The youngest son of a peasant family in eastern Armenia, he joined the Dashnaks in secondary school, involving himself in a variety of revolutionary activities before relocating to Van. He gained prominence during the war, first as the leader of the , ensuring the survival of its

33 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 population during the genocide, and then as the leader of Armenian forces during the critical battle of Saradabad against the Turks. As Minister of Internal Affairs he has pushed for extreme centralization as the solution to many of the nation’s problems, leading to many leading democrats accusing him of aspiring to dictatorship. He is revered by many of Armenia’s war veterans and has started a veteran’s interest group in Yerevan that has since grown substantially. He is generally aligned with the left-Dashnaks.

Drastamat Kanayan (Dro) - Minister of Military Affairs

Born to peasants in the Western part of Russian Armenia, he was interested in military matters from a young age, joining the Russian army early on. He repeatedly clashed with Russian military authorities over their Russification efforts during his time in the army, leading to his recruitment to the Dashnaks. He distinguished himself as a commander of the Armenian volunteers during the war, and played a prominent role in the wars against Turkey, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, with his great charisma gaining him great influence over officers and enlisted men alike. As Minister of Military Affairs, he is responsible for keeping regional commanders in line and welding what is currently a mass of militia-like formations into a unified force capable of achieving his dream of a . He is aligned with the right-Dashnaks.

Garegin Nzhdeh - Commander of the Southern Armies

The youngest son of a priest in Eastern Armenia, he studied Law at St. Petersburg University before leaving to support Dashnak efforts in Armenia. After being imprisoned by the Russians for revolutionary activities, he led an Armenian volunteer battalion that fought under Bulgaria against the Ottomans during the , following which he served with distinction as the commander of Armenian-Yazidi forces during the war and as commander of Armenian forces in the decisive Battle of Karakilisa against the Turks. As Commander of the Southern Armies he has used his forces not only to improve defenses against the Turkish threat but also to protect local Yazidi communities and forcibly redistribute land to needy peasants and demobilized soldiers, bringing accusations of having overstepped his authority. He is generally ideologically aligned with the left-Dashnaks.

34 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Hamo Ohanjanyan - Minister of Foreign Affairs

Born to a family of prosperous farmers in southern Georgia, he studied medicine at the University of Moscow before returning to Armenia to support the revolutionary activities of the Dashnaks. He spent most of the war abroad raising funds from communities for relief efforts in Armenia, and the connections that he made abroad helped to win him appointment as Minister of Foreing Affairs. In the interest of securing foreign support for the government, he has supported the peaceful resolution of Armenia’s territorial claims, leading to accusations of cowardice by many of the more nationalistic elements in Armenia. He has, however, built close personal relationships with government officials from around the world and is rumored to have the private phone number of . He is generally aligned with the left-Dashnaks.

Andranik Ozanian - Military Hero

The eldest son of peasants in Central Anatolia, Andranik became involved in the revolutionary activities of the Dahsnaks at an early age, engaging in assassinations targeting Ottoman officials and eventually forming a roving band of Armenian revolutionaries. After years of fighting running battles with Ottoman forces in Eastern Turkey and even leading an ultimately unsuccessful uprising against the Empire, he and his soldiers fled to the Caucasus, where he wrote on military strategy and the Armenian national struggle. After a brief stint with the Bulgarian army, he served as commander of one of the Armenian volunteer battalions under Russian command and then as prominent commander during the war with the Turks. Outraged by the cession of Turkish Armenia to the Ottomans following the war, he denounced the Dashnak government and went to Eastern Armenia, where, outside of the control of the central government, his forces engaged in continual and brutal conflict with Azeri and Turkish forces. Enraged by the failure of Western powers to aid Armenia, he instead pushes for closer alignment with Soviet Russia, which he sees as the only force capable of ensuring the Armenia is finally made whole. Despite his lack of formal position, he has a great deal of influence amongst the common people, who hold him to be a living legend as a result of his tireless military efforts.

35 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Sebouh Nersesian - Commander of the Western Armies

Born to a peasant family in Western Armenia, much of his early years were spent engaged in revolutionary activity as a member of the Dashnaks, eventually travelling abroad to support the cause of . Although he spent the war organizing Dashnak activities from abroad, he returned to Armenia in time to lead formations against the Turks, where he made a name for himself as a harsh disciplinarian and capable commander. Originally a good friend of Andranik, he split with him over the latter’s refusal to obey orders from the central government. As Commander of the Western Armies he has kept a tight rein on his men and recognized the authority of the government in Yerevan. He is ideologically aligned with both the left-Dashnaks and the Social Democrats.

Armen Stepanian - Minister of Communications

The eldest son of a Russian officer and his Armenian wife, he served as an officer in the Signal Corps of the Russian Army during the war, where he was exposed to socialist thought for the first time by socialist agitators in the ranks. He decided to remain in Armenia after the Russian Revolution, and his experience in operating the telegraph system ultimately led to his appointment as Minister of Communications. He now labors to maintain the few telegraph lines and, where possible, extend them to outlying areas, hopefully allowing for greater government control of developments in more isolated areas. He is generally aligned with the Social Revolutionaries.

Rabo Karabekian - Minister of the Board of Arts

The son of prosperous peasants from Northern Armenia, he became involved with the Dashnaks as a form of protest against the Russification policies of the Russian government, which targeted all facets of Armenian cultural . After spending many decades fighting to protect Amernian cultural institutions from the Russians, he spent much of the war near the front lines, working with a team of like-minded activists to preserve what churches, manuscripts, and artifacts that they could from Turks and Russians alike. As Minister of the Board of Arts, he is responsible for the promotion of Armenian national identity through the establishment of museums, festivals, and other cultural activities for the public. He is generally aligned with the right-Dashnaks.

36 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Bibliography

Arfa, Hassan. “Reza Shah Pahlavi.” Encyclopedia Britannica, October 10, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Reza-Shah-Pahlavi.

Bournoutian, George A. A Concise History of the Armenian People: From Ancient times to the Present. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, Inc., 2006.

Douglas, John M. The Armenians. New York, NY: J.J. Winthrop Corp., 1992.

Goshgarian, Rachel. “Armenian Global Connections in the Early Modern Period.” In Armenia:

Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages, edited by Helen C. Evans, 171-177. Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2018.

Hovannisian, Richard G. The Republic of Armenia: The First Year, 1918-1919. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1971.

Hovannisian, Richard G. The Republic of Armenia: From Versailles to London, 1919-1920. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1971.

Jones, Stephen F. “Russian Imperial Administration and the Georgian Nobility: The Georgian Conspiracy of 1832.” The Slavonic and East European Review 65(1) Jan., 1987, pp. 53-76.

Kifner, John. “Armenian Genocide of 1915: An Overview.” The New York Times. https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/ref/timestopics/topics_armeniangenocide.ht ml?mcubz=1.

“Nilufer Bakhtiyar: "For Azerbaijan Pakistan does not recognize Armenia as a country." Today.Az, September 13, 2006. http://www.today.az/news/politics/30102.html.

Payaslian, Simon. The History of Armenia. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2007.

37 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32 Swan, Jonathan. “Scoop: White House directed block of Armenian genocide resolution.” Axios, November 24, 2019. https://www.axios.com/white-house-lindsey-graham-armenian- genocide-b3886afb-c626-476b-8a44-6d7197acd963.html.

38 Cabinet of Armenia, 1920 | MUNUC 32