Form for Presenting Petitions on Human Rights Violations
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Voting for Hope Elections in Haiti
COMMENTARY Voting for hope Elections in Haiti Peter Hallward ate in the night of 29 February 2004, after weeks of confusion and uncertainty, the enemies of Haitiʼs president Jean-Bertrand Aristide forced him into exile Lfor the second time. There was plenty of ground for confusion. Although twice elected with landslide majorities, by 2004 Aristide was routinely identified as an enemy of democracy. Although political violence declined dramatically during his years in office, he was just as regularly condemned as an enemy of human rights. Although he was prepared to make far-reaching compromises with his opponents, he was attacked as intolerant of dissent. Although still immensely popular among the poor, he was derided as aloof and corrupt. And although his enemies presented themselves as the friends of democracy, pluralism and civil society, the only way they could get rid of their nemesis was through foreign intervention and military force. Four times postponed, the election of Aristideʼs successor finally took place a few months ago, in February 2006. These elections were supposed to clear up the confusion of 2004 once and for all. With Aristide safely out of the picture, they were supposed to show how his violent and illegal expulsion had actually been a victory for democracy. With his Fanmi Lavalas party broken and divided, they were intended to give the true friends of pluralism and civil society that democratic mandate they had so long been denied. Haitiʼs career politicians, confined to the margins since Aristideʼs first election back in 1990, were finally to be given a chance to inherit their rightful place. -
Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns
Order Code RL32294 Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Updated January 25, 2008 Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando Seelke Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Summary Following the first free and fair elections in Haiti’s history, Jean-Bertrand Aristide first became Haitian President in February 1991. He was overthrown by a military coup in September 1991. For over three years, the military regime resisted international demands that Aristide be restored to office. In September 1994, after a U.S. military intervention had been launched, the military regime agreed to Aristide’s return, the immediate, unopposed entry of U.S. troops, and the resignation of its leadership. President Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994 under the protection of some 20,000 U.S. troops, and disbanded the Haitian army. U.S. aid helped train a civilian police force. Subsequently, critics charged Aristide with politicizing that force and engaging in corrupt practices. Elections held under Aristide and his successor, René Préval (1996-2000), including the one in which Aristide was reelected in 2000, were marred by alleged irregularities, low voter turnout, and opposition boycotts. Efforts to negotiate a resolution to the electoral dispute frustrated the international community for years. Tension and violence continued throughout Aristide’s second term, culminating in his departure from office in February 2004, after the opposition repeatedly refused to negotiate a political solution and armed groups took control of half the country. -
Spoiling Security in Haiti
SPOILING SECURITY IN HAITI Latin America/Caribbean Report N°13 – 31 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE SPOILERS AND THEIR INTERESTS .............................................................. 2 A. A RETROGRADE SYSTEM WHICH FUELS THE VIOLENCE .......................................................2 B. THE NEED FOR A NEW MODEL..............................................................................................3 C. THE SPOILERS.......................................................................................................................3 D. DRUG TRAFFICKING..............................................................................................................4 III. NEUTRALISING THE ARMED GROUPS AND THE FORMER MILITARY .... 6 A. THE LATEST WAVE OF VIOLENCE.........................................................................................6 B. THE URBAN ARMED GROUPS................................................................................................7 C. THE MINUSTAH/HNP RESPONSE.......................................................................................8 D. THE FORMER MILITARY........................................................................................................8 E. THE ABSENCE OF A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY ..................................................................9 -
Haiti at a Turning Point
Update Briefing Latin America/Caribbean Briefing N°8 Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 3 August 2005 Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? I. OVERVIEW elections in a way that still permits the new government to take office, as planned on 7 February 2006. However, even that date should not be considered absolute if Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be conditions are so poor that elections would be forced overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and badly flawed. and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in Security. Sufficient security must exist to permit the November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the political process to unfold in relative safety throughout UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors the country. Criminal but also political kidnappings by and the transitional government need to move faster at urban armed gangs have reached historic highs. There registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens have been almost 800 killings, including the victims that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban of political, drug-inspired, and turf-related battles, gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely since September 2004. Citizens do not feel safe in to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, most neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, which contains and the government's legitimacy will be in question. almost a third of all voters. Eighteen months after former President Aristide was MINUSTAH should continue its recent more active forced out of the country, Haiti remains insecure and tactics to counter and confront -- but in a more targeted volatile. -
Reimagining Global Governance2014 Welcome to the CIVICUS State of Civil Society Report 2014
state of civil society report Reimagining Global Governance2014 Welcome to the CIVICUS State of Civil Society Report 2014. This year’s edition brings our attention to the state of global governance. As always, the State of Civil Society Report is written by civil society, for civil society. This report draws on contributions from more than 30 of the world’s leading experts on civil society as well as on inputs from our members, partners, supporters and others in the global CIVICUS alliance. This diverse group of contributors are thought leaders in their own right and eminent voices at the forefront of reimagining global governance and cit- izen action. The varied contributions highlight changing global political dynamics, an emerging disillusionment with global frameworks of governance and a fundamental lack of accountability within international decision-making. The report also contains the findings of a pilot project, based on research conducted with more than 450 civil society organisations, which assesses how well intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) engage civil society. We believe that the report represents a body of critical thinking on the changing state of contemporary civil soci- ety and global governance. We would like to thank everyone involved for their efforts and continuing support. CIVICUS wishes to express our gratitude to the contributors, donors, editors, staff members and designers. Contributors IGO scorecard team ACKNOWLEDGE- Aldo Caliari (Center for Concern); Andreas Barry Driscoll, Dhananjayan Sriskandarajah, Bummel (Committee for a Democratic UN); Dominic Perera MENTS Chad Dobson (Bank Information Center); Christina Laybourn (One World Trust); Dixie Foreword authors Welcome to the Executive Summary of the Hawtin (Global Partners Digital); Gavin Hayman Amina Mohammed, Dr Mo Ibrahim CIVICUS State of Civil Society Report 2014. -
The Right to Vote – Haiti 2010/2010 Elections
2010/ 2011 The Right to Vote A Report Detailing the Haitian Elections for November 28, 2010 and March, 2011 “Voting is easy and marginally useful, but it is a poor substitute for democracy, which requires direct action by concerned citizens.” – Howard Zinn Human Rights Program The Right to Vote – Haiti 2010/2011 Elections Table of Contents Overview ........................................................................................................................................................ 2 Permanent vs. Provisional .......................................................................................................................... 2 Government in Shambles ............................................................................................................................ 2 November Elections .................................................................................................................................... 3 March Elections.......................................................................................................................................... 3 Laws Governing The Elections Process ......................................................................................................... 4 Constitution ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Law ............................................................................................................................................ -
Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007
National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca ● Français ● Home ● Contact Us ● Help ● Search ● canada.gc.ca Home > Research > National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007 Disclaimer 3. POLITICAL PARTIESF Front for Hope (Front de l’espoir, Fwon Lespwa): The Front for Hope was founded in 2005 to support the candidacy of René Préval in the 2006 presidential election.13 This is a party of alliances that include the Effort and Solidarity to Build a National and Popular Alternative (Effort de solidarité pour la construction d’une alternative nationale et populaire, ESCANP);14 the Open the Gate Party (Pati Louvri Baryè, PLB);15 and grass-roots organizations, such as Grand-Anse Resistance Committee Comité de résistance de Grand-Anse), the Central Plateau Peasants’ Group (Mouvement paysan du plateau Central) and the Southeast Kombit Movement (Mouvement Kombit du SudEst or Kombit Sudest).16 The Front for Hope is headed by René Préval,17 the current head of state, elected in 2006.18 In the 2006 legislative elections, the party won 13 of the 30 seats in the Senate and 24 of the 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.19 Merging of Haitian Social Democratic Parties (Parti Fusion des sociaux-démocrates haïtiens, PFSDH): This party was created on 23 April 2005 with the fusion of the following three democratic parties: Ayiti Capable (Ayiti kapab), the National Congress of Democratic Movements (Congrès national des -
Haiti: a Case Study of the International Response and the Efficacy of Nongovernmental Organizations in the Crisis
HAITI: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE AND THE EFFICACY OF NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CRISIS by Leslie A. Benton* Glenn T. Ware** I. INTRODUCTION In 1990, a military coup ousted the democratically-elected president of Haiti, Jean- Bertrand Aristide. The United States led the international response to the coup, Operation Uphold Democracy, a multinational military intervention meant to restore the legitimate government of Haiti. The operation enjoyed widespread support on many levels: the United Nations provided the mandate, the Organization of American States (OAS) supported it, and many countries participated in the multinational force and the follow-on United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH). International, regional, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) worked with the multinational force and later the UNMIH to restore the elected government and to provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Haiti. This article focuses on the latter aspect of the international response–the delivery of humanitarian aid. It closely examines the methods of interorganization coordination,[1] with particular attention given to the interaction among NGOs and the United States military. An examination of that relationship indicates that the infrastructure the military used to coordinate with the NGO community–the Civil Military Operations Center (CMOC)–was critical to the success of the humanitarian mission. Because both the military and the humanitarian community will probably have to work together again in humanitarian assistance operations in response to civil strife, each community must draw on the lessons of past operations to identify problems in coordination and to find solutions to those problems. II. THE STORY A. Haiti’s History: 1462-1970[2] Modern Haitian history began in 1492 when Christopher Columbus landed on Haiti near Cape Haitien on the north coast of Hispaniola.[3] At first, the island was an important colony and the seat of Spanish government in the New World, but Spain’s interest in Hispaniola soon waned. -
Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation: an Interview with Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon
136 The Journal of Haitian Studies, Vol. 13 No. 2 © 2007 Jeb Sprague University of Manchester Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation: An Interview with Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon On April 3, 2000, Jean Dominique, Haiti’s most popular journalist, was shot four times in the chest as he arrived for work at Radio Haïti. The station’s security guard Jean-Claude Louissant was also killed in the attack. The President of Haiti, René Préval, ordered three days of official mourning and 16,000 people reportedly attended his funeral. A documentary film released in 2003, The Agronomist, by Academy Award-winning director Jonathan Demme featured Dominique’s inspiring life. However, since Dominique’s death the investigation into his murder has sparked a constant point of controversy.1 Attorneys Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon worked for the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI), a human rights lawyer’s office supported by both the Préval and Aristide governments. The BAI was tasked with helping to investigate the killings. A discussion with the two attorneys reveals the unpublished perspective of former government insiders who worked on the case and their thoughts on the role of former Senator Dany Toussaint, the investigation headed by Judge Claudy Gassant, the mobilization around the case, and recent revelations made by Guy Philippe, a leader of the ex-military organization Front pour la Libération et la Réconstruction Nationales (FLRN). This interview was conducted over the telephone and by e-mail during April and May of 2007. Haiti and the Jean Dominique Investigation 137 JS: It has been seven years since Jean Dominique was killed. -
Building the First Law School Legal Aid Clinic in Haiti Kate Bloch UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected]
University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 2017 Human Rights from the Ground Up: Building the First Law School Legal Aid Clinic in Haiti Kate Bloch UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Roxanne Edmond-Dimanche Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Legal Education Commons Recommended Citation Kate Bloch and Roxanne Edmond-Dimanche, Human Rights from the Ground Up: Building the First Law School Legal Aid Clinic in Haiti, 20 U. Pa. J.L. & Soc. Change 217 (2017). Available at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1489 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. HUMAN RIGHTS FROM THE GROUND UP: BUILDING THE FIRST LAW SCHOOL LEGAL AID CLINIC IN HAITI KATE E. BLOCH & ROXANE EDMOND-DIMANCHE* INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 218 I. CLINIC ORIGINS .................................................... 223 A. Clinical Legal Education as an Option. ........................ ....... 224 B. Choosing the Type of Practice: Three Domains of Service ........... ...... 227 II. CLINIC LOCATION, DESIGN, BREAKING GROUND, AND FUNDRAISING................228 A. Location .................................................... 228 B. Design .................................................... -
January 17 – 23, 2006
HAITI NEWS ROUNDUP: JANUARY 17 – 23, 2006 Haitian presidential hopeful decries gap between rich and poor 23 January 2006 AFP PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (AFP): Haiti's elites must do more to help the poor, the frontrunner in Haiti's presidential race told AFP in an interview. "If those who have, begin to invest in the education of the weakest among us, they would be grateful," said former president Rene Preval, who leads opinion polls ahead of the February 7 election. "Children must be taken off the streets. Weapons must be taken from the hands of children and replaced with pens and books," he said late on Friday. "That is how we will harmonize relations between rich and poor." Cite Soleil, a sprawling slum in the capital that is controlled by armed groups, represents the failure of the country's elites, he said. "We must realize it," he said. "The rich are cloistered in their walled villas and the poor are crammed into slums and own nothing. The gap is too big," he said. Preval opposed a military solution to the problems posed by Cite Soleil, the source of much of Haiti's ongoing insecurity. "I am against a military solution to this problem," he said in an interview late Friday, proposing dialogue, "intelligence and firmness" instead. Preval called for judicial reform, the expansion of Haiti's 4,000-strong police force and for the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) to remain in place until Haitians can ensure stability themselves. " Those that want to create instability in the country and to continue drug trafficking will be the first to demand MINUSTAH's departure. -
Haiti on the Brink: Assessing US Policy Toward a Country in Crisis
“Haiti on the Brink: Assessing U.S. Policy Toward a Country in Crisis” Prepared Testimony Before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade Daniel P. Erikson Managing Director, Blue Star Strategies Senior Fellow, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement December 10, 2019 I begin my testimony by thanking Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, and the members of this distinguished committee for the opportunity to testify before you today about the current situation in Haiti – and to offer some ideas on what needs to be done to address the pressing challenges there. It is an honor for me to be here. I look forward to hearing from the committee and my fellow panelists and the subsequent discussion. The testimony that I provide you today is in my personal capacity. The views and opinions are my own, informed by my more than two decades of experience working on Latin American and Caribbean issues, including a longstanding engagement with Haiti that has included more than a dozen trips to the country, most recently in November 2019. However, among the other institutions with which I am affiliated, I would like to also acknowledge the Inter- American Dialogue think-tank, where I worked on Haiti for many years and whose leadership has encouraged my renewed inquiry on the political and economic situation in Haiti. My testimony today will focus on two areas: (1) a review of the current situation in Haiti; and (2) what a forward-leaning and constructive response by the United States and the broader international community should look like in 2020.