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, , Edited by Christine D. Worobec For a list of books in the series, visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu. From Victory to Peace Russian Diplomacy aer Napoleon • Elise Kimerling Wirtschaer Copyright © by Cornell University e text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives . International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/./. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, East State Street, Ithaca, New York . Visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu. First published by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Wirtschaer, Elise Kimerling, author. Title: From victory to peace: Russian diplomacy aer Napoleon / by Elise Kimerling Wirtschaer. Description: Ithaca [New York]: Northern Illinois University Press, an imprint of Cornell University Press, . | Series: NIU series in Slavic, East European, and Eurasian studies | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identiers: LCCN (print) | LCCN (ebook) | ISBN (paperback) | ISBN (pdf) | ISBN (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Russia—Foreign relations—–. | Russia—History— Alexander I, –. | Europe—Foreign relations—–. | Russia—Foreign relations—Europe. | Europe—Foreign relations—Russia. Classication: LCC DK.W (print) | LCC DK (ebook) | DDC ./—dc LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ Cover image adapted by Valerie Wirtschaer. is book is published as part of the Sustainable History Monograph Pilot. With the generous support of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Pilot uses cutting-edge publishing technology to produce open access digital editions of high-quality, peer-reviewed monographs from leading university presses. -
Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather” Was first Published July 31, 2011, at Winterends.Net
Greece’s Communist Organization: LearningLearning toto SwimSwim inin StormyStormy WeatherWeather by Eric Ribellarsi Also includes “The in!uence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Movement of Greece” by the Communist Organization of Greece (KOE), 2006 KASAMA ESSAYS FOR DISCUSSION “Greece’s Communist Organization: Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather” was first published July 31, 2011, at winterends.net. Winter Has Its End is a team of reporters traveling during the summer of 2011 to places in the world where people are rising up. “!e influence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Move- ment of Greece” was published by the Communist Organization of Greece (KOE), May 2006 Published as a Kasama Essay for Discussion pamphlet August, 2011 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 United States Licence. Feel free to reprint, distribute or quote this with attribution. Cover photo illustration by Enzo Rhyner/original photo by Eric Ribellarsi Kasama is a communist project that seeks to reconceive and regroup for a profound revolutionary transformation of society. website: kasamaproject.org email: [email protected] 80045_r2 08.11 Greece’s Communist Organization: Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather by Eric Ribellarsi We in Kasama, and many others, have been en- Great and energetic hopes often masked under- gaged for several years now in trying to imagine new lying naiveté and fracture lines that would inevitably ways to fuse revolutionary ideas with the popular dis- come to the fore: How should these popular move- content of the people. It is part of what drew our Win- ments view the existing army (in Egypt), or the intru- ter’s End reporti ng team to Greece and what draws sive Western powers (in Libya), or problems of defin- us now to discuss the Communist Organization of ing specific solutions, or the organizational problems Greece (known as the KOE, and pronounced ‘Koy’). -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
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6 The decline of the legitimate monopoly of violence and the return of non-state warriors Cihan Tuğal Introduction For the last few decades, political sociology has focused on state-making. We are therefore quite ill equipped to understand the recent rise of non-state violence throughout the world. Even if states still seem to perform more violence than non- state actors, the latter’s actions have come to significantly transform relationships between citizens and states. Existing frameworks predispose scholars to treat non-state violence too as an instrument of state-building. However, we need to consider whether non-state violence serves other purposes as well. This chapter will first point out how the post-9/11 world problematises one of sociology’s major assumptions (the state’s monopolisation of legitimate violence). It will then trace the social prehistory of non-state political violence to highlight continui- ties with today’s intensifying religious violence. It will finally emphasise that the seemingly inevitable rise of non-state violence is inextricably tangled with the emergence of the subcontracting state. Neo-liberalisation aggravates the practico- ethical difficulties secular revolutionaries and religious radicals face (which I call ‘the Fanonite dilemma’ and ‘the Qutbi dilemma’). The monopolisation of violence: social implications War-making, military apparatuses and international military rivalry figure prominently in today’s political sociology. This came about as a reaction to the sociology and political science of the postwar era: for quite different rea- sons, both tended to ignore the influence of militaries and violence on domestic social structure. Political science unduly focused on the former and sociology on the latter, whereas (according to the new political sociology) international violence and domestic social structure are tightly linked (Mann 1986; Skocpol 1979; Tilly 1992). -
Taming the Evil Passions: Moderation in the International Relations
CHAPTER 5 Taming the Evil Passions: Moderation in the International Relations Beatrice de Graaf The concept of ‘moderation’ as introduced by Craiutu should not only be applied to domestic political history, but could equally be made fruit- ful in the context of international relations.1 In fact, since the onset of the nineteenth century, the term ‘moderation’ was oftentimes used in conjunction with ‘balance’ and ‘balance of power’. ‘Balance of power’ was an old notion, but in 1814–1815 it was a newly invigorated ideo- logical and political principle, a creed even, subscribed to by diplo- mats, monarchs and commanders alike, and projected onto the new post-Napoleonic European order. In this article, we will fesh out how the ideas of moderation and balance of power, as conceptualized in the The author wishes to express thanks to Yannick Balk, Ido de Haan, Annelotte Janse and Matthijs Lok for their critical comments and help. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007–2013)/ERC Grant Agreement n.615313. B. de Graaf (*) Utrecht University, Utrecht, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 89 I. de Haan and M. Lok (eds.), The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, Palgrave Studies in Political History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_5 90 B. DE GRAAF early nineteenth century, became intertwined and together proved to be a viable conceptual underpinning for the colonial and imperialist order of international relations. -
The Congress of Vienna and the Conservative Order of Europe
The Congress of Vienna and the Conservative Order of Europe The Congress of Vienna After Napoleon had finally been defeated in 1815, the European monarchs breathed a huge sigh of relief. After all, the French Revolution and the development it had triggered had dominated European politics for more than a quarter of a century. Napoleon had not always been a passionate advocate of the French Revolution, yet his con- quest and occupation of Europe had contributed substantially to the spread of its ideas – liberty, equality, and fra- 5 ternity – all over the continent. Having defeated Napoleon, the monarchs of Europe were eager to ensure the restoration of peace and order. They were particularly anxious about the legacy of the ideas of the revolution, and therefore the governments of Europe were determined to follow policies that provided stability and squelch any kind of political turmoil. The Congress of Vienna, a conference of diplomats from all over Europe, tried to settle political and territ- 10 orial questions that had arisen from the Napoleonic Wars. The Congress began in 1814 when Napoleon was still exiled on Elba. In the beginning, delegates could not agree on any solutions which helped Napoleon re-establish his rule in France after his return from exile. However, after Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo in 1815, the Congress of Vienna took up its work again. The countries that had made the most vital contributions to defeat Napoleon were Russia, Great Britain, 15 Prussia, and Austria. Their representatives at the Congress were Tsar Alexander I of Russia, Lord Castlereagh – foreign secretary of Great Britain – King Frederick William III of Prussia, and Prince Klemens von Metternich* – chief minister of Austria and chairman of the conference. -
A Century of 1917S: Ideas, Representations, and Interpretations of the October Revolution, 1917–2017 * Andrea Graziosi
Harvard Ukrainian Studiesa 36, century no. 1–2 (2019):of 1917s 9–44. 9 ONE HUNDRED YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION A Century of 1917s: Ideas, Representations, and Interpretations of the October Revolution, 1917–2017 * Andrea Graziosi Introduction he celebrations of the 1917 centenary were striking for both their diversity and the diminishment of the event they commemorated, Tfrom Moscow’s low-key celebrations,1 to the missing or halfhearted remembrances organized in the former Soviet and socialist countries, to the West’s many platitudes—all of them stridently contradicting the initial energy of 1917. Embarrassment and hollowness were the key words in Russia, where, in 2017, 1917 was presented either as a “world historical event” illustrating the country’s greatness and importance by the very fact that it had taken place there, or it was buried under occasional studies of local events, with very little room left over for ideas. In the remain- ing post-Soviet states, as well as in the former socialist countries, silence often fell on what was until recently a hot terrain of polemics * This essay is based on a lecture that I delivered at the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute on 6 November 2017, “Rethinking the 1917 Revolution,” as well as on a presentation that I gave at the 100th Anniversary Roundtable “The Bolshevik Revolution and Its Legacy in the USSR, Post-Soviet Russia, and the West,” organized by the Davis Center on the following day. The idea for this essay came from the way I reconstructed the interpretations of the Soviet experience in the chapter “What is the Soviet Union?” in my Histoire de l’URSS (Paris: PUF, 2010; Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2016). -
The Concert of Europe: a Template for Multilateralism in the 21St Century?
Policy Brief No. 20 APLN/CNND 1 Policy Brief No. 54 October 2019 The Concert of Europe: A Template for Multilateralism in the 21st Century? Harald Müller Introduction1 Peace did not break out with the end of the Cold War. For a short time, it seemed that a movement towards eternal peace as envisaged by German Philosopher Immanuel Kant in the late 18th century might come true. After this brief breathing space in the nineties, disputes among the great powers and thereby geopolitical and geoeconomic rivalry reemerged slowly but steadily. They became more and more the prevailing pattern of world politics, despite obvious common interests that should have pulled them together: fighting terrorism, stabilising the global economy, preserving a viable environment, controlling and subduing regional violence with global repercussions; and, after all, avoiding a catastrophic nuclear confrontation. Part of this dynamic has been a change of global power relations: new great powers have risen, notably China and, with some distance, India; established powers have not disappeared, but declined relatively, notably the United States but also Russia which struggles hard to preserve its place among the top powers. This constellation contains obvious risks. Historically, major power shifts have not always led to wars, but sometimes they have. This risk must always be kept in mind. Nuclear bipolarism has been replaced by several interrelated groupings of nuclear rivalry – US versus Russia and China with the latter two hedging against each other, China versus India 1 This policy brief is based on the findings of a project which was supported by the Europe and Global Chal- lenges program of the Volkswagen Foundation, the Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, and the Compagnia di San Paolo. -
Revolutionary Shocks, Divergent Results
Beyond Academia: The International Interactions Policy Blog Revolutionary shocks, divergent results Ammar Shamaileh explains the implications of his research article, "Never out of Now: Preference Falsification, Social Capital and the Arab Spring," published in International Interactions Vol. 45 Issue 6. This article is open access. In 2010, the self-immolation of a young Tunisian man, Mohamed Bouazizi, set in motion a series of events that fundamentally altered the way scholars and analysts discuss the Arab world. His actions led to protests that quickly toppled President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s government, and this appeared to increase protest activity in many other Arab states. Almost immediately after the Tunisian Revolution, discussions of the region's political order shifted away from explaining its authoritarian stability to predicting a democratic wave. Nearly a decade has passed since the beginning of the Arab Spring, and what has now become clear to most is that the region neither experienced a democratic wave nor was stably autocratic. This article seeks to help us understand the barriers to revolutionary diffusion by examining what diffuses across authoritarian borders during revolutionary waves, and how a recently-terminated civil war may influence the expression of political preferences during periods of regional instability. Revolutions are often assumed to spark bandwagon effects in neighboring states, increasing regional expressions of dissent. As individuals observe the behavior of those residing in a neighboring state caught in the midst of a revolution, certain beliefs or sentiments that increase the willingness to protest may spread to these outside observers. In the case of the Arab Spring, this assumption has often been fundamental to analyses and discussions of the spread of revolutionary fervor in 2011. -
Class Consciousness and Revolutionary Organisation (2018)
Class Consciousness and Revolutionary Organisation Pamphlet of the £3/$4/€4 Communist Workers’ Organisation Class Consciousness and Revolutionary Organisation Pamphlet of the Communist Workers’ Organisation Affiliate of the Internationalist Communist Tendency in Britain Introduction 1 1 Idealism and Bourgeois Materialism 2 2 How Working Class Consciousness Develops 7 3 Marx, Engels and Proletarian Organisation 11 4 The Era of Social Democracy and the Fight Against Revisionism 15 5 On the Eve of Revolution: the Debate Between Luxemburg and Lenin 21 6 Class Consciousness and Working Class Political Organisations 28 7 Party and Class in the Revolutionary Wave 1917-1921 33 8 The Decline of the Russian Revolution and the Cult of the Party 37 9 The Idealism of Bordigism 43 10 By Way of Conclusion: Towards Proletarian World Revolution 49 For correspondence write to: BM CWO London WC1N 3XX email: [email protected] or visit our website: http://www.leftcom.org Subscriptions to Revolutionary Perspectives (3 issues) and Aurora (at least 4 issues): UK: £15 (€18) Europe: £20 (€24) World: £25 (€30, $30) How to pay: By cheque made out to the “CWO” and sending it to the address above. By emailing us at [email protected] and asking for our banking details. By Paypal using the “Donate” button on our webpage. You can also take out a supporter’s sub by adding £10 (€12) to each sum. This will give you priority mailings of Aurora and other publications including free pamphlets as they are published. Introduction The issue of class consciousness is one of the most important for the working class, and for its revolutionary minorities. -
The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today
BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE INTERNATIONAL ORDER A RAND Project to Explore U.S. Strategy in a Changing World KYLE LASCURETTES The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today What Can the Order of 19th-Century Europe Teach Policymakers About International Order in the 21st Century? Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE C O R P O R A T I O N Contents What Was the Concert of Europe? .........................................................................2 What Were the Concert’s Foundational Principles? ..............................................5 Why Was the Concert Considered Desirable? ......................................................8 When and Why Did the Concert Decline? ........................................................... 14 What Can We Learn from the Concert? ...............................................................17 Appendix .............................................................................................................. 23 Notes .................................................................................................................... 26 Bibliography ......................................................................................................... 30 About the Author .................................................................................................. 33 The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. -
Congress System”: the World’S First “International Security Regime”1
The “Congress System”: The World’s First “International Security Regime”1 © 2015 Mark Jarrett In his State Paper of May 5, 1820, British Foreign Secretary Lord Castlereagh argued that the post-Napoleonic alliance of great powers was never intended as a “union for the government of the world, or for the superintendence of the internal affairs of other states.”2 Notwithstanding Castlereagh’s powerful denial, was this new system, known to historians as the “Congress System,” an attempt at great-power supervision of the rest of Europe? Was it, as Professor Beatrice de Graaf has suggested, a new type of “security regime,” or as Dr. Stella Ghervas contends, a novel and innovative approach for the maintenance of peace after two decades of bloodshed? Was this new system, as Professor Brian Vick asserts, inextricably linked to constitutionalism—perhaps constitutionalism extended to Europe at large? A handful of scholars would deny that this system existed at all, or at least they would argue that its impact was negligible. Others go to the opposite extreme and see it as part of a new system of norms and self-restraint that replaced traditional balance of power rivalries.3 And still others would decry its existence as a repressive conspiracy of monarchs against their own peoples. My contention is simply that there was such a system. My focus will be on the set of concrete institutions created in Paris in November 1815, which loosely bound together the European great powers during the first decade after the Napoleonic Wars. The Congress System was indeed, despite Castlereagh’s later disavowal, an audacious attempt at multilateral world government, but it never developed a strong institutional basis and eventually foundered on differences between the powers over the question of counter- revolutionary intervention.