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An Address on U.S.-Soviet Relations
Senator Bill Bradley’s Address to the Third General Chautauqua Conference on U.S.-Soviet Relations A Speech by Bill Bradley - August 27, 1987 Today, in Chautauqua, this uniquely American community, I’d like to share with the Soviet delegates and all of you my sense of what Americans want from our relationship with the Soviet Union and what I think may be possible. Like you, I have watched what is happening in the Soviet Union. Like you, I have many questions on the future of U.S.-Soviet relations. I have doubts and concerns, but above all, I have hope. Today, I want to talk about my hopes. This week Americans and Soviets meet at a threshold of history: at one of those moments when a door long closed may be opening to show us the path to new places, new vistas of hope, and progress for the human race. Dostoyevsky told us that of creation, only man has no formula to tell him how to act, or even what to be. So how we walk through that door – or whether we let it close before us – is our choice, the human choice. And it’s not arrogance but reality which tells us that of all those who will determine the course of coming events, our two nations will play the greatest roles: seeming to fulfill de Tocqueville’s prophecy that American and Russia were “by some secret design of Providence [each] one day to hold in its hands the destinies of half the world.” Those in both our countries who see the seeds of a new cold war inherent in our relationship believe the world is too small for two superpowers. -
Rainian Uarter
e rainian uarter A JOURNAL OF UKRAINIAN AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Volume LXIV, Numbers 1-2 Spring-Summer 2008 This issue is a commemorative publication on the 75th anniversary of the Stalin-induced famine in Ukraine in the years 1932-1933, known in Ukrainian as the Holodomor. The articles in this issue explore and analyze this tragedy from the perspective of several disciplines: history, historiography, sociology, psychology and literature. In memory ofthe "niwrtlered millions ana ... the graves unknown." diasporiana.org.u a The Ukrainian uarter'7 A JOURNAL OF UKRAINIAN AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Since 1944 Spring-Summer 2008 Volume LXIV, No. 1-2 $25.00 BELARUS RUSSIA POLAND ROMANIA Territory of Ukraine: 850000 km2 Population: 48 millions [ Editor: Leonid Rudnytzky Deputy Editor: Sophia Martynec Associate Editor: Bernhardt G. Blumenthal Assistant Editor for Ukraine: Bohdan Oleksyuk Book Review Editor: Nicholas G. Rudnytzky Chronicle ofEvents Editor: Michael Sawkiw, Jr., UNIS Technical Editor: Marie Duplak Chief Administrative Assistant: Tamara Gallo Olexy Administrative Assistant: Liza Szonyi EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD: Anders Aslund Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Yaroslav Bilinsky University of Delaware, Newark, DE Viacheslav Brioukhovetsky National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine Jean-Pierre Cap Professor Emeritus, Lafayette College, Easton, PA Peter Golden Rutgers University, Newark, NJ Mark von Hagen Columbia University, NY Ivan Z. Holowinsky Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ Taras Hunczak Rutgers University, Newark, NJ Wsewolod Jsajiw University of Toronto, Canada Anatol F. Karas I. Franko State University of Lviv, Ukraine Stefan Kozak Warsaw University, Poland Taras Kuzio George Washington University, Washington, DC Askold Lozynskyj Ukrainian World Congress, Toronto Andrej N. Lushnycky University of Fribourg, Switzerland John S. -
Perestroika and Priroda: Environmental Protection in the USSR
Pace Environmental Law Review Volume 5 Issue 2 Spring 1988 Article 2 April 1988 Perestroika and Priroda: Environmental Protection in the USSR Nicholas A. Robinson Pace University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pelr Recommended Citation Nicholas A. Robinson, Perestroika and Priroda: Environmental Protection in the USSR, 5 Pace Envtl. L. Rev. 351 (1988) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pelr/vol5/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Environmental Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PERESTROIKA AND PRIRODA: ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN THE USSR Nicholas A. Robinson* I. Introduction Environmental protection is becoming a substantial field of endeavor today in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Soviets know the environment as priroda, a word which is literally translated as "nature," but whose meaning encompasses all aspects of life within the biosphere. Priroda connotes "mother nature," a nurturing and even moral realm, while also suggesting the ambient environment and all ecolog- ical systems." Protection of the environment has been elevated to a top priority in the Soviet Union because the Soviet's harm to prir'odathroughout that nation has become acute.2 In order to reverse pollution's environmentally- damaging trends, to stay the depletion of natural resources and to restore de- graded conditions resulting, from years of neglect during, the heavy and rapid industrialization in. -
Valentin Rasputin: “What Is in a Word, What Is Behind a Word”
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 7 (2015 8) 1443-1450 ~ ~ ~ УДК 82.09 Valentin Rasputin: “What is in a Word, What is Behind a Word” Natalia S. Tsvetova* St. Petersburg State University 26 1-st. line, St. Petersburg, 199053, Russia Received 07.05.2015, received in revised form 21.05.2015, accepted 07.06.2015 The article analyses the speech part of old Darya (story “Farewell to Matyora”) as a means of materialization of the ontological sense of national existence. Keywords: Rasputin, moderator, speech part, language focus. DOI: 10.17516/1997-1370-2015-8-7-1443-1450 Research area: philology. Introduction to the problem called “the apotheosis of Rasputin’s revelation” In the year 1987 in Irkutsk, the essays, (Goreslavskaia, Chernov, 2013, 23). On one hand, sketches and interviews of Valentin Grigoryevich the suggested metaphor does formulate the code Rasputin were published under the title which of interpretation of one of the most complicated united the problem expressed in all of them: literary texts of the 20th century, which is “What is in a word, what is behind a word?” This apocalyptic. On the other hand, it makes us is a key question for the literary philosophy of the contemplate over the conceptual inexhaustibility writer, who revealed the secret of the “true and of the text, evoking associations with ‘The Book only” word (Rasputin, 1987, 156). The answer to of Revelation”, the most mysterious book in the the question is formulated by Rasputin with the history of humankind, prophesies of the last clearness so typical of him: the true writer’s word times, last days of the humankind and the man. -
Contextualizing the Decline of Post-Soviet Russian Parties of the Extreme Right Wing
Toward an Uncivil Society? Contextualizing the Decline of Post-Soviet Russian Parties of the Extreme Right Wing ANDREAS UMLAND n this article 1 use some findings of research into non-Russian civil societies I and ultranationalisms, as well as selected examples of nonparty Russian right- wing extremism, to illustrate that the relative decline in radically nationalist party politics toward the end of the 1990s should riot be seen as an unequivocal indi- cation that "antiliberal statism" has lost its appeal in Russia.' 1 also attempt to show that the considerable diversification in the nongovernmental, not-for-profit sector of Russian society since the mid-1980s2 cannot be regarded as exclusive- ly beneficial in tercos of Russia's polyarchic consolidation and further democra- tization.3 Not only is a Russian "civic public"4 or "civic community"5 develop- ing slowly, but sorne of the more significant pre- and post-Soviet groups, movements, and trends within the Russian voluntary sector are unsupportive or explicitly critical of liberal democracy. A number of major nonstate institutions and networks in Russian society contain ultranationalist, fundamentalist., and protofascist6 subsectors whose nature casts doubt on the use of the construct civil society to designate them. These organizations' or groupings' primary functiion is less or not at all to enhance people's inclination and ability to participate effec- tively in political activities that could prmote further democratization. Instead, they provide a medium for the spread of radically particularistic world views, ascriptive notions about human nature, and illiberal and/or bellicose political ideas, as well as an organizational training ground for potential political activists holding such ideas.` The article is divided in two parts. -
Rysk Kulturdebatt Under Perestrojkan Och Den Postsovjetiska Perioden
RESE A RCH REP ORT S 3 2004 Kerstin Olofsson Rysk kulturdebatt under perestrojkan och den postsovjetiska perioden som samlats i denna antologi har skrivits åren ‒ inom ramen för forskningsprojektet Media Societies Around the Baltic Sea vid Södertörns högskola. De berör alla på olika sätt rysk kulturdebatt i olika medier under Rysk kulturdebatt perestrojkan ( ‒ ) och den postsovjetiska perioden Perestrojkadebatten och -talets postsovjetiska debatt skiljer under perestrojkan sig starkt från varandra. -talet saknar målmedvetenheten och de klara politiska motsättningarna, det liberala lägrets och den postsovjetiska perioden kamp för yttrandefrihet och demokrati i tro på Ordets, den uttalade sanningens, läkande förmåga. Med ett citat anfört ur en liberal artikel : ”Perestrojkan som började med en anti- alkoholkampanj har avslutats med en svår baksmälla.” Det postsovjetiska -talet är präglat av övergångens svårigheter, av identitetssökande som tar sig många olika uttryck. Ett av dessa uttryck är att den ryska intelligentsians roll och egenska- per blir ett av huvudämnena i debatten under den första hälften av decenniet. Det är denna debatt som fokuseras i antologins artiklar om den postsovjetiska perioden. södertörns högskola phone: +46(0)8 608 4000 ¥ fax: +46(0)8 608 4010 e-mail: [email protected] address: se-141 89 Huddinge, Sweden ¥ www.sh.se RESE A RCH REP ORT S 3 2004 kerstin olofsson Rysk kulturdebatt under perestrojkan och den postsovjetiska perioden s ö d e rtörns högskola 2004 S Ö D E RTÖRNS HÖGSKO LA Research Reports 2004:3 Huddinge 2004 ISSN 1403-5111 ISBN 91-89315-40-5 Publicerad med stöd från Östersjöstiftelsen Innehåll Inledning . The Cultural Debate on Abolishing Censorship . -
324-349 Suslov Fall 09.Indd
The Fundamentalist Utopia of Gennady Shimanov from the 1960s–1980s Mikhail D. Suslov Abstract: This article explores ideas of right-wing Soviet dissidents, using the example of writer and theorist Gennady Shimanov. The author interprets the evolution of Shimanov’s ideas during the 1960s-1980s within the framework of fundamentalism studies. With the tacit agreement of Soviet officials, Shimanov set forth a utopian concept of the ideal state, drawing from Orthodox religion and the structures of Soviet imperialism. Keywords: Communism, conservatism, dissident movement, fundamentalism, nationalism uring the leadership of Leonid Brezhnev between 1964 and 1982, Soviet cultural D ideology underwent barely visible yet crucially important ideological changes. The staunch Marxist-Leninist paradigm succumbed to a more pragmatic orientation. Self- sustaining existence at “cold peace” with society became a principal objective of the ruling elite. Evaporation of an official ideology prompted a compromise with the upper levels of society, and drove the regime toward a reluctant recognition of some new ideological schemes, combining Leninism and nationalistic populism.1 There are various points of comparison between late Imperial Russia, modern Russia after 2000, and the advent of nationalism during the Brezhnev era. In the late nineteenth century, when the model of the “enlightened monarchy” was exhausted in Imperial Russia, the tsar and his camarilla were impelled to increasingly employ populist rhetoric and promote an ideological model of the “people’s monarchy,” exemplified by Slavo- philes and their followers.2 The decrepit Soviet Empire reflected a similar intellectual context in its final decades. In both cases, a tangible opposition from the right appeared, painfully observing what it saw as “pernicious changes” and large-scale societal decline. -
Microsoft Word
CURRICULUM VITAE ELISABETH T. RICH EDUCATION 1985 Ph.D. in Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. Thesis: Women in the Prose of Valentin Rasputin 1981 M.A. in Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. 1978 B.A. Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee Double major in English literature and Russian Feature writer for university newspaper OTHER INSTITUTIONS ATTENDED Fall, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. Post- 1979 baccalaureate courses in Russian language and literature Spring, Pushkin Institute, Moscow, USSR. American Council 1979 of Teachers of Russian semester program 1982- Pushkin Institute, Moscow, USSR. American Council 1983 of Teachers of Russian ten-month program. (O.A. Lapteva, one of the foremost scholars of contemporary spoken syntax, was my advisor. On the basis of my work in colloquial speech, she wrote an official letter recommending my return to the institute to do further research in this area of linguistics.) PRIOR EMPLOYMENT Academic Year 1983- Teaching assistant, University of Michigan, 1985 Ann Arbor, MI. 1986- One-year replacement position, University of 1987 Texas at Austin 1987- Resident director of the American Council of 1988 Teachers of Russian Program in Moscow (Led inaugural program) 1988- Visiting assistant professor, Lafayette 1989 College, Easton, Pennsylvania 1989- Assistant professor, Texas A&M University 1995 1995- Associate professor, Texas A&M University Summer 1989 Resident director of the American Council of Teachers of Russian Program in Moscow (Led inaugural program) 1992 Faculty coordinator for the Texas A&M Study Abroad Program in Moscow. 1996 Faculty coordinator for the Texas A&M Study Abroad Program in Moscow. -
Keeping the Eye of Siberia Luminous: Environmentalism on Lake Baikal in a Transitioning Society (1930-2013) Ingrid K
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College German and Russian Studies Honors Projects Spring 5-1-2013 Keeping the Eye of Siberia Luminous: Environmentalism on Lake Baikal in a Transitioning Society (1930-2013) Ingrid K. Korsgard Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/gerrus_honors Recommended Citation Korsgard, Ingrid K., "Keeping the Eye of Siberia Luminous: Environmentalism on Lake Baikal in a Transitioning Society (1930-2013)" (2013). German and Russian Studies Honors Projects. Paper 9. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/gerrus_honors/9 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in German and Russian Studies Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Keeping the Eye of Siberia Luminous: Environmentalism on Lake Baikal in a Transitioning Society (1930-2013) Ingrid Korsgard May 2013 Russian Department Honors Advisor: Julia Chadaga Korsgard 2 Lake Baikal has been a source of life with deep spiritual meaning for the peoples of the region. However with the development of human communities around Baikal, the resources of the lake face danger of over-use. In the twentieth century when industrialization posed particular risks to the lake, citizens of the Baikal region rallied to protect their homeland. In so doing, these environmentalists had to work within the political system of the time. This research examines the ways in which environmentalists on Baikal carved out spaces for activism in the face of political turmoil and economic pressures. Tracing the evolution of environmentalism from the 1930s through the present day, this paper focuses on the transition from communism to capitalism from the 1980s to the 1990s. -
Pamiat' Vs. Memorial: Rasputin, Aitmatov and the Search for Soviet Memory
MEMORY 27 Pamiat' vs. Memorial: Rasputin, Aitmatov and the Search for Soviet Memory ROSSEN DJAGALOV YALE UNIVERSITY he title of this paper may be misleading: neither was Valentin Rasputin a member of the ultra-nationalist Pere- stroika-era Pamiat' organization, nor did Chinghiz Aitma- tov ever belong to the human-rights-oriented Memorial TSociety.1 During the Perestroika years, however, the life trajectories of these two writers brought them close to the respective orbit of each of these movements. In his infamous 1988 article ―Sacrificing Oneself for Truth’s Sake‖ in the nationalist journal Nash sovremennik and in other statements, Rasputin publicly defended Pamiat'. To be sure, he was less conspiratorial in his thought, less rabid in his anti- semitism, and less violent in his appeals than the leaders of that or- ganization. Yet all of these trademark Pamiat' characteristics have been sadly explicit in his writing ever since the early 1980s. Similarly, Aitmatov’s background (his father, a prominent Kyrgyz communist, was executed in 1938) made him keenly attuned, as a writer and a pub- lic persona, to Memorial’s chief object of investigation: the crimes of Stalinism. In his role as a post-Soviet politician, he has also spoken about human rights in the countries of the former Soviet Union, and yet, being an astute navigator of the Soviet system, he appears lacking in Memorial’s moral maximalism. Thus, Pamiat' and Memorial could serve as the idealized poles towards which both Aitmatov and Rasputin tended in their mature lives and works. And it will be the purpose of this paper to understand the memory templates that brought Rasputin and Aitmatov to such divergent modes of remem- bering, and ultimately, to such opposite poles of Perestroika-era poli- tics. -
Approach to Visualisation of Opposing Imagery in a Siberian Text in Illustrations by Sergey Eloyan for Viktor Astafyev’S the Tsar Fish
ISSN 2029-2236 (print) ISSN 2029-2244 (online) SOCIALINIų moKslų STUDIJOS SOCIETAL STUDIES 2018, 10(1), p. 48–60. THE “ICON-LIKE” APPROACH TO VISUALISATION OF OPPOSING IMAGERY IN A SIBERIAN TEXT IN ILLUSTRATIONS BY SERGEY ELOYAN FOR VIKTOR ASTAFYEV’S THE TSAR FISH Nina Panina Novosibirsk State University of Architecture, Design and Arts Department of Research Krasny Prospect 38, Novosibirsk, 630099, Russia Telephone: (+7 383) 3634130 E-mail: [email protected] Natalya Bartosh Novosibirsk State University Chair of History, Culture and Arts Pirogova 1, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia Telephone: (+7 383) 3634130 E-mail: [email protected] Received: 30 January, 2018; accepted for publication: 15 June, 2018. DOI:10.13165/SMS-18-10-1-04 Abstract. A developed tradition of illustrating Siberian texts in Russian literature makes it possible to identify several approaches and corresponding principles for interpreting texts through illustrations. The approach examined in this article can be for convenience called an “icon-like” as it focuses on the Orthodox tradition in visual arts and is related to corresponding iconographic patterns in illustration. One of the key representatives of this approach is an Socialinių mokslų studijos / Societal Studies ISSN 2029-2236 (print) ISSN 2029-2244 (online) Mykolo Romerio universitetas, 2018 http://www.mruni.eu/lt/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ Mykolas Romeris University, 2018 http://www.mruni.eu/en/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ Socialinių mokslų studijos. 2018, 10(1) 49 Irkutsk artist Sergey Eloyan, who turned to the art of book illustration in 2003 within a large-scale project by Gennady Sapronov aimed at publishing the most outstanding works by Siberian writers. An edition of The Tsar Fish by Viktor Astafyev ranks significantly in this series. -
Austin Charron the Sibiriak Movement and the Roots of Modern
1 Austin Charron The Sibiriak Movement and the Roots of Modern Siberian Regionalism In the months leading up to the 2010 Russian census held in October, the Russian blogger community was abuzz with discussion over potential controversies regarding how citizens might report their nationality. Seeing an opportunity to make an important political statement, an informal network of bloggers from Siberia began an online campaign encouraging all residents of Siberia to declare “Siberian” (Sibiriak) as their nationality, regardless of their ethnic background. This push to be recognized as a distinct national group in the official Russian census quickly became the cause célèbre of a community of individuals who have rallied behind the idea of a singular Siberian identity, and who, through various online forums, have voiced their frustration over the perceived exploitation of Siberia and its resources. Citing successful campaigns for such regional self-identification in past censuses in Primorskii Krai and the Altai Republic, those promoting a Siberian nationality hoped that a strong showing would result in some measure of autonomy for Siberians in deciding the social and economic future of their own region.1 Proponents of the campaign have pointed out that, with a total population of 24.5 million in the region, roughly 13.8 percent of the population of the Russian Federation could potentially declare themselves “Siberians,” which would certainly send a powerful message to the Kremlin about the state of Russia’s social cohesion.2 While it would be absurd to expect such absolute solidarity from the entire population of Siberia, statements released ahead of the actual census results in early 2011 by the Russian state 1 schriftstellar.