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INDIANA MAGAZINE of HISTORY Volume LI SEPTEMBER,1955 Number 3

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INDIANA MAGAZINE of HISTORY Volume LI SEPTEMBER,1955 Number 3 INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY Volume LI SEPTEMBER,1955 Number 3 The Rise of the Republican Party in Indiana, 1855-1856 Roger H. Van Bolt* The fusion of the anti-Democratic elements in 1854 had been accomplished under intense heat ;* the resulting amalgam was yet to be tested for durability. With no elections in 1855 to keep the political fires burning, the manipulators of Fusion- ism were cautiously observing the cooling-down process, wait- ing to see what they had created. The year 1855 would reveal whether the result was a new compound or merely a mixture. Shortly after the fall elections of 1854, while the Demo- crats were still smarting under their defeat by the conglom- eration of antagonisms that had routed them “Horse, Foot, and Dragoon,”2 the Fusionists called an outdoor meeting at Indianapolis for November 1, 1854, to celebrate their victory. Thomas Smith of New Albany was chairman; among the speakers were Henry S. Lane, Samuel W. Parker, Oliver P. Morton, and Godlove Orth. The theme of their speeches was by now a familiar one: to forget all past political affiliations and to forward the new movement. They declared that free- dom, temperance, and pure elections should be the watch- word of the party. The “people” resolved that the Declaration *Roger H. Van Bolt is in charge of research and information at Henry Ford Museum and Greenfield Village, Dearborn, Michigan. This article is the concluding chapter of his Ph.D. dissertation, “The Rise of the Republican Party in Indiana, 1840-1856,” completed at the University of Chicago, 1950, under the direction of Avery 0. Craven. Preceding articles are: “The Indiana Scene in the 1840’s,” Indiana Magazine of History (Bloomington, 1905- ), XLVII (1951), 333-356; “The Hoosier Politician of the 1840’s,” ibid., .XLVIII (1952), 23-36; “Sectional Aspects of Expansion, 1844-1848,” ibzd., 119-140; “Hoosiers and the Western Program, 1844-1848,” ibid. 255-276; “The Hoosiers and the ‘Eternal Agitation,’ 1848-1850,” ibid., 331-368; “Indiana in Political Transition, 1851-1853,” ibid., XLIX (1953), 131-160; and “Fusion Out of Confusion, 1854,” ibid., 353-390. * For a discussion of this fusion, see Van Bolt, “Fusion Out of Con- fusion, 1854,” ibid., XLIX, 353-390. 2E. C. Sugg to William English, Troy, January 1, 1855, English Collection, Indiana Historical Society Library, Indianapolis. 186 Indiana Magazine of Histor3 of Independence, the Constitution, the Ordinance of 1787, and the resolutions of July 13 were long enough and broad enough planks with which to build a platform capable of supporting all the American pe~ple.~ When the meeting adjourned, the Know Nothings in the group stayed on to hold a conclave of their state council. After many arguments, they chose Godlove Orth as their candidate for United States senator and Milton Gregg of the New Albany Tribune for state printer. The action of the council indicated trouble ahead for the brittle new party, for the politically experienced realized that organization should come before a search for party spoils. Men like Jacob Chap- man and Michael C. Garber had hoped that strong organiza- tion would be developed.‘ When the legislature convened in January, 1855, the new party was given its first opportunity to carry out its political promises. The first obstacle to hurdle was the elec- tion of a United States senator. Rather than permit the choice of a Fusionist, the Democrats refused to caucus. Some Fusionists who reasoned that the so-called old liners could not refuse to go into an election felt that the stalemate was temporary. As Orth wrote: “For this would, more than anything else [serve] to drive us together & Keep us together for the next campaign-nor will the Prest. Election swallow up this dereliction of duty as they confidentially hope.”5 A week went by, and with it went the hope of ending the deadlock. Orth’s optimism was gone; now he wrote: “If they [the old liners] had the assurance that a Natl. Whig- who didn’t fuse, don’t fuse, and who is anti-Sam, could com- mand the necessary strength-they would, in my opinion, give him the old line vote-and elect him.”6 Thus in its first =Indiana Weeklu State Journal. November 4. 1854. Charles Zim- merman, “The Origin and Rise of the Republican Party in Indiana from 1854 to 1860,” Indiana Magazine of History, XI11 (1917), 247. 4 Carl F. Brand, “The History of the Know Nothing Party in Indi- ana,” ibid., XVIII (1922), 78-79; Mildred C. Stoler, “The Democratic Element in the New Renublican Partv in Indiana.” ibid.. XXXVI 1940). 186. Garber was edito; of the Madiion Courier and Chapman, an, ad: Nebraska Democrat, edited Chapman’s Chanticleer in Indianapolis. 5 Godlove S. Orth to Schuyler Colfax, Lafayette, February 5, 1855, in J. Herman Schauinger (ed.), “The Letters of Godlove S. Orth, Hoosier American,” Indiana Magazine of History, XL (1944), 62-63. 6 Orth to Colfax, Indianapolis, February 14, 1855, ibid., 63-64. “Sam” was the nickname for the Know Nothing party, derived from its pass- word, “Have you seen Sam today?” Brand, “History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana,” ibid., XVIII, 180. Republican Party in Indiana 187 political skirmish with the Democracy the Fusion lost the encounter. As a consequence of this stalemate, Jesse Bright alone represented Indiana in the United States Senate until 1857. In the meantime, the legislature attempted to co-operate on other matters. The temperance advocates of 1854 were still to be satis- fied. Early in February, 1855, the general assembly approved an act which prohibited the sale of liquor in the state, follow- ing the Maine law principle. The new law passed with a comfortable majority and in the senate, where the Democrats held a slight advantage, seven members of that party sup- ported it. Popular reaction among the “cold water’’ boys was spontaneous. Indiana had again joined the ranks of the reformers. Governor Joseph A. Wright’s faithful correspond- ent, John Hunt, reported that “the people here are Laughing all over their faces on account [of] the passage of the Temper- ence Bill; we have had 2 illuminations. they are becoming intemperate on temperence.”? The so-called Whiskey Democrats were not yet defeated, however. Within a short time, an Indianapolis saloonkeeper named Roderick Beebe opened for business. His immediate arrest made possible a test case. The Indiana Supreme Court received the case in the November term, and Judge Samuel E. Perkins, who had declared the legislation of 1853 unconstitu- tional, handed down the same decision on this temperance bi1l.O Thus the door was opened once again for unhampered liquor traffic. Politically, the Democrats had won another victory, this time in the courts of the state. Their defeat stimulated the temperance advocates to action again, but this time their sphere of activity was within the new party. As a direct result of the Beebe decision, the state temperance convention met in Indianapolis on February 22, 1856. The resolutions of the convention were the same as those of the past, and the advocates declared they would not support for a state political office any candidate who opposed a prohibitory law. The leaders of this convention were familiar ?John Hunt to Joseph A.. Wright, Rjchmond, February 21, 1855, Joseph A. Wright Papers, Indiana State Library, Indianapolis. Laws of Indiana, 1855, pp. 209-223. Indiana Senate Journal, 1855, p. 272. 8Beebe v. The State, 6 Indiana Reports, 501-556. The dissenting opinion was delivered by Judge Samuel B. Gookins of Terre Haute, a Wright appointee and Fusionist. For a discussion of the litigation of 1853, see Van Bolt, “Indiana in Political Trhnsition, 1851-1853,” Indi- ana Magazine of Hi&oq/, XLIX, 159. 188 Indiana Magazine of History ones to temperance as well as to other causes. Among them were John W. Dawson, editor of the Fort Wayne Times, a prominent Know Nothing; John D. Defrees, Whig leader and guiding light of the Fusionists; and Andrew L. Robinson, Liberty party man of long standing. After this second defeat the temperance men did not retreat and then strike again with any great degree of force; rather their crusade lapsed into a dormant period and was lost in the growing political turbulence of the sectional conflict. The Democrats, however, by refusing to approve a prohibitory law were seemingly tak- ing a calculated political risk. They kept the good will of the foreign voters, even though their stand had served to reacti- vate one of the elements of the Fusionist~.~ In the closing days of the legislature of 1855, the mem- bers attempted once again to revise the banking structure of the state, and again the Hoosier Democrats enjoyed a measure of political success. The bank run of 1854 had exposed the frailties resulting from the mushroom growth of the free banks. As the time for expiration of the charter of the Second State Bank drew near, the politicians stepped in to create a new structure. The new bank bill was promptly vetoed by the governor, whose antibank sympathies were well known. The legislature, however, overrode the veto with the result that a new system went into effect.1° While this new system was an economic success in itself and provided a stable banking structure, the maneuvers attendant on its organization were significant politically. At the instigation of Governor Wright, an investigating com- mittee appointed by the state senate in 1857 revealed some of the machinations of 1855, when politicians had engineered the charter through the legislature in such a way as to secure control of the system. Calvin Fletcher accused Judge Thomas L. Smith of New Albany of offering to renew the old charter for an advance of $10,000.
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