Has the Afd Changed German Politics?
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Afd) a New Actor in the German Party System
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) A New Actor in the German Party System MARCEL LEWANDOWSKY March 2014 The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD – Alternative for Germany) is a new party in the conservative/economic liberal spectrum of the German party system. At present it is a broad church encompassing various political currents, including classic ordo-liberals, as well as euro-sceptics, conservatives and right-wingers of different stripes. The AfD has not yet defined its political platform, which is still shaped by periodic flare-ups of different groups positioning themselves within the party or by individual members. The AfD’s positions are mainly critical of Europe and the European Union. It advo- cates winding up the euro area, restoration of national currencies or small currency unions and renationalisation of decision-making processes in the EU. When it comes to values it represents conservative positions. As things stand at the moment, given its rudimentary political programme, the AfD is not a straightforward right-wing populist party in the traditional sense. The populist tag stems largely from the party’s campaigning, in which it poses as the mouthpiece of »the people« and of the »silent majority«. With regard to its main topics, the AfD functions as a centre-right protest party. At the last Bundestag election in 2013 it won voters from various political camps. First studies show that although its sympathisers regard themselves as occupying the political centre, they represent very conservative positions on social and integra- tion-policy issues. Marcel Lewandowsky | ALternativE füR DEutschland (AfD) Content 1. Origins and Development. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
En En Opinion
European Parliament 2014-2019 Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs 2018/2094(INI) 22.11.2018 OPINION of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs for the Committee on Constitutional Affairs on the state of the debate on the Future of Europe (2018/2094(INI)) Rapporteur for opinion (*): Ivana Maletić (*) Associated committee – Rule 54 of the Rules of Procedure AD\1169540EN.docx PE626.685v02-00 EN United in diversity EN PA_NonLeg PE626.685v02-00 2/6 AD\1169540EN.docx EN SUGGESTIONS The Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs calls on the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, as the committee responsible, to incorporate the following suggestions into its motion for a resolution: 1. Notes the views expressed during plenary debates on the ‘Future of Europe’; is of the view that the future EU budget should promote European added value in terms of socio- economic impact, support the modernisation of EU policies, ensure finances for new challenges, continue contributing towards economic and social convergence and cohesion between and inside the Member States so as to enhance European solidarity, stability, equality and smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, including in light of the EU’s commitments regarding the Paris Agreement, secure the respect and promotion of fundamental values as stated in Articles 2 and 3 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and be endowed with new own resources, taking into account the work of the High Level Group on Own Resources; 2. Underlines the importance of commitment to the process of completing the Banking Union and the need to ensure openness and equal treatment of all Member States participating in the Banking Union; recalls that the completion of the Banking Union, including a European Deposit Insurance Scheme and a fiscal backstop for the Single Resolution Fund, must continue, as must measures to achieve risk reduction; 3. -
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AUTUMN 2015 AUTUMN THAT SINKING FEELING Stefan Kawalec THE EURO AS A THREAT TO EUROPEAN INTEGRATION Brigitte Granville THE IMF AND THE EUROZONE: FIREMAN OR ARSONIST RECOVERY Jean-Jacques Rosa Alberto Bagnai GIVING GREECE “AUSTERIANS” VS. A CHANCE “APPEALIANS” Joachim Starbatty Hans-Olaf Henkel HAS GERMANY THE EURO-RESCUE BENEFITED FROM POLICY AND THE EURO? BREXIT THE EURO HAS PROFOUNDLY CHANGED Tomasz Poreba is a Member of the European Parliament and President of New Direction – The Foundation for European Reform. EUROPE he introduction of the euro was supposed to strengthen the process of European integration. Unfortunately, although the euro has become one of the most visible symbols of the EU, the T number of harmful consequences is growing. The euro has distorted the way in which the economies of Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece function. Moreover, the countries of southern Europe, as members of a currency union cannot use currency devaluation, the most powerful instrument for coping with a serious economic depression. Economic history teaches us that having your own currency is essential for a country facing a severe economic crisis, but appropriate reforms must follow devaluation to make a recovery sustainable. There can be little doubt that the euro has profoundly changed Europe. A deeper reflection on the nature and consequences of the monetary union in Europe is unavoidable. Today, more than ever before, we can see that the euro has still not improved the economic situation in the European Union. It was clearly a political rather than an economic project. The single currency, instead of accelerating Europe’s prosperity, has deepened divisions between EU member states. -
Volkswagenwerk Aktiengesellschaft Wolfsburg
VOLKSWAGENWERK AKTIENGESELLSCHAFT WOLFSBURG The Annual Report of the Volkswagenwerk Aktiengesellschaft for 1960 With the compliments of the Management and Board of Directors Wolfsburg, May 1961 AGENDA of a General Meeting of Shareholders of Volkswagenwerk Aktiengesellschaft to be held at Wolfsburg on Saturday, July 1,1961 at 2;00 P.M. 1. Presentation of audited balance sheet and profit and loss statement as of December 31st, 1960 together with the annual reports of the Management and of Board of Directors for 1960. 2. Resolution with respect to disposition of net surplus earned in 1960. 3. Resolution with respect to discharge of responsibility of Management and Board of Directors for 1960. 4. Election of members of Board of Directors. 5. Election of auditor for 1961. BOARD Dr. Hans Busch, Secretary of Ministry, Bonn, chairman OF DIRECTORS Mr. Otto Brenner, Frankfurt, vice-chairman (Aufsichtsrat) Dr. Paul Hüchting, Secretary of Ministry, Hanover, vice-chairman Dr. Josef Rust, Kassel, vice-chairman Mr. Hugo Bork, Wolfsburg Mr. Siegfried Ehlers, Wolfsburg Otto Fricke, LL.D., Goslar Mr. Carlo Graaff, Minister, Hanover Mr. Hans Grimm, Wolfsburg Mr. Walter Haefner, Zurich Mr. Rudolf Heinrich, Hanover Prof. Karl-Maria Hettlage, Secretary of Ministry, Bonn Mr. Waldemar Guido Koch, Bremen Dr. Friedrich Krämer, Hanover Dr. Hermann Richter, Düsseldorf 4 MANAGEMENT of the former Volkswagenwerk Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung until its transformation to Volkswagenwerk Aktiengesellschaft on August 22, 1960 Prof. Heinrich Nordhoff, Eng. D. h.c. Mr. Oskar W. Jensen (until January 31, 1960) Mr. Wilhelm Steinmeier, deputy MANAGEMENT Prof. Heinrich Nordhoff, Eng. D. h. c., chairman (Vorstand) Mr. Fritz Frank Dr. -
Das Gewerkschaftspolitische Selbstverständnis Otto Brenners in Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Nationalsozialistische Erfahrung 59 Jens Becker / Harald Jentsch „Es darf nie wieder zu einem 1933 kommen!“ Das gewerkschaftspolitische Selbstverständnis Otto Brenners in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland „Als sich im Jahre 1945 die wenigen Gewerkschafter, die manchmal nur durch Zufall (hand- schriftliche Einfügung, die Verf.) das „Dritte Reich“ und seinen Untergang überlebt hatten, in den Trümmern ihrer Städte wieder zusammenfanden, waren sie alle darüber einig: „Es darf nie wieder zu einem 1933 kommen!1 Gerade die jungen Menschen sollten diesen Schwur bekräftigen durch das Gelöbnis, dass wir bereit sind, unsere aus den Trümmern des Dritten Reiches neuerstandene Demokratie gegen alle ihre Feinde von rechts und links mit aller Entschiedenheit zu verteidigen.“2 Fünfzehn Jahre nach Kriegsende erinnerte der Vorsitzende der IG Metall, Otto Brenner, auf einem Bezirksjugendtreffen an das Trauma der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung von 1933: ihre kampflose Niederlage, Verbot und Verfolgung, kumulierender Terror und schließlich weltweiter Krieg und Vernichtung, entfesselt durch die deutsche Militärmaschinerie. Einige Wochen zuvor ermahnte Brenner das Auditorium der Hildesheimer Volkshoch- schule: „Kenntnis der Geschichte, vor allem unserer eigenen, ist das A und O jeder demo- kratischen Erziehung und Bewusstseinsbildung.“3 Es sei eine Schande, dass noch immer viele Verbrechen der NS-Zeit nicht aufgeklärt oder angezeigt worden seien, dass von „einer Bereinigung dieser dunkelsten Punkte unserer Vergangenheit“ nicht gesprochen werden könne.4 Noch pointierter wies ein Jahr zuvor der Frankfurter Sozialphilosoph Theodor W. Adorno, der 1949 aus den USA nach Deutschland remigrierte, auf einige Schattenseiten der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft hin: „Der Nationalsozialismus lebt nach, und bis heute wissen wir nicht, ob bloß als Gespenst dessen, was so monströs war, dass es am eigenen Tode noch nicht starb oder ob es gar nicht Referat Otto Brenners auf dem IGM Bezirksjugendtreffen in Bonn, 29. -
Downloads/Von Der Gesellschaftssteuerung Zur Sozialen Kontrolle.Pdf 704 the Conference Was Max Weber Und Die Soziologie Heute: Verhandlungen Des 15
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Political Deficits: The Dawn of Neoliberal Rationality and the Eclipse of Critical Theory Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9p0574bc Author Callison, William Andrew Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Political Deficits: The Dawn of Neoliberal Rationality and the Eclipse of Critical Theory By William Andrew Callison A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Wendy Brown, Chair Professor Pheng Cheah Professor Kinch Hoekstra Professor Martin Jay Professor Hans Sluga Professor Shannon C. Stimson Summer 2019 Political Deficits: The Dawn of Neoliberal Rationality and the Eclipse of Critical Theory Copyright © 2019 William Andrew Callison All rights reserved. Abstract Political Deficits: The Dawn of Neoliberal Rationality and the Eclipse of Critical Theory By William Andrew Callison Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory University of California, Berkeley Professor Wendy Brown, Chair This dissertation examines the changing relationship between social science, economic governance, and political imagination over the past century. It specifically focuses on neoliberal, ordoliberal and neo-Marxist visions of politics and rationality from the interwar period to the recent Eurocrisis. Beginning with the Methodenstreit (or “methodological dispute”) between Gustav von Schmoller and Carl Menger and the subsequent “socialist calculation debate” about markets and planning, the dissertation charts the political and epistemological formation of the Austrian School (e.g., Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich A. -
6.9.2017 A8-0268/1 Amendment 1 Luis De Grandes Pascual, Javier
6.9.2017 A8-0268/1 Amendment 1 Luis de Grandes Pascual, Javier Nart, Lars Adaktusson, Michèle Alliot-Marie, Pilar Ayuso, Ivo Belet, Andrea Bocskor, Reimer Böge, Franc Bogovič, Michał Boni, Elmar Brok, Daniel Buda, Cristian-Silviu Buşoi, Jerzy Buzek, David Casa, Daniel Caspary, Pilar del Castillo Vera, Lorenzo Cesa, Deirdre Clune, Birgit Collin-Langen, Pál Csáky, Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra, Herbert Dorfmann, Frank Engel, Norbert Erdős, Rosa Estaràs Ferragut, José Inácio Faria, Markus Ferber, Santiago Fisas Ayxelà, Christofer Fjellner, Michael Gahler, Francesc Gambús, Elisabetta Gardini, Jens Gieseke, Esteban González Pons, Andrzej Grzyb, Brian Hayes, Esther Herranz García, Gunnar Hökmark, Danuta Jazłowiecka, Teresa Jiménez-Becerril Barrio, Sandra Kalniete, Tunne Kelam, Seán Kelly, Eduard Kukan, Verónica Lope Fontagné, Antonio López-Istúriz White, Mairead McGuinness, Ramona Nicole Mănescu, Gabriel Mato, Francisco José Millán Mon, Artis Pabriks, Alojz Peterle, Marijana Petir, Julia Pitera, Stanislav Polčák, Cristian Dan Preda, Viviane Reding, Sofia Ribeiro, Fernando Ruas, José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, Csaba Sógor, Ivan Štefanec, Dubravka Šuica, Pavel Svoboda, László Tőkés, Vladimir Urutchev, Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso, Elissavet Vozemberg-Vrionidi, Jarosław Wałęsa, Bogdan Brunon Wenta, Hermann Winkler, Iuliu Winkler, Anna Záborská, Željana Zovko, Milan Zver, Dennis Radtke, Ruža Tomašić, Marek Jurek, Jana Žitňanská, Ryszard Antoni Legutko, Bernd Kölmel, Amjad Bashir, Joachim Starbatty, Ashley Fox, Mark Demesmaeker, Ulrike -
1 03 Sept. 2014 How the Sakharov Prize 2014 Is Awarded Background Briefing in the Next 10 Days, the Nominations of the Sakharov
1 03 Sept. 2014 How the Sakharov Prize 2014 is awarded Background briefing In the next 10 days, the nominations of the Sakharov Prize for Human Rights will be decided by the European Parliament. The prize is awarded to “honour exceptional individuals who combat intolerance, fanaticism and oppression.”1 Previous winners include Nelson Mandela, Reporters without Borders and Anatoli Marchenko. If you believe that Azerbaijani human rights defenders – who are now in jail following years of work on behalf of the rights of others, and most recently on a list of political prisoners in Azerbaijan (on which they are now included) – then let the MEPs who vote on this know. Nominations for the Sakharov Prize can be made by: Political groups in the European Parliament. Or At least 40 MEPs. The deadline for nominations is Thursday 18 September at 12:00 in Strasbourg. NOTE: In order to decide on a nominee from their group some political groups have internal deadlines in the course of the next week. The next days are crucial. We focus here on four important political groups which might to support this nomination: The EPP Social Democrats Liberals Greens 1Source: The European Union website: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/aboutparliament/en/00f3dd2249/Sakharov-Prize-for-Freedom-of-Thought.html 2 Once the nominations are been made, the Foreign Affairs and Development committees vote on a shortlist of three finalists. This happens on either Monday 6th or Tuesday 7th October 2014. The members list for the foreign affairs committee can be found here: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/en/afet/members.html, while the development committee is here: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/en/deve/members.html#menuzone. -
Stimmzettel Sie Haben 1Stimme
Stimmzettel für die Wahl der Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments am 25. Mai 2014 im Land Mecklenburg-Vorpommern Sie haben 1 Stimme Bitte hier ankreuzen CDU Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands - Liste für das Land Mecklenburg-Vorpommern - Muster1. Werner Kuhn, Dipl.-Ing./MdEP, Zingst 5. Frieder Weinhold, Theologe, Wismar 1 2. Jascha Dopp, Angestellter höherer öffentlicher Dienst, Schwerin 3. Karina Jens, Volljuristin RD, Rostock 4. Eike Bunge, Verkehrskaufmann im Eisenbahnverkehr, Bergen auf Rügen DIE LINKE DIE LINKE - Gemeinsame Liste für alle Länder - 1. Gabriele Zimmer, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Nahetal-Waldau (TH) 5. Sabine Lösing, Sozialtherapeutin, Göttingen (NI) 9. Sophia Leonidakis, Politologin, Bremen (HB) 2 2. Thomas Händel, Gewerkschaftssekretär, Fürth (BY) 6. Fabio De Masi, Volkswirt, Hamburg (HH) 10. Malte Fiedler, Student, Berlin (BE) 3. Cornelia Ernst, Lehrerin, Dresden (SN) 7. Martina Michels, Dipl.-Philosophin, Berlin (BE) 4. Helmut Scholz, Dipl.-Politologe/MdEP, Zeuthen (BB) 8. Martin Schirdewan, wiss. Mitarbeiter, Berlin (BE) SPD Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands - Gemeinsame Liste für alle Länder - 1. Martin Schulz, Buchhändler, Würselen (NW) 5. Bernd Lange, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Burgdorf (NI) 9. Ismail Ertug, Krankenkassenbetriebswirt, Kümmersbruck (BY) 3 2. Birgit Sippel, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Arnsberg (NW) 6. Evelyne Gebhardt, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Schwäbisch Hall (BW) 10. Dr. Sylvia-Yvonne Kaufmann, Dipl.-Japanologin, Berlin (BE) 3. Udo Bullmann, Politikwissenschaftler, Gießen (HE) 7. Jens Geier, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Essen (NW) 4. Kerstin Westphal, Erzieherin/MdEP, Schweinfurt (BY) 8. Jutta Steinruck, Mitglied des Europäischen Parlaments, Ludwigshafen am Rhein (RP) FDP Freie Demokratische Partei - Gemeinsame Liste für alle Länder - 1. Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, Diplomat/MdEP, Bonn (NW) 5. -
Einschränkung Der Rechte Der Arbeitnehmer Durch Die Notstandsverfassung
MICHAEL JEDER Einschränkung der Rechte der Arbeitnehmer durch die Notstandsverfassung Zu Beginn dieses Jahres 1) hat die Bundesregierung einen neuen Anlauf genommen, die Notstandsverfassung in dieser Legislaturperiode 2) durch den Bundestag verabschieden zu lassen. Dies ist der dritte Versuch der Bundesregierung innerhalb von sieben Jahren, nachdem die bisherigen Entwürfe keine Mehrheit im Parlament finden konnten 3). Bei der Beratung im Bundesrat wurde der Regierungsentwurf grundsätzlich befür- wortet 4). In der ersten Lesung der Gesetzesvorlage im Bundestag äußerten sich alle Parteien im allgemeinen zustimmend. Lediglich einige Formulierungen wurden be- anstandet 5). Somit sind die Chancen für den Entwurf, sein Ziel zu erreichen, gün- stiger als bei den bisherigen Entwürfen 6). Obwohl Teile der Öffentlichkeit den Entwurf begrüßten — selbst der Vorwärts schrieb „Die Giftzähne sind heraus" 7) —, hielt eine heftige Kritik an. Kurz nach der Verabschiedung des Regierungsentwurfs im Kabinett am 10. März 1967 legte das Kuratorium Notstand der Demokratie eine erste Stellungnahme vor, in der gesagt wird, „daß auch die jetzige Vorlage zur Notstandsverfassung, ungeachtet einiger oberflächlicher Korrekturen, im Kern unverändert demokratiewidrig ... ist" 8). Besonders die Bestim- mungen des Artikels 12 des Entwurfes, die eine Dienstverpflichtung vorsehen, seien als eine „Verhöhnung der arbeitenden Bevölkerung" 9) anzusehen. Gegner der Notstandsverfassung blieb weiterhin der DGB 10 ). Der DGB sieht seine Aufgabe in dem Schutz der auch für die Arbeitnehmer geschaffenen Grundrechte. So be- achten die Gewerkschaften besonders Regelungen, die den Arbeitnehmer in seiner sowieso beschränkten Freiheit begrenzen können. Dazu gehören Einschränkungen des Koalitions- rechtes, des Streikrechtes, des Rechtes der freien Wahl des Arbeitsplatzes und Einführung einer Zwangsverpflichtung. Otto Brenner, der Vorsitzende der IG Metall, hob in der Auseinandersetzung um die Notstandsgesetze die Bedeutung dieser „wichtigsten sozialen Grundrechte" hervor. -
The SPD and the End of the Franco Dictatorship
77 A European Answer to the Spanish Question: The SPD and the End of the Franco Dictatorship Antonio MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ On the morning of 15 November 1975, while Francisco Franco lay dying in a Madrid hospital, the young leader of the Spanish socialists, Felipe González, appealed from the tribune of the SPD congress in Mannheim to all European democrats to contribute to the imminent resurgence of liberty in his country. He made this petition in a peculiar manner: “For many years experience has demonstrated that the attitude of being willing to accept an autocratic regime in the hope of forcing its democratisation, produces the opposite effect. Today, when great expectations [for freedom in Spain] are once again being raised, we, the socialists, warn Europeans of their historical responsibility if this mistake should be repeated. All the democratic countries of Europe and the whole world have the duty to support the democratic project of the Spanish opposition”.1 This quotation is specially revealing because it contradicts the prevailing explanation concerning the position of Franco’s Spain in European politics, and more specifically in the process of European integration. During the last three decades scholars have broadly assumed that in spite of the growing economic interrelation with the countries north of the Pyrenees, efforts of Franco’s regime to overcome its pariah status in Europe were in vain, as exemplified by the poor achievements in the EEC (Preferential Agreement of 1970).2 As the only actor able to make the Spanish society’s dream of integration in the Community come true, the democratic opposition would have been, in political terms, the major beneficiary of contacts with “Europe”.