THE JESUITS AND GLOBALIZATION

Historical Legacies and Contemporary Challenges

THOMAS BA CHOFF AND JOSE CASANOVA, Editors

Georgetown University Press Washington, DC

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The cover image is a combination of rwo public domain images: a quasi-traditional version of the IHS emblem of the Jesuits by Moransk! and the inset map Grbis Terramm NO'I{l et Accuratissima Tabllia by Pierer Goos (17th century). 13

THE JESUITS THROUGH THE PRISM OF GLOBALIZATION, GLOBALIZATION THROUGH A JESUIT PRISM

JOSE CASANOVA

Each chapter in this volume has addressed two core questions from a specific thematic, historical, or regional perspective: What doe the ex- perience of globalization tell us about the jesuits? And what doe the expe- rience of the jesuits rell u about globalization' In this concluding chapter, Illy aim is to address the same two questions from a broader synthetic perspective, drawing upon some of the most important lessons offered across the chapters.

The Jesuit through the Prism of Early Modern Globalization

As a point of departure. taking what in the introduction we call the "sub- jective" dimension of globalization-the increased awareness of the unity of the world as a whole as a focus for human activities-one couJd argue that the Jesuits were the first organized group in history to think and to act globally. I What were the conditions for the possible emergence of such

J nongovernmental organization (NGO) of globaJ missionaries and global educators alla//£ fa fertre-that is, before the existence of globa.l structures that could sustain such practices? Of the small group of companions that gathered around Ignatius of Loyola at the University of in the early 1530s, three interrelated his- torical developments shaped the opportunity structures that made possible its rapid transformation into a prodigiously successful global missionary, educational, and sociopolitical enterprise: the Iberian colonial expansion into the newly discovered "Indies," the early modern Catholic revival, and 262 Jose Casanova

Renaissance Christian . All three evolving manifestations had been operative for more than half a century by the time Paul HI's bull Regiwifli mititantis ealesiae in 1540 certified, through the "Formula of the Institute" contained therein, the official foundation of the . All three helped shape the institutional development and the global expansion of the new Society in the following decades, and rhe jesuits, in turn, became primary global carriers of the three processes in the early modern phase of globalization.

The Iberian Colonial Expansion

The Iberian colonial expansion made possible the connection of the Old World and the "discovered" New World, linking the East and West Indies, thus forming for the first time one truly global world in novel tran atlan- tic and transpacific exchanges. In this respect the early modern phase of globalization constitutes literally the "first globalization," a form of proto- globalization that can rightly be distinguished from earlier "archaic" and later "modern" forms of globahzation.! In this newly connected world the Jesuits emerged to become pioneer globalizers. Indeed, no other group as eagerly took the entire globe as the focus of its activities. Jeronimo Nadal-one of Ignatius's closest collaborators and the man who, in the words of John O'Malley, "more than any individual ... instilled in the fir r two generations their esprit de corps and taught them what it meant to be a Jesuit"-coined the famous phrase, "The world is our home."} The Jesuits sailed around the world in the same ships with conquis- tadores. traders, migrants, and colonial administrators. Antonio Vieira. the great Jesuit missionary of Brazil, put the matter most succinctly in his His/aria do Futuro: "If there were not merchants who go to seek for earthly treasures in the East and West Indies, who would transport thither the preachers who take heavenly treasures? The preachers take the Gospel and the merchants take the preachers."! The vast Jesuit Portuguese Assisrancy, which included not only the kingdom of Portugal and its maritime empire but also portions of the Indian subcontinent, Japan, China, Southeast Asia. and African territories, undoubtedly constituted the core of the global Jesuit enterprise in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.J That enter- prise was largely sponsored by the Portuguese padroado regia and by the Spanish patronato real (royal patronage). lt would thus be anachronistic to view the Society of Jesus as an NGO in the modern sense of the term. As Aliocha Maldavsky makes clear in chapter 4. Jesuit missions in colonial lbero-Arnerica were irremediably embedded in colonial structures of co- ercion and political control. ------+-- From Il\ mccpr ron. rhcrclorc, the J"""uu lUI lun,u) c;JUcrpn\.C could nor aVOId .In,rulIlg.1 vrrv "worldlv" .Ind sc ul.Jr C()1U10(JIIOIi. IJU( 41' be- ing 31 0 :111cconomu dtlll poluu ...1entcrprrw The hl~.orl ..n ( R. Uu er ha clauncd tll.ll tilt' JC.-'llll' l ould he convrdcred "the h • J11uhulJClonJI corp rauon '.. In l:ll.lpu:r 5 \ ..htlu P.l\onc\ til U\'Ilon 0' .anu-Je Ultl III how how. frum the he~lIltlll1J;t. the )C\Ult order w our pol)' viewed

as poilu al .wd .1' "J '(JCe WHlull rhe IJle" but .llw nl.lhg,ncd J\ Ihe lil"\. and parnulgl1l.ltJl" mrc.·rnJuolul veer I 0"lt.lnll.lCl0t1 bent on e\l.lblldHI1J: "a w rid empire." Yc; the J~,t11l glob.ll ,.dVl'u; cntcrprl\e CJ"nC)1 be; reduced 10 the ceo- nomic impcrauvc- of 0111 crucrgcnt t-t1ob;d c.1pll.Jh m or (0 the pohucal dynanucs of [he new WC\lphdho-lt1 yucm of nauon- ()Ce In scarcb of (0·

lonial domamv It...prll11.1ry 11I1\\lon and 11 ulumoltc end \\,J\ the unrvcrval salvation of "," ad III",orr", Da ,\!lct,iam. 1\ c rding: to . bile)'. no other expressIOn "occur) iliOn: rrcqucnd)' III Je utt do umentatlon n prncrically e"ery pJ~e-than 'to help' ul : ... 0 reduce theJe,ult ml" n

co omerhl ng ehc Iii nOl only l IIII what de'Hly mOllvatcd Ignauu ~nd the members of the 'oClety he r. unded but.1 0 t ml unde land the very SOurce of the ~loballZlI1R dynamIC fthe Je ult enretptl e. By "soul:' however. IgnatJu and the Je ult meant lhe wh Ie pcrc;on: therefore, to help became a univer .1 and gl b.1 minI try pracnc.lIy without sublicantlve or geographical InuiLS. Without ever losing Ight of their primary salvational 11115 Ion. Jesuit mllti trie encompa sed 311kinds of activities and spheres that today may be con idored so ular but that they regarded as an !ntrinsl part ofcheir religi u mission.'1 The revised "F r- mula ofche Institute" of 1550, after Cilumernting a long list ofclI [Omary religious pastoral ministries to which the Jesuits ought co dedicate them- selves, adds "according to what will see III expedient for the gloty f and the common good"-the first time in history that expedient consid- eration of the worldly (ommOIl good appears in the foundarional chareer of a religious ordeLlo Its inclusion was to have unforeseen consequences in the Jesuits' sustained professional dedkation not only to the humanities but also to science, technology, and the artS, Following the Ignatian instruc- tion, Jesuits were to find God in all tnings.

The Early Modem Catholic Revival Ignatius's spiritual journey and the foundation and dramatic e~..pansion of the Society of Jesus need to be viewed in the context of the broad and widespread manifestations of the early modern Catholic renewal that flourished in Italy and the Iberian Peninsula well before the Protestant 264 Jose Casanova

Reformation of the sixteenth century. In this context the Jesuits appear as contributors to a much broader reality going well beyond what the term "Counter-" suggests and to say nothing of the narrow Euro- centrism that the term connotes." Whatever name we give to the changes in Catholicism during early , in this era Catholicism attained its global reach from East Asia to North America, from the Philippines to South America. R. po-clua Hsia has argued that "the centuries of Catholic renewal formed the first period of global history" in that the early modern era was shaped by "the encounter between Catholic and the non- Christian world.'?" It was in this era, as Simon Ditchfield has shown, that Catholicism became a "world ."!) The Jesuits were neither the only nor the first global missionaries. In fact, they followed lite tally in the steps of older Catholic otders-Francis- cans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and others-that had preceded them in colonial Spanish America and in Portuguese India. In this respect the Jesuit global mission was part and parcel of the golden age of global Catholic missions that flourished throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centu- ries and well before the global Protestant missions emerged toward the end of the eighteenth century. As was every Christian mission before and after. this global Catholic mission was a response to Jesus's "Great Comm_ission" to his followetS to "go and make disciples of all nations" (Matthew 28:19). Nonetheless, the Jesuit missionary expansion of the sixteenth century can only be understood properly if one takes into account that the global mis- sion became the specific foundational mission or ministry of the Jesuits from the Society's inception and in a way that had not been the case of the mendicant or other Catholic orders. Global mobility was culturally encoded, as it were, into the makeup of the Society of Jesus from its inception. Moreover, the Jesuit order's central- ized hierarchic structure, which distinguished it from the older religion

orders, implied that any Jesuit anywhere in the world had to be ready [0 be sent ad missiones anywhere in the world. Members of the Society who came from nations that did not have empires could be sent overseas by the general. Thus large numbers of Italian, German, Austrian, Bohemian, and BelgianJesuits went on overseas missions, giving those missions their dis- tinctive international character. The mission to "any heretics," to counter the Protestant Reformation, appears in the "Formula of the Institute" sim- ply as one of the many particular forms of the Society's original global mis- sion. The mission to the Turks probahly appears first because the original H intention of the first seven companions had been to travel to Jerusalcm. Once the journey to Jerusalem became unfeasible, they decided to put ,'" , ... "" 01 (

nJ • "" ..J • , them elve .It the \cf\ It C' of the uUI\cf I buh 'r of I\.omc UfUf ,uun ul be; eot .an)'\\hcrc 111rbc "orld the je-"l1( \\rff: tel be Oint' tbeh I 111 " Jc U\ 1I1th., unl\('1 .I1...... 1\"1lh. 11t1\\1U11nf ('Jfl~ In rto" rid

RrtJa;sstJllu Cllfl II.'" 11""..11If III

Wh,le the 14.OOh 1JlU~(" nl the Jt"\Uu .1\.,In ntnct:Jfll rlob Iml\' nJ(\ h.u PC~I red, cV(,.·11more CIH.h_,rlll~ h." t en Ihe p,'" lid am .. 'C' c.lf th(' jC'\tHt :.1'\" rc Idei'll hoolm.l\«,.'r 1111.1,,1.the jc uu form J npl pnh the h t <. achuh tea lung order hut .11,0 che hr t lnfl\flJUUfUI rrulc; 'lunJI urttJntlJUOfl 01 h olmasrcr-, J c .t«. h 1Il~ Iud nvl I ceO Clwt\te n J C>rlf.tuull :I p.lrW; ul.u J UI[10m"",. hut rhc cv .. hh hm"n< "fth" h",eJ" uu hool tn I< If'., iell '. 10 154H I",d lI"m"'I\" "'I' r u ,,,n, un th. h.r.l e"r .nd

cIvIlization "It. Indeed.' Iw IllJde the Je uu colle!te d"un U'e "J' pr" ,d Il' gl bJI onentatlon. whKh \\.' denved from ,he "Je Ull II" !traph f kn "l- edge."" n lI1\trucuon from 18nJuy, hllll,elf. 011 lonJrlC Croll' (he 01 l and West Ind,e, 'em all kllld of novcllllformJII n-n.

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ent quartcrv th.u In! [" their c\,clUUAI \uppr.: ,un aU rhe eve pi (ht; lUud~ru

Amer: an .llHt In-uc h Rc\ulullOn .. At the vcrv IiHll11CIIl whe-n t:lnl-ul }:~UH Oil \Iun .. d. Jppc.uc,,1 Ifl the

sec nd 11311of the cl~htccnch ccmurv, ,1 nt'" cr.t ol ~1(..tanhJ m tc1ub.J1

Pr tecram nu ....ltm' ".J' lIulI.lIed. du umc nJtngthc clolllmJm \\J\C\ (.d.l renewed Wc,tI:rn, ~Iob.ll ,okmul c p.Ul\IUn an Whl h U",vcr I hrl\ClJH IllISc;.inc, glob.llclpu. 11,1cx,h.,n~cv, '4.IClluh r"uofuh Ill, .InJ ~\.ul.., hu ...

rnarn m appeared IlHnn\ll;\lh mtcrtwmcd ~lht"n Ihe S~'CI)' o'J(' '-1\ \\.J re tored III IKI4 .11 rhc end 01 the apol 0111 \ a". the world-Ill '''tllal conjuncture Iud changed dr,lInaIlL.lly. The Ibetlall Cathohc power- and their 01001.,1 empire' were III lalte" hey had been upplamcd Oil the global "age hl' the "'pall',,,n,,' orrh elanu Protc lallt power- ,h., were the carrie" of .1 dlllcrem dynarm or modern jdobahlJllon. which w. rueled by IIl1lu began to perate In these new con- ditions. ItS transnational "catholl "-that I . Unlversah ['--identity and global 11l0bihry [Ook on a new kind of SIgnificance. as J hn Mc rccvy makes cvidcnr in chapter 6. The Deiery's gl bal missionary echo now in- teracted with the twO main structural dynamic of modern globaliz.1tion. In rhe first place, the globalizarion of capical and labor produced a new European global colonial expansion, and in the m3 s migrations of Euro- pean Catholics. the Jesuits accompanied them as pastors on their overseas journeys. Bur rhe globalizing dynamics of rhe narion-stare and rhe global expansion of again pushed the transnational order into exile. For the nineteenth-century Jesuits, the United States became a safe haven from both dynamics of migration, a frontier missionary Society in its own right, a place where they could build nev,'! educational instimtions more freely than anywhere else in the world, and a platform frolll which to start anew the building of global Catholic missions. By the beginning of the twentieth cenmry, Jesuits were found aJl over the world, but paradoxically their very instimtional success had made the Jesuits in the United States and dsewhere more sedentary and more accom- -

268 Jose Casanova

modating to the "national spirit" of the age. From the foundation of the order, Ignatius and succeeding superiors general had identified the national spirit as a constant threat from which the Society of Jesus had to protect itself deliberately to maintain its universal catholic identity and its trans- national organizational structure in the face of the emerging Westphalian system. In the modern global age of nationalism, Jesuits everywhere were undergoing a new kind of "nativist inculruration" that made them more nationally local and less globally cosmopolitan. Nothing illustrates better the extent to which even the Jesuits had succumbed to the modern na- rional spirit than the fact that French and German Jesuits, who had been expelled from their respective countries during the culture wars of the nineteenth century, returned to their "homes" during World War I to aid the national war effort. For Jesuits, as well as for Catholics everywhere, national solidarity proved stronger than Christian human solidarity or Catholic papal fidelity, although Pope Benedict XV was one of the few de- crying the nationalist conflagration as "the suicide of civilized Europe."?' After accommodating the national spirit and becoming more sedentary, in the first half of the twentieth century the Jesuits seemed to lose much of the critical edge that had made them into a pioneering, controversial global force in the early modern phase of globalization. They became, in- stead, an antiliberal, antimodern, and still controversial though very much diminished force in the modern phase of globalization. The cataclysm of the Second World War and the subsequent collapse of the great European empires opened a new phase in the history of'jesuit globalization. Furthering this global consciousness was the determination of world leaders to create international organizations such as the United Nations and the halting emergence of an international language of human rights, initially trapped within the rhetoric of the Cold War but then ex- panding through the work of such organizations as Amnesty International in the 1970s. The Jesuits felt keenly the effects of decolonization-from French West Africa to the Philippines-and had already begun forming critiques of the imperial and nationalist projects of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Even more important was the impact of the Second Vatican Council and the emergence of a more pervasive sense of a "world church," Viewed through the prism of a self-confident and globally hegemonic Western secular modernity, the Jesuits now appeared as a much subdued and insignificant phenomenon that did not elicit much scholarly or public attention. But in the 1960s a new conjunction of historical forces contrib- uted to the global Catholic aggiornamemo associated with the Second Vatican Council, to the renewal of the Society of Jesus under Superior

J 1I General Pedro Arrupc .. unl w IIll" prOlO\J1hl lr.ul\lorlll ..... • to' I ...... ican ath lici m. The Jl'\lI!t\ h.u] ouc c J~..alll I ("(.,tUt: ·I••lulh \'" controversial. Western-centric ,;;o<:l.d \(H'I!t l'\ we-re prC"cIlUI1}o: the lu lou(::tl rr""' ...... of modernizaci 11.\l'(uI.UI/,llIon, ,lOti \\tc caUl/ACinI) ,1\ .... ("rrcl ..11 I ~nJ practically synonyltlou\ prove ....cv. "uh .111of chef11 ofl"("f -10' ,nC) .IU increasingly homogcncouv )!.Ioh,ll order '·r..am.' r \I ,,\.un.l\ rh u, I f~ end of hi tory as "r he end PUIIH 01 l1unluHJ\ JdC'(lh~1 .a' ("\....'Ullnll" \\.1 just a radical expresvion of vuch ,l ~Ioh,ll (o ..murnhun \ I ,...n An t \cc ... t that same moment, modern WC,'\tc,·rnlh"~t.',uun\· '\\ ...' \ _ddlnt: to .a nt."\ :l;nJ distinct third phase of ~lob.1h7,l(lCln th.ll lhtl"'rnt frotU Ihe: ('.ar' modetn and modern phases, A new, mort' dcccntcrcd. ,,:IClh.l1 ..)otcw ..' ('n1ct}:.ln From the teleological prism of modern f;:)oll.1hl.auon, \\111 h \'tC'\ 'CJ the- future as having been reached ;l!rt',llJ" hy (ht, hcp:cnuHltl. hher ..1. Jcnu1- crarie, and capitalist West. the.;JC\lIlt\ itl1d (h"lr con.rlhuuon In c rh mod ... ern global history could e"J!y be Ignored .•. 1 nghlh forgollen. ",hll"'u idiosyncratic curiosity superseded by the pr0ftrc\\ of 'C'( ul ..u Iu Ion ltd be I left behind in historical archIve,. !:lUI"' lh,' 1I11rdph.", 0 glpb.ihz - tion garhers strength, it may not be ~al11ply cOInC'ldenl.l1 th.Jt (od ..y 1.,)1 scientists and global historianli have redlKoVercd the Jc: Ult .1 .) relev.nt contemporary global network and, more Imp rrant. a ;l \Igntfic nt h,,- torkal phenomenon that may offer some rrc~h 1Il<;lght .. IIIl our under- standing of the historical and contemporary proce e ofgl b.ht.tlon.»

Globalization through the Prism of the Jesuits

Examining globalization through a Jesuit pri m fo ters :a re,··jsJOlli t per- spective that views modern globalization nor as something unlvetS.,J .1nd inevitable but as a particular phase of global history that was preceded bl' an early modern form of globalization before Western hegemony and that is being succeeded by a third new, open, and unprecedented form ofg10- balization after Western hegemony. From thjs perspective. the patterns of intercultural and interreligious dialogical and dia-practical encounters of the early modern Jesuit global missions may offer some insights and some lessons, both positive and negative, for our contemporary global present. Currently global humanity is facing similar chronic and acute challenges of multicultural and multireligious mutual recognit,ion in its construction of a more peaceful, just, and equitable global order. Moreover, tIle Jesuits' commitment to a worldwide open and solidaristic hUDU.I1 civil society and their dedication to the pragmatic pursuit ofa more universal COUlman good remain an unfinished task and a catholic moral imperative. ------270 Jose Casanova

Alternative Cultural and Religiolls Models if Clobalization

The jesuit catholic 111 issionary impulse had natu rally, as a matter of course, the hegemonic purpose of leading others to the universal conversion to the "true" Catholic faith. This aspect of the early modern jesuit mission,

based 011 the invidious theological distinction between "true" and "false" religion, at times seemed to justify even forced conversion with the help of secular coercive power, and it sounds repugnant today as one embraces the modern principles of individual religious freedom and religious plu- ralism. Nevertheless, what makes the jesuits' global missionary practice still relevant is that, under certain circumstances, they adopted a con- troversial method of accommodation that today we would call "nativist inculruration." One should avoid, of course, anachronistic interpretation of early modern jesuit practices from our contemporary global perspec- tive of cultural and religious pluralism. Nevertheless, Alessandro Valig- nano's method of accomrnodacion, analyzed in Antoni Ucerler's chapter I, points to a formula of globalization that rejects unidirectional Westerniza- tion and opens itself to multicultural encounters and reciprocal learning processes, :iN Significantly Ucerler's analysis stresses that European jesuits did not invent the method of cultural accommodation to become effective mis- sionaries; rather, the initiative was pressed upon them by their japanese and hinese interlocutors, particularly by Christian converts who often demanded that the jesu it fathers engage the loca 1cultu re 011 its Olllll terms, In other words, the method emerged from the very practice of intercultural encounters, Notwithstanding the Jesuits' many limitations, UcerJer's con- clusion is that "the rich cultural legacies of the early Jesuits in East Asia are worthy of renewed scrutiny in our own time, . as an original paradigm or model of intercultural engagement." Even in Spanish colonial America, where conquest, colonization, re- duction of the indigenous peoples, and conversion to were so inextricably intertwined. jose de Acosta already insisted that "hispan- izacion'' was not necessary to "preach the Gospel" to the Indians or to "procure their salvarion.?" This rationale was behind the simultaneous publication (i.e. translation from Latin) of the trilingual Lima Catechism (1583) in Spanish, Quechua, and Aymar a. It amounts to a formula of glob- aJization of Christianity through the particularization of the universal by going "local," "vernacular," or "native" through a process of reflexive in- cultu ration and acculturation, which theologically amounts to a formula of ever-renewed Christian "incarnation." This famous and controversial formula of Jesuit cultural accommodation Ih< I'" ... <'J ( •

led to the ;uJopOOI\ 01 the ( onhh.l.1n luhulI' III ( hnu b IJuc.-o R '. rhe Brahrmn hahuuv 111JnJu h' itnJ erro "Ie. '01111, Ihe (.".Innt h"buuto III the PJraguy.lll rcduc (Ion .., .Iud. lc ,,\utnmclhJ.lbk 'or U1.Ie :1.1" the t,J,l\C-

holdmg habuuv 111 the .IC\UH pl.tnt.uwn .. III Hr ..l'. ,J,uJ hnl.JncJ '1 w 1. the dtfTcrcntl.lt1on 01 true UIII\"C'rul ,t1'fhJlt .IuJ r.aru ubr If/'"ff. '" \..ell ,;It th.u ben ccn (111,11:,'(1"" ,"IUd 1,/fJ/.",y. h"l uuroJu\c;d b~ the J~un d1

These early J<.'~Utl 1ll1' 1(,)11 mJdc dcar th.u. tn ant" c; ...t; ~cleJ t. \\ hJt begins 3. a one-way I1U~ 1011ofChrl\t1.1n C:\I.1nt:ch1.1l1un th.u J UIIlt" buth the exclu IVlty of Chn\tt.lnuy.l the "(rut' rchglun" ..tnd the \UPCfl fll)' of hristian Europeall culture tufn" mea 01 mUlu.a) tntcrcoltur.tl ~nd 10- terrellgt u encounter th;u. under efum elf um (.anec'. lun fnt the

missionary a Il1l1ch ;t~ II doe~ the native Of c u .....e. Ihe: Jc UII flU" ton" In Goa and Macau rcm:l1nt.·d embedded Withm the PorrUKUC eel 1'11;)1c • tabli hmem' and were fundamentally dliTerent from de • b,lt"I11' '('Ill' Madurai or RICc,' n1l< ,on to Be'Jong, It eem" 'ndeed. th.lthe more ,he Jesuit mi sionaries were on their WIl :and 111 the penpherle . without the suPPOrt and protection of the Ibenan COl0l1131 powers. 'he Illore f.\, r.ble became the circumstance for an open-ended. n nhu:r:lrchlcallnter3ctl n and a genuine dialogue. In lbero-America, by contra t, the colonial circumstance .and the a~- sumed superiority nOt just orChri tianiry but 31 0 ofEuropcoln Clviliz.1tl n and culture practically precluded a nonhierarchical interaction and open dialogue with indigenou religi I1S and cultures. Yet even in Ibero-America there were fundamental differences between theJesuit mi sions at the cen- ter or the viceroyalties of Peru and New and their rnissions to the indigenous frontiers. Maldavsky's analysis, moreover, reiterates One ortbe central points of Ucerler's chapter: The method of accommodarion was nOt an invention of European Jesuits applied to different non-European contexts; rather, it emerged from pragmatic interactions at the peripheries. Jesuit missionaries in Ibero-America were not the only or even the major actors in shaping those interculruraJ encounters. Indeed, they found themselves constantly having to negotiate and accommodate the many tensions that arose from their position as cruciaJ nodes in many of the interactional networks linking the local populations (natives and crjo- Bos, indigenous laborers and encomenderos), the urban colleges and rural

1 272 Jose COSOI/ova

parishes, the various levels of colonial and ecclesiastical administration and jurisdiction and the very different positions that Jesuits held under the Portuguese padrondo and the Spanish patrouato real, the multiple religious orders with their own transnational systems of governance, and the global jurisdiction of the superior general and the pope in Rome. As indicated in the book's introduction, the jesuits initiated their mis- sion with the traditional and customary distinction between the true Chris- tian faith, or acholic religion, and all others: Christian "schismatics" and "heretics:' Jewish and Muslim "," and the remaining "pagans" and "idolaters." This classification was based on the "Mosaic distinction" be- tween true and false religion, a distinction that exalts Yahweh, the God of Israel, as the one and only true transcendent God while degrading all other to the rank offalse idols or demons and their worship to devilish idol- atry.29 Christianity, in its encounter with ancient , had adopted a similar attitude. After the Constantinian establishment, it crystallized in Saint Augustine's eventual defense of state coercion and forced conversion and led to the destruction of pagan temples, the eradication of paganism, and the final establishment of the Nicene Creed as the state religion during the reign of Theodosius.v" The tribunal of the Holy Inquisition, which played a similar role of co- ercive persecution of in the late , was only introduced in Spain rather belatedly by the Catholic kings at the end of the fifteenth cemury as an instrument of state making, religious confessional homog- enization, and ethno-religious cleansing. Such a policy of religious confes- sionalization led to the expulsion of Jews and from Spain in 1492, the later expulsion of the Moriscos, and the protracted campaigns against Marranos and conversos, or the so-called New Christians. It is in this context that we should understand the initial Jesuit mission- ary encounter with Amerindian in the New World, with Coptic Christianity in Ethiopia, or with the religions of Asia. The Jesuits at first continued, albeit somewhat reluctantly, the already established practices of the Portuguese Inquisition in Goa, the destruction of pagan Hindu temples, and the Catholic campaigns for the "extirpation of " in the Spanish ." But soon the Jesuits, or at least some of their prominent members, began to adopt a more ambiguous, open, at times even dialogical, bur, more important, dia-practical relationship with the religious Other. The new praxis began, eventually and mostly unwit- tingly, to undermine the old religious taxonomy, thus initiating the long historical process of transformation in the direction of the still unsettled contemporary, pluralist global system of religions. Indeed, what is striking is not that Jesuit missionaries in most respects behaved no differently from other Catholic missionaries but that, under certain circumstances, the: JC~UIt \\.1) of proccc ..hn.,: be amc rc uh~rl different, attracting In the: pron: ...' much conrrovcr' a.ll .ulcnUuU Ito.u "II quarters, from friends and encnucs. p.trtllul.lrl\ 111chelf eUl,.tlunlc-n "uh the multifaceted rehgJOw, of A\I.1. (he: old c.:.udl.lll ...ICc '(lrln ul r,ltt"n. heathen, or beg.m to collap-c . .lnd .1 new pluul" tc In uf "h". l.uef would be called "world rc:hgloll\" bcgan co emerge ' Without in any way ar tctuptmg to vcrrlc the coutc Icd ..'ch.-tC' H n cerning the role of such colonial cncourucr-, .IIH,i the blef crut"f):cl1C,t" c-. academic rientalism III uropcan UI1I\'Cf"\IlIC'. II 1\ unt!euublc ChOlI .he Jesuits served as ploncer Intcrlocmor\ III the: rdlt:lou . t:uhurJl. Icllull. and artistic encounters between rhe J t and the \"(''Iot and bcl\\C'CU Ihe Old and New Worlds. Pioneer Jesuits parn ularI)· III Japan. Cluna. T.bcl. Vietnam, and India played an unporrant role In rran nlulln~ ~nJ me~.h..(~ ing the first knowledge about the: foundational text'. fdlt:lon'. (uhufC'1.. and civilizations fthe "Or-ient." knowledge tholt would beer develop into full-fledged academic "Oncmahslll.'·"

Chapter 2 by Francis Clooney shov ..1 that Jt:~ulr argurucmauvc .apolo- getics were not based on theological argument proper or on the truth t revelation but on a supposedly universal hunull rea<;on: They dc-raved (ronl Catholic medieval and frolll the I cnal~C;aI1CChum.ulI t trJ:dl- tion, Clooney's critical analysis raises Important question not nl· 300m the universalist claims of Christianity bur equally ab ut the uOlvCI":&hst claims of any cosmopolitan project. religious as well as secubr. rhJt en\' .... sions the building of a global human civilization a the global e..p3n ,on of universally human rational principles without takll1g ufl1clcntly IntO account the multiplicity ofmetaphysicaJ. ethical. and civilizationaJ pre up- positions and the irremediable human religiou and culruraJ plurah m that it entails, Clooney draws his critical anaJysis not from the perspective of a posnllodern moral and cultural relativism but from the a pi ration of what he calls "a truly universal reJigiolls rationality:' By contrast, Daniel Madigan's critical anaJysis of the Jesuit encoun- ter with the world of points to the important distinction berween cultural and theological accommodation, In fact, Jesuits evinced a simi- lar hostile and non-dialogical attitude in their encounters with Protestant heretics in Europe or with Eastern Christian schismatics in Eastern Eu- rope, Ethiopia, and lodia, As Madigan points out, inculturation becomes more difficult when we engage with what we view as a hereticaJ form of our own tradition. QnJy with the modern recognition of the principle of religious freedom as an individual right based on the sacred dignity of the human person was the old religious taxonomy based on the categorical distinction between true and false religion radically transformed. The old proposition that "error has no rights" gives way to the propo- - 274 Jose Casanova

sidon that individuals, not doctrines, have rights. Under such a premise, the conditions for interreligious dialogue are also transformed. The prin- ciple of individual religious freedom does not need to lead co relativism. It can also f.1cilitate a new kind of interreligious dialogue that takes place between persons as a process of mutual recognition rather than between doctrines as a cognitive-theological disputation. This does not imply that, in their method of accomlTIodation in Asia during the early modern phase of globalization, the Jesuits anticipated the modern principle of religious freedom or religious pluralism. It only suggests that their openness to Cultural pluralism within the premises of Christian universalism did contribute, through complex and mostly in- direct ways, to the modern differentiation of religion and Culture and to the process of dissociation between Christianity and the secular European culture of the Enlightenment.3"

Alternative Political Models oj Globalizatioll

To understand both the favorable world-historical circumstances that al- lowed the Jesuits to become such successful pioneer gIobalizers in the early modern first gJobalization and the accumulation of hostilities that led to their final Suppression 011 the eve of what the historian C. A. Bayly has de- scribed so persuasively as "the birth of the modern world," it is necessary to distinguish between those aspects of the Jesuit project of world evangeliza- tion that had elective affinities with the formation of the world-capitalist system and with the globalization of the Westphalian system of narion., states and those that appeared inimical, or at least in critical tension, with what became the hegemonic project of modern Western globalizarion." The Jesuit project of world evangelization was predicated on a vision of an open world system of societies in which the right to evangelize, and therefore open access, was taken for granted. It presupposed a global hu- man civil society, and in this respect it had deep elective affinities with a world-capitaljst system based on free trade. Ivan Strenski, in fact, has traced convincingly the modern legitimation of economic globalization back to its religious roots in the early modern Catholic project of world 36 evangelization. The right to evangelization and the right to commerce not only went hand in hand in practice but also appeared frequently in- terchangeably in early modern theological and political-economic texts. The discursive practice onJy refiecred the intertwinement of missionary and colonial predatory practices. But the persistent religious humanitarian critiques of such abus.ive practices put forth by Dominicans, Jesuits, and members of other relig.ious orders indicate that the project of world evan- flu Pnsm .t( ( J..,b.J, ,..".

gelization could <11...0 be 111 fund.llllt.·IH.11 tcu 1011 w ull the -lutuJ c,;;artuJ"t project as well JSwuh .IIlY proJ(:n 01 J ulJl\erul ('hn (UII crnpuc tfU( " ..'

indifferent to the dignity ottbc 11lI1I1.w per on, to the rur uu t Ihe 0111 mon good, Or to the n~ht 01 IOdl~cl1()u~ people In prot"'" I Ihelt owu ,uJ ture from coercive colonrznucn. <. .ourcmpor .arv Jluh c'\ pIche (hro' • "I development of JUS gcntuun by tilt.' S(:ho(ll~nl '-...I.Juunf. a ."uJ ( ,),..,.,,,. I the first proro-arnculanon of .111C.1r1) modern \.,m, c...~Ion elJ unn r;t'U' hu- I man right in response to prcdmor y colonial pr.RIlc.C' \CCm p"f'U.I nc That the rcligl()U~ order ....jc ...uu ...mcludcd. were the-m ch~ ..Jeeph un- plicared in the Ibe-ian unperral projcc (\ .11"0c,pl.lln h(l\\ mdlC'«(I\ (hOK critiques proved historically. Bur (he Jc"UIt ' prorccuon (If the (-#u.lr.uu

and other indigcnous people ...from v1.1\'e r.lIdcf"lo,wd Jbu t\:C' (t '''olJ/r remained a persistenl SourCe of .1I1t1-jt.·sLllu\m 111cuh>nl.tl fbcro- m fl " The uarani War of the St.·ven Rt...duClIOllli of 175(, .Iud rhe unfounded accusation that the Jesuits had Jno;t1gaccd the Jrmed rebdh n .JgJlw r the Portuguese and Spanish colollial empire." M:rvcd IJ1 t:',( .. .I crlliclaJ ,JU- lyst for the expulsion of the Society ofJe III (rollllhe Cathoh J,.1I1~dolll' ofPortugaJ and Spain and put an end to thl' long hI tory ofr )',IIb<:r1an

patronage of the Jesu its . .)ij Pavone' chapter offers a compelling 3naJysi of tile intertwining o(n.1- tiona I and glob:al dynamics that fcd the vJnOU$ currents of .,lnu-Je. UIU m thac led to the suppression. Standard accounts of globahzation proce e tend to view the dynamics of the expansion of the world S)' (em of capi- talism as the primary globalizing logic. Vet the parallel and interfwmed logic of the global expansion of State territorialization has been OInd tiJI is, despite all the misleading talk about the end of nationalism or the fad- ing away of the state, of equal relevance in the historical formation of our contemporary world system or world society. whjch n w encompa es aJJ peoples and alJ territories across the entire globe. The process of state territorialization had frol11 the beginning (wo in- tertwined dynamics-the internal dynamics ofterriroriaJ nation-state for-

mation within Europe that Jed [0 the consolidation of the Westphalian system of competing sovereign territorial states and the eXlernal dynamics of Overseas colonial territorial expansion of the European states. The lat- ter could be said to have been initiated by the 1494 Treaty ofTordesillas. whereby the cOlnpeting Iberian colonial powers, in accordance with the legal fiction of papal jurisdictional pofeslas (authority) over non-Christian territories, accepted papal mediation in drawing the longitudinal merid- ian separating their future world empires. That other powers, Protestant and Catholic, such as the Dutch Republic, , and France, did not take seriously the papaljurisdictionaJ claims and initiated their own global 276 Jose Casal/ova

colonial expansion, often at the expense of the Iberian powers, only COI1- firms the dynamics of external colonial global territorialization. The]esuits were intimately implicated in both "political" processes- the internal European and the external colonial-and played ambiguous and relatively autonomous roles in both. For this very anti-Jesuit- ism-expressed as a critique of Jesuit "meddling in politics," of their oper- ating as "a state within the state," and of the dread of a "Jesuit Republic" or a "global Jesuit empire" supposedly based on a secret Jesuit project of global domination-had so much traction and could persist for so long.:" Although particular grievances or concerns connected with specific Jesuit practices may explain any ami-Jesuit outburst at anyone time, the persistence, recurrence, and broad character of the many accusations that fed into the "black legend" are only comprehensible if one takes into ac- count the ambivalent, even contradictory location occupied by the Jesuits as a transnational and papal order in the early modern dynamics of global- ization. Equally important was the ambiguous and equivocal signification, elicited by their peculiar way of proceeding, that the Jesuits, as a "her- maphrodite religious" order-as Etienne Pasquier labeled the Society- actively engaged in worldly secular affairs. Furthermore, their character as a highly centralized and hierarchical transnational organization with a highly flexible and mobile structure, with ambiguous and overlapping loyalties to various authorities and jurisdictions, and the capacity to ac- commodate the most diverse local contexts gave the Jesuits certain global structural advantages in the early modern phase of globalization that pro- voked much envy, dread, and competition from friend and foe alike.'? All the conspiratorial myths notwithstanding, there is no shred of evi- dence of a Jesuit global political project. What the Society clearly had was a project of "world evangelization.':" But in the same way as the Jesu- its adapted flexibly to different circumstances and to the various political structures in different countries in Europe and in overseas colonies, their method of accommodation in non-Western contexts also implied flexible adaptation to the most diverse sociopolitical and cultural systems they en- countered. They adapted to the daimyo Warring States system in Japan, the centralized imperial mandarin system in China, the Muslim Mughal Empire in northern India, the Hindu Tamil kingdoms of southern India, and the tribal chiefdoms in Congo, among others. While some individual Portuguese and Spanish Jesuits may have sup- ported the competing imperial projects of their respective nations, in gen- eral the jesu its were not the advocates of'a universal Christian ." Prominent Jesuits often vehemently disagreed about all kinds of geopoliti- cal, national political, and internal issues of Jesuit organizational policy.

. The well-known and public pok'I11K'" bct wcc n prnnllucnt \p ..II1I IlJ Ull Jose de Acosta and Alonso ~anchc7. p.lrtH:ubrh rhcrr dl~t:rcc:m("nu con- cerning the proposed Spamsh mihta r v mvavron of ChlO.I trom th~ Phtllp .. pines, are a case in P0lnt..I\ If 011<.'l11ay vpcnk .U .flUof .J Je uu polu f ,1J \'1 Ion or ultimate political ratio. I[ I'" found III ,I rather convC'lUlunJI honu ( scholastic moral and polu rca l concern I(Jr JU\(KC and rhc common ..~.J- a topic Thomas BanchofT explore, In chapter 12 of lhl \"OIUmc-AnJ lor their defense of the early modern JlI~ gC.:JllIUI11 111 lIucrn.,)(t()lul,d.at .. or dcrerho de ,f!l'''trJ-rhc..' moral 1.1W and fl!the th t .111\\ and promote the peaceful coexistence and JUII;t mrcracnonv o( the open world society of nations-was the bas« for the Jc Ulf \'1 Ion fa world society. Francisco Suarez. the jcsurrs' 1110\t mfiuenua] rOhUC.ll ehcolo,tt13n. wrote in De Le,gibrls (1612) a passage rem mrs cur of Pranci co de ICon,)' political :

The human race, howsoever divided mro van 1I pe pic and kJng- doms, always has a cerram unity. not only spe Ilic. but al .1, It were political and moral, which is indicated by rhe natural pre epr f mutua] love and mercy, a precept extended to all. even rrangers and or what- soever reason. Therefore, although each perfect ciry, tate r kmgd rn constitutes in itself a perfect community consisting (1£S wn members. nevertheless each of them is also a member in a cerram fa hi n of thl universe, so far as it concerns the human race.?

This paragraph alerts us to the particular and contingent in rrruri naliza- tion of the isomorphic Westphalian world system of national ocieries. World society could have developed more in the direction of a S)' tern that accommodated the diverse preexisting civilizarional forms and culture and less in the isomorphic direction it took once the colonial imposition of Western hegemony forced all societies to follow the We rphalian ter- ritorial model. The Jesuit project of world evangelization was predicated on a vision of an open world system of societies. But the debate between Sanchez and Acosta concerning the evangelization of China indicates that their fundamental disagreement rested Oil the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the use of force t jus belli) to guarantee open access. VaJignano's method of accommodation presupposed the missionary's need to adapt to tbe cul- tura] habitus, civic customs. and political conditions of other civilizations, which were to be treated as equal to European civilization. Evangelization did not imply necessarily straightforward or unidirectional Europeaniza- tion. Western colonial powers reserved for thelllselves the use of gunboats ---- 278 Jose Casanova

to guarantee their right to commercial open access. But just as global iza- tion could have happened without imposing the Westphalian territorial state system, open world trade could have developed without the colonial imposition of unfair treaties that forced all Chinese walls to open. An analysis of the Jesuit story of globalization before the triumph of Western hegemony offers this most important lesson: Globalization did not need to happen through the imposition of Western modernization. Western modernity is a contingent historical process, not a functional necessity. It could have been otherwise. Thus, countering theorists of Western mo- dernity such as Anthony Giddens, one may insist that globalization is nor simply "a consequence of modernity," or "an enlargement of modernity, from society to the world," as if "modernity is inherently globalizing.'?" Globalization is neither Western "modernity on a global scale" nor neces- sarily Westernization. But in the end, the Jesuit alternative vision of a global human society was clearly defeated. All the accusations and stereotypes about Jesuit con- spiratorial politics, internal as well as external, converged and merged into the final suppression. The verdict was nearly unanimous: The jesuits were supposedly guilry as charged. Anti-Jesuitism was shared not only by Prot- estants, Jansenists, and enlightened philosophes alike but also by Catholic sovereigns, national Catholic hierarchies, national bourgeoisies. Carbolic religious orders, and even the papal curia. All four types of anti-jesuitism so eloquently analyzed by Sabina Pavone had now merged into one. Ul- timately nobody came to the Jesuits' public defense. Even the infamously polemicist jesuits accepted their cruel fate silently and obediently perinde at cadaver (in the manner of a corpse). Only by abandoning their hermaph- rodite status and becoming normal persons-either regular clergy, secular clergy, or laity-and then abandoning their interstitial transnational sta- tus and becoming normal subjects of some sovereign territorial state could the Jesuits escape their fate of becoming stateless displaced persons and refugees.

Lessons from the Suppression of the[esnits and Its Aftermath

The uncontested suppression of the Jesuits in the second half of the eigh- teenth century would seem to indicate that their global practices were in fundamental tension with all the ascending global forces: the triumphant structural forces of capitalist and Westphalian globalization that were be- ing carried our by North Atlantic Protestant powers; the alternative secu- lar cosmopolitan project of the Enlightenment, which thereafter would inform global educational systems; and even the two other Catholic mod- I -

_ J

el compeung ove-r the du-e uon 01 ·101 .II (. .1lh ,II • ,n n ..tIneh. rlur I nari nal Catholu ( hurchc c under rU\JI r.lHoru'(' rhe' equrv kn •• u he Protestant Er .....lI.lII 1 ,llIdnklr, he \('UlI'" una.ornt IUI1\nJuun.a1 ( chu lie regime LInder ("IHr,1111<.'

Propagation of'rh« Lurh 111 Itt:!.:! After the p.t!".11 rcvroranou ot Ihe \"( lel\ ul )(""'\U\ In I .... PC.' lht"

project (gloh.ll (',llh())I<.:J\l1llhrulIt:h lCn(fAIIIe'" RUt11.lIU/,Ulon te"nt.tIOC'tJ extant. The dCIl11\<" oft hc auc rcu r':~II11C Iud broultht Ill;.an end (h('"rro c of plural nanoual <:.1tholl(" Churchc .. unJc;or rO\JI p.ufon"g From nu\\ on, neither the liberal. vccu lnr. 0"110'1.11 ute; nor the V.Ju an \\;Quld coun- tenance such .1 proJe.:ct. "l hc Jc.·...UItc, had 10 ( "my .lutUflPIll\ rhev urI Hulf\.

had between their papal :lnd roy.al l'.ltronJ~c III rhe.·e.arl\ mad rfl er.l. 0\\ they truly became .1 {f.ll1\IUlIOll.l1 l'.lp.ll oNer (OO\',n ,nt:"i ;,arn-tnit the' project of uniform. !,lobal Catholic ROIll,nllJlIOn Jnd "flcn JjlJ'"'1 ,he emerging systcll) ofl1bcral dcmocraCl n.ltlon.lI r..lIC''' t Grc \·v de: u- ment in this volume. the rcslorcdJclOults n e J~~IO embrolced ~lob.aJ mo- bility. but they could hardly be vIewed J' ploneer!tl b,lizcl" ,n)' I nj,tCr. The dominant dynamic< f capltalile !tlobJlil tlon had taken a radical secular direction that the Jc Ults mo t often r I red. The renewed Jesuit global l1ussion \Va" now perceived. even b)t n1;an' .jth - lics. as a reaction to the he!'emolllc global h. tOrlc,1 r. ree' of political and . nationalism. and , As indicated before. this spirit of re.lStan estill gove the JesuJt to the nineteenth century some critical edge. By {he begmning fthe twentieth century, however, the Jesuits seemed to have accommodated both the na- tional and the bourgeois spirit. Leaving behind the pa toni frontiers, they had settled at the urban centers of national societie , running their presti- gious upper-middle-class educational institution. They al 0 had lost much of the transnational mobility that had made {heln suspect to tate power. They had largely accommodated to the establishment. However, in the second part of this volume, the cbapters analyzing contemporary perspectives make dear that since the 1960s theJesuits have been undergoing a new global transformation that parallels transfor.mations in global Catholicism that are in tune wirh the emergence ofa new global age_ As the chapters by Banchoff on higher education and by David HoJ- lenbach on Vatican II and its legacies denlonstrate. the Jesuits have again built an important globaJ networ~ with an active presence throughout the world, even though they are relatively DlUCh smaller, less central, and nlOre removed from the current hegemonic economic, political, and ideological forces of globalization. While the order's presence and relevance are clearly 280 Jose CasmJOlIa declining in the West, it remains significant in Latin America and is grow- ing in Africa and Asia. Today India has become the region with the largest number of Jesuits in the world. Though numerically small, they also have a symbolically relevant presence in East Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. Most significantly Jesuits today find themselves increasingly at the pe- ripheries rather than at the centers of globalization. Their mission has also been transformed and has become controversial again. In this connection, Maria Clara Bingemer's chapter 9 takes up the case of Liberation theology and the struggle for social justice embodied in the life and martyrdom of lgnacio Ellacuria, SJ. In the next contribution to the volume, Joseph Puthenkalam and DrewRau examine the experience of the Jesuit social apostolate in South Asia. And in chapter 11 Peter Balleis tracks the vital work of the Jesuit Refugee Service created by Fr. Pedro Arrupe in 1980. In these and other contexts, the writers show the mission of the Society of Jesus is being defined less by conversion and civilizatlon-that is, bringing the people on the margins closer to the center-and more by being a wit- ness and accompanying the people at the margins, or those who are being affected most negatively by contemporary processes of globaJization. Their mission is, in this respect, anti-systemic and against the current. They have regained a critical edge.

Lessons for Today in conclusion one may say that the story of the Jesuit project of early mod- ern globalization might still hold important lessons for us. Undoubtedly the practical experiment in Christian inculturation that the Jesuits, follow- ing Valignano's instructions, were willing to probe in japan, in China, and in the Madurai mission ultimately failed for a combination of geopolitical, civilizational, and ecclesiastical . But if one takes seriously the ar- gument that processes of globalization are contingent historical processes, not functionally necessary processes or consequences of modernity, then the most important lesson from the global story of the Society of Jesus is that different historical processes-that is, different outcomes in the Jesuit Christian encounter in Japan, China, and India-could have led to a dif- ferent age of globalization. One enters thereby into the highly problematic yet illuminating field of specula rive "what-if' stories. The merit of such a theoretical exercise or thought experiment resides not so much in its ability to construct rational social srruccures freed from any particular practical constraint but rather in its facilitating the critical reflexivity that is required to free ourselves from what Chades Taylor calls "the unthought"-that is, to allow us to

• III<1""'" ~ (MN/,.- - I reflect crrt nallv upon t hc deep. (Jk("n tor ~rJnl('1.1 flU CUfC't o. put en" n cpisrerm and IIH:t.lph\,\u,:.ll pre Urp(l,UHlIl\ Every dl.111)~H .11P(Oft ...... of Illl uhur.1Clun and c\ en deep .and open Inlet civilizat ion.il cmouutcr l rente the I'Cl' tl'-lIu~ teu \I h 'flU "f ",ftc- 1\ It, As we an: 1,·llll·f1Il~.1new, dec-entered gluhJ.I.l!'tc Att"r ~.crn hC}t monv, the Je urts' ~loh.d vrorv of dl.ll(l~H... 1 IIlCUhur.uU,l1l .JI..J pCdeep imer I\,.h tau nat encountcr-, vul! fOI1(.lIIl' valuable lc on lor u '0'\1 t ttl" I Or they grappled \\ Ith Jl1d their JHemp' to hnl! vublc «",IUlI"n I" Ihe ten- sions betwe ..en umvcrvaluv ~nJ p..lftlnll.:aruy. ,1mJ between the;"81ob.ll ,)ncJ the local. arc ,tlll with 1I\ crtainlv one (.111 C3\dy hear echocv ot the old Rue' -'ontf'O\"c"",c and of the ,'I1(1-)e\UI[ drarrtbcv III rhe follo\\'tnll di oursev "'emp<1r~1") debates between C(JlOmOp JUJn unlvcr",)h~t globilill and uhuull t pr - ponents of mulnplc modcrniuc and of'gl c3IiZJ,fion; d,s U'l "' oncern- ing the alle~ed ul1.ver

Notes 1. Roland Robertson, Globalization: Social Theory aud Global Culwre (London:

Sage, 1992). 2. Cf. Geoffrey C. Guno, First GlobalizatiOfl: Tile Eurasial/ Exchallge) 1550- 1800 (Lanham MD: Rowman & Litclefield, 2003); C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modem World. 1780-1914: Global C01111ecfiol/salld Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004); and C. A. Bayly, "'Archaic' and 'Modern' Globalization in the 282 Jose CaSafl0Va

Eurasian and African Arena, ca. 1750-1850," in Globalization ill World History, ed. A. G. Hopkins (New York: Norton, 2002), 45-73. 3. john W, O'Malley, Sj, Saints or Devils [llcamale? Studies ill Jesuit History (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 147-64; and john O'Malley, The First [esnits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 12. 4. Quoted in C. R. Boxer, The PortJlgllese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 (New York: Knopf, 1969),65; and Luke Clossey, "Merchants, Migrants, Missionaries, and Globalization in the Early-Modern Pacific,"joJlmal qfGlobaf History 1 (March 2006): 41-58. 5, Dauril Alden, The Makiflg oj all Enterprise: The Society oJjesus in PorfHgal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540-'/750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996). Also see C. R. Boxer, Tile Church Milita"t and iberian Expansion, 1440-1770 (Balti- more: Press, 1978).

6. As quoted in Alden, Maki"g oj all Enterprise, 668. 7. See also Sabina Pavone, The Wily jesuits and the Monita Secreta: Tile Forged Secret lnsuuctions oj the jesuits; Myfh and Reality (St. Louis: Institute of jesuit Sources, 2005). 8. O'Malley, First jesuits, 18. 9. Simon Ditchfield, "What Did Natural History Have to Do with Salvation? jose de Acosta Sj (1540-1600) in the Americas," in God's BOlillty? The Churches and the Natural World, ed. Peter D. Clarke and Tony Claydon (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2010),144-68. 10. Ignatius of Loyola and the Society of jesus, TI,e Constitutions vftlle Society of [esus, trans. George E. Gauss (St. Louis: Institute of jesuit Sources, 1970),66-67. 11. New historiography in the last two decades has challenged traditional in- terpretations. Cf.john W. O'Malley, Sj, Trelll and All That: Ref/amil/g Catholicism in the Early Modem Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000); jean Delumeau, Le Catholicisme eUfre Luther er Voltaire (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1971); and Robert Bireley, Sj, Tile Rifashiol/illg q{ Calhoficislll, 1450-1700: A Reassessment of the COl/iller Reformatioll (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1999). 12. R. Po-chia Hsia, Tile World oj Catholic Rel/euml, 1540-'1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 7. 13. Simon Dirchfield, Papacy & Peoples: The Makil/g of ROil/ail Catholicism as a I¥orld Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).

14. Emanuele Colombo, Convertise i musulmani : L'esperimza di 1/1/ gesuita spa- gnolo del Seicento (Milan: Bruno Mondadori, 2007); Emanuele Colombo, "jesuits and [slam in Seventeenth-Century Europe: War, Preaching and Conversions," in L'lsfal1l vista da occidente: Cuitura e refigiolle del Seicento ellropeo di [route all'Isfam, ed. Bernard Heyberger et a]. (Genoa: Marietti, 2009), 315-40; and Emanuele Colombo, "Jesuits, Jews and Muslims," Anhivwn Historicum Societatis lesu 79, no. 158 (2010): 419-26. 15. Luke Clossey, "An Edifying End: Global Salvific Catholicism," in Soiva- liOI/ QlId Globalizatiol/ ill the Early Jesuit Nlissiol/.S (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 238-57. Ill( l'n ", Pj U,>b.JI,·.,,,,, - \

16. O'Mallcv. S.IIt1" M /)rl""- 1'''-/ 17. SICVl,.'nj ll arrrv. ··\r1.lPPlll~JC'UU "'"ICIUe I he Rulc ()t rr \ocl In (he ('C'. ography fKnowlnit-tc."'11 f/u'}rulIlt C.,ltu,r ' . 1('11 r1, "J,M -{th. '"'0'""" .....'. ed. John W O'Mallcv .....J. c(.11 fhnonto UflI\C'f'\II\ of Toronc('J P,cu. lfr,cll. 212-40: and Mordcch.n J <'·II1~(lld. cd . .It' 'Ill . '("II(~ .",J 1/'( Rtr"ltIu It' 1..IIIrH ( ambridge. MA Mil Prcw. 10tH). 18. John W, Mover C( .11.. "\\'orld S(kICIY and .he .IUOIl ~t"IC.·· -I",,.,,...,,' jonmol t?f S')(/ll/~)' IOJ. no, 1 (July It)')? I..... 75 19. Robl'r(~on. C/(lb.,b~IHI(ltJ, 25 20. f. Anthonv I'agdc». ","Itt' hd'11( .""",r,d \1"" ntt .-I",CfU"" '"J"", tlud ,If, Or(,!i"s

Ull1110dd RillOS(imellto, POlltl!"a On'tntr f O((ine"te (J ome: IH 1,2008); M. An- roni J. Ucerler, 5J. ed.. hristiaflity ann C"lturcJ: Japt.m & Chi"a ill o"'Jk,riso", 1543-1644 (Rome: IHS1, 2009): Charles E. Ronan, J. and Bonnie B. .Oh, cds., East Meets I¥est: TheJesuirs in Chitw, 1582-1773 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988); Jacques Gernet. Chi11l1(wd the Christian I"'part: A or!.flitttifC"lwres (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Nicolas Standaerr. 5J, J\1ethodo/· og)1 in Vielll of COl/tact beaveell Cll/wres: The Chiua Case ill the 17th CIIWry (Hong Kong: The Chinese Universiry of Hong Kong, 2002); and Nicolas Standaert, L"'alltre" dOlls la mission: Lc(otls a partir de la Chi"e (Brussels: Lessius, 2003). 25. Jose de Acosta, 5J, De ProCllrallda I/ldomm Sn/ure 0 Predi(lld6" del £1'ollgeJio en las Indios (1588; repr., Alicante, Spain: Biblimeca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 1999). 26. On rhe Maryland plantations, see ThomasJ. Murphy, 5J,Jesuit S/ollclto/ding ;11MMyialld, 1717-'1838 (New York, Routledge, 2001). 27. Joan-Pau Rubies, "The Concept of Cultural Dialogue and rhe Jesuit Method of Accommodation: Between Idolatry and Civilization," Arcllivum His- toricrml Societatis IeslJ 74, no. 147 (2005): 237-80. 28. On the internal Jesuit disputes concerning missionary methods in India, see Ines G. Zupanov, Disputed MissiOIl:)esllit Experime'lls al/d Brallmallical K'lOlII!edge ill Swelileewll-Centllry India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999). 284 Jose Casanova 29. Jan ASSlnann, The Price ofMon-otheism (Stanford: Stanford University Press.

2010). 30. S. N. Balagangadhara, "The Heathen in His Blindness. .J!: Asia, the West and the Dyn.amic of Religion (Leiden: Brill, 1994) offers a comparative analysis of the encounter of ancient Christianity with Hellenic and Roman paganism and the Christian-European encounter with the religious "Other." 31. Ines G. Zupanov, Missionary Tropics: Tile Catholic Frontier ill India (16tll- 17th Centuries) (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005); Juan Carlos Estensso Fuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad: La illcorporaciol1de los indios del PerrI ro al catolidsmo (1532-1750) (Lima: Institute Frances de Estudios Andinos, 2003); and Aliocha Maldavsky, Vocaciones inciertas: Misioll y misiollCrosen la provincia jesuita del Penl en los siglos XVI y XVIl (Sevilla: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones

Cientificas, 2012). 32. The literature on the colonial encounter, , the emergence of the modern secular category of "religion," and the "invention" of the world re- ligions is immense and controversial. Cf Stuart B. Schwartz, ed., Implicit Under- stalldings: Observing, Reporting, alld Reflecting 011 the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples ill the Early Modem Era (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1994); Richard King, Orienta/ism and Religion: Postcolonial Tbeorv. India and "The Mystic East" (London: Routledge, 1999); Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Dis- cipline aI'Id Reasons of power ill Christiallity alld Islam (: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993); T0ll10ko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: Or, HOIIJ European Uniuersalistn Was Preserved ill the Lallguage ofPI/./ralism (Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press, 2005); Peter Beyer, ReligiollS in Global Society (New York: Routledge, 2006); and Peter van der Veer, The Modem Spirit of Asia: The Spiritual alld the Sewlar ill Cllina and India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014). 33. Urs App, The Birth ojOrielllalislll (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010). A majority of the names-more than two thirds-on App's list of early modern European Orientalists are jesuits. See also Lionel M. Jensen, Manu- facwrillg COl/fucia/lism: CI,illese Tradition alld Ulliversal Civilizatiotl (Durham, C: Duke University Press, 1997); Paul Rule, K'Jlttg-tZli or COI!filciflS?The jesuit inter- pretatioll ofCorifllcimlism (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986); D. E. Mungello, Curious Lal/d:jesuit Accollllllodatioll mId the Origills cif Sillology (Honolulu: University ofHa- wai iPress, 1989); Philip Caraman, Sj, Tibet: The jesuit Cell 1.11 r}'(St. Louis: Institute

of jesuit Sources, 1997); Trent Pomplun, A Jesllil 01'1 tile Rocifoftlle World: Ippolito Desideri's Mission to Tibel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Peter C. Phan. Missio» and Carecllesis: Alexandre de Ruodes alld Illwlt.lIraiioll ill Sevwteellt1,-Cetltury Vietnam (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1998); Roberto de NobiJi, Sj, PreaChitlg Wisdom 10 tlte Wise: Three Treatises by Roberto de Nobili, Sj., i\I!issioliary and Scllolar ill 17tl1 Cel/wry Illdia, trans. Anand Amaladass, 5j. and Francis X. Clooney, SJ (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2000); and Angela Barreto Xavier and Ioes G. I Zupano , eds., Catllolic Oriel/ta/ism: Portuguese EII/pire, Indiall K'lOwledge (16th-1811, v Ce1ltllries) (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2015). 34. R.ubies, "Concept of Cultural Dialogue," 270-80. I

1 35. H.lvh 11l1tlll'I,II(' \I,·J('", II ,·,IJ 36. lv.m ....If('II'I..I. 'he H.dl):lOU In (.Iul.llll'.aunll:· j,,"m,jl ,,'Ih~ lmok.tlf

Aradrm)'llJ /{dl.~I,'""'2, 11\1 \ (,21"1" tt\! ~2 37. Pcn-r ....1.1I1l.1Il)\. 11I~ (11'ftl"l I" (,I,.bt,1 IlutlloJIIJI",,,m, (m RrI,t'''''' I ntl If"'. mltl Adl'l)l,'I)" 'Nn' York ( ,uHhfld~(' UtH\cf'U\ Prt''U.1ut \) 38. Barb.ir.r AIIIl(' ( •. 111,,)11. 111("(.,"',.1'" .,,,In f"tU,h RJllt lit Ihi HI.' Jr I.. ''1",,, ( eanford ....t.lIlhm! UIll\'('r'lu) Pre '. 200\) 39. <')11Jt"1111POIIIII \, t j I )Pf1t Int~ue UeU r..locJ. \J. 1..J "..III'olur J( ",tut. 1~".14 ( J( Lo}'oltl; l'iJlldfrlt' W

Jesuits and the rim')' \ (-,m II.". k"'':J. C."IIW • .J"J C"'f(CI1f:' (".;Inlbnd.,:C' C.un bridge Uruvcrvu v Pre", :!O().\~, aud MJtl"u~ tomer. n,t P.·I",tJI d"J I:(c"',''"u Acti"llil'S I~It"t'Jr~UlI,( /II ,II, 1...., i>1.rroJRQ!ft'Il 11ft IIJ/If/"")l Lit .. (~Iud.holm' VllCOr Peterson- Boknuiuvt rt Aktl('h( ..b~. 19::t.3). 40. Prcrrc-Antomc I abrc and Carherrne bll"C r, ed' , 11 Autfj{JIIIIC'$.:DUl,"m, figures ct b£,II.\' tlt'/'lUl('iiJUrmmr a t'r/Je'q'Ir mt,dr,."r (RC'1U1C'; Pr(''t\C~ unIVCr'\!C.)lrc' de Renne ... 2tllO): !'ctN Uurkc, "The Black lq:end ofchc Jc UIU: All E Q' III the

History of~on.11 ~tl"reotyp(":' III Chri$",,,,,rr ilutl tt""IIl"utr III lile first. J,"Y-f for 101111 Ho,,)'. cd. Snllon n" hfield (Alder-hal. UK A hgale. _lIOI). 165-82. and Sl1~.l11.1 Monreal. Sahlflol Pavone. Jnd GutilerlOo Zenncno. cd .. A"'I)('slII- ri.smo y Jilf,fJlll(IS"Il): DC's ule,ttillddr$ ,,,,rr /a n-sllIflfI1rid" (MexIco It)f: UmvC'l3ldad Iber031m'ncana, 2(14). On thCJC50UICorgal1lZJtl n;ll ,truClUre. seC'MJfku"l: Fried- rich, Der IllI/,I!cI'lr", R,'ms? G/ob.,/,. t (n,'a/rlUIS! IHld KO",,,lIwikatlo1l im)tsmtl"'t1rdttl, 1540-073 (Frankfurt: Campuli. 201 I): and Markus friedrach." ommUnlCJuon and 13ureaucr;lcy 1 n the Early Modern ociecy ofJesu ," ZrirschnJtfiir /w'fi,urisd,r

RelteiotlS- fltlt/ RirrhCIIJ!Csrhidlll! 101 (2007): 49-75. 41. John Patrick Donnelly. J, "AntOnio PossevlOo's Plan for World Evangeli- zation." The Calholir Hisrorjral Re'l'iel" 74. no. 2 (April 19 8): 179-98. 42. Franz 13osbach. ,\Iotlarchia ",u'I'l~rsalis: Ei" politisc/ler Leitbtgriff der Imlre" ,"cuzei, (G6ttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 19 8). 43. Michela Cano, "Una cruzada contra 13 China: EI dialogo entre Antonio Sanchez y Jose de Acosta en [Orno a una guerrajusta al Celeste Imperio," in Wilde, Sabercs de Ja (oIlJlersioll, 441-63; and Ana Carolina Hosne, "Lo deseable y 10 po- sible: La vision y represent3ci6n de China en la obra de Jose de Acosta," Arthill",'1 Historicum Societatis [esII8l, no. 162 (2012): 481-514. 44. Harro H6pA, Jesuit Political ThOllghr: The Society of Jeslls and the SlateJ c. 1540-1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

45. Cited in Clossey, Salilatiofl alld GlfJbalizatiotlJ 254. 46. Anthony Giddens. The COIIseqHe'lCe5of Modemiry (Stanford: Stanford Uni- versity Press, 1990),29,63, and 177.