The Link Between Special Drawing Rights and Development Finance
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Organizational Framework of the G-77
17 CHAPTER 2 ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK OF THE GROUP OF 77 by Lydia Swart …neither the Western media nor Western scholars pay much attention to the multilateral policies and practices of the states variously described as the South, the third world, or developing countries. In particular, patterns of cooperation among these states in pursuit of common interests at the UN are often ignored or dismissed as of little consequence. Sally Morphet, 2004 Institutional Arrangements: UNCTAD The institutional arrangements of the G-77 developed slowly. In its first years, the G-77’s activities primarily coalesced around UNCTAD as it was regarded by the South as the key locus to improve conditions of trade for development and to form a counterbalance to the Bretton Woods Institutions dominated by the North. The G-77 focus on UNCTAD was so pronounced that until 1976—when it held a Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries—the group only convened high-level meetings in preparation for UNCTAD sessions. These ministerial meetings to prepare for UNCTAD started in 1967 at the initiative of the Group of 31, consisting of developing countries that were members of UNCTAD’s Trade and Development Board (TDB), represented by Ambassadors in Geneva.10 The first G-77 ministerial meeting in 1967 adopted the Charter of Algiers, which details the G-77’s programme of action but is rather short on internal institutional issues. It is only at the very end of the Algiers Charter that a few organizational aspects are mentioned. The G-77 decided to meet at the ministerial level as “often as this may be deemed necessary” but “always prior to the convening of sessions” of 10 Later referred to as preparatory meetings. -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
Economic Growth and the Pursuit of Inequality Reduction in Africa
Economic Growth and the Pursuit of Inequality Reduction in Africa Working Paper commissioned by the Group of 24 and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung New York October 2018 Haroon Bhorat and Karmen Naidoo1 This paper is part of the Growth and Reducing Inequality Working Paper Series, which is a joint effort of the G-24 and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung New York to gather and disseminate a diverse range of perspectives and research on trends, drivers and policy responses relevant to developing country efforts to boost growth and reduce inequality. The series comprises selected policy-oriented research papers contributed by presenters at a Special Workshop the G-24 held in Geneva (September 2017) in collaboration with the International Labour Organization and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, as well as relevant sessions in G-24 Technical Group Meetings. 1 Haroon Bhorat is Director of the Development Policy Research Unit and Professor in the School of Economics at the University of Cape Town. Karmen Naidoo is a PhD Candidate and Graduate Teaching Assistant in the Economics Department at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst, USA (formerly Senior Researcher at the Development Policy Research Unit, University of Cape Town). Abstract Economic growth across the African continent has remained robust in the post-2000 period. Despite the promising macroeconomic environment, poverty reduction has been slow and inequality has remained high while rising in some cases. The analysis in this paper shows that Africa’s average Gini coefficient is higher than that of other developing regions. The notion of a cluster of high-inequality African economies seems important to understand Africa’s higher levels of inequality. -
The IMF and the World Bank in an Evolving World
3 The IMF and the World Bank in an Evolving World This session fea tured two speakers from major countries who have played ac tive and important roles in their countries for many years. The first speaker was Manmohan Singh, the Finance Minister of India and one of the chief archi tects of lndia's recent economic reform program. He was followed by C. Fred Bergsten, the founder and Director of the Institute for International Economics and a fo nner Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Tr easury Department. After they addressed the global issues affecting the Bretton Woods institutions from their unique perspectives, the Chairman of the session-lıımberto Dini, Minister of the Tr easury of Italy-offered an overview and synthesis of the suggestions presented. The speakers then responded to a number of questions and com ments raised by other participants. Manmohan Singh When I was invited to speak at this conference, I accepted with great pleasure. Fiftieth anniversaries are festive occasions when old friends gather to relive pleasant memories, to rejoice and felicitate. I have been privileged, in various capacities in the Government of India, to dea! with the Bretton Woods institutions for almost half of the 50 years we are commemorating today. I have innumerable pleasant memories and old friends associated with these institutions and it is therefore a partic ular pleasure to be part of this celebration. Twoscore and ten years is not a very long time for historians, but it is time enough to reflect on the achievements of institutions and draw new blueprints for the future. -
Will the BRICS Provide the Global Public Goods the World Needs?
June 2014 Report Will the BRICS provide the Global Public Goods the world needs? Zhenbo Hou, Jodie Keane and Dirk Willem te Velde Global governance is a global public good that is undersupplied, and this harms development. Global decision making on trade, climate and finance issues has stalled over the last decade in part because of the rise of BRICS (Brazil Russia Indonesia China South Africa) vis-a-vis developed countries and the US in particular. The trade and climate change regimes share some similarities, with the WTO and UNFCCC processes both being democratic. Although the outcomes of recent negotiating rounds to formulate new global rules are viewed mildly positively, there remain a number of areas of unfinished business in both areas including major failings in climate mitigation. It is unclear whether or how these will be resolved in the near to medium future. The formulation of global rules for finance remains in its infancy and have been overtaken by the introduction of new products and technology. One could envisage that in the future progress on formal rule-making could proceed along similar lines to that of the global trade regime: with agreement on limited sectoral agreements which is being elaborated on overtime. The BRICS are increasingly pro-active in global governance processes. Whilst their willingness to engage is strong, they are yet to speak with one voice on specific issues. Their differences with the established powers have so far led to a vacuum in the provision of global governance public goods. Other groupings could act as a stepping stone towards global governance: the EU can be used to provide positive incentives in the area of climate negotiations, the G20 can be used to build trust in financial and monetary governance, and regional groupings are increasingly being used to govern trade. -
Developing Countries and the Politics of Sustainable Development
Developing Countries and the Politics of Sustainable Development By ADIL NAJAM Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering (1989), University of Engineering and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan Specialization in Negotiation (1994), Program on Negotiation at HarvardLaw School, Cambridge, Mass., USA Submitted to the Technology and Policy Program and the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of Master of Science in Technology and Policy and Master of Science in Civil and Environmental Engineering at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY June 1996 © Adil Najam, 1996. All rights reserved The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. Signature of author Technology and Policy Program May 15, 1996 Certified by FRED MOAVENZADEH, Ph.D. Professor of Civil and Environmental Engineering Director, Technology and Development Program Thesis Supervisor Accepted by RICH AREdT. NEUF'.ILLE, Ph.D. Professor o and Environmc:tal Engineering .Chairma MIT Technology and Policy Program Accepted by Accepted JOSEPIM.by SUSSMAN, Ph. D. J. R. East Professor of Civil and Environmental Engineering Chairman, Departmental Committee on Graduate Studies Developing Countries and the Politics of Sustainable Development BY ADIL NAJAM Submitted to the Technology and Policy Program and the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering on May 15, 1996, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of Master of Science inTechnology and Policy and Master of Science in Civil and Environmental Engineering ABSTRACT This thesis is about the political context in which global environmental policy decisions are made. -
Relations of Latin America and the Caribbean with India: a Window of Opportunity
Relations of Latin America and the Caribbean with India: A window of opportunity Extra-Regional Relations Regional Meeting on economic and trade relations of Latin America and the Caribbean with nations of the Pacific, India and Africa Caracas, Venezuela 9 and 10 October 2014 SP/RRRECALCPIA/DT N° 2-14 Copyright © SELA, October 2014. All rights reserved. Printed in the Permanent Secretariat of SELA, Caracas, Venezuela. The Press and Publications Department of the Permanent Secretariat of SELA must authorise reproduction of this document, whether totally or partially, through [email protected]. The Member States and their government institutions may reproduce this document without prior authorisation, provided that the source is mentioned and the Secretariat is aware of said reproduction. Relations of Latin America and the Caribbean with India: SP/RRRECALCPIA/DT N° 2-14 A window of opportunity C O N T E N T S FOREWORD EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 INTRODUCTION 5 1. Background 6 2. India within the international context 6 3. India’s basic profile: Territory, population and income 7 4. India’s economy and competitiveness 9 I. RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN 14 II. TRADE AND INVESTMENT 16 1. India’s international trade 17 2. Doha Round negotiations: Areas of common interest 21 3. Imports 26 4. Exports 27 5. Investment 28 III. INDIA’S INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 32 1. Coincidences in regional and multilateral organizations 32 2. Education and Innovation 38 3. SMEs 39 4. Tourism and transport 39 5. Environment and energy 40 IV. AREAS OF OPPORTUNITY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 42 1. Economic-trade area 42 2. -
8-11 July 2021 Venice - Italy
3RD G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETING AND SIDE EVENTS 8-11 July 2021 Venice - Italy 1 CONTENTS 1 ABOUT THE G20 Pag. 3 2 ITALIAN G20 PRESIDENCY Pag. 4 3 2021 G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETINGS Pag. 4 4 3RD G20 FINANCE MINISTERS AND CENTRAL BANK GOVERNORS MEETING Pag. 6 Agenda Participants 5 MEDIA Pag. 13 Accreditation Media opportunities Media centre - Map - Operating hours - Facilities and services - Media liaison officers - Information technology - Interview rooms - Host broadcaster and photographer - Venue access Host city: Venice Reach and move in Venice - Airport - Trains - Public transports - Taxi Accomodation Climate & time zone Accessibility, special requirements and emergency phone numbers 6 COVID-19 PROCEDURE Pag. 26 7 CONTACTS Pag. 26 2 1 ABOUT THE G20 Population Economy Trade 60% of the world population 80 of global GDP 75% of global exports The G20 is the international forum How the G20 works that brings together the world’s major The G20 does not have a permanent economies. Its members account for more secretariat: its agenda and activities are than 80% of world GDP, 75% of global trade established by the rotating Presidencies, in and 60% of the population of the planet. cooperation with the membership. The forum has met every year since 1999 A “Troika”, represented by the country that and includes, since 2008, a yearly Summit, holds the Presidency, its predecessor and with the participation of the respective its successor, works to ensure continuity Heads of State and Government. within the G20. The Troika countries are currently Saudi Arabia, Italy and Indonesia. -
Exchange Rate Statistics
Exchange rate statistics Updated issue Statistical Series Deutsche Bundesbank Exchange rate statistics 2 This Statistical Series is released once a month and pub- Deutsche Bundesbank lished on the basis of Section 18 of the Bundesbank Act Wilhelm-Epstein-Straße 14 (Gesetz über die Deutsche Bundesbank). 60431 Frankfurt am Main Germany To be informed when new issues of this Statistical Series are published, subscribe to the newsletter at: Postfach 10 06 02 www.bundesbank.de/statistik-newsletter_en 60006 Frankfurt am Main Germany Compared with the regular issue, which you may subscribe to as a newsletter, this issue contains data, which have Tel.: +49 (0)69 9566 3512 been updated in the meantime. Email: www.bundesbank.de/contact Up-to-date information and time series are also available Information pursuant to Section 5 of the German Tele- online at: media Act (Telemediengesetz) can be found at: www.bundesbank.de/content/821976 www.bundesbank.de/imprint www.bundesbank.de/timeseries Reproduction permitted only if source is stated. Further statistics compiled by the Deutsche Bundesbank can also be accessed at the Bundesbank web pages. ISSN 2699–9188 A publication schedule for selected statistics can be viewed Please consult the relevant table for the date of the last on the following page: update. www.bundesbank.de/statisticalcalender Deutsche Bundesbank Exchange rate statistics 3 Contents I. Euro area and exchange rate stability convergence criterion 1. Euro area countries and irrevoc able euro conversion rates in the third stage of Economic and Monetary Union .................................................................. 7 2. Central rates and intervention rates in Exchange Rate Mechanism II ............................... 7 II. -
A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries
ROBERT SOLOMON BrookingsInstitution A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries SINCE 1973, when the price of oil was raised very sharply,developing countrieshave incurredheavy debts. This paper looks at their abilityto carrydebt, firstby examiningthe balance of paymentsand externalbor- rowingof all developingcountries that are not oil producersin general.It then focuses on a group of ten advanceddeveloping countries that ac- count for the bulk of the borrowingfrom privatesources that has given rise to widelyexpressed concern. The analysisthat follows leads to an optimisticconclusion about the capacityof the ten countriesnot only to carrytheir presentdebt but to expand it. It does not follow that decisionmakersin private financial marketswill come to the same conclusion.Thus attentionis given also to supplementingprivate lending with resources suppliedby the Interna- tional Monetary Fund. Furthermore,questions are raised about what could go wrong-what internationaldevelopments could make the out- look less rosyfor the heavydebtors. The Enlargementof CurrentSurpluses and Deficitssince 1973 The current-accountsurplus for countriesof the Organizationof Petro- leum ExportingCountries and the correspondingdeficit of oil-importing countriesis being financedin large part by the creationof international debt. The OPEC surplus (on goods, services, and privatetransfers, the Note: I am grateful to George Henry, Goran Ohlin, Edwin Truman, the two dis- cussants, and the editors for helpful suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. 479 480 Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 2:1977 conceptused throughoutthis paper) increasedfrom $6 billion in 1973 to $67 billionin 1974;it fell to $35 billionduring the recessionof 1975, rose againto $41 billionin 1976, and is expectedto fall only slightlyin 1977.1 The membersof OPEChave been unableto sustainthe rapidincreases in importsof 1974 and 1975. -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
Introduction
Introduction One warm evening in 1963, hundreds of Nigerian citizens crowded outside the largest theater in Lagos. They were there to cram their way into the show adver- tised on posters overhead, “The British Council brings you Macbeth!” At the same time but several streets away, a group of ten men clustered around a market stand. Inside, the owner slowly tuned a transistor set, stopping only when the BBC world news began to fill the stand. Meanwhile, a hundred miles west, the same broadcast played in the Oxford University Press office, where an editor worked late. He was finishing his notes on a manuscript by the Nigerian author Wole Soyinka, the press’s latest discovery and proof—the editor believed—that there was still a place for British publishing in Africa. Together these snapshots capture the prevalence of British culture in one of Brit- ain’s former colonies. Three years after independence, one might expect Shakespeare plays and the BBC news would be rare in Nigeria. Yet, instead of disappearing, Brit- ish plays, broadcasts, and books not only remained but drew large audiences, like the crowds and listeners described above. Was this the encore to empire—a short performance of goodwill before a graceful stage exit? Or was it meant to be another act of a play that showed no sign of ending? Whatever British promoters imagined, the answer really depended on their audience—the playgoers, readers, and listeners across cities, towns, and villages in Britain’s former colonies. Were they on their feet, clapping and calling out for more? Or perhaps they had attended out of a mixture of curiosity and habit but now wished the performance would end so they could get on to other things.