The IMF and the World Bank in an Evolving World
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
International Governmental Organization Knowledge Management for Multilateral Trade Lawmaking Michael P
American University International Law Review Volume 15 | Issue 6 Article 6 2000 International Governmental Organization Knowledge Management for Multilateral Trade Lawmaking Michael P. Ryan W. Christopher Lenhardt Katsuya Tamai Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Ryan, Michael P., et al. "International Governmental Organization Knowledge Management for Multilateral Trade Lawmaking." American University International Law Review 15, no. 6 (2000): 1347-1378. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT FOR MULTILATERAL TRADE LAWMAKING MICHAEL P. RYAN' W. CHRISTOPHER LENHARDT*° KATSUYA TAMAI INTRODUCTION ............................................ 1347 I. KNOWLEDGE AND THE FUNCTIONAL THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION ........................................ 1349 II. INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AS KNOWLEDGE MANAGERS .... 1356 III. ORGANIZATIONAL THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT ...................... 1361 IV. INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT FOR MULTILATERAL -
A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries
ROBERT SOLOMON BrookingsInstitution A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries SINCE 1973, when the price of oil was raised very sharply,developing countrieshave incurredheavy debts. This paper looks at their abilityto carrydebt, firstby examiningthe balance of paymentsand externalbor- rowingof all developingcountries that are not oil producersin general.It then focuses on a group of ten advanceddeveloping countries that ac- count for the bulk of the borrowingfrom privatesources that has given rise to widelyexpressed concern. The analysisthat follows leads to an optimisticconclusion about the capacityof the ten countriesnot only to carrytheir presentdebt but to expand it. It does not follow that decisionmakersin private financial marketswill come to the same conclusion.Thus attentionis given also to supplementingprivate lending with resources suppliedby the Interna- tional Monetary Fund. Furthermore,questions are raised about what could go wrong-what internationaldevelopments could make the out- look less rosyfor the heavydebtors. The Enlargementof CurrentSurpluses and Deficitssince 1973 The current-accountsurplus for countriesof the Organizationof Petro- leum ExportingCountries and the correspondingdeficit of oil-importing countriesis being financedin large part by the creationof international debt. The OPEC surplus (on goods, services, and privatetransfers, the Note: I am grateful to George Henry, Goran Ohlin, Edwin Truman, the two dis- cussants, and the editors for helpful suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. 479 480 Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 2:1977 conceptused throughoutthis paper) increasedfrom $6 billion in 1973 to $67 billionin 1974;it fell to $35 billionduring the recessionof 1975, rose againto $41 billionin 1976, and is expectedto fall only slightlyin 1977.1 The membersof OPEChave been unableto sustainthe rapidincreases in importsof 1974 and 1975. -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
Introduction
Introduction One warm evening in 1963, hundreds of Nigerian citizens crowded outside the largest theater in Lagos. They were there to cram their way into the show adver- tised on posters overhead, “The British Council brings you Macbeth!” At the same time but several streets away, a group of ten men clustered around a market stand. Inside, the owner slowly tuned a transistor set, stopping only when the BBC world news began to fill the stand. Meanwhile, a hundred miles west, the same broadcast played in the Oxford University Press office, where an editor worked late. He was finishing his notes on a manuscript by the Nigerian author Wole Soyinka, the press’s latest discovery and proof—the editor believed—that there was still a place for British publishing in Africa. Together these snapshots capture the prevalence of British culture in one of Brit- ain’s former colonies. Three years after independence, one might expect Shakespeare plays and the BBC news would be rare in Nigeria. Yet, instead of disappearing, Brit- ish plays, broadcasts, and books not only remained but drew large audiences, like the crowds and listeners described above. Was this the encore to empire—a short performance of goodwill before a graceful stage exit? Or was it meant to be another act of a play that showed no sign of ending? Whatever British promoters imagined, the answer really depended on their audience—the playgoers, readers, and listeners across cities, towns, and villages in Britain’s former colonies. Were they on their feet, clapping and calling out for more? Or perhaps they had attended out of a mixture of curiosity and habit but now wished the performance would end so they could get on to other things. -
Reforming the Global Architecture of Financial Regulation: the G20, the Imf and the Fsb
CIGI PAPERS NO. 42 — SEPTEMBER 2014 REFORMING THE GLOBAL ARCHITECTURE OF FINANCIAL REGULATION THE G20, THE IMF AND THE FSB MALCOLM D. KNIGHT REFORMING THE GLOBAL ARCHITECTURE OF FINANCIAL REGULATION THE G20, THE IMF AND THE FSB Malcolm D. Knight Copyright © 2014 by the Centre for International Governance Innovation The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Operating Board of Directors or International Board of Governors. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution — Non-commercial — No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. 67 Erb Street West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 6C2 Canada tel +1 519 885 2444 fax + 1 519 885 5450 www.cigionline.org TABLE OF CONTENTS VI About the Author VI Acronyms 1 Executive Summary 1 Introduction 2 Post-crisis Policy Cooperation 3 The “Great Moderation” — 1985–2007 4 Economic and Financial Policy Cooperation in the Great Moderation 6 Limits on the IMF’s Authority over the Global Financial System 7 The Crisis and the First G20 Summit Meeting 9 Cooperation between the IMF and the FSB 10 The G20 and the Governance of International Cooperation in Macroeconomic and Financial Policies 11 Strengthening the Fund’s Surveillance of Member Countries’ Policies 12 Strengthening the IMF’s Analysis of How the Financial System Transmits Risks to the Macroeconomy 12 Clear Communication about Vulnerabilities and Policy Responses 13 What is the Future of the FSB? 14 The Future Role of the IMF in Financial Stability 15 Complexity and Cooperation 17 Leadership of the Global Economy — the Future of the G20 18 Conclusion 18 Works Cited 20 About CIGI 20 CIGI Masthead CIGI PAPERS NO. -
The Construction of International Regimes in East Asia: Coercion, Consensus and Collective Goods
THE CONSTRUCTION OF INTERNATIONAL REGIMES IN EAST ASIA: COERCION, CONSENSUS AND COLLECTIVE GOODS Mark Beeson A revised version of this paper was published in Sargeson, Sally (ed.), Collective Goods, Collective Futures in Asia, London: Routledge, 2002, pp 25-40. Abstract This paper employs theories of hegemony to explore the way the regional economic regime was reconstituted in the aftermath of the East Asian financial crisis of 1997. An important distinction is made here between realist and Gramscian notions of hegemony in the construction of international orders. I argue that while these perspectives are predicated upon very different assumptions about the way the world works, they both offer important insights about the development of the contemporary international political economy in East Asia. In the final section of the chapter I examine recent events in the region in more detail and consider their implications for the future of international relations more generally. It has become commonplace to observe that we live in an increasingly interconnected, not to say global era. While it is necessary to treat undifferentiated notions of ‘globalisation’ with some caution, international economic interaction in particular has clearly been accelerating. In such circumstances, the external environment within which international commerce occurs has become an increasingly important influence on both the activities of private economic actors and the more general domestic affairs of nations. The conduct of economic activity, both internationally -
Europe As International Actor: Maximizing Nation-State Sovereignty by Laurent Goetschel* Fellow for European Studies Swiss Peace Foundation P.O
Program for the Study of Ge7ll'l£11ly and Europe Working Paper Series #6.3 Europe as International Actor: Maximizing Nation-State Sovereignty by Laurent Goetschel* Fellow for European Studies Swiss Peace Foundation P.O. Box CH . 3000 Berne 13 spfgoetsche [email protected] Tel 41 31 311 55 82 Fax 41 31 311 5583 Abstract The continually increasing literature on foreign- and security-policy dimensions of the European Union (EU) has provided no remedy for the widespread helplessness in gaining a purchase on Europe as an international actor. The basic hindrance to understanding this policy comes from an all-too-literal interpretation of the acronym involved: the CFSP is understood as a total or partial replacement of the nation-states' foreign and security policy. This article aims to point the way to a new understanding of the CFSP in which this policy is not based on the integration of nation state foreign and security policy. I suggest that the proper way to grasp the phenomenon of the CFSP is to describe it as an international regime whose goal is to administer links between economic integration and foreign- and security policy cooperation in the sense of maximizing the sovereignty of member states. This requires, on the one hand, the prevention of "spillovers" from the economic area that could interfere with the foreign- and security-policy indepen dence of member states. On the other hand, it demands applying the EU's economic potential to reinforce the foreign- and security-policy range of member states. Due to the logic of this policy, CFSP priorities and fields of ac tion differ profoundly from those of a national foreign and security policy. -
The Group of Seven
The Group of Seven We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for finance ministers and central bank governors. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this for the power of the United States and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What influence do the G7 have on global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major work to address these fundamental questions. It argues that to understand the G7’s contribution to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the group’s activities in a context of ‘decentralized globalization’. It also provides original case study material on the G7’s contribution to macro- economic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. The book assesses the G7’s role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic trans-governmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7’s exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy-makers and financial journalists, this is the most comprehensive analysis of the G7 and financial governance to date. Andrew Baker is Lecturer at the School of Politics and International Studies at the Queen’s University of Belfast. He is the co-editor of Governing Financial Globalisation (Routledge, 2005) and has published in journals such as Review of International Political Economy and Global Governance. -
The G-20: a Pathway to Effective Multilateralism?
THE G-20: A PATHWAY TO EFFECTIVE MULTILATERALISM? Juha Jokela Chaillot Papers | April 2011 125 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) became an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, modified by the Joint Action of 21 December 2006, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/CSDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the EUISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a seminar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered by the EUISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/CSDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s website: www.iss.europa.eu Cover photograph: Dolls representing participating nations’ leaders displayed at the November 2010 G-20 Summit in Seoul. © Ahn Young-joon/AP/SIPA The original image has been modified. THE G-20: A PATHWAY TO EFFECTIVE MULTILATERALISM? Juha Jokela CHAILLOT PAPERS April 2011 125 The author Juha Jokela is the Programme Director of the European Union research programme at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA). -
1- September 2013 the CHINA QUESTION: CAN the RISE OF
-1- September 2013 THE CHINA QUESTION: CAN THE RISE OF THE MIDDLE KINGDOM BE ACCOMMODATED? Benjamin J. Cohen China is becoming a major player in the international monetary system. Whether measured by the size of its reserves, the role of its exchange rate, or the use of its currency, Beijing’s growing influence is unmistakable. The issue to be addressed in this chapter is: Can the proverbial Middle Kingdom be smoothly absorbed into the leadership ranks of the global system, or could it instead become a force for instability or even conflict? Call it the China question. The answer to the China question depends, in particular, on two critical factors. First is the issue of systemic flexibility. How adaptable are the institutions and procedures of global monetary governance? How easy is it for the monetary system to adjust to significant changes in the distribution of power? And second is the issue of China’s intentions. What do the Chinese want? Can Chinese preferences be successfully accommodated? Both factors are essential, and much rides on the outcome. Happily, historical analysis suggests that there is little problem on the first score. Other emergent powers in the past have been effectively absorbed without lasting disruption or -2- irreparable damage. On the second score, however, there may be more cause for concern, since we know so little about China’s strategic priorities. As a number of the contributors to this volume note, Beijing repeatedly sends mixed signals about its intentions. To say the least, its ultimate goals remain shrouded in mystery. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK The China question confronts us with two analytical challenges. -
ASEAN+3 Becoming More Like a Normal Regionalism?
2010-E-4 ASEAN+3: Becoming more like a normal regionalism? Takashi Terada Professor, Organization for Asian Studies, Waseda University February 2011 A revised version will be published as a chapter in Mark Beeson and Richard Stubbs (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Asian Regionalism, Routledge, 2011. Introduction The Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus Three (hereafter ASEAN+3) began discreetly in Kuala Lumpur in December 1997 as a symbolic sideline event marking the 30th anniversary of ASEAN. Malaysia, which held the ASEAN Chair, invited only three leaders from China, Japan and South Korea. It was believed that Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed finally had succeeded in materialising his long-cherished East Asian Economic Caucus (EAEC) plan, which had been strongly opposed by the US during the early 1990s. However, the inaugural ASEAN+3 Informal Summit Meeting was held in the midst of the Asian financial crisis, and Mahathir only proposed that the ASEAN+3 leaders meet in 1998. Vietnam, the next ASEAN Chair, also invited leaders from three Northeast Asian countries to the Hanoi summit, ensuring the further institutionalisation of East Asian regional cooperation. It was only after the ASEAN+3 Finance Ministers Meeting in Hanoi in March of 1999 that the term ‘ASEAN+3’ was widely used. Finally, the ‘Joint Statement on East Asia Cooperation’ was launched for the first time in history by the 13 heads of government at the 3rd Informal Summit Meeting in Manila in November 1999. The Statement broadly describes the aim of the ASEAN+3 meetings,1 but the fact that all leaders from East Asian states gathered and launched the joint statement as a collective voice for East Asia was critical symbolically.