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Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for

Spring 1981

Mulford And Bower: And History In The Early

William A. Bloodworth Jr. East Carolina University

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Bloodworth, William A. Jr., "Mulford And Bower: Myth And History In The Early Western" (1981). Great Plains Quarterly. 1875. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1875

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. MULFORD AND BOWER: MYTH AND HISTORY IN THE EARLY WESTERN

WILLIAM A. BLOODWORTH, JR.

With the exception of commentary on Owen was a box-office staple), the Progressive Era Wister and (1902), surprisingly was the breeding ground of the western. little has been written about popular western To understand the western in its early period published before world War 1. 1 Yet of development, we should direct our attention it was writers following in the wake of The away from Wister's high-toned , the end Virginian's popularity who really developed product of fifteen years' work with western and defined the mass- western of com­ materials, and restrain our urges to leap into mercial prospects and formulaic content. B. M. the purple landscapes and raging passions of Bower, Clarence Mulford, William McCleod . Two other writers, among the first Raine, and Charles Alden Seltzer prepared the to capitalize on the market Wister created, will way for the later and greater popularity of Zane serve our purposes better. These are Clarence Grey, whose books first became best-sellers Edward Mulford, who created Hopalong Cas­ between 1912 and 1917; for the prolific pro­ sidy, and B. M. (Bertha Muzzey) Bower, the ductions of pulp writers like Max Brand after only woman to become an important writer of 1918; and for the rise of the western fUm in­ westerns. Beginning from quite different points dustry. Although the early 1920s may be the -Mulford's stories born out of his juvenile first period when American interest in the fascination with dime novels and Bower's out popular western reached obsessive proportions of her own experience in the West-the two (Grey was then a regular feature on best-seller writers developed large readerships and pro­ charts, pulp publications like Western Story duced essentially formulaic novels with con­ Magazine were in full flower, and W. S. Hart siderable speed and facility. When Douglas Branch wrote The and His Interpreters in 1926, he named both Mulford and Bower William A. Bloodworth, Jr., is an associate (along with Rame and Seltzer) as "aristocrats professor of English at East Carolina Univer­ of cow-country " on "the seventy-five­ sity. He is the author of Upton Sinclair (1977) cent shelves.,,2 and several articles on the of the Both common and contrasting features of American West. Mulford and Bower are the subject of this

95 96 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1981 essay. In their exploitation of the western as a larities are what we would expect: an interest source of and their emphasis on themes in ranch life, the use of working cowboys as of community rather than true individualism, main characters (even in romantic plots), the they share qualities of innocence and nostalgia occasional appearance of eastern types for the reflecting the optimism of the Progressive Era. sake of contrast, a sense of western geography Beyond these shared qualities, Mulford and as simultaneously harsh and grand, and a good Bower demonstrate an essential choice between deal of factual attention to such matters as myth and history, a fork in the road of Ameri­ cattle branding and bronc busting. Somewhat can popular culture, that faced the western unlike The Virginian, novels by Mulford and during its first decade and has shown up fre­ Bower feature not only cowboys but also cows. quently in the later landscapes of the literary Yet as William Savage points out in his study of West. the cowboy hero, no one has ever portrayed the cowboy both "accurately and interestingly at the same time.,,4 Evidence for this fact in Mul­ COMEDY AND COMMUNITY ford and Bower lies in their most significant Especially when paired together, Mulford similarities: a perception of the West as a stage and Bower serve well to illustrate the develop­ for comic and an emphasis on collective ment and themes of the popular western be­ rather than individualistic social order in the tween The Virginian and world War I. To begin West. It took style and , of rather specific with, both were prolific writers. Mulford pub­ kinds, to make the cowboy a regular feature of lished six novels between 1906 and 1913, popular adult fiction. Bower fourteen between 1904 and 1916. Each Humor is an essential element-perhaps the continued to write after these years-Mulford essential element as far as popularity was con­ publishing his last novel in 1941 and Bower cerned-in virtually every book published by active until her death in 1940-but their essen­ Mulford and Bower. Both writers, but Mulford tial styles and were established long in particular, relied on humor of dialogue and before world War 1. 3 Furthermore, between . Their cowboys are funny; they josh 1902 and 1916, both published endlessly with one another and poke fun from almost exclusively, and both used the same Mexico to Montana. In Mulford's Bar-20 Days characters and for different novels. (1911), when and his side­ Mulford invented Hopalong Cassidy and the kick Red Connors are on the verge of extinc­ Bar-20 Ranch in West Texas; Bower's fame tion at the hands of renegade , we find grew out of her Flying U Ranch in north­ out that "no matter how desperate a situation central Montana and its "Happy Family" of might be, [HopalongJ could find in it some­ cowboys. In other words, Mulford and Bower thing at which to laugh. He laughed going into were formula writers, users of conventions danger and coming out of it, with a joke or a rather than literary innovators, who had a clear pleasantry always trembling at the end of his understanding of what their readers most appre­ tongue.,,5 "Chuckles and cowboy lingo," to ciated. That Mulford was a man who believed quote an advertising blurb, became more im­ in the values of male companionship and portant to Mulford in his later books than in Bower was a woman who felt some identity his early ones, but even in such a novel as The with her female characters may be an added Orphan in 1908, his cowboys are hardly the reason for paying attention to this pair of popu­ grim, silent type; when a gang of them turn up lar writers. for a meal at the sheriff's house, "a perfect Although it is the differences between Mul­ babel of words" ensues as "the cowboys burst ford and Bower that finally stand out, their into a running fire of jokes, salutations, and stories, taken together, indicate the general comments.,,6 Bower's westerns also emphasize appeal of early westerns. Many of the simi- the verbal cleverness of cowboys, particularly MULFORD AND BOWER 97 when it has a tongue-in-cheek flavor. In Flying than the individual. At one point in The Com­ U Ranch (1914), when the main character ing of Cassidy (1913) Red Connors describes stumbles into the bunkhouse after having been the unity among the Bar-20 cowboys: "People trussed from neck to knee with his own rope by have called us clannish, an' said we was a 'lovin' a couple of irate sheepmen-and thus resem­ bunch' because we stick together so tight. bling a giant cocoon-his closest friend quietly We've faced so much together that us of th' old observes, "I sure do hate to see a man wearing bunch has got the same blood in our veins. funny things just to make himself conspicu­ We ain't eight men-we're one man in eight ous." 7 As this example indicates, Bower's different kinds of bodies."l1 This group spirit humor often extends beyond dialogue to a is endlessly exemplified in the novels. Most playfully presented situational . In fact, significantly, Mulford's West lacks characters her best-known novel, Chip of the Flying U like Wister's Judge Henry or the feudal order (1906), is a kind of extended shaggy-dog story implied in The Virginian's careful distinctions in which the sexual identity of a Dr. Cecil between ranch owner, foreman, and cowboy. Grantham, a woman, remains a secret to the Bower likewise draws upon an equalitarian title character until the final pages of the story. cowboy paradigm, although her novels often The humor in these early stories provides a allow outside social forces and historical change genuine contrast to later westerns by other to with the male community of the writers whose work conveys a deeply serious bunkhouse. Her commitment to group values or an ever-present sense of danger. No­ explains several features of her fiction: the where in Mulford or Bower, for instance, can identification of the Flying U boys as a "Happy we find a tense, brooding character like Buck Family"; her willingness to make Duane in Zane Grey's Lone Star Ranger, who out of many members of that family; and suffers from a "haunting visitation . . . a re­ her emphasis on a pervading harmony in the morse gnawing at his vitals ... the furies of bunkhouse (which is somewhat rare among accusing guilt" after the first time he kills a western writers) in spite of personality traits man. 8 The tragic wildness of Dan Barry, in ranging from the morose pessimism of a punch­ Max Brand's Untamed series, which ultimately er named Happy Jack to the genial optimism of drives Barry's wife to kill him, is another exam­ one Weary Davidson. Furthermore, in both ple.9 More recent writers, like Bower and Mulford, when cowboys marry or Louis L' Amour, continued the trend away (as many eventually or temporarily do), they from humor and the early, almost blithe in­ not only remain cowboys but are often able souciance of . This difference suggests the to retain their bunkhouse relationships by innocence of early westerns, an innocence that bringing their wives into the social and work­ even extensive violence (in the case of Mul­ ing affairs of the ranch. In Bower this is possi­ ford) fails to diminish. 10 ble even if the wife is a medical doctor from The similarity in humor between Mulford . and Bower is mainly a matter of style. The Douglas Branch's description of what he other major similarity involves social content. believed cowboy life was actually like ("noth­ In novels by both Mulford and Bower the domi­ ing in the cowboy's society was more impor­ nant social order is not that of the lone rider, tant than the cowboy himself") does not but of the bunkhouse. This is especially clear entirely agree with what we find in the westerns in Mulford's Bar-20 series, in which most of the of Mulford and Bower; nor does the image of original Bar-20 punchers are given moments of cowboy individualism that pervades American literary glory as the central character of an epi­ advertising and popular music today.12 The sode or an entire novel. Even though Hopalong group values explicit in Mulford and Bower, Cassidy is recognized as a kind of hero among like their use of humor, can be read as a reflec­ heroes, the emphasis falls on the group rather tion of larger cultural attitudes, particularly 98 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1981

the Progressive Era's emphasis on democratic . action and the long-standing American belief in the virtues of masculine companionship. The popular western was certainly not an avatar of American individualism in its beginning, no matter what the genre later became. Its cultural significan~e lies less in images of restless roam­ ing or solitary knight-errantry than it does in the youthful conviviality of the bunkhouse.

MYTH VS. HISTORY

To see such similarities in Mulford and Bower, however, may either suggest casuistry or tend to subordinate their works to general trends. Literary history, even the history of clarence Mulford at work in his study in Frye­ burg, Maine. Courtesy of the Public Library, popular literature, quite rightly demands that Fryeburg, Maine. we pay homage to uniqueness. In the respective cases of Clarence Mulford and B. M. Bower, uniqueness may exist only within the limita­ arid Southwest. Here was one of the worst tions of mass appeal, but it exists nevertheless. collections of raw humanity ever broadcast And what it indicates is a fundamental differ­ in one locality; here the crack of the gun ence in the form, and to some extent in the would have sickened except that moralists meaning, of popular westerns. were few and the individual so calloused and The difference can be illustrated reasonably so busy in protecting his own life and wiping well by citing two passages, one from each out his own scores that he gave no heed to author. Both are opening descriptions of the the sum total of the killings; it was a word and a shout, a shot and a laugh or a curse.13 western setting in which the stories take place. The first one sets the stage for Hopalong Cas­ This is the West of William S. Hart's Hell's sidy (1910), Mulford's third novel: Hinges (1916), and it is the West that lives within the mind of the Swede in Crane's "The The raw and mighty West, the greatest stage in all the history of the world for so Blue Hotel." It is also the West of the dime many deeds of daring which verged on the novel, whose "most notable characteristic" insane, was seared and cross-barred with was a "plethora of violence,,;14 and as such it grave-lined trails and dotted with presump­ points directly to Mulford's own immersion in tuous, mushroom towns of brief stay whose wild West books in his youth.1S inhabitants flung their primal passions in The passage from Bower also opens a story, the face of humanity and laughed in con­ but in a fashion quite unlike Mulford's. It is descending contempt at what humanity had from The Flying U's Last Stand (1915): to say about it . . .. From the gold camps of the Rockies to Progress is like the insidious change from the shrieking towns of the coast, where youth to old age, except that progress does wantonness walked unchecked; from the not mean decay. The change that is almost vast stretches of the cattle ranges to the ever­ imperceptible and yet inexorable is much advancing terminals of the persistent rail­ the same, however. You will see a com­ roads, to the cow-towns, boiling and seeth­ munity apparently changeless as the years ing in their revels, no one section of the pass by; and yet, when the years have gone country ever boasted of such numbers of and you look back, there has been a change. genuine bad-men . . . as the great, semi- It is not the same. It never will be the same. MULFORD AND BOWER 99

Whereas Mulford's stories seem informed by the kinds of settings and plots found in earlier dime novels, Bower's represent a willingness to allow history itself a role in shaping character and events.17 Bower's sense of history reflects her own experience in the West. Born in Min'nesota in 1871, she moved to Chouteau County, Mon­ tana, in early childhood; in adulthood she lived in Idaho, Nevada, and California. IS Unlike Mulford, who was born in Illinois in 1883 but moved east to Brooklyn, where he learned of the West through books, Bower had first­ hand knowledge not only of the ranching fron­ tier but also of developments elsewhere in the West. Mulford never crossed the Mississippi until 1924, when he was thirty-seven years old and already a household word among readers of westerns. Nor did he particularly like what he saw when he finally went west.19 The fundamental difference between Mul­ ford and Bower, then, is a difference between myth and history, and this difference can be seen not only in their words but also in the ways that each came to know the West: one as B. M. BOWER a literary presentation and the other as a propo­ Courtesy of William A. Bloodworth, Jr. sition of actual experience. Perhaps the dif­ ference has something to do with sexual roles, too. The woman who grew up in the West was, quite simply, more concerned with social It can pass through further change, but it change than was a -prone man in Brook­ cannot go back. Men look back, sick some­ lyn.20 times with longing for the things that were Lest we open a Pandora's box of definitions, and that can be no more; they live the old days in memory- but try as they will they we need to explain carefully the polarities of may not go back. With intelligent, persistent myth and history as the terms are used here. effort they may retard further change con­ By linking Mulford's stories with myth I wish siderably, but that is the most that they can to draw attention primarily to their form. hope to do. 16 Mulford wrote stories that are mythlike in setting, characters, and action. His westerns Here I have stacked the deck by quoting one have narrative features that imply a radical of the few Bower novels that begin with an disjunction between them and the realistic expository passage. My purpose in doing so is experience of place, time, and personality; to make clear her sense of change and history. his fiction is free of many of the restraints Her setting, not only in The Flying U's Last (including the force of historical change itself) Stand but in virtually everyone of her novels that human beings ordinarily recognize in the written before 1915, is not the mythical West actual world. of good men versus bad; rather, it is the his­ Bower, in contrast, wrote stories that recog­ torical West of change and development. nize restraint, particularly that imposed by 100 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1981 historical change. Mulford, who maintained a one in between. The reputation he builds for keen interest in factual minutiae and fIlled his Bar-20 cowboys could hardly be more thousands of notecards with information, mythic: they are "the most famous of all from nevertheless created a West not of history but Canada to the Rio Grande ... the most restless of stasis. 21 Bower wrote of a changing West. gang of daredevil gun-fighters that ever pounded This fact does not make her a literary realist, leather.,,25 In the case of Hopalong Cassidy but it does identify her efforts to reconcile himself, the character exudes a Shane-like sense the patterns of formula in the early western of power even when he fIrst appears, at age with the patterns of social change in her own nineteen, known only as Bill Cassidy: "The air lifetime. To clarify the differences between seemed to be charged with danger. ... The guns Mulford's mythic westerns and Bower's far proclaimed the gunman as surely as it would more historical ones, we can examine three have been proclaimed by a sign.,,26 specifIc points of comparison: the authors' Bower's cowboys are not legendary. They depiction of time and landscape, their char­ are well known in their area and respected for acters, and their treatment of violence. their cowpunching abilities but have no status Mulford's setting in his early novels is always at all as . Whereas Hopalong Cassidy the legendary past, never even the recent past, is a two-gun man of extraordinary skill, Chip of and his landscape is an imaginary Southwest. the Flying U doesn't even carry a six-shooter. Although Mulford apparently went to great But it is Bower's women, not her male char­ pains to ensure the accuracy of topographical acters, who most reflect her tendency toward features, he felt completely free to draw in history rather than myth. There are women in marauding bands of Apaches or organized the novels by Mulford, but they tend to be gangs of rustlers wherever needed. And in either prostitutes who should be avoided, fair the heat of chasing Indians, Mulford's cow­ young daughters of the West who can't be boys have little trouble beginning in Texas avoided, or wives whose primary skills lie in and ending up in .22 His is a neo­ making cowboys drool over their pies. In any Homeric world of great mobility and pitched case, Mulford makes only what use of women battles. he must and then returns to the boys and their Bower's stories take place in the present or, battles as quickly as he can. Bower brings at the most, only a few years in the past. women to her West and often makes them the Cameras-Kodaks by name-appear with some center of attention. In Chip of the Flying U, frequency in her West, as do other material for instance, Della Whitmore travels to Mon­ signs of progress. Several of her westerns even tana to live on her brother's ranch; there she deal with Hlmmaking on location. 23 The set­ quickly adapts and makes more things happen tings are apparently the places Bower herself than does the male title character. Lonesome knew: Chouteau County, Montana; Albuquer­ Land (1912), perhaps the most serious of que; Portland; and . Roaming is Bower's stories, tells of an eastern woman who kept pretty much to the local vicinity, and marries her fIance, who had moved to Montana roaring conflicts are rare. The land itself im­ three years before, only to fInd that he has poses restraints on Bower's characters more become an alcoholic; the West defeats her than it does on Mulford's, as do the facts of husband, but it toughens her to the point historical change. Bower's cowboys must fence where she demands a divorce.27 Other exam­ in their range, whereas the Bar-20 gang lashes ples would illustrate that Bower's women, out against history by cutting the wires strung although without great complexity, serve as legally across their trail.24 connecting links to historical reality. In The The people are more important than the Flying U's Last Stand, for instance, a real places in the early western. Mulford's char­ estate agent who tries to locate gullible home­ acters are usually typed as good or bad, with no steaders on arid Montana soil happens to be a MULFORD AND BOWER 101

fight catalogs "the ruined furniture, a wrecked bar, seared and shattered and covered with blood; bodies as they had been piled in the corners"; and other debris. 28 The carnage beats anything in Max Brand (where in Singing Guns, for instance, the hero fires only two shots, killing no one) and out-bloodies both and the and The Long Riders.29 Furthermore, it is such violence that establishes the reputations of Hopalong Cassidy and his cohorts. Unlike virtually every other western writer, Mulford never gives his heroes reason to regret their status. Yet violence of Mulford's kind-always success­ fully directed at "bad" men but still inconsider­ ate of human life-is virtually synthesized with his cowboy humor, his lingo and chuckles. Jokes are fired off intermittently with bullets. In Bower there is almost no violence. Guns are mainly kept in the bunkhouse and only occasionally used on animals or for the sake of show. At times Bower almost parodies the violence typical of the and of Mul­ ford. In Chip of the Flying U, for instance, the cowboys agree to stage a mock lynching in order to frighten Della Whitmore into leaving William Boyd (Hopalong Cassidy), left, and Montana (her intelligent feminism-she's a clarence Mulford in the early 1950s. Courtesy doctor-being perceived immediately as a threat of the Public Library, Fryeburg, Maine. to their bunkhouse ethos). In The Virginian lynching is a matter of almost incomprehensible cruelty to Molly Wood; she can hardly think woman and serves more or less as the villain of about it, much less see it. In Bower's story the novel. lynching is not only reduced to pretense, but Perhaps the most intriguing point of com­ it is a sham that Della sees through completely. parison between Mulford and Bower is their Her knowing response is "Hurry up . . . so I treatment of violence. Conventional knowledge can be in on the death. ,,30 has it that violence is the hallmark of the The quality and presence (or absence) of western, with blazing six-guns its most promi­ violence in westerns by Mulford and Bower nent feature. In Mulford this generalization is leads to a curious, paradoxical conclusion. inescapably true. The violence in his novels is In Mulford the portrayal of the West as a place Homeric in scope. Bar-20, for instance, his first of lead-slinging and death actually negates the book, contains at least sixteen different shoot­ meaning of what he describes and reduces the ing scrapes. The most important fight is a emotional impact of the violence. The shoot­ shootout in the town of Buckskin where the ings, woundings, and dyings in novels like The Bar-20 boys gun down the C-BO, a conflict of Orphan and Hopalong Cassidy convey little such proportions that it becomes a matter of sense of reality beyond that of an aesthetic or cherished in later Mulford stories. The mythical projection; they seem hardly account­ description of a wrecked barroom after the able to the facts of real life as those facts are 102 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1981 ordinarily understood. The slugs that plow into life-did not always survive, for the cowboy the badmen (ruthless rustlers, renegade Indians, hero later often drew upon the caricature of conniving greasers, and other stereotypes) in the solitary knight-errant, the isolato, the gun­ Mulford's stories-including the 550-grain bul­ man qua gunman. lets of the Sharp's buffalo rifle that Hopalong Perhaps Mulford's most significant contribu­ uses with unerring accuracy-pass by the reader tion to the popular western was the static with little effect. Bower shows a general hesi­ quality of his setting, the West as mythic in tancy to engage in , to make the form, the violently active yet frozen in West "spectacular without being probable," time between wildness and order. It was also as one of her women says;31 thus the author this quality of the popular West that contrib­ makes sure that her few isolated scenes of uted not only to its appeal but also to its use­ violence will indeed make an impression. fulness as formularized narrative. Freed from the restraints of change, stories could continu­ The common features of Mulford and Bower ally begin again, even on a weekly basis. In this -their view of the West as comic and their lack respect, it is appropriate to note the ironic of interest in seeing cowboys as paragons of disgust that Mulford felt when William Boyd individualism, along with evocations of nostal­ became Hopalong Cassidy in movies and on gia and innocence-locate the roots of the television. No longer the rough-and-tumble western in the Progressive Era and may help cowboy of Mulford's books, Hoppy on the identify attitudes of that period. To avoid sim­ screen was a polite, white-haired ranch owner. plifying history, however, we must note that "Bill Boyd isn't Hopalong Cassidy," Mulford Mulford and Bower were "of the Progressive once said.33 William Savage reports a rumor Era" but not necessarily "Progressive" in any that Mulford actually fainted when he first specific social or political sense. (Even Bower, saw. Boyd on the screen. "Smelling salts re­ who recognized social change and sometimes vived him then, and the money he made from sought to reconcile it with themes of nostalgia the cinematic versions of his work sustained and romance, is not likely to be mentioned in him later. ,,34 the same breath with Jane Addams or Margaret Identifying Bower's descendants among the Sanger.) Early westerns merely illuminate ten­ later manifestations of the western is more dencies at work in popular culture and show difficult. Her combination of historical aware­ that the times were congenial and supportive. A ness, infrequent violence, and women on the point that Richard Etulain has made-that the range seems to have lost favor after World War West "symbolized a simpler or more primitive I-or to have drifted into the hands of more and pristine past that many Progressives wished serious writers like Conrad Richter. Bower to retain" -needs little revision. 32 herself began to move away from westerns The respective trails of myth and history in after the war. As the ranching frontier receded early westerns by Mulford and Bower are less into the past, so did her interest in the kind of important as reflections of their times than as stories that had made her popular, for she forerunners of what followed. Mulford's mythic wrote best of a West in process, not a static inventiveness seems to have won out in later West. And as the distance between the frontier forms of the genre, particularly in the pulp and American readers increased, accelerated by westerns of the twenties and the thirties. His war and rapid social change, so did the pros­ good-versus-evil dichotomy, along with his pects for transforming history into myth. unabashed interest in violence of near-homi­ cidal magnitude, was picked up by Zane Grey NOTES and other writers. The genuine grit in his writings-the facts of cowboy work, the bunk­ 1. Detailed critical discussion of specific house joshing, the sweat and smells of ranch authors and books, except for Wister and The MULFORD AND BOWER 103

Virginian, is particularly hard to come by. 7. B. M. Bower, Flying U Ranch (New Single-chapter surveys dealing briefly with York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1914), p. 116. many writers are the rule. These appear in 8. Zane Grey, The Lone Star Ranger (New Douglas Branch, The Cowboy and His Inter­ York: Harper and Brothers, 1915), p. 36. preters (New York: D. Appleton, 1926); Joe 9. The Untamed series includes The Un­ B. Frantz and Julian Ernest Choate, Jr., The tamed (first published in serial form in 1918), American Cowboy: The Myth and the Reality The Night Horseman (1920), and The Seventh (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955); Man (1921). Russel B. Nye, The Unembarrassed Muse: The 10. The cultural innocence described by Popular Arts in America (New York: Dial Press, Henry F. May in An End to Innocence: A 1970); C. L. Sonnichsen, From Hopalong to Study of the First Years of Our Time, 1912- Hud: Thoughts on Western Fiction (College 1917 (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1959), Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1979); especially the absence of conscious irony and and John Milton, The Novel of the American felt ambiguity, is also that of the early western. West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, David B. Davis's "Ten-Gallon Hero," American 1980). Nye's is the best survey. John Cawelti, Quarterly 6 (Summer 1954): 111-25, describes in both The Six-Gun Mystique (Bowling Green, the early cowboy hero as "pre-adolescent," Ohio: Popular Press, 1971) and Adventure, "light-hearted," and "placid" -that is, the em­ Mystery, and Romance: Formula Stories as bodiment of American of innocence. Art and Popular Culture (Chicago: University 11. Clarence E. Mulford, The Coming of of Chicago Press, 1976), provides penetrating Cassidy (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1913), p. analyses of both the form and the social and 211. psychological implications of the western; but 12. Branch, The Cowboy, p. 157. William in so doing he blurs distinctions between print Savage, in discussing the image of the cowboy and film and fails to discuss any early westerns in popular music, says, "Good or bad, right or besides The Virginian. wrong, he determines his own fate, and no one 2. Branch, The Cowboy, p. 238. else-no individual, no institution-successfully 3. By focusing only on westerns written intervenes"; see The Cowboy Hero, p. 93. between 1902 and 1916, I do not mean to 13. Clarence E. Mulford, Hopalong Cassidy imply that Mulford and Bower were unimpor­ (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1910), pp. 1-2. tant later. Mulford not only published such 14. Daryl E. Jones, "Blood 'n' Thunder: well-known westerns as Johnny Nelson (1920) Virgins, Villains, and Violence in the Dime and Me an' Shorty (1929) in the twenties, but Novel Western," Journal of Popular Culture 4 he lived until 1956, long enough to see Hopa­ (Fall 1970): 507. long Cassidy cleaned up and transformed 15. Joseph A. Perham, in "Reflections on into a movie and television hero. Bower wrote Hopalong Cassidy: A Study of Clarence E. throughout the twenties and thirties, often Mulford" (M.A. thesis, University of Maine, experimenting with other popular genres 1966), quotes one of Mulford's high-school besides the western. Both writers drew their classmates to show exactly how influenced inspiration from the first decade of the century, Mulford was by dime novels: "He was not however, and should be seen primarily as exam­ studious. He would sit there with one of those ples of the popular culture of the Progressive old five-cent paper-back, wild-west books­ Era. , -inside his school book 4. William W. Savage, Jr., The Cowboy and read them throughout the study periods. Hero: His Image in American History and Cul­ He kept the desk so crowded with them that ture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, there was scarcely room for anything else" 1979), p. 113. (p. 2). 5. Clarence E. Mulford, Bar-20 Days 16. B. M. Bower, The Flying U's Last Stand (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1911), p. 157. (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1915), p. 1. 6. Clarence E. Mulford, The Orphan 17. By doing so, Bower follows Wister's (New York: Outing Publishing Co., 1908), interest (in The Virginian, at least) in depicting p.299. the western hero as capable of responding to 104 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1981 historical change; by the end of The Virginian 1934 when an astronomer friend mentioned the hero is a coal baron, whereas the villain, the possibility of Mulford's accompanying a Trampas, who cannot change with the times, is scientific team to Borneo, Mulford immediate­ dead. Bower's awareness of historical change ly visualized his role: " ... that of camp guard. and her willingness to make change a part of There are tigers, panthers, leopards, anacondas her westerns should be understood as somewhat and scores of venomous snakes in Borneo, not different from simply using historical events to mention head-hunters" (quoted by Perham and figures. For example, Ernest Haycox's in "Reflections on Hopalong Cassidy," p. 27). much later desire to write a "meaty, detailed, 21. According to Perham, "Reflections on panoramic novel" suggests other motives. Hopalong Cassidy," pp. 40-46, Mulford com­ Haycox's words are quoted in Richard W. piled ten thousand handwritten notecards. Etulain, "The Literary Career of a Western 22. This occurs in both Bar-20 (New York: Writer: Ernest Haycox, 1899-1950" (Ph.D. A. L. Burt, 1907) and Bar-20 Days. diss., University of , 1966), pp. 122-23. 23. Perhaps Bower's sense of historical 18. Bower was born Bertha Muzzey. The change is clearest of all in those novels where first of her three husbands was Bower. She filmmakers suddenly turn up on location in divorced Bower and became Bertha M. Sinclair ranching country: she seems not only to under­ about the time she started writing westerns, stand that the reality of western life is becom­ thus making "B. M. Bower" a kind of pseu­ ing a matter of celluloid images but also to donym that was often taken to be the name of welcome the transformation as a source of new a male author. Three publications, all appear­ ideas for her fiction. Jean of the Lazy A (Bos­ ing in 1973, comprise virtually all that has been ton: Little, Brown, 1915) is her most interest­ written about the life of this fascinating and ing novel in this respect. skillful American woman writer: Roy W. 24. The wire cutting takes place in Bar-20 Meyer's "B. M. Bower: The Poor Man's Wister," Days. In contrast, Bower's plots sometimes Journal of Popular Culture 7 (Winter 1973): develop out of the accepted facts of fenced 667-79; Orrin A. Engen's Writer of the Plains pastures and leased land. (Culver City, Calif.: Pontine Press, 1973), a 25. Mulford, Bar-20, p. 51. 56-page pamphlet; and Stanley R. Davison's 26. Mulford, The Coming of Cassidy, p. "Chip of the Flying U: The Author Was a 149. Lady," },iontana, the lvlagazine of Western 27. B. M. Bower, Lonesome Land (New History 23 (Spring 1973): 3-15. Professor York: A. L. Burt, 1912). Davison, of Western Montana College, informs 28. Mulford, Bar-20, p. 74. me (in a letter of November 23, 1980) that 29. Mulford's violence may represent an ex­ Bower's papers, especially any information per­ ception to John Cawelti's assertion that "the taining to her marriages, were probably de­ most important implications" of the "killing stroyed after her death by members of her procedure" in the western are "the qualities of family. reluctance, control and elegance which it 19. Mulford's trip is described in Perham's associates with the hero." See The Six-Gun thesis as "a tiring and disappointing experience Mystique, p. 59. for Mulford. He was very happy when it ended, 30. B. M. Bower, Chip of the Flying U (New and he never went back" (pp. 15-16). Mul­ York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1906), p. 32. ford's response supports my contention that, 31. Bower, Jean of the Lazy A, p. 219. for him, the West was a mythic or aesthetic 32. Richard W. Etulain, "The Historical projection that was most satisfactorily en­ Development of the Western," Journal of countered in books. Popular Culture 7 (Winter 1973): 719. 20. Perham indicates that Mulford often 33. Quoted in Perham, "Reflections on developed fantasies involving guns, which he Hopalong Cassidy," pp. 51-52. avidly collected and experimented with. In 34. Savage, The Cowboy Hero, pp. 146-47.