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Order Number 8726582

Chiang Wen-Yeh: The style of his selected piano works and a study of music modernization in and

Kuo, Tzong-Kai, D.M.A.

The Ohio State University, 1987

Copyright ©1987 by Kuo, Tzong-Kai. All rights reserved.

UMI 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

CHIANG WEN-YEH: THE STYLE OF HIS SELECTED

PIANO WORKS AND

A STUDY OF MUSIC MODERNIZATION IN JAPAN AND CHINA

DMA. Document

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Musical Arts in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

by Tzong-Kai Kuo, B5., MA.

*****

The Ohio State University

1987

DMA. Document Committee: Approved by

Gordon Wilson, DMA., Adviser

Jerry Lowder, D.M.A., Co-Adviser

Donald Gren, D.MA. Gordon Wilson, Adviser School of Music Copyright by Tzong-Kai Kuo 1987 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my deep gratitude to Dr. Jerry E. Lowder for giving generously of liis time, effective advice, and patient encour­ agement in the preparation of this document

I am sincerely grateful to Mme. Ming Tcherepnin for providing invaluable sources, information, manuscripts, and permission to quote from the copyrighted works of Tcherepnin and Chiang Wen-Yeh.

Gratitude is also expressed to Dr. Kuo-Huang Han, Dr. Chi-Jen Chang,

Mr. Hsing-Chang Liau, and Mrs. Su Pan for providing the music man­ uscripts, tapes, records, and source materials for this study.

Special gratitude is also expressed to Professor Earl Wild, my present piano teacher, for his inspiring and witty teaching and invaluable insights of music, in the preparation of my doctoral recital. Deep grati­ tude is also expressed to Professor Tetley-Kardos, my former piano teacher and adviser, for his subtlety of teaching and expertise of tone production in the preparation of my doctoral recitals.

I wish to thank Dr. Gordon Wilson, my present adviser, and other

Faculty members. Dr. Rosemary Platt, and Dr. Donald Gren, for their

helpful suggestions for this document I should also like to thank

Dr. Ann K. Blombach for her analysis courses and for providing the

computer devices for the preparation of this document - ii - Very deep thanks are expressed to my parents who helped to trans­ late the Japanese sources and set type for the Chinese characters, and to Chia-Huei, my wife, who helped to collect the sources. I am indebted to them for their endless love, support, and encouragement

m - VITA

May 2, 1950 Born: Hua-Lien, Taiwan

June, 1974 B.S. in Psychology, Chung-Yuan Umversity, Chung-Li, Taiwan

1974 - 1976 First violinist in Demonstration Orchestra of Ministry of Defence, Taipei, Taiwan

1976 - 1977 Teaching Assistant in Tunghai University, Taichung, Taiwan

Autumn 1977 Music Therapy and Education, Kansas University, Lawrence, Kansas

1978 - 1980 M.A. in Piano Performance, Eastern Illinois University, Charleston, Illinois

1980 - 1983 Full-Time Piano Faculty, Department of Music, Tunghai University, Taichung, Taiwan

1983 - 1987 Doctoral Study in Piano Performance, Teaching Associate, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

- IV - FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Piano Performance

Studies in Piano Performance Professor Earl Wild Professor Tetlev-Kardos

Studies in Piano Literature Dr. Rosemary Platt

Studies in Piano Pedagogy Dr. Jerry E. Lowder

Studies in Music Theory Dr. Ann K. Blombach

Studies in Music History Dr. Burdette Green

Recital dates:

February 28, 1985 Solo recital

April 29, 1985 Chamber recital

November 10, 1985 Concerto recital

April 12, 1987 Solo recital

V - TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ü

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF TABLES...... v ü

LIST OF FIGURES ...... viü

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

RATIONALE...... 1 PROBLEM ...... 3 PURPOSE...... 6 LITERATURE AND RESOURCES ...... 6 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY ...... 9 LINGUISTIC PROBLEM...... 9

n. CHIANG VTN-YEH'S LIFE AND IMPORTANT WORKS ...... 11

HIS CHILDHOOD...... 11 EDUCATION IN JA P A N ...... 13 SINO-JAPANESE W A R ...... 19 BACK TO C H IN A ...... 21 THE ANTI RIGHTIST MOVEM ENT...... 25 THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION ...... 27 LIFE AFTER THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION ...... 30

- VI - III. THE MUSIC ENVIRONMENT OF CHIANG VŒN-YEH . 32

THE MUSIC ENVIRONMENT IN JA P A N ...... 33 Historical B ackground ...... 33 Early Experiences ...... 35 Chiang Wen-Yeh's Musical Environment in Japan ...... 35 THE MUSIC ENVIRONMENT IN C H IN A ...... 49 The Historical Background Before 1938 ...... 49 The Contact Stage (1600-1876) ...... 49 The Acceptance Stage (1877-1926) ...... 52 Assimilation and Professional stage (1927- ) ...... 57 Chiang Wen-Yeh's Contemporary ...... 58 Li Su-Tong (1879-1942) ...... 58 Shiao Yiu-Mei (1884-1940) ...... 59 Zao Yuan-Ren (1891-1982) ...... 59 Huang Zi (1904-1938) ...... 60 Liu She-An (1905- ) ...... 61 He Luding (1903- ) ...... 62 The Musical Problems between East and West . . . 65 AND CHIANG WEH-YEH ...... 67 The Musical Thought of Tcherepnin’s Nationalism ...... 69

IV. STYLISTIC ELEMENTS OF THE PIANO WORKS OF CHIANG WEN-YEH ...... 83

MELODY ...... 83 SOUND ...... 93 T e x tu re ...... 93 R a n g e ...... 98 Dynamics ...... 102 RHYTHM, TEMPO, METER ...... 104 M e te r...... 104 Rhythm ...... 105 Tempo ...... 112 HARMONY AND TONALITY...... 113 Tonality ...... 113 Chord Structure ...... 120 FORM ...... 131 THE DISCUSSION OF STYLE ...... 139

V. SUT4MARY AND CONCLUSIONS...... 148

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY .... 151

- vii - BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 152 GENERAL REFERENCE...... 152 BOOKS...... 153 DISSERTATIONS...... 156 ARTICLES...... 156 UNPUBLISHED...... 158 MUSIC S C O R E S ...... 159

APPENDICES

A. LIST OF COMPOSITIONS BY CHIANG WEN-YEH . . . 160

PIANO WORKS...... 160 CONCERTO ...... 164 ORCHESTRAL W O R K S...... 164 CHAMBER M U SIC ...... 166 AND BALLET ...... 168 WORKS FOR SOLO V O IC E ...... 169 CHORUS WORKS ...... 171 OTHER WORKS MENTIONED IN THE DOCUMENTS ...... 172

B. 3 DANCES, OP. 7, NO. 1 174

C. 16 BAGATELLES, OP. 8, NO. 1 ...... 178

D. 16 BAGATELLES, OP. 8, NO. 2 ...... 182

E. 16 BAGATELLES, OP. 8, NO. 7 ...... 184

F. ENGLISH-CHINESE GLOSSARY ...... 185

V l l l - LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1.The Form Form of Three Dances, Op. 7, No. 1 ...... 133

2. The Form Form of Sonata No. 4, Op. 54, first movement .... 138

3. The Style Style Change of ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8 143

- IX - LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Kobune Kojiro: ’’Clown” ...... «...... 45

2. Chiang Wen-Yeh: 16 Bagatelles, Op. 8, No. 4 ...... 46

3. Matsudaira Yoritsune: ’’Lullaby” ...... 47 4. Kiyose Yasuji: ”A Whisper” from ’’Short Suite” ...... 48

5. Ho Luding: ’’Buffalo Boy's Flute”, ...... 63 6. Tcherepnin: ’’Hommage a la China’* (1935) ...... 72

7. Tcherepnin: ’’Chinese Bagatelle”, Op. 51, No. 7 (1935). . . . 72

8. Modes of Chinese Pentachords ...... 83

9. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 3-4 ...... 84

10. Japanese In-scale System ...... 85

11. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 16-19 ...... 85

12. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No.l, mm. 37-45 ...... 86

13. Prokofiev: ’’Visions Fugitives”, Op. 22, No. 1, mm. 14-22...... 87

14. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 16-19 ...... 87

15. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 10-11 ...... 88

16. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No...... 1...... 89

17. The Underlined Structure of a Melody from Op. 7, No. 3 ...... 90

18. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, Section B ...... 91

19. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 15, mm. 13-19 ...... 92

- X - 20. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1 ...... 95 21. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 12-14 ...... 96 22. Chiang: ’’Joker” from ”The Peking Myriorama”, Op. 22, No. 4 ...... 96

23. Chiang: ’Tien An Gate”, Op. 22, No. 1 ...... 97

24. Chiang: ”By the Forbidden City” from Op.22, No. 2. . . . 98

25. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 37-40 ...... 99

26. Chiang: ”By the Forbidden City”, Op. 22, No.l, mm. 24-29...... 99 27. Chiang: ’’Formosan Dance”, Op. 1, mm. 138-141 ...... 100

28. Stravinsky: ’’Petrouchka”, Third Movement, mm. 273-277 ...... 101 29. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 73-75 ...... 101

30. Chiang: ’’Lion Dance of Chinese New Year”, Op. 53, No. 12 ...... 103

31. Chiang: ’’Willow Flower” from Op. 22, No. 6 ...... 104

32. Tcherepnin: ”The Lute” Op. 52, No. 2 (1936) ...... 105

33. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 2, mm. 56-60 ...... 106

34. Chiang: ’’Formosan Dance”, Op. 1 ...... 107

35. Chiang: ’’Formosan Dances”, Op. 1, mm. 262-265 ...... 108

36. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 21-24 ...... 108

37. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 6. mm. 12-14 ...... 109

38. Chiang: Fragments of Melodic Idioms with Rhythmic Interest...... 110

39. Chiang: ’’Round the Camp Fire We Dance” Op. 4 No. 3, mm. 37-43 Ill

40. Chiang: ”A Distant Drum” from Op. 22, No. 7 ...... I l l 41. Barber: ’’Excursions for Piano”, 3rd m o v e m e n t ...... 112

42. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 102-106. . . . 113

- xi - 43. Chiang: ’’Lantern Festival”, Op. 53, No. 1, mm. 42-59 . . 115

44. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 27-29 ...... 116

45. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 37-40 ...... 117 46. Chiang: Sonata No. 4, Op. 54 (1949), mm. 51-55 ...... 118

47. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 4 ...... 119

48. Chiang: ’’Lantern Festival”, Op. 53, No. 1 mm. 136-139 ...... 119 49. Chord Construction ...... 120

50. Chiang: ”At the Rha Mah Temple” ...... 122

51. Chiang: ”Lion Dance of Chinese New Year” Op. 53, No. 1 2 ...... 123

52. Debussy: ”La Cathédrale engloutie”, from Prelude for piano ...... 124

53. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 2, mm. 49-51 ...... 124

54. Chiang: ’’Epitaph” from ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 7. . . 125

55. Chiang: ”5 Sketches”, Op. 4a, No. 1 ...... 126

56. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 2, mm. 11-15 ...... 127

57. Prokofiev: ’’Visions Fugitives”, Op. 22, No. 2 ...... 127

58. Added 6th Chord ...... 128

59. Enharmonie Writing and Vertical Cross Relationship. . . . 129

60. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 25-28 ...... 129

61. Chiang: ”5 Sketches”, Op. 4, No. 1, mm.13-15 ...... 130 62. Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 5, mm. 7-9...... 130

63. Chiang: ”Lantem Festival” Op. 53, No. 1, mm. 36-39 . . 131

64. Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 3-4 ...... 134

65. ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 33-36 ...... 134

66. Chiang: Termination Signals, Op. 7, No. 1 ...... 137

- xii - 67. Chiang: Sonata No. 4, Op. 54, first movement...... 139

68. Chiang: ’’Evening, on the Sha Chi Tan”, Op. 64, No. 3 ...... 144

69. Chiang: Capriccio - ’’Fisherman’s Barcarole”, Op. 56, mm. 47-49 ...... 145 70. Chiang: Capriccio - ’’Fisherman's Barcarole”, Op. 56, mm. 64-73 ...... 146

- xm CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

RATIONALE

Chiang "Wen-Yeh, the pioneer in the early development of modem

Chinese music, was bora on June 11, 1910 in Dan Sui ( ë&zK ) Taiwan and died on October 24, 1983, in Beijing. He was a , opera

singer, poet, writer, and music teacher.

At the age of four, he moved to Amoy ( HP! ) China, then stud­

ied in Japan in 1923, and returned to China in 1938. After graduat­

ing from an industrial academy in Japan, majoring in electric engineer­

ing, he devoted himself to music for the rest of his life, first as an

opera singer and later as a composer. He was one of the most pro­

ductive, active, and successful young composers whose compositions won

several important prizes during national and international competitions in

Japan during the 1930s and 1940s. The most important award he won

was the honor prize for the orchestral composition competition of the

Berlin Olympiad with an orchestral work, Formosan Dance, op.l,

awarded in 1936.^ He won the "Fourth International Competition for

^ Bill Henry, An Approved History of the Olympic Games. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1948), pp. 255-257. In addition to athletic contests, the 1936 Olympiad also had fine arts competition including town planning, architecture,

- 1 - 2

Composers” with a set of piano pieces, 16 BagaleUes, op. 8, in Venice,

1938. He also won six times in the "National Music Competition in Japan” from 1932 to 1937. The first two were winners of voice, while the others were for compositions. He won several prizes from the composition competition sponsored by Western musicians such as

Weingartner, orchestral organizations, and record and movie companies.

He was especially famous in Japan in the 1930s. His musical activities in Japan lasted until the end of World War H, and his style of composition influenced young Japanese composers after World War H.

In 1938 he left Japan for Beijing, China where he had served as a composition faculty member in the Peipin Normal University. In addi­

tion to teaching, he was at first very active as a singer and composer,

but he suddenly disappeared from music activities because of two com­

munist political movements, the "Anti Rightist” from 1957, and the

"Great Cultural Revolution” from 1966-1976. His works were banned

for 21 years until his political charge of "rightist” was officially

reversed in 1978. His name was gradually forgotten during the politi­

cal turmoil. In the 1980s, his music was rapidly revived in Taiwan,

Hong Kong, Japan, the People's Republic of China, and in the United

States.

painting, drawing and water colors, graphic art, current graphic, stat­ ues, reliefs, medals, lyrics, epic works, songs for soloist or, choir, instrumental compositions, and orchestral compositions. 3 Most of Chiang's piano works were composed before 1957. His works inciude 19 orchestral works, 6 ballets, one piano concerto, 11 sets of chamber music, 23 sets of piano works, 16 sets of vocal solos, 4 sets of religious music, and the collection and arrangement of more than 100 Taiwanese folk songs.

PROBLEM

Chinese composers who created their music with Western styles faced two main problems. First, which of the Western music styles should they use in their compositions: Baroque, Classical, Romantic style, or the new trends of the 20th century such as nationalism, impressionism, expressionism, neoclassism, etc. The second problem was how to resolve conflicts between East and West

Most of the composers' early styles began with the training that they received in their learning environment before developing their unique styles. For instance, Bartok began in Lisztian romanticism and then gradually adapted folk-song elements which led to primitivism, nationalism, and neoclassicism. Scriabin rooted his style in Chopin's pianism with Liszt-Wagner chromatic harmony in the beginning and

then moved into his unique mystic,theosophic music style. Prokofieff's

early piano works began with post-romantic quality and then shifted to

neo-classic style with dissonant percussive characteristics. 4

In the 1930s, all Western styles were ’’new” to Chinese composers, who lacked any Western musical heritage. Since Western harmony is the main element that was non-existent in Oriental music, it was adopted directly into music written by Oriental composers. As a result, a Chinese tune supported by primary diatonic chords was the common style. In the early process of accepting Western music, Oriental com­ posers were mainly reflecting Western classic and romantic homophonie styles.

Unlike the contemporary composers in both China and Japan who inherited classic or romantic influences, Chiang Wen-Yeh's early style jumped immediately into the new trends of European music world. He was the pioneer in Japanese and Chinese music history who employed the new compositional techniques and idioms of the early 20th-century

Western world. His early compositions reflect strong influences of

Bartok, Prokofiev, Stravinsky, Scriabin, Debussy, and Ravel.

The second problem was the conflicts between East and West

When the East encountered the West, how to maintain a proper bal­ ance was a major subject to all aspects of Chinese life. How much should Eastern people adopt Western culture; and to what extent should the old tradition compromise with the new Western traditions? The impact of Western culture created conflicts in politics, religion, social

relationships, ethics, art, and music.

In the process of creating modern music in the context of Western

instruments and technique, Chinese composers understood that unless 5

Western instruments, notation, and techniques were introduced, their musical language would not communicate with the Western music world. Oriental composers also understood that although they intended to present themselves to the mainstream of Western traditions, they should not sacrifice the identity of their own traditions. The great challenge to all Chinese composers was how to create a new Chinese modem music that could be performed by musicians throughout the world while keeping their traditional and national elements. The style of Chiang Wen-Yeh's works after returning to China in 1938 revealed the transformation from new Western trends to his own unique musical world, rooted in his affection for the rich Chinese music and culture.

He spent years studying Chinese art, painting, sculpture, poetry, ancient serious music, religious music, and folk music. After he had studied the Chinese culture, Chiang Wen-Yeh developed his own style by employing the idioms of Chinese musical instruments and folk songs.

He evolved his style by employing Chinese musical scales and mod­ es, transcending his compositional techniques to manage his new Chinese harmonic idioms and sonorities. Furthermore, he not only developed new idioms for Western instruments, but he also embraced the essence of ancient Chinese aesthetic and philosophical concepts into his works. PURPOSE

Chiang Wen-Yeh was the pioneer in the early development of Chinese music. His musicianship and technique exhibited the originality and creativity in the musical assimilation of East and West Through analysis of his style elements, characteristics, and musical idioms, this writer investigated how he solved the problems of East-West conflicts.

Therefore the purposes of this document were:

1. To observe in what music environment Chiang Wen-Yeh received his music education which led to the formation of his style.

The historical and cross cultural context of his musical environ­

ment will be discussed. 2. To explore the Chinese philosophical and aesthetic concepts that

embraced his music. 3. To observe the style elements, characteristics, and idioms presented

in Chiang Wen-Yeh’s piano music. 4. To observe the stylistic evolution and its guiding impetus of

Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano music.

LITERATURE AND RESOURCES

Until 1980 Chiang Wen-Yeh's name remained unknown to the

music world because of his confinement in the political movements of

the People's Republic of China from 1957 to 1978. His works were

banned from publication or performance. His life became a puzzle, and 7 large quantities of his works were confiscated by the Communist Party and lost in the political turmoil. ,

After his status was officially ’’reversed” from the charge of ’’righ­ tist” in 1978, his name was discovered by music scholars Han

Kuo-Huang, Chang Chi-Jen, and artist Hsie Li-Fa from the United

States. His music was rapidly revived from then on; many articles about his life and music were published by musicians in Taiwan. Most of these articles published before 1984 were collected in the book.

Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, published in California. These articles provide only partial information about Chiang's life and works.

His life in mainland China was still a puzzle until 1985, when Hu

Shi-Min published his book, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang

Wen-Yeh, in Hong Kong. In addition to the presentation of Chiang

Wen-Yeh's life, this book also collected some articles from writers in the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Also included was an article by Liu Mei-Lien from Taiwan, who gave more detailed information about Chiang Wen-Yeh's early life in Taiwan, Amoy, and

Japan. The information was collected from an interview with Chiang

Wen-Yeh's nephew. His father, Chiang Wen-Tsong, who also studied in

Japan, stayed with Chiang Wen-Yeh before receiving his doctorate in

philosophy.

Ming Tcherepnin, Alexander Tcherepnin's wife, a Chinese pianist

with international reputation, provided for this study unpublished manu­

scripts, personal letters, and photos that Chiang Wen-Yeh sent to • 8

Tcherepnin between 1937 and 1950. She provided concert programs featuring Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano music which she and Tcherepnin had performed in Europe and America. Mme. Ming Tcherepnin also pro­

vided her collections of Chiang Wen-Yeh's contemporary Japanese and

Chinese composers' manuscripts.

Chang Chi-Jen provided in his doctoral dissertation, ’’Alexander

Tcherepnin, His influence on Modem Chinese Music,” information about

Tcherepnin's compositional and educational philosophy of Chinese nation­

alism. Chiang Wen-Yeh's stylistic evolution was greatly influenced by

Tcherepnin's advice about the direction of modem Chinese music. Chang Chi-Jen also made his personal collections of Chiang Wen-Yeh's

unpublished manuscripts available for this study. The manuscripts were collected either from Mme. Ming Tcherepnin who possessed the copies

sent by Chiang Wen-Yeh to Tcherepnin or from copies brought to the

United States by visitors in 1980. Some collected late piano works

were published in the People's Republic of China.

Kuo-Huang Han, a professor at Northem Illinois University and the

foremost scholar on modem Chinese music, also helped to provide

materials and information for this study.

Other music of Chiang Wen-Yeh was collected from Tsai Chai-Hsio,

who is a pianist and has recorded many of Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano

works; Liau Hsing-Chang; and book stores in Taiwan and Hong Kong. ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

Chapter H will present the backgi'ound information of Chiang

Wen-Yeh's life and his important works.

Chapter ID will discuss the historical context of the music environ­ ment in which Chiang Wen-Yeh received his music learning that led to the formation of his music style.

Chapter IV will present the analysis and discussion of stylistic ele­ ments, characteristics, and idiomatic writing found in Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano works.

Chapter V will present a summary and conclusion of this study

and recommendations for possible further study.

LINGUISTIC PROBLEM

In order to avoid the confusion caused by different translations of

the same Chinese character, and to associate the English translation to

the original Chinese character without guessing, the following procedures

are used in this document. 1. In the body of the main text, the Oriental last name of a per­

son is presented first, followed by the first name as in Oriental

tradition. Names in the footnote £ind the bibliography follow the

format of academic writing. 10

2. In the main text at the first occurrence, Chinese characters

follow immediately those important names of persons, Emperors, Dynasties, schools, publishers, and geographic or historical terms.

3. All names and terms are listed in the English-Chinese Glossary in

Appendix F. 4. The titles with Chinese characters are included in the "List of

Compositions by Chiang Wen-Yeh”, Appendix A.

5. The authors in the Chinese bibliography are included in the

English-Chinese Glossary, Appendix F. CHAPTER n CHIANG WEN-YEH'S LIFE AND IMPORTANT WORKS

HIS CHILDHOOD

Chiang Wen-Yeh ( rlX-Ül Ÿ was bom in Dan Shui ( ëüK ), Taiwan on June 11, 1910. His ancestors were Hakka ( ) who lived in Yong Ding, Fu Kien ( iSÜ ). Because of five years' famine, his grandfather, an intellectual, who was a landlord, moved to Taiwan. His father Chiang Üin-Jüin C ) had three elder brothers (one of whom was adopted), and they were also well-educated intellectuals.

Shipping was the family business, and Chiang Wen-Yeh's father bore the responsibility to take care of the business in Taiwan. His mother was from Hualien ( ), Taiwan.^

^ Originally, his given name was Chiang Wen-Bing ( ) which he still used in 1934 in the program of his opera performance. Chiang Wen-Yeh is the name he gave to himself later. In Japan, he used "Bunya Koh” which is spelled according to Japanese pronunciation. Following Tcherepnin's suggestion, he changed his name to the Chinese spelling of "Chiang Wen-Yeh” after 1938. His name was spelled differently in the recital programs of several countries such as Kian Wan-Yeh, Chiang When Yie, Tchiang Wang Yeh, and Kjan Wen-Je. ^ Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. (Hong Kong; Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985), p. 7.

- 11 - 12

Taiwan was a colony of Japan when Chiang Wen-Yeh was bom. The island has been a colony of many countries since the 17th centu­ ry: the Dutch (1624-62, in the south), the Spanish (1626-42, in the north), the Chinese (1662-1895) and the Japanese (1895-1945). Following the Chinese victory in World War H, Taiwan became a province of the Republic of China in 1945.

In 1895, Taiwan was ceded to Japan in perpetuity, when for the

first time in its history, Japan defeated China in the Sino-Japanese

War, 1894-1895, when China was still in the Tching ('/i*0 Dynasty.^

The Taiwanese people were trained to speak Japanese as the second

mother language. Their education was based upon the Japanese system,

and they were taught to be loyal to the Japanese Emperor. Although

Taiwan became a part of Japan, the social status of Taiwanese citizens

was lower than that of the Japanese.

Due to pressure from the Japanese government, Chiang's family business was gradually moved from Taiwan back to mainland China,

Amoy ( ÏP ! ), Fu Kien. Chiang Wen-Yeh moved back to Amoy at

the age of four.^ In Amoy, Chiang Wen-Yeh and his brothers studied

in a Japan-sponsored Shi-Ying school ( ). Since there was a

Japanese consulate in Amoy taking care of the trade between Taiwan

The Republic of China was founded on October 10, 1911, when the revolution of the Chinese Nationalists, Kuo Ming Dang Party, suc­ ceeded.

^ Mei-Lien Liu, "Unfinished Voice of Mountain Ali,” in Chinese OuL standing Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, ed. Shi-Min Hu (Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co. Ltd., 1985), p. 76. According to Shi-Min Hu in the same book, p. 7, Chiang Wen-Yeh was six when he moved back to Amoy. 13 and China, Japanese salesmen often went to Amoy for business. This gave Chiang's family an opportunity to extend their business to Japan.

One of their trusted Japanese agents became Chiang Wen-Yeh's custodian when Chiang studied in Japan with his elder brother after his mother's death.^

Amoy was not only an international harbor but also a center of business and cultural activities. According to tradition, Chinese families always lived together. Since Chiang's father and uncles were weU edu­ cated intellectuals and his third uncle owned a newspaper, they always had visiting scholars and cultural activities in their home, including lit­ erature, poetry, and traditional music ensembles. Because of their well- educated and influential background, the family was easiliy influenced by Western missionaries. Singing in the church and gaining familiarity with Western hymns was natural, while the organ was probably

Chiang Wen Yeh's first Western instrument"^

EDUCATION IN .TAPAN

In 1923, at the age of 13, Chiang Wen-Yeh studied in Japan. He

began his Japanese formal education in a primary school third grade,

later studying in middle school, Nagano Ueda Chiugaku ( 0 4 :# ),

where he met one of his most admired Japanese literature teachers,

Shimazaki Toson ( % ### ), who became a famous poet of the

6 Ibid., pp. 76-78.

Ibid., p. 78. 14 romanticism and naturalism in Japan. Both Chiang and his teacher loved the ocean, and they became good friends. For Chiang's 18th birthday, during a party on the beach, the teacher wrote for him a poem. Spring Tide, as a birthday gift. Several years later, Chiang wrote a chorus piece for this poem and won the Fourth Japan National Music Competition. Chiang also used many of his teacher's

poems for solo songs. At the birthday party, one of his Japanese

female classmates Nobu Kho ( ), who was the mayor's daughter, asked Chiang to chant Shimazaki's poem. She was to later become

Chiang's wife.^

Six months before Chiang graduated from middle school, his father's

business went bankrupt Chiang wrote a long letter asking his father's

permission to major in music but got no answer. His brother returned

to Amoy and brought back two messages: the death of his father, and

his father's wish: "You must study the Deutsch way of productive

technology.” According to his father's last wishes, he studied electrical

engineering in an industrial academy, Tokyo Musasino Khoto Khogio

Gako ( ) in 1929, while also studying voice in the

night school of Ueno Ongaku Gako ( ) in Tokyo. Without

financial support from his family, he was forced to earn his living,

while studying engineering and music.^

^ Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, pp. 8-9. 9 Ibid., p. 11. 15

After graduating from the engineering academy in 1932, Chiang decided to devote himself to music. When he applied voluntarily to sing in some of the , he was not accepted, not even receiving an audition. He found a job in a printing house where he learned to set

type for music printing. Occasionally, he had chances to transcribe

orchestral music for the music manager. With this connection and

some voluntary works, he was allowed to sit in the orchestra rehearsal

and enter the most important auditorium at that time in Japan, the

Hibiya Khakhailo (Hibiya Public Hall, H ) without buying a

ticket. These were opportunities that granted him access to the great

music of the world.

In 1932, he won the prize in the First Japan National Competition

as a singer. After he won another voice prize in the same competi­

tion the following year, he was offered a job as a baritone in a opera

company, Hujihada losie Khagekhi Dang ( ). One of his performances was singing Puccini's Tosca with Russian soprano Maria

Kuznetsova (1880-1966), and the other was Puccini's La Boheme}^

After establishing his competence in singing, he was admitted to

study composition with the most important composer in Japanese mod­

em music history, Yamada Kosaku ( ), who was the conductor

of the Japanese New Symphony Orchestra at the time.

10 Ibid., pp. 12-13. Kuo-Huang Han, Fi'om West to East: Essays on Chinese Music (Taipei: China Times Books, 1981), p. 60. 16

One evening in 1933, after the opera performance, Chiang received a bundle of flowers from a member of the audience, his high school classmate, Nobu Kho. Against her parents' objection, the girl eloped with Chiang, and they raised five daughters during the following years.

In August, 1934, a touring "Hometown Visiting Music Group,” which included several Taiwanese students who studied music in Japan, performed in several main cities in Taiwan. Chiang began to work on one of his most important works, the Formosan Dance, op. 1 in

March, and had finished the piano version in April, 1934.

Chiang had been arranging the touring performances in Taiwan two months before the music group gave concerts. On this beautiful island of Taiwan, he was touched by the beauty of the natural scene. He saw the snow white egret flying over the blue water fields; the feeling

and the thought of poems and music was moving in his mind. When

he returned to Japan by boat, he was inspired to write five movements

of orchestral pieces: A Symphonic Sketch of Southern Island, Prelude

in Madrigal Style, Fantasy to a White Egret, Listening to the Story

of a High Mountain Man, and The Song in the City}^ Among

them, he loved very much The Fantasy of the Egret, Op. 2. This

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 15.

Cited from Chiang's article "The Process of Writing the Work Fantasy to a White Egret,” in the Music Magazine, by Tsi-Yuan Kuo, "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh," in Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, ed. et al. Kuo-Huang Han iMonterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), p. 63 . 17 piece won for Chiang Wen-Yeh a prize in the Third Japan National

Music Competition. After performing touring recitals from August 11 to 19 in Formosa (Taiwan), he returned to Japan and wrote a poem inspired by the beauty of Taiwan which was printed on the front page of the orchestral score of Formosan Dance. This piece won the

Musical Contest in Berlin Olympiad in 1936.

In 1935, another orchestral work, Symphonic Suite Based on the

Subject of Bong Odoli^^ (Bon Dance) won the Fourth Japan National

Music Competition. In the same year, he met the Russian Composer, conductor, and concert pianist, Alexander Tcherepnin (1899-1977). Tcherepnin stayed in China during 1934-37, and strongly influenced the musical development of Chinese modem nationalism.

During June 1936, Chiang went to Beijing, China with Tcherepnin to study and collect Chinese music. From this time on, he turned his interest to folk music and wrote pieces with subjects that were either

drawn from folklore or from old Chinese culture. In the Japan period,

he visited Hong Kong and the mountains of Taiwan, where over 100

folk songs were collected. In this year, Tcherepinin published Chiang's

six sets of compositions, five in the Tcherepnin Collection, three of

which are piano pieces: 5 Sketches, Op. 4a; 3 Dances, Op. 7; J6

Bagatelles, Op. 8; the others: 4 Seiban Songs for voice Op. 6; Sonata

for Flute and Piano. Another piano set. Little Sketches, Op. 3a,

which was also published by Tcherepnin in the Modern Japanese

Bong Odoli ( ) is a Japanese folk dance in the lantern festival of middle July. 18

P'mno Album. These pieces were later performed in recitals by

Tcherepnin.

In 1936, in addition to winning the Berlin Olympiad with the orchestral work, Formosan Dance, he won the Fifth Japan National

Music Competition with a chorus. Spring Tide, which used his high school teacher's poem as the text

In 1937, his orchestral work, Fugal Overture, won the Sixth Japan

National Music Competition. In the same year, Felix Weingartner, the world-famous conductor, sponsored a competition in Japan for orchestral works. Chiang's Formosan Dance won the Weingartner Prize. In this year, the New Symphony Orchestra sponsored another Japanese

Orchestral Work Competition, and Chiang's orchestral work, Symphonic

Etude Based on a Folk Song, won the prize again. This piece was chosen and conducted by the Russian conductor J. Rosenstock. The

Concerto for Two Pianos was also finished in this year.

In 1938, his 16 Bagatelles, Op. 8, was awarded a prize in the

Fourth International Competition for Composers in Venice.

Invited to Beijing in 1938, Chiang taught voice and composition in

the Normal College of Beijing at the age of 28; this year was the

turning point of Chiang's life. 19

SINO-JAPANESE WAR

China and Japan became enemies in 1937. On the night of July 7, 1937, an incident occurred at Lu-Gou Bridge ( ), giving the wait­ ing Japanese military a pretext to invade northem China. On July 27 the prolonged Sino-Japanese War began, lasting eight years until the end of World War H, when the documents of Japan's unconditional surren­ der were signed on September 2, 1945. With this victory, Taiwan was returned to China after 50 years of Japanese governance.

During July, 1937, Japan captured Beijing and entered Nanking on

December 13, 1937. By March, 1940, the Japanese authorities had

formed a ’’government” in Nanking led by Wang Ching-Wei.

Anti-Japanese mood and aroused patriotism among the Chinese peaked

during this period of oppression.

In order to occupy China as well as other southern Asian countries and Pacific islands, Japan publicized a theory of establishing the ’’Great

East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere.” With this theory Japan promised to

’’free one billion people from the handcuffs of Anglo-Saxon supremacy,

and create a new order.”^^ As a result, the Asian people would be

united under the Japanese flag.

In order to let the Chinese people identify with Japan, an organiza­ tion of the ”New People Society” ( ) was formed in December,

1937 in Beijing.

Mikhail I. Sladkovsky, CMna and Japan - Past and Present, ed. and translated by Robert F. Price (Gulf Breeze: Academic International Press, 1975), p. 134. 20 The oppressed Chinese believed that the ’’Great East Asian

Co-prosperity Sphere” theory and the ”New People Society” were the excuses and organization of Japanese aggression. Chiang Wen-Yeh had not been taught a clear political sense about what was going on in the minds of the Chinese citizenry. His lack of understanding may be explained by his being bom in Japan-governed Taiwan, educated in a

Japanese sponsored public school, and receiving his advanced education in Japan. Since he was one of the greatest composers in Japan at that time, he was recruited by the ’’New People Society” to write several politically oriented pieces. One of the pieces was the ’’Anthem of the

New People Society.” Another was his prized orchestral piece, ”The

Praise for the Century Myth” (1942), which was used in a Japanese movie. When interviewed in 1943 by a Taiwanese music student, Kuo

Tsi-Yuan, Chiang explained, ”My composition has no relationship with

this movie; my purpose was to create an opportunity to listen to the

performance.”^^ In 1937, the Japanese government recruited many

Chinese actors to make a movie, ”The Road of East Asian Peace.”

Because Chinese-flavor background music was needed, Chiang was invit­

ed to compose the piece ”The March of Great East Asia.”^^ Because

of these compositions, he was jailed for 10 months in 1945 after

World War H by the government of the Republic of China.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, ”The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh,” p. 52.

Li-Fa Hsie, ”The Old Vines under a Fault,” in Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, ed. et al. Kuo-Huang Han, (Monterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), pp. 103 and 124. 21

BACK TO CHINA

When Chiang had arrived in Beijing in 1938, he started to collect

Chinese folk songs, and he published his collections: Chinese Folk Songs, Op. 20, and Collection of Chinese Folk Song, Op. 21. When he directed a choir sponsored by a radio station in 1939, part of the repertoire of the choir included folk songs and old Chinese classic pieces arranged by Chiang. He published his arrangement, the Chinese Folk

Songs fo r Chorus, Op. 29, in this year. A set of his 10 pieces for piano was also published during this year: The Peking Myriorama,

also known as Beijing Sketches, Op. 22.

In 1939, Chiang wrote more than 150 art songs for solo voice and

piano. Texts were chosen from six ancient to contemporary Chinese

poems, published as Op. 24 sucessively to Op. 28. These art songs and

their piano arrangements hold an important position in modem Chinese

song literature. He also arranged pipa (a Chinese traditional instrument

îëE. ) solo pieces into duets for pipa and piano: The Night by the

River with Flower and Moon, and The Dragonfly Touch the Water.

During a choir tour to the Northem Sea in 1939, Chiang met a

female music student, named Wu Lei-Dsen ( ); the name was lat­

er changed to Wu Uin-Dsen ( after Chiang's suggestion. Wu

was an art student in Beijing Art Academy before transferring to

Peipin Female Normal College where she majored in Chinese traditional

instruments of pipa and erhu ( —61] ), and also studied piano. After

making an acquaintance with Wu, Chiang taught her voice, while she 22 taught Chiang Chinese literature and poetry, and they became lovers.

After the first expression of his affection, Chiang wrote a piano sona­ tine, (possibly. Op. 31), with the title page printed "Dedicated to

Uin-Dsen.” They were married and raised five children.^^

In 1940, the newly-married couple visited one of the three largest

Chinese natural art treasures, Uin-Gang Stone (Zave ( ). The stone buddnas, carved in 500 A.D., were preserved in a two-mile area of the stone cave. Chiang was deeply touched by the spirit of the ancient Chinese sculpture. A setting of his poem. The Praise of

Da-Tong Stone Buddha was written in Japanese and published in

Japan. He then turned his interest to ancient Chinese serious music, writing a book in Japanese, A Study of Ancient Chinese Serious

Music, also published in Japan. During this year he finished a ballet.

The Song of Earth. Another orchestral four-act ballet, Hsiang Fei

Memoir Op. 34, was completed and received successful reviews when debuted in Tokyo in 1940. This ballet is a story of Yang Guei Fei

(719-756 #5% ), a concubine of Emperor Hsuan Tsong of the Tang

Dynasty. The work was performed in Beijing with great success in

1942,^^ the same year that Chiang completed his First Symphony.

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, pp. 23-29. Li-Fa Hsie, "The cries of Homeland, Notes on a Sick Taiwanese National Musican Chiang Wen-Yeh in Beijing,” and also Tsi-Yuan Kuo, ’The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh," pp. 33 and 67. 23

From 1940 to 1943 Chiang studied Chinese traditional culture and music. In 1942, he finished an important orchestral work, M usk from the Confucian Temple, which actualized his understanding of Chinese traditional music and philosophy with modem technique. He also wrote several essays. Essay on Confucian Musk, Study on the Musk of

Confucian Temple, and a set of poems, Beijing Inscription. In 1943,

Chiang returned to Japan for the debut of his orchestral tone poem.

The Praise for the Century Myth. This piece won a prize in the

’’Movie Music Composition Competition.” In the same year, the

Japanese Victory Record Company sponsored an orchestral work compe­ tition. Chiang's work. The Whistling Dove Fhite in the Blue Sky won the prize. Chiang finished three works: two orchestral works, The

Second Symphony "Beijing,” Op. 36; A Shining Countenance, Op. 42; and a piano piece, Ballad ”A moon night in Shinn-Yang”, Op. 39 in

this year.

In 1944, Chiang lost his teaching job in the Beijing Normal College

because of departmental problems. He had to sell his piano, and one

of his friends gave him a temporary job as a ’’manager” in a coal

mine company. In this year, his orchestral work Beijing Sketches,

Op. 15, had its debut in Japan.

1945 was the victory year of World War H, when Japan returned

occupied China and Taiwan to the Chinese government. Chiang was

very excited, and sent his most important orchestral work. Musk from

the Confucian Temple, to Chiang Kai-Shek. Unfortunately, he was 24 arrested and imprisoned for 10 months because he had composed music for the Japanese enemy.

In order to help other prisoners, he studied the old practice of

Chinese medical massage from the books that he brought from Japan.

He used these theories and skills to help people in the latter half of his life. Based on years of treatment experiences, he wrote a medical book about the theory and practice of medical massage and acupuncture before the Great Cultural Revolution in 1966, but it was lost in the

Revolution.^^

After his release from jail he found a music teaching job in a middle school, but he was very depressed during this period. Several

months later, one of his prisoner friends asked him to attend a

Cathohc church. After listening to the Western psalms, he began to

compose Chinese style psalms and actually set some of the old Chinese

tunes with psalm texts. In 1947, Melodiae Psalmorum, Vol. I, Op. 40,

and in 1949 Vol. U, Op. 41 were published. These psalms are still

sung in the Catholic church in Taiwan today. His Mass No. 1,

Op. 45, and The Book of Psalms for Children, Op. 47, were published

in 1947 and 1948 respectively.

Earning generous royalties from writing church music, Chiang pur­

chased a Steinway piano from a German medical doctor. In 1948, he

was offered a music professor position in the Peking Art Academy.

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, pp. 35-36. 25 In 1949 the Chinese Communist Party took over mainland China and founded the People's Republic of China. The original Nationalist government, the Republic of China, retreated to Taiwan. In early 1949,

Chiang had the opportunity to go to Hong Kong, , or Taiwan, but he refused because he did not want to leave the cultural center of

Beijing. In June, 1950, Chiang was appointed as a composition pro­ fessor in the newly-founded Central Music Conservatory in Tiendsin.

From 1950 to 1957 was another golden period for Chiang. His piano works include the PUmo Sonata ”Ceremony Music” Op. 52; 12 pieces of the Poems of Folk Festival, Op. 53; the Fourth Piano

Sonata, "Festa” (festival), Op. 54; the Piano Capriccio, "Fisherman's Barcarole" Op. 56 all composed between 1950 and 1951. Other

important works are the Piano Trio, "The High Mountain Area of

Taiwan,” Op. 18; the Wind Quintet, "Happy Childhood," Op. 54; the

Sinfonietta for strings. Op. 51; the Violin Sonata, "Spring Acclaim,"

Op. 59; and the orchestral work, the Third Symphony, Op. 61.

THE ANTI RIGHTIST MOVEMENT

In 1957, the Communist Party began the ’’Anti Rightist” political

movement Chiang was purged as the ’’fourth category of rightist,”

because he was: 1. ’’Anti socialist”: composed for and served imperial Japan. 26 2. ’Traitor”; used a Japanese name and attended ’’Hitler's Olympiad”

as a Japanese citizen. 3. ’’Served imperial America and joined Chiang Kai-Shek”: dedicated a composition to Chiang Kai-Shek; gave lectures and recitals in

American consulate. 4. ’’Poisoned Students' thought”: criticized socialism; showed capitalistic

composition to students, etc.

5. ’’Contacted a foreign country”: asked someone to bring his music to the Catholic church or American consulate in Hong Kong for

publishing. 6. ’’Complained of Socialism”: criticized the administration of the

Music Conservatory. 7. ”Incited thought”: talking about the Taiwan issue.^^

Bearing the ’’rightist” label, he lost his job. After a half year of

political self-examination, the authorities reduced half of his salary and

gave him a job of editing teaching materials in 1960, later transferring

him to work in the library. The worst punishment was the confisca­

tion of two of Chiang's large wooden boxes which contained more than

1000 pieces of his original compositions. Most of the pieces were lost

in the subsequent furious political movement, the ’’Great Cultural

Revolution” of 1966. Chiang was extremely grieved; and toward the

end of his life more than 20 years later, he still could not forget the

loss of his treasured compositions.^^

Li-Fa Hsie, ”The Old Vines under A Fault,” pp. 124-126.

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 48. 27 After he became a ’’rightist”, his works were not allowed to be published or to be performed, but he still wrote pieces in secret When a student asked why he continued to write although no one would dare perform or publish his music, Chiang replied: ”I believe my composi­ tions will not be repeated in Chinese music history. They will be useful to Chinese music. One hundred years later, I will have my audience.”^^ He gave his wife a card saying: ”The life is short, the art is long.” From 1957 to 1966, Chiang finished three orchestral works, the Third Symphony (1957), Op. 61; the Fourth Symphony

(1962) and the Folk Song and Peasant Dance, Op. 64; in addition to

a Wood Wind Trio, Op. 63. No piano works were found in this peri­

od.

Chiang suffered psychologically from the ’’Anti-rightist” movement,

but the following irrational, wilder political movement called the "Great

Cultural Revolution” not only humiliated him psychologically but also

destroyed him physically.

THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION

To Chiang, the 10-year "Great Cultural Revolution” (1966-1976) last­

ed 12 years until his "rightist” charge was officially reversed in 1978.

At the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, the president of the

Central Music Conservatory, Ma Seh-Tsong ( ), a famous violinist,

Chiang, and other professors were forced to kneel in public by a

Ibid., p. 53. 28 crowd of their teenage students. The students bared their heads by cutting their hair, threw ink on their clothes, and struck them. Then they confiscated all of his property. Hundreds of valuable music scores collected from foreign countries, and over a thousand of his beloved records and precious books were removed and never returned. Except for two wooden boxes for storing their clothes, they had only an emp­ ty house; the piano was sold later. Chiang was detained with the oth­ er music faculties in the Conservatory for six months.

Because a neighbor remembered a photograph of Chiang showing a pistol hanging in front of his chest, Mrs. Chiang was forced by the teenaged "Red Guard Soldiers" to kneel in front of the house, where they cut her hair. This was the sad result of a neighbor who could not tell the difference between a camera case and pistol case. Mrs. Chiang attempted suicide several times without success.^

During his period of detainment, Chiang had to study Sayings o f

Mao Tse-Tung for the ideological reforming learning; he chose to read the book in several other languages that he had learned before: French,

German, Russian and Italian.^^ Even in the worst situation, he still tried to learn as much as possible.

After his detainment, Chiang was transferred to a labor camp. His

family was moved into a very small labor shed, where they remained

for 11 years. Sadly, for years this composer, with an international

24 Ibid., pp. 53-54.

25 Ibid., p. 55. 29 reputation in his most productive mature age, carried a large bamboo basket, with a broom in the other hand, and cleaned all the rest rooms in the Central Music Conservatory.^^ Even in this worst condition,

Chiang still composed music secretly. Chiang's wife reported that "the dining table was his piano; many pieces were composed by merely

playing with ten fingers on the table-."^^

Beginning in 1969, Chiang was transferred to Tching Fong Dien

( irMâÆ ) in Hopeh province for "labor reformation". He was given

the assignment to clean the rest rooms; one of the greatest young

pianists in China at the time, Liu Shyr-Kun ( ) was required to

perform the same degrading tasks.^^ Later, Chiang was transferred to construct fishponds, but digging and removing the soil was much too

strenuous for him, a sixty-year-old man. By the second year, he began

to suffer from stomach hemorrhaging. This first illness was caused by

his deep grief when he learned that four of his best students had

committed suicide after being unable to withstand the severe political

struggle. The students were purged because they studied with him.^^

Chiang used his famous massage to cure himself. Using his acupunc­

ture and massage skills, he treated many patients, as many as 27 in

26 Ibid., p. 55.

Kuang Wen, "The Impression of the Taiwanese Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh," in Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, ed. et al. Kuo-Huang Han (Monterey Park; Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), p. 163. 28 Ibid., p. 164.

29 Kuo Di-Yiang, "The Memoir of Chiang Wen-Yeh," in L ife and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, ed. et al. Kuo-Huang Han (Monterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), p. 150. 30 one day. It was said that the patient need not say anything; once

Chiang touched a patient's wrist for pulsation, he would recognize the condition of the sickness.

After four years of labor reformation, he went back to Beijing in

1973. By now, he was already very weak but still had to work in the

Conservatory's information room organizing cards. In 1975, feeling in better health, he started again to work on his Taiwanese folk songs.

He told his wife: 'These were the best wishes in my life.”^®

LIFE AFTER THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION

The charge of ’’rightist” that caused him and his family 21 years of political persecution, was officially reversed in 1978. As soon as he learned of the decision, he was elated over the opportunity to compose again. He started to work immediately on a symphony associating with the beautiful mountain in Taiwan, The Yoke of Mountain Ali. Twenty one years after he could compose freely again, he worked on

this symphony day and night with tremendous passion and energy,

sometimes even without eating.

On May 3, he worked until midnight, and his wife found him

suffering from cramps and paralysis early in the morning. They sent

him immediately to a hospital, but he had to wait outside the room

for four days before receiving any treatment Unfortunately, this

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Muskian, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 57. 31 four-day delay and the cold air caused acute pneumonia with fever as high as 106 degrees. When he was treated in the hospital, a nurse made a mistake, giving his neighbor patient's drug to him. The drug caused immediate hemorrhaging. From then on, for more than five years, until his death in October 24, 1983, he suffered with paralysis.

Lying on the bed with apoplexy, he could rely only on his wife and family to take care of him with love and patience.^ ^

His children knew only that their father was a composer but had

never heard any of his music. During the 21-year ban of his music

without performance or publication, people gradually forgot him.

In 1980, his music was discovered by two Chinese musicians Han

Kuo-Huang, Chang Chi-Jen and an artist, Hsie Li-Fa in America. His

music was rapidly revived in 1981. In Taiwan, articles about him

were written by his students and the older generation musicians who

had studied in Japan during World War II. His music was again per­

formed, recorded, and published in the 1980s in America, Taiwan, Hong

Kong, Japan and the People's Republic of China.

Ibid., pp. 58-59. CHAPTER m THE MUSIC ENVIRONMENT OF CHIANG WEN-YEH

This chapter will discuss the historical context of the music envi­ ronment in which Chiang Wen-Yeh received his music learning that led to the formation of his music style. Also discussed are the learning experiences, the inspiration and guiding impetus that led to the evolu­ tion of his music style.

This Chapter is divided into three parts. The first part describes the learning environment before Chiang Wen-Yeh returned to China in

1938; this is mainly the study of the music environment in Japan.

The second part presents the musical environment in China before

1938. The third part discusses the national philosophy of Alexander Tcherepnin, who inspired Chiang Wen-Yeh to proceed in the line of nationalism.

- 32 - • 33 THE MUSIC ENMRONMENT IN JAPAN

Historical Background

Western music was first introduced into Japan by a Portuguese

Jesuit missionary, St Francis Xavier, in 1549.^^ The development of

Western music was stopped first during the ban of Christianity in

1588, followed by an isolationist policy after 1639. The isolation ended

in 1853 when a letter from the President of the was

presented to the Japanese government requesting limited diplomatic con­

tacts. From then on the music of American military bands, hymns,

and other Western music was rapidly spread ii. Japan.^^ This period

from 1868 to 1911 is known as the Meiji Restoration era.

In 1879, Izawa Shuji (1851-1917), who studied in America, was

appointed head of the country's first music academy, Tokyo Music

School (Ongaku Torishira-Gakari). His American teacher, Luther

Whiting Mason, who was the director of music in the Boston primary

schools, was invited in 1880 to help in the establishment of a school

music system in Japan. Concerts, including piano, violin, and song

recitals were popular by 1900.^“^

Eta Harich-Schneider, A History of Japanese Musk (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 446.

33 Ibid., p. 446.

3^^ Standley Sadie, editor. The New Grove Dktionary of Musk and Muskians, 6th ed., s.v. "Japan,” (London: Macmillan Riblishers Ltd., 1980), p. 549. 34

The public school music program that Mason established lasted unchanged for about 70 years until the 1950s in Japan. Since he excluded almost all forms of traditional Japanese music, the school music after 1880 has been in Western musical style. As a result of

Mason's philosophy, all public schools, high schools, and univeristies introduced singing lessons in Western style.

In addition to Mason, there were German and French musicians teaching in Japan. Among the German musicians were Franz Eckert,

Rudolf Diettrich (1889-1900) Raphael Koeber (? until 1923), and Anna

Lohr, who had married a Japanese and was the first piano teacher in an official position. Charles LerouxCl 884-1889), and Noel

Perid 899-1904) were from France. From then on, the Germans proved to be the most influential musicians for Japanese modem music.

French influences also became effective in the later decades. In gener­ al, most foreign teachers were not interested in Japanese music.^^ Gradually, however, Japan became inundated by Western culture influ­ ence.

The attempt of Japanese musicians to compose their own songs

began with school songs and children's songs, followed by art composi­

tions during the Meiji era. Rentaro Taki (1879-1903), who studied at

the Leipzig conservatory, wrote the first piece in Western style pub­

lished in Japan. Composers in this period followed Western models and

developed exclusively along Western lines. Japanese-flavor melodies or

folk songs supported by Western harmonies were the main style of the

Harich-Schneider, A History of Japanese Musk, pp. 543-544. 35 compositions.

Early Experiences

Chiang often told his families stories about the beach of Taiwan where he spent his childhood. Much of his music reflects influences of

Taiwan, including the beautiful natural scene, the mountains, the ocean, folk songs, and folk dances of the island. While he suffered from political persecution in his later life, his last wish was to compose a final symphony about Taiwan, Tke Voice o f Mountain AU. Deep in his mind, Taiwan always had been a dreamy source where he imagined and created his music.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's Musical Environment in Japan

In Japan, his middle school Japanese literature teacher, Shimazaki Toson, who was a poet of Romanticism and Naturalism of the Meiji

era, gave him a sentimental, romantic, and free mind. His teacher had

said about the ocean: "Humans should have the boundless broadness of

the ocean, the magnanimity of the ocean, the luster of the ocean, the

tenderness and sentiment of the ocean.” Chiang composed a chorus

piece with his teacher's poem. Spring Tide?^

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 8. 36 Chiang Weh-Yeh had never systematically trained in a formal music institute. His compositional knowledge and techniques were learned either from short-term private lessons or from self-instruction.

When Chiang Wen-Yeh studied electrical engineering in the

Academy, his father and Japanese custodian had died, forcing him to earn his living. As an amateur, he was a good singer and began to make money by singing to entertain people. This led him to study voice in the night music school. Since he was a baritone with limited range, he often moved the high notes to his own comfortable range.

Encouraged by audience approval of these changes, he began to com­

posed his own pieces. From then on he always arranged or composed

music for his own voice.^^

A job in the printing house gave him a good chance to learn

music. It was said that he studied and memorized the music while he

set type for its printing. The transcribing jobs for the orchestra was

even a better opportunity to leam the music. His transcribed scores

for orchestra presented clean, clear, subtle and creative qualities.^^

Since Chiang was allowed to sit in during the orchestra rehearsal, he

learned the orchestration by hearing the sounds of his studied tran­

scribed scores. Chiang wrote more than 19 major orchestra works later

in his life. His orchestrations still rank among the best in China

today. In his piano music, orchestra-oriented sound, texture, and idioms

derived from orchestral music, or Chinese traditional instruments, are

Mei-Lien liu, ’The Unfinished Voice of Mountain Ali.” p. 79.

Shi-Min Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 2. ■ 37 common.

The phonograph industry and record production played an important

role in cultivating Western music in Japan. In October, 1907, Nichibei Chikuonki Seizo Kabushiki Kaisha (Japanese-American Phonograph

Manufacturing Company) was organized by the F.W. Horn Company

and the vice-president of Tokyo Electric. The domestic production of

records from the factory began. In October, 1910, the company

became the Japan Phonography Company (Nihon Chikuonki Shokai),

which , with the trade name "Nipponophone,” dominated domestic record

and phor igraph production in Japan.^^ In the following four years,

another six phonograph companies were formed.

Werkmeister, a German cellist, who had taught in Japan for 18

years, described in 1927 some of the impressions of traditional music

and Western music of Japan. About the phonograph he wrote: . . . Especially during the war years when gold was fairly pouring into Japan and the interest in everything ’’foreign” was awakened in every class, interest in music took on a tremendous impetus, especially owing to the phonograph, which supplied new stimulus and nourishment

. . . Today, after some forty years have passed, the present generation is at home in many phases of Western culture and is interested in all the ultra-modem trends in literature, art and science. The latest works of Strauss, Mahler, Debussy and Stravinsky, so far as they exist in 'canned music' forim are studied at the phonograph, minia­ ture score in hand.^

Kasho Machida, "Japanese Music and Dance,” Japanese Music and Drama in the Meiji Era, ed. by Komiya Toyotka, tr. by Edward Seidensticker and Donald Keene, (Tokyo: Obunsha, 1956% p. 447.

Heinrich Werkmeister, "Impressions of Japanese Music,” Music Quarterly 13 (1927): pp. 105-106. 38

Regarding the popularity of Western classical music in Japan, Hans

Erik Pringsheim wrote in 1936: . . . it would be sufficient to quote the statistics of the phonograph record companies and to point out the fact that more recordings of serious musical compositions are sold yearly in .Japan than in any other country of the world. . .

When Chiang was charged as a ’’rightist” he had collected thousand of records and thousands of miniature scores. The records from the Western world and Japan played an important role for Chiang's study and analysis.

Due to the popularity of the phonograph, famous recording artists were invited to Japan and gave programs consisting primarily of their own recordings. After 1915, European artists, including Prokofiev, and other refugees who stayed in Japan from the , fur­ ther encouraged musical activities in Japan.

By the 1930s, world-famous artists like Elman, Schumann-Heink,

Burgmeister, Zimbalist, Kreisler, Heifetz, Godowsky, Levitsky, McCormack,

Thibaud, Goldberg, Kreutzer, Tcherepnin, Chaliapin, GalliCurci, Lili Kraus, Kemp, Feuermann, Marchai, as well as the conductor Weingartner and

Rosenstock opera companies from Italy, France and , were per­

forming in Japan.^^ As a score transcriber and voluntary worker at

the auditorium, Chiang was allowed to enjoy free the live performances

Hans Erik Pringsheim, ”Music in Japanese Schools,” Tourist (A Japan Travel Magazine), 193 (Oct. 1936): pp. 39-40.

Ibid., p. 106. also The Japan Year Book, 1937, Ed. by K. Inahara, The Foreign Affairs Association, (Tokyo: The Kenkjnisha Press), p. 900. 39 of the world's greatest artists. Yamada Kosaku, who later became Chiang's composition teacher, conducted the New Symphony Orchestra

(the former orchestra of NHK Orchestra). He systematically introduced the important works of European composers. In 1922, Yamada Kosaku

formed the Japanese Philharmonic Society, which was the foundation of the Japanese orchestra. He invited 47 Russian musicians from

Manchuria and gave a five-day festival of Russian and Japanese

orchestral music.

Klaus Pringsheim, a German conductor and composer who taught in

Imperial Academy of Music in Tokyo between 1931 and 1937, con­

ducted the choir and orchestra of this music school. They gave public concerts several times a year, the important repertoirs in 1932 for

example, the Fifth Symphony by G. Mahler, and in 1933, the Ninth

Symphony by Beethoven.^^

In order to answer the questions of how much Japanese understood,

appreciated, and loved Western music, Hans Erik Pringsheim wrote in

1936: To know that this question is to be answered in the affirmative, it would be sufficient to take a look into one of Tokyo's concert halls and to see how attentively, with how much understanding, appreciation and love, night and night again, audiences of thousands are listening to per­ formances of Western music. It would be sufficient to point out that a performance of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony always gets a full and enthusiastic house in Tokyo's largest concert hall, and if it was^the tenth per­ formance in the course of the same season.^

Tke Japan Year Book, 1937, p. 899.

^ Hans Erik Pringsheim, "Music in Japanese Schools,” p. 39. 40

In addition to the European and Russian artists, some German

Jewish musicians emigrated to Japan during the Hitler regime. G. Manfred was one of these, and he often conducted Chiang's orchestral works.^^ A. Tansman, a Polish modem composer, went to Japan in

1933. His ensemble music, piano solos, and his Symphony in A were performed by the New Symphony Orchestra. These performances stim­ ulated young Japanese composers to create their new music.^^

After Chiang won the Japan National Music Competition in 1933, he studied composition with the foremost Japanese advocate of German

Romanticism, composer Yamada Kosaku (1886-1965). Yamada was a graduate from the Tokyo Music School (1904-8), where he majored in voice. He studied cello and theory with Werkmeister. In 1908, he

won a scholarship to study at the Berlin Hochschule fur Musik, where

he studied composition with Bruch and Karl Leopold Wolf. Yamada

had been active in Japan, the USA, USSR, France and Germany. He

spoke German, French, Italian, and English with fluency. He promoted

performances of dramatic music and made the first attempt to compose orchestral works and operas in about 1912. He tried to combine the

traditions of German lieder from Schubert to Wolf with subtle Japanese

melodic features for the voice. His orchestral techniques were drawn

from those of Wagner, Strauss, and Scriabin.^^ It has been estimated

Mei-Lien Liu, "Unfinished Yoice of Mountain Alt” p. 80.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh,” in Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, Kuo-Huang Han et al., (Monterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), p. 58.

The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. "Japan”, pp. 566-567. 41 that he wrote 1500 works. The style of his works was described as reflecting

. . . the clear influence of Wagner, and , still more strongly, Strauss, with occasional characteristic features of French impressionnai, yet he never lost his identify as a Japanese composer.^®

Before the 1930s, the chief Western music training school in Japan

was the Imperial Academy of Music in Tokyo. In April, 1932, the composition division was founded in the Imperial Academy of Music.

At this school, teachers from Germany (graduates of the State High

School in Carlottenburg) had been particularly active. In addition to

German faculty members, the students had French musician-teachers.

As the result, the students' works would follow the lines of their

teachers. Japanese composers' piano works from this period were deriv­

atives of ninteenth-century Western compositions. According to

Akiyama,

. . . the work of prewar composers can be roughly divided according to the French or Austrian-German leaning. -trained Tomojiro IkenouchiCb. 1906) and KisWo HiraoCl907-54) are representative of the .first group, Berlin-trained Sabur MorioiCb. 1903) the second.^^

In the process of Westernization since the Meiji era, Japan has

experienced many kinds of conflicts, in general, the conflicts between

East and West in every aspect of life, including music. After World

War I, various new European music trends such as impressionism.

48 7W., pp. 566-567.

4^ John Vinton, editor. Dictionary of Contemporary Music, s.v. ’’Japan,” (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1971), p. 365. 42 expressionism, neoclassicism, primitivism, and nationalism were transmitted to Japan. There were two compositional directions existing for young

composers, i.e., the need to ’’Japanize” their Western style music, and to create "new music” using the new trends from Europe. For the first

need, composers who adhered to the traditional style attempted to syn­

thesize their Western music with traditional Japanese music. An organ­ ization, Shin Nihon Ongaku (New Japanese Music) aimed to perform

compositions in Western styles with Japanese instruments, including

vocal and instrumental compositions in folk song style. Among these,

the pieces for children were remarkably progressive.^® Harich-Schneider

comments on Yamada Kosaku's compositions: . . . As a composer he worked entirely on Western models with great facility and taste, but still keeps a Japanese fla­ vour. . . . Yamada had assimilated Western mluture with­ out giving up an inch of his Japanese nature.^^

In describing the conflicts between East and West, Kishibe wrote:

. . . the recognition of the importance of traditional music is becoming stronger and stronger. This recognition is not necessarily of the appreciation and evaluation of traditional music,but rather of its importance for the creation of new music.^"^ Werkmeister, a German faculty member at the Tokyo Music School,

observed the social conflict of music in 1927:

Japan, musically speaking, is a most interesting country, when we observe how three different types of music, old Korean, neo-Japanese and Occidental (or better said, European) music are cultivated side by side. . . . More recently, it is true, the struggle between Japanese and

The New Crove~Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, p. 550.

Eta Harich-Schneider, A History o f Japarvese Music, p. 545.

Shigeo Kishibe, "Japanese Music - Conflict or Synthesis," World o f Music 9/2 (1967): pp. 17-18. 43 Occidental mu%iç has become unpleasantly evident in the radio offerings. ^

The other need, to create new music with European trends was described by Bartok:

At the beginning of the 20th century, there was a turning point in the history of modem music. The excesses of the romanticists began to be unbearable for many. There were composers who felt: This road does not lead us anywhere; there is no piher solution but a complete break with the 19th century

By 1930, contemporary European movements were quickly transmit­ ted to Japan. Young Japanese composers began to write in a variety of new styles. According to Fukui,

A study of more than one hundred Japanese piano works from the 1930's show the composers gaining mastery over the various progressive or even redical trends that had already been in existence in Europe and America. Composers such as Saburo Takata and Hisai^do Otaka incorporated concepts of tonal organization found in impres­ sionism, while Akira Miyoshi and Akio Yashiro wrote in an atonal idiom.^^

Chiang Wen-Yeh, with some of the young Japanese composers, was

enthusiastic toward the new music trends of the Western World. He

was interested in the music of Stravinsky, Debussy, Prokofiev, Gian

Francesco Malipiero(l 882-1973), and especially Bartok. Young composers

attempted to avoid typical Western harmonizations of traditional

Heinrich Werkmeister, "Impressions o f Japanese Music," p. 100.

Sam Morgenstem, ed.. Composers on Music (New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1956), p. 424.

Masa Kitagawa Kukui, ’’Japanese Piano Music, 1940-1973: A meet­ ing of Eastern and Western Traditions” (DMA Dissertation, University of Maryland, 1981), p. 8. 44 pentatonic melodies. Being enthusiastic about new music trends, Chiang did not like the style of his teacher, Yamada Kosaku. Chiang studied with him only for a short time. He had an urge to pursue the new­ est techniques and idioms in the Western World. He wrote: "It will be 1934 one month later, but, except for spirit problems, my feeling and technique of expression still do not reach 1934 standards. . . "56

Commenting on new Japanese compositions in the 1930s, Picken wrote: Their works often carry conviction, are sometimes of real quality and promise an important contribution to the world's music in years to come. One striking feature of the considerable body of pianoforte-music pubhshed in the early 1930's is its resemblance to Bartok's ' microcosm," first published in 1940..» To what extent this is due to con­ scious imitation of Bartok's methods as displayed in earlier works, or to direct contact with Bartok, or to independent exploration by Japanese of the harmonic implications of their own idioni_in every sort of keyboard technique, it is difficult to say.5/

A set of children's pieces for pianoforte by Japanese composer Kobune Kojiro was described by Picken as an example similar to

Bartok's pieces. The following music example from ClownP^ helps

demonstrate this opinion:

56 Wen-Yeh Chiang, "feeling", recited from Min-shi Hu, Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, p. 18. (Meaning unclear in the cited text). 57 Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. "Japan," by Picken.

58 recited from Ibid., p. 592. 45

. „ Moderato ^ B --- ?" />==- •

• •

m

Figure h Kobune Kojiro: ’’Clown”

Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano work from the 16 Bagatelles, op. 8.

(Tokyo, 1936), was also cited by Picken as a ’’Japanese” composer's treatment of folk song.^^ Picken commented: ’’One of the more interesting composers is Bunya Koh, whose style sometimes suggests

Bartok and Schoenberg, but whose handling of the 'Chinese' pentatonic genus shows originality.”^®

Since Chiang stiU used the name ’’Bunya Koh” which is spelled according to Japanese pronounciation of Wen-Yeh Chiang, he was identified as Japanese.

60 Ibid., p. 592. 46

Allegretto grazioso, quasi allegro

Figure 2: Chiang Wen-Yeh: 16 Bagatelles, Op. 8, No. 4.

One of Chiang Wen-Yeh's composer friends, Matsudaira Yoritsune ( ), who became internationally famous, was bom in Tokyo,

May 5, 1907. He studied French literature at Keio University and took private composition lessons with Komatsu Kosuke. Matsudaira met

Tcherepnin in 1935 and studied composition with him. Like Chiang

Wen-Yeh, he won The Weingartner Prize for his Nanbu Min'yo Shu

(Folksongs from Nanbu) No. 1 in 1936.

An arranged Japanese folk song. Lullaby, drawn from Matsudaira's

Seven Japanese Folksongs from Naubu District (Tokyo, 1937), was

also cited by Picken to illustrate how Japanese composers used the

modem technique in the 1930s. He wrote: "Yoritsune Matsudaira,

. . . undoubtedly made a careful study of Russian methods of treating

such material (folk song).” His music amalgamates Japanese modalities 47 with modem harmonies.^ ^

g

r % W T T r T j n i T T $

m m «# m WT

Figure 3: Matsudaira Yoritsune: ’’Lullaby” from ’’Seven Japanese Folksongs from Naubu District”.

Kiyose Yasuji ( ), who became an important composer in

Japan, was also a friend of Chiang Wen-Yeh. He was bom on

January 13, 1900 and died on September 14, 1981. In addition to

Komatsu Kosuke and Pringsheim, like Chiang Wen-Yeh he studied com­

position privately with Yamada Kosaku and Tcherepnin. His music has

based upon traditional Japanese folksongs and pentachords, reflecting

German Romanticism and French Impressionism. The melodic distortion

technique, ’’side-slipping”, which was used frequently by Prokofiev and

Ibid., p. 593. 48 Chiang Wen-Yeh, is found in the second measure of A Whisper, from his Short Suite, as shown in Figure 4.

Andante con anima 5 4

mi ^ 5 2 1

Figure 4: Kiyose Yasuji: "A Whisper” from ’’Short Suite”.

It could be said that the development of Japanese music moderniza­ tion began when the Shinko Sakkyoku Renmei (New Composers'

Federation) was founded in 1930, organized by 16 composers including

Mitsukuri Shukichi (1895-1971), Sugawara Meiro (b. 1897), Kiyose Yasuji

(b. 1900) and Matsudaira Yoritsune (b. 1907-1981). The group rapidly

grew into a large organization and in 1935 became the Nihon Gendai

Sakkyokuka Renmei, which now forms the Japanese branch of the

ISCM (International Society of Contemporary Music ) and led in 1930

to the foundation of the Japan Contemporary Music Association (which

in 1971 included 167 composers). According to Akiyama, the compos­

ers in the earlier group were strongly influenced by impressionism and

neo-classicism, as well as by elements of Japan's folk traditions.^^

Kuniharu Akiyama, Dictionary of Contemporary Music, pp. 364-367. 49 Some other new music groups were found, including Chijin Kai

(Earth People Group), Jikken Kobo (Experimental Group), and Shin Shin Kai(New Music Group).

THE MUSIC ENTVIRONMENT IN CHINA

The Historical Background Before 1938

The development of Chinese Western music before 1938 can be divided into three stages: the first, contact stage (1600-1876); the sec­ ond, acceptance stage (1877-1926); and the third, assimilation stage

(1927- ).

The Contact Stage (1600-1876)

The contact stage began with the arrival of Matthaeus Ricci

( ), a missionary, in Beijing almost 3(X) years ago. Western music

did not influence musical life of the common people during this stage

because it was used primarily in church or royal courts. The wars

between China and Western powers, combined with the movements of

anti-missionaries and anti-foreigners, contributed to the decline of the

influence of Western music.

One of the earliest forms of Western music, the Nestorian Hymns,

were transmitted to China in the Tang Dynasty ( # 618-907 A.D.). 50 The organ was used during the Yuen Dynasty ( Æ 1270-1368); the harpsichord was introduced in the Ming Dynasty ( % 1368-1644), and

Western music theory was transmitted during the early Tching Dynasty

( ÎH 1644-1911).^^ In 1582, Michael Ruggieri ( ^ ), known as the first missionary who wrote a music theory book in Chinese, came to Canton, China with Western musical instruments.^

Matthaeus Ricci came to Beijing in 1600. One of the gifts that he brought to the Chinese Emperor, Sen-Tsong ( #1' ^ ) was a 72-string harpsichord (or Clavecin). From then on. Western instruments, includ­ ing string instruments and organs, were introduced into China.^^ In 1641, a missionary named Joannes Adam Schall von Bell ( ) repaired the harpsichord for the Emperor and brought another gift, water power instrument which was probably a water organ.^^

One day in 1679, while listening to Chinese traditional music in the court, Thomas Pereira ( ), a Portuguese musician, notated the music and played it immediately on the harpichord. The Emperor

Kang Shi ( ^ R5) was amazed. Pereira wrote the notation of a piece performed by the Emperor on a Chinese instrument, than immediately

Fang Hao, ”A Brief History of the Transmitting of Western Music before Jia Chin. Da Lu Magazine (May 1952k pp. 309-316. De Riquebourg, Histoire de I'Expeditition Chrétienne au Royaume de la Chine Entreprise par les Per es de la Compagnie de Jésus (The History of Christian Missionary in China), 161A Lille, cited by Tsang-Huei Shih, Tke History of Chinese new Music (Taipei: Yue-Yuin Publishing Inc., 1986), p. 4.

Tsang-Huei Shih, The History of Chinese new Music, p. 5.

66 Ibid,, p. 5. 51 performed it without error. The Emperor was impressed and began to leam Western music, stating that "Western music is the most beauti­ ful in the world, and Pereira's technique is the best in China."^^

Pereira sent a Western music theory treatise to the Emperor; this book was translated into Chinese ( ) and was documented into the music theory treatise of the royal court (

Although China received Western music, heard only in church and court. Western music had no influence upon Chinese musical life.

In the Chien Long ( % ) Emperor's era (1736-1795), an opera

buffa, known as the Italian composer Niccola Piccini's La Cecchina,

ossia La buono figliuola (1760), was directedby anItalian missionary.

The Emperor formed an orchestra and built an opera house especially

for this performance.

In 1751, Jean Joseph Marie Amiot ( ), a French missionary,

went to China where he remained for 42 years. He wrote a treatise about ancient and contemporary Chinese music,verifying that the

equal temperament tuning was invented several decades earlier in China

than in Europe by a Chinese music theorist Chu Tsai-Yu ( )

with documented precise mathematical calculations before 1584.^^

67 Ibid., p. 7.

68 Ibid.

69 Mémoire Sur la Musique des Chinois taut anciens que modernes, Paris 1779.

70 The first European printed solution of equal temperament was made by Johann Faulhaber in 1630. 52 Western music declined in China during the anti-missionary move­ ments. By the first Opium War in 1840, Western culture, including music, had completely disappeared in China. Western music did not influence Chinese music until it was reintroduced in the late 19th and

20th centuries.

The Acceptance Stage (1877-1926)

The acceptance stage began in 1877 with the first published hymn book in Chinese, Hymns to Praise the LordP^ During this stage,

China was confronted with Western and Japanese political and economic

aggrandizement. Responding to the successful model of the Meiji

Restoration in Japan, Chinese intellectuals were forced to modernize by

adopting Western science and technology. Along with the need for and

strong interest in Western civilization, westernization was also caused by

the loss of cultural confidence and resistance towards old traditions.

These attitudes affected all aspects of Chinese life for the next 100

years.

In music, the process of modernization appeared to be the same as

that of the Japanese who had taken the first step decades earlier in 1868. The modernization of Japanese music was implemented rapidly

from the beginning due to strong governmental support; in contrast, the

modernization of Chinese music relied mainly on missionaries and

Kuo-Huang Han, From West to East, (Taipei: China Times Books, 1981), pp. 5-6. Han Kuo-Huang made the discovery of the three earliest hymn books in Chinese. 53 individual efforts although the public school, which followed the model of the Japanese system, was formed in 1905. The new school system in Japan was established by the government, but some of the new schools in China were sponsored by missionaries. Since the process of westernization of music in Japan began earlier and more rapidly, the

Chinese learned second-hand Western music from Japan in the early stage of modernization.

Western music was transmitted to China in three ways: by mis­

sionaries, by forming military bands, and by teaching childrens' songs

in public schools. Acceptance of Western music began with total

acceptance, or in the sense of ’’transplanting” Western music into Oriental culture without change. The resistance of old Chinese cultures

enhanced the transplanting process of Western music and also gradually

blocked out the traditional music.

Three hymn books in Chinese were published between 1877 and

1910. Two of the hymn books had the same titles. Hymns to Praise

tke Lord, without musical notation. The texts were Chinese translations

of standard English hymn texts of the time, the books were published

in 1877 and 1906. Another hymn book with Western staff notation.

Hymns o f Reviving, was published in 1910.^^

The first Westem-style Chinese band was first formed in Beijing in

the 1880s. The band was directed by E. E. Encamacao, a

Portuguese-born postal officer of customs, and was sponsored by Sir

Ibid., p. 4. 54 Robert Hart, an Irish-bom inspector, general of the Chinese Maritime Customs. The official Chinese military band was formed in the mid-1890s, belonging to Yuan Shi-Kai's ) army.^^

Western children's songs were either directly transplanted by mis­ sionaries or transmitted from Japanese second-hand Western children's songs. Western music became part of the curriculum in both the pri­ mary school and the normal school. One of the song books. Songs fo r the New School, sponsored by Hubei Governor Zhang Gong-Bao

(an honorary name of Zhang Zi-Dong was published between

1905 and 1906. The main editor and composer of the book, Lu Li-Yuan (SS^Æ), had studied Western music in Japan. Some of the

songs were easy-to-sing Western melodies with Chinese texts, and many

were written by Chinese composers who had studied in Japan. All the songs were arranged by grades and printed in staff or cipher

(numerical) notation.'^^

In the autumn of 1916, a student recreation group called the

"Music Association of Peking University” was formed at Peking

University. In 1919, it was reorganized and named the "Society of

Musical Study of Peking University.” The Society offered lessons for

both Western and Chinese instruments, music theory, and music appre­

ciation. The society also published the Music Magazine from March,

Ibid., pp. 19-20.

Kuo-Huang Han, From West to East, pp. 9-14. Numerical notation was invented by French J. J. Souhaitty (17th century), later improved by philosopher J. J. Rouseau (1712-1778). 55

1920 to December, 19217^

In 1920, the most important musician and educator of early Chinese music, Hsiao Yiu-Mei ( iili% # 1884-1940) returned to China. He stud­ ied musical theory and composition at the Leipzig Conservatory and

also studied philosophy, aesthetics, and education at the University of

Leipzig where he earned a Ph.D. He served as the advisor of the Music Society, teaching music history and theory. It was reported that

almost 1000 students attended his harmony class. Later, Yang Zhungzi

( f ), who studied piano in the Swiss Music Conservatory, was

invited to teach piano; he became an advisor of the piano division. In

1922, Liu Tien-Hua ( g R ^0 ), a violinist and the greatest master of

erhu (a Chinese string instrument), served as the advisor of the Chinese

music division."^^

In 1922, the Society was reorganized again, as "The Music Teaching

and Learning Institute of Peking University,” and Hsiao You-Mei was

appointed as the dean of the academy. Joseph Yasser, an American

musicologist of Polish birth, organist and conductor, was educated in

Moscow State Conservatory and taught in the Institute.^^ In this peri­

od, except for a few traditional instrument lessons, the music education

in all levels was "Westernized.

Shih Tsang-Huei, THe History of Chinese New Musk, p. 13. 77 Ibid.

78 Yasser wrote an important contemporary treatise, A Theory of Evolving Tonality. The theory was partly derived from Chinese pentachords of Cbnfucian tempo. 56 In 1919, the first orchestra, the Shanghai Municipal Symphony, was founded by Mario Paci (1877-1946 ). Pad was an Italian con­ cert pianist and conductor who graduated from Milan Conservatory.

The members of the orchestra consisted of Chinese musicians and sever­ al musicians recruited from Europe. After 20 years under Paci’s direc­ tion, this orchestra became the best in the Far East Paci cultivated several internationally famed Chinese pianists, including Fu-Tsong

( # % ), Dong Kuang-Kuang ( ), and Sen Yia-Chin ( 'ÛM W

Sometimes in advance of his Western colleagues, Paci conducted works by Respighi, Rieti, Malipiero, de Falla, Ravel, Kodaly, Bartok, Graene, and Hindemith.^®

The musicians who were active in the early development of Chinese

modem music were Western musicians and Chinese musicians who studied in Japan. Then Western musicians and Chinese musicians w%o

studied in Europe became influential. Not untü the founding of the

first music school, the National Conservatory in Shanghai, did outstand­

ing performers and composers who were trained in China become

active.

Tsang-Huei Shih, The History of Chinese New Music, pp. 14-15.

Alexander Tcherepnin. "Music in Modem China,” Musical Quarterly XXI/4 (October, 1935): p. 395. 57 Assimilation and Professional stage (1927- )

This stage began in November, 1927 with the foundation of the National Conservatory in Shanghai.^ ^ Hsiao Yiu-Mei was appointed as president in 1928. During the 1930's, many Western musicians and composers were active in China. Hsiao Yiu-Mei recruited the best fac­ ulties in China to teach in the Conservatory. More than 10 Western musicians and 13 Chinese musicians were teaching in the early decades.

Listed below are several of the important faculty members: 1. Boris Zakharoff: Russian, taught piano; graduated from

St. Petersberg Conservatory where he studied with C. Godowsky;

joined the Conservatory in 1928.

2. Shevtzoff: Russian, taught cello. 3. Arriago Foa: Italian, graduated from Milan Conservatory of Music,

taught violin from 1927 to 1948.

4. Hsiao Yiu-Mei: Taught theory and composition; Ph.D. from the

University of Leipzig; studied with Hugo Reimann.

5. Huang Zi: Dean of Academic study, head of theory and composi­

tion; studied theory and composition at Yale University and

became the most influential composer of early modem Chinese

music.

81 Tsang-Huei Shih, Tke History of Chinese New Music, p. 17. 58 Chiang Wen-Yeh*s Contemporary Composers

When Chiang Wen-Yeh returned to China in the 1930s, Chinese composers were just beginning to assimilate Western music into Chinese culture, and composing with Western tertian harmony which was new and fresh to the Chinese people. Some of the important composers are discussed in the following sections.

Li Su-Tong (1879-1942)

Li Su-Tong ( ^ ) was one of the pioneer composers who studied oil painting in Ueno Bijutsu Semmon Gakko (Ueno Art Academy), Tokyo, in 1905. He also studied piano at the Ongaku Gakko (Institute of Music) and majored in theory and composition. He began to pub­

lish the first Western music magazine in China,

Yin-Yueh-Hsiao-Tsa-Tsih (The Little Magazine of Music) in 1906.^^ In

the following years, he worked as a journalist, editor, and drawing and

painting instructor. In 1918, Li Su-Tong became a Buddhist monk, and

his religous name was Hong-Yi ( &füli ). As a pioneer Chinese

composer, he left about 100 songs for voice with or without piano

accompaniment He either wrote the music, the text, or both. The

style of almost all his music consists of single melodies supported with

primary tertian functional harmony, without modulation, written in the basic form of through-composed, two-part, or three-part songs.

Chi-Jen Chang, ’’Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music (Doctor of Education Dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia Universtiy, May 1983), p. 18. 59 Shiao Yiu-Mei (1884-1940)

In addition to his contributions to music education, Hsiao Yiu-Mei composed 90 songs, two string quartets, two short marches for orchestra and three works for piano solo.^^

The style of Hsiao's music is basically homophonie, with a melody accompanied by classical European functional harmony, usually limited to the primary chords.

Zao Yuan-Ren (1891-1982)

Zao Yuan-Ren ( ) was a linguist who had enough musical training to compose art songs and chorus pieces which are still popular and influential in China. Chang Chi-Jen commented on his music:

Although his model was the German lieder, his linguis­ tic training made his musical settings of Chinese texts far superior to most composers of the 1920s. His songs reflected the major themes of social interest and patriotism which prevailed dming the period of the so-called "May Fourth Movement”®^

Zao's music presents more variety than that of his contemporaries.

Melodies which are based on Chinese pentachords and Western major

and minor scales are accompanied by Western harmonies. The texture

is basically homophonie, with occasional contrapuntal or broken chord

Chang, Chi-Kao, ed. The Life and 'Works of Hsiao Yiu-Mei, the Father o f Modern Chinese Musical Education. (Taipei: The Asian Composers' League, Republic of China Chapter, 1982), p. 1.

Chi-Jen Chang, "Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music, p. 23-24. 60 style. The harmonies are functional; non-harmonic tones and secondary dominant-seventh chords are used in order to express the text effective­ ly. The principle of tension and release that prevailed in the lieder style of Western Romanticism is clear in his music.

Huang Zi (1904-1938)

The most influential Chinese composer after 1928 and the follow­ ing decades was Huang Zi ( % § ) who was bom in Tsuan-Sa,

Chiang-Su ( ). He went to the United States to study psy­

chology and music at Oberlin College in 1924. In 1926, he transferred

to Yale University, majoring in theory and composition, and received

his Bachelor's degree in 1929. He was later appointed as the dean of

academic study and as a faculty member of theory and composition in

the National Conservatory in Shanghai. He had cultivated many

important native-trained Chinese composers. Several decades after his

premature death in 1938, at the age of 34, most of his students still

followed and developed his line of composition until as recently as the

1980s.

Huang Zi composed approximately over 2(X) songs, most with piano

accompaniment, two orchestral works for movies, and an unfinished

cantata.^^ Like Zao Yuan-Ren, the agreement of text and music in

Huang Zi's music reflects his concept of word painting. The character

of the text, the clarity of the pronunciation, and the intonation and

85 Ibid., p. 27. 61 accentuation of the Chinese language were carefully conveyed. Most of his 45 important melodies were based on Western major and minor scales, and only five of these works use pure Chinese pentachords; another four mingle major, minor, and pentatonic scales.®^

Huang Zi used Western functional harmony, most often with dia­ tonic chords. In order to enrich the sonority, he also use non- harmonic tones or foreign tones without changing the tonality; unre­ solved seventh and ninth chords on all scale degrees were used. His pure pentatonic piece. The Mountain in the Floating and Intangible

(A ir) ( ) uses exclusively the Chinese both in harmony and melody. This is his only piece that was har­

monized with the chords which combine any of the five Chinese pen­

tachords. This was his first attempt to depart from Western harmony.

Liu She-An (1905- )

Liu She-An ( SiJSfi ) was bom in Ton Cen, Si Chuan. He studied

composition with Hsiao Yiu-Mei, and later with Huang Zi at the National Conservatory of Music in Shanghai in 1930. Tcherepnin met

and taught Liu She-An composition in 1934. In the article, "Music in

Modem China,” Tcherepnin described him : Liu She-An, a very young man, shows a great promise in his piano compositions and short songs, pieces of a decidedly Chinese flavor.®'

Tsang-Huei Shih, The History of Chinese New Music, p. 129. Alexander Tcherepnin, "Music in Modem China,” Musical Quarterly XXI/4 (Oct. 1935): p. 399. 62

His songs still are popular in Hong Kong and Taiwan today. He was considered the best song writer after Huang Zi's death in 1938.

Like Chiang Wen-Yeh, Liu She-An was purged in 1952 because he wrote "bourgeois" songs, considered ’’yellow songs’’ (dirty songs) by the

Communist Party and labeled as a ’’rightist” in 1957. All of his

activities were confined, and his works were banned from then on. He

left about 60 songs, one opera, and five sets of piano solos.^^

Liu's early compositions in the 1930s and 1940s showed the influ­

ence of Huang Zi. He used exclusively Western major and minor

scales in his music. This harmonic vocabulary was almost the same as

that of Huang Zi: mainly primary chords with added non-harmonic tones. His piano writing primarily used chordal textures, employing

broken chords, arpeggios with parallel 6ths, lOths, running scale passages,

and tremolos by one or two hands.

He Luding (1903- )

He Luding ( was born in Shiao Tong, Hunan. He studied

theory and composition with Huang Zi at the National Conservatory.

The first prize that he won at the competition sponsored by Tcherepnin

in 1934 made him a national figure. His prized composition, the

B u ffa lo Boy's Flute, is one of the most popular piano works in China

as shown in Figure 5.^^

Chi-Jen Chang, ’’Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music, p. 137. 63

} 1 T T l t 3 0

f . nfT r r t - m

? u * Tu»- 11. » Ï ' * Y' Ï vVf V" JTL^ cre^t. - jj_LL 1J J Ijf ^ Figure 5: He Luding: ’’Buffalo Boy's Flute”, hand transcribed by A. Tcherepnin.

89 Ibid., p. 137. 64

The Buffalo Boy's Flute was inspired by a familiar peasant scene: a shepherd boy playing a bamboo flute while riding on a buffalo's back. According to Tcherepnin, the work showed "originality, clarity, and a sure hand in counterpoint and form.”^®

As a Communist Party member since 1926, he worked smoothly in

Red China. He became Minister of Culture of the People's Republic of

China in 1949, and he was appointed as president of the Shanghai

Conservatory of Music in 1958. He was attacked for not following

the "nationalistic style” in 1958-1959, and during the Cultural Revolution in 1966, he was purged as a "rightist." His association with

Tcherepnin was also listed among the accusations. He became politically

clear in 1972, and since then has served as the President of the

Shanghai Conservatory of Music

He Luding published his five piano works and five orchestral pieces

in two volumes. Most of his compositions are written for solo voice

or solo voice with mixed chorus. His songs can be divided into three

categories: songs which reflect social problems (1934-37); patriotic songs

(1937-49); and songs composed in support of Communist ideology (after

1949%92

Tcherepnin, "Music in Modern China," p. 394.

Ibid., p. 138. 92 Ibid., p. 139. 65 The Musical Probl ems between East and West

When Chiang Wen-Yeh taught in Beijing in 1938, China moved ahead at full speed to Westernize its music, and composers began to use

Western music theory in their compositions. The greatest difference between Eastern and Western music is that Oriental music lacks much

of the well established tertian functional harmony. This was the musi­

cal element that attracted early Chinese and Japanese composers. In the

early stage of assimilation, the standard model of musical composition

was a Chinese melody supported by Western tertian diatonic chords with basic chord progressions. The harmonies were ’’colored” by adding

non-resolved, non-harmonic tones into the diatonic chords. Because Oriental music lacks the Western sense of harmonic vocabulary, the

melody supported by Western fuctional harmony sounds pleasant and

fresh to Chinese ears. Most Chinese composers appeared to be satisfied

with this model during the 1930s.

Many critics opposed the overwhelming use of Western chordal har­

mony. To many Chinese composers, the application of functional har­

monic vocabulary sounded Western; they were searching for other

possible ways to express their music which sounded Chinese while using

Western instruments and techniques.

The Western major and minor diatonic scales were the most popular

scales used in the early Chinese compositions. Although traditional

pentatonic scales were used, the melodies were harmonized with basic

chord progressions, favoring Western major and minor harmonies. 66 The texture of the compositions in the 1930s and decades after mainly in homophonie style. In addition to chordal texture, the piano writing also presented the variation of chordal structure such as broken chords, arpeggios, etc. Few composers applied contrapuntal styles which enabled them to use traditional melodic lines in all voices without revealing Western harmonic tendencies.

During this period, the popular piano idioms included trills, tremolos by one hand or both hands, broken chords, arpeggios in parallel thirds, tenths and octaves, and running major and minor scale passages.

Because traditional Chinese music is almost in a duple meter system, most of the compositions in this period are in duple meter. Only a few pieces employed triple meter, and almost all the compositions never changed time signatures in the same piece.

Almost all the compositions were songs and choral music, very few orchestral works were composed in this period.

When Chiang Wen-Yeh arrived in Beijing in 1938, his music was far advanced, compared to the music of other composers in China. He

composed large-scale orchestral works and used the newest Western har­

monic idioms and techniques. The music environment in Japan had

already fully developed to a level whereby many people, or at least

groups of musicians, appreciated and pursued the newest musical trends

in Europe. The popularity of the phonograph played an important role

in educating the Japanese people to appreciate Western music and to 67 transmit immediately the newest European art to the musician's ear. In

China, on the contrary, the phonograph was not so popular. Except for some of the music students, the Chinese population seldom had chances to listen to Western music, not to mention the newest

European trends. If there had been no connection between Chiang and the Japanese music environment, he would have been isolated in China

because people failed to understand his music. This might be one of

the reasons why he was accused easily in the political campaign.

During the 1930s, composers became aware of the aesthetic and

technical conflicts between the West and the East Musicians and

composers declared their views about which direction Chinese music

should take. Some foreign musicians who cared about traditional

Chinese culture helped to solve these problems and to open new ways

to create new Chinese music. The most influential musician to Chinese

composers, including Chiang Wen-Yeh, was the Russian composer,

Alexander Tcherepnin.

ALEXANDER TCHEREPNIN AND CHIANG ^^TDH-YEH

Chiang Wen-Yeh studied composition with Tcherepnin on an irregu­

lar basis, when Tcherepnin was teaching at the National Conservatory

in Shanghai between 1934 and 1937.^^ Regarding the personal

According to the contract between Chiang Wen-Yeh and Tcherepnin about the copyright of Chiang's composition, dated February 27, 1935, they should have known each other before this date. 68 relationship between Tcherepnin and Chiang Wen-Yeh, Mrs. Tcherepnin wrote: . . . not only was a teacher-student relationship formed, but they held each other in the greatest esteem and affec­ tion. Mr. Tcherepnin nickname Chiang Wen-Yeh as ”Pien” and he in turn addressed Mr. Tcherepnin as ’’Apina”. Mr. Tcherepnin regarded him as a son.^^

After Tcherepnin returned to Paris, Chiang Wen-Yeh was still send­ ing his works to his teacher. Several title pages of Chiang's piano works, such as Sonata No. 3 (1945) and Sonata No. 4 (1949), were printed "a Alexandre Tcherepnine”. As late as 1950, a photo of

Chiang was sent to "Maestro Tcherepnine Apina”.

In order to promote Chiang Wcn-Yeh's music, Tcherepnin published several of his works, and also recorded Chiang's 5 Sketches Op. 4a on the record. Modern Japanese Piano Alburn?^ Tcherepnin and Mrs.

Tcherepnin, Lee Hsien Ming, had played Chiang Wen-Yeh's works in several countries throughout the world. Tcherepnin became the most influential teacher and friend to Chiang Wen-Yeh.

94 Letter from Mme. Tcherepnin to this writer, dated June 2, 1987.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh," p. 73. 69 The Musical Thought of Tcherepnin's Nationalism

Alexander Tcherepnin was bom on January 21, 1899, in

St. Petersburg (now Leningrad) and died September 29, 1977 in Paris. His father, , pupil of Rimsky-Korsakov, was an out­ standing Russian composer, a brilliant conductor, and an illustrious peda­ gogue. His mother was a daughter of a French painter and German pianist.^"• • .96

When Alexander was bom, his father was the conductor of the

Marinsky Theater and Imperial Opera House (1908), and taught con­ ducting at the S t Petersburg Conservatory of Music. He was enthusi­ astic about the music of the Russian national school and close to the "Mighty Five,” Rimsky-Korsakov, Balakirev, Borodin, Mussorgsky, and

Cui. Rimsky-Kosakov, together with his pupils and colleagues,

(Stravinsky, Glazunov, Cui, Liadov and Liapunov) were frequent visitors to the Tcherepnin home.^^ Nikolai Tcherepnin was Prokofiev's teacher and urged him to experiment with new musical sounds.^®

Tcherepnin studied piano with Leocadia Kashperova, a student of

Anton Rubinstein, from 1908 to 1917, a period during which he com­

posed entirely by himself. In the conservatory, Tcherepnin studied tra­

ditional harmony with Nicolai Sokoloff in 1918. The Russian

Alexander Tcherepnin, "Short Autobiography (1964),” Tempo 130 (Sept. 1970% p. 12. 97 Ibid., p. 12.

9^ The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. "Prokofiev”, p. 289. 70 Revolution began in 1917, and the increasingly hostile political climate forced their family to move to Paris in 1921.

In the late 1920s, Tcherepnin began to search for new ways of composition. He wrote: ’The life of a composer is a continued drive towards progress,, so I looked for a new means, for a deeper meaning of art.”^^ He began to seek the origin of Russian music, Russian peo­ ple, and his mission in art About the Russian race, his "Eurasian” theory stated that "Russia is as much a European country as she is an

Asiatic one—a true 'Eurasian' empire, both geographically and ethnical­ ly.” 100 He began to look into musical folklore in order to "get away” from his own musical form ulas.^01 At the end of 1933, Tcherepnin began to collect folklore in Egypt and Palestine, also researching the folk songs of , Armenia, Persia, Adzerbeidjan, and Russia.

In early 1934, with the main purpose of studying and collecting

Asian folk music and folk art forms, he made a trip to the Far

East.^®^ The tour was arranged to begin in China, followed by Japan,

the Philippines, , Egypt, and Palestine. He arrived in Shanghai

in April, 1934. After visiting the other countries on his arranged

schedule, he was attracted to Chinese culture. Instead of returning to

Europe, he returned to China in October, 1934. In order to assist the

Tcherepnin, "Short Autobiography," p. 16. 100 Ibid., p. 17.

101 Ib id . 102 Willi Reich, Alexander Tcherepnin, rev. ed. (Bonn: M. P. Belaieff, 1970), pp. 39-40. 71 Chinese in developing their modem music, he remained in China until July, 1937.

As a Russian concert pianist who became famous by playing his own pieces, Tcherepnin gave his first chamber concert in China on

April 27, 1934, performing his own Piano Trio, op. 34. On May 4th, he gave a solo recital devoted exclusively to his compositions in the auditorium of the National Conservatory in Shanghai.^ On May

13th, he gave another recital, performing his Piano Concerto No. 2 in

A minor, Op. 25, with the Shanghai Municipal Symphony Orchestra

conducted by Mario Paci. Also included on the program was his work.

Transcriptions of Slavic Songs, Op. 21

After Tcherepnin heard music performed on the pipa, a Chinese

plucked lute, which is played by nails repeately to prolong a note, he loved it and actually began to study the instrument with Miss Tsau

An-He ( @ ), a pipa virtuoso. His piano concert etude. Hommage a

la China, 1935, reflects the influence of his study of pipa.

103 Chi-Jen Chang, "Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modern Chinese Music,’ p. 42. 104 jbid. 72

Allegro

Figure 6: Tcherepnin: ’’Hommage a la China” (1935X

His Chinese Bagatelle, Op. 51, No. 3 (1935), is another example inspired by the pipa. The idiom of repeated notes of the pipa is expressed by changing fingers, or alternating hands on the repeated notes, as shown in Figure 7.

Allegretto .1 i I a » -I » ■* I " W - -»■' M - -

i « » ----- 3 5 - - » -----i-----f -----

Figure 7: Tcherepnin: ’’Chinese Bagatelle”, Op. 51, No. 7 (1935).

105 In early 1934, two of Tcherepnin's operas. Die Hochzeit der 73

As an opera Composer,^ Tcherepnin was very interested in Chinese opera. He studied Chinese opera wih the foremost Peking Opera theorist and scholar of the time, Tchi Ru San ( ^énilj ) and became his adopted son. Dsi gave Tcherepnin a Chinese name Tchi Erping ( j^g eventually started to write an opera based on a Chinese theatrical story ”Bi Mu Yu,” ( The Flounder).

Unfortunately, due to the interruption of World War II, the opera was

never completed.^^^

In addition to his study of the pipa and Peking Opera, Tcherepnin

also studied Chinese classical music, folk music, and even Buddhist and

popular music. Two of his works composed in 1934 were related to

the Buddhist service music, the Procession de Moines from the Premiere Suite, op. 51, no. 1, and the Chant from F u n f

Konzert-Etuden, op. 52.^®^

By the time Chiang Wen-Yeh first went to China to collect folk

songs with Tcherepnin in 1936, the music school was overwhelmed with

Western music. In contrast, traditional Chinese music declined. For

example, in 1927, 27 students were admitted to the National

Conservatory. By the year 1937, the official enrollment was 110 stu­

dents, with half of them studying piano; one third, voice; and the rest,

Soheide and 01-01, were performed with great success in Europe and America, cf. Ibid., p. 37.

106 Chi-Jen Chang, "Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music, p. 52. ^07 Ibid., p. 54. 108 Jbid., p. 56. 74 violin or cello. Only two students studied the traditional Chinese instrument, the pipa.^®^ In addition to the National Conservatory, many music departments in several other universities were established in

China.

After Tcherepnin observed the overwhelming European influence in the National Conservatory, he considered that this was a dangerous

threat to the future of Chinese art music. He thought that the domi­ nation of Western music had reached a degree that seriously affected

the originality of music. In order to awaken Chinese musicians to pay

attention to their traditional music, he decided to initiate a competition

for composers.^

On May 21, 1934, he wrote a letter to the president of the

National Conservatory, Hsiao Yiu-Mei: I am writing this letter to ask you to undertake the organization of a competition having an object the produc­ tion of national Chinese music. A prize of 100 dollars Mexican to be offered for the best piano piece written by a Chinese composer and of national character, the duration of the piece not to exceed five minutes.

I hope this competition will result in m y being able to take with me a piano piece that wiU give me the oppor­ tunity to make known in other countries. Chinese music, which I have learnt to appreciate very sincerely. . .

Catalog o f the National Conservatory, 1937, p. 1 and 5. cited by Chang Chi-Jen, Ibid^ pp. 24-25.

Chao Mei-Po, "The Trend of Modern Chinese Music,” Tien Hsia Monthly, IV (1937). p. 281, cited by Chang Chi-Jen, Ibid., p. 58.

Ill Ibid., p. 59. 75 In early November a five-member jury was formed including Hsiao

Yiu-Mei, Huang Zi, Zakharoff, Aksakoff, and Tcherepnin. The prizes were awarded November 24, 1934. He Luding won the first prize with his piece B uffalo Boy's Flute. Second prizes were awarded to four other composers. Tcherepnin also sponsored a similar competition for Japanese composers to create their own national style in 1935.The judges of the competition in Japan included A. Roussel and A.

Honegger.

On January 29, 1935, Tcherepnin gave a solo piano recital, includ­

ing his own compositions and two winning pieces from the competition

for Chinese composers. From then on, Tcherepnin's recitals in China

always included music by Chinese composers. As a world-famous

musician at the time, his activities enhanced the nationalization of

modem Chinese music.

On February 4, 1935, Hsio Yiu-Mei invited him to teach in the National Conservatory in Shanghai. Tcherepnin taught composition and

piano in the Conservatory as an honorary professor. He gave lectures

and encouraged the use of pentatonic scales in Chinese compositions.

In order to promote the works of young Chinese and Japanese

composers, Tcherepnin formed a publishing company in Tokyo during

Feburary or March, 1935. He named the company "Ryuginsha"

( îjili'niTü: Dragon Chanting Society). According to Willi Reich, there

were more than 50 works published between 1935 and 1937.^^^

112 Chi-Jen Chang, "Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music, p. 82. 76 In addition to Ryuginsha in Tokyo, there were four agents for the Collection; Commercial Press in Shanghai, Universal Edition in Wien,

G. Schirmer in New York, and Edition Pro Musica in Paris.^^^ In

the 1937 edition of the "Cataloque of Collection A. Tcherepnin,” there

were 37 pieces with 27, 28, 29 and 34 missing. These 37 pieces were

divided into two categories: Modern Chinese Music, and Modern

Japanese Musk. Chiang Wen-Yeh's music was published under the category of Modern Japanese Musk because he used the Japanese

name ’’Bunya Koh”.^^^ Tcherepnin published six sets of Chiang

Wen-Yeh's works. Four of them were written for piano solo, one set

for voice and piano, and one for flute and piano. 1. Little Sketches, op. 3a (published under Modern Japanese Piano

Album).

2. 3 Dances, op. 7.

3. 5 Sketches, op. 4.

4. 16 BagaleUes, p. 8.

5. 4 Seiban Songs. 6. Sonata for Flute and Piano

Discussing music education, especially for instrumental students,

Tcherepnin emphasized that students should begin with 20th-century

repertoire. In the letter to Walter Koons, he wrote:

The present agent in United States is Shawnee Press Inc. in Delaware Water Gap (Pennsylvania).

Ibid., p. 84. In December 3, 1937, he changed his name to the Chinese pronunciation, "Chiang Wen-Yeh”, in a radio concert given by Tcherepnin in New York. 77 To be more specific: China of 1934 has much in common with all the rest of the world of 1934, but China of 1834 would have nothing in common with the rest of the world in 1934. If you ouilt a first electric station in Han Kow, you would certainly build an up-to-date station and not one like the. first that you built 40 years ago in the USA. . . .“ 5

In the article "Music in Modem China," Tcherepnin wrote with the same concept* A Chinese music student of today is able to take our modern music for granted without regard to its past devel­ opment, by evolution or revolution, from its early begin­ nings to its present state. Modem music seems to him as natural as any music could be, and is nearer to his psy­ chology than the classical music,, for he is acquainted with the culture that produced today's, music, but is almost igno­ rant of our cultural past, . .

In Tcherepnin's view, a beginner should start with

the use of familiar music, adaptations of Chinese folksongs in a modem manner. These should be followed by modem compositions beginning with Debussy (especially congenial to the Chinese ear through the Javanese affinity in his art) and Stravinsky, and leading to the best works of the post­ war musical literature.^ ^ '

According to Tcherepnin, the leaming process would be complete only when the classical Westem works were thoroughly studied. After this accomplishment, Chinese musicians could develop their own modem musical idioms directly, rather than attempting to catch up with

Western musical heritage and contemporary idioms.^ The most

Tcherepnin, "Letter to Walter Koons." (Dated 25 July 1934). Music Courier, (17 Nov. 1934). cited by ' Chang Chi-Jen, Ibid., pp. 70-71. Tcherepnin, "Music in Modem China," Musical Quarterly, p. 398.

7 Ibid., p. 398.

11^ Chi-Jen Chang, "Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music, ' p. 81. 78 important contribution that Tcherepnin brought to Chinese music was his emphasis upon the value of Chinese traditional music and folk music in composition. Chiang Wen-Yeh was the one who followed this philosophy.

According to the interview reported in the newspaper article,

Tcherepnin advised young Chinese composers to:

"concentrate on the composition of purely national music with a view to its introduction to and recognition by the international musicl world.” Chinese composers, he (Tcherepnin) insisted, should not occupy their time merely imitating European music; they should try to interpret Chinese national music by using modem notatiom ^and writ­ ing for instruments of an internationl character.^

In 1937, during the welcome party in Japan for the famous

Russian singer, Chaliapin, Tcherepnin introduced Chiang Wen-Yeh. Chiang sang his own pieces, the 4 Seiban Songs at the party and

Tcherepnin played the piano accompaniment. Afterwards, Tcherepnin

advised the young Japanese composers:

You need not study abroad, for listening to the folksong in the countryside is even better. Over studying classical technique is very dangerous. It will destroy "modem sen­ sation”. If you want to work on classical technique, wait until vm feel at home with your own compositional tech­ nique.

’Tcherepnin Sets New Task for Young Chinese Composers,” The Pei pin Chronicle, 7 December 1934, cited by Chang Chi-Jen Ibid^ p. 59.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh,” Music L ife 24 (July 1981): p. 58. 79 Tcherepnin believed that to create modem Oriental music from their own culture was the only way Oriental composers could attain a unique position in modern world music. Commenting on the Chinese

music environment in the 1930s, Tcherepnin wrote:

That there is such a future, no one can doubt Great musical activity is going on in China. The Chinese com­ poser has under his hands one of the richest sources of native music. He has the world's most populous country to support him. The more national his product, the greater will be its international value.

Tcherepnin's view ’The more national his product, the greater wül

be its international value” w^as very true in Japan. The compositions

which have reached the international level and have been awarded

international prizes were often in a style combining elements from the East and the West. Since most of Chiang's winning works in the

competition also proved Tcherepnin's aspect toward national elements, it

was natural for Chiang to turn his attention to the deeper insight of

the old Chinese culture.

From 1940 to 1943 Chiang Wen-Yeh studied Chinese literature, art,

and music. His piano works during and after this period revealed the

increasing use of the pentatonic scale. His most important orchestral

work in this period was Music from the Confucian Temple. He

described the work, and declaring that ’’only pentatonic scales were used

in this piece, but it will not let the audience feel simple or boring.”

He wanted to expand the world of pentatonic scales.^

Tcherepnin, ”Music in Modem China,” p. 399.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, ”The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh,” p. 48. 80 Chiang Wen-Yeh's interest toward the increasing use of pentatonic scales and idioms of Chinese instruments reflected Tcherepnin's strong influence. Commenting on the value of Oriental pentatonic scales in modem composition, Tcherepnin said: "modem music, because of its use of the pentatonic scale, is more closely allied to Oriental tonal feeling and is the most natural approach.”^T c h erep n in believed that the pentatonic scale is the basic tonal element that would provide the affil­ iation of the Chinese national character. Tcherepnin actually wrote a method book. Piano Study on the Pentatonic Scale, to carry out the elements of his Chinese tonal theory.

Regarding the relationship between the traditional culture and new creative works, on the back page of his Melodiae Psalmorum (The

Book of Psalms), op. 40, (1947), Chiang wrote:

I profoundly love the 'tradition' of Chinese music. I feel very sad whenever people treat it as a "legacy”. The "tradition" and the "legacy" are primarily two different things.

The 'legacy' is something similar to antique, although it is novel, there is no blood, no life.

The 'tradition' is not the same case. Even as depressed as today, its spirit - vitality - still exists. . . Just like the past virtuous, who based on the 'tradition', subconciously created a new culture and cumulated it into the 'tradition'. We should create some new elements and add them into this 'tradition'/^^

123 "Russian Pianist Plays Works of Native Compeers.” Japan Times and Mail, 6 October 1936, cited by Chang Chi-Jen, op. cit., p. 73.

Wen-Yeh Chiang, Melodiae Psalmorum, vol. 1, Beijing: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1947. 81 In Chiang's early works, his way of expressing nationalism was by

’’feeling” the mood of folk song, instead of actually employing the folksong materials or idioms. The instinctive nature of feeling the rooted native affection was his impetus of composing. In an article,

’The Other World,” Chiang explains the compositional ideas about his prized orchestral work. The Symphonic Etude Based on the Folksong

(1937% . . . but here about the folk song is not actually using folksongs, but the treatment of folksong itself. Why should we consider the folksong important? I think that it is because of the need of the instinctive and primary nature that come from the soil. The beauty of music is different from the constructing technique. I am not deny­ ing the importance of studying technique, but music still has another world. For instance, a Schubert sixteen-measure melody moves one's heart better than the huge pieces of Alban Berg. I think music needs the instinctive nature even more; knowing theory doesn't mean being able to compose. . . .1^^

In later works, Chiang's nationalism was not only expressed by the

nature of instinct with the native feeling but also actually employed

the idioms of the traditional instruments, folk songs and, in some

works, traditional thought and aesthetics.

Hayajaka Humio ( ), a famous Japanese composer at the

time, wrote a critique of Chiang's music. He suggested that Chiang

created his music with Oriental philosophy and aesthetics:

. . . in this Oriental style, he (Chiang) already had an insight of the existence of even deeper philosophical medi­ tative world. He should even thoroughly submerge deep into the national style.

Tsi-Yuan Kuo, ”The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism,” p. 66. 82 What Oriental art represent is the state of serene silence, simplicity, purity, graceful floating, and the state of intellegence of "line". Yet we need to reach the even utmost serene state, ( ) - the world of 'the unison of mind and spirit.'^

In the work Music from a Confucian Temple, Chiang Wen-Yeh attempted to express the "non happiness and non-sadness” state ( ) based on Chinese philosophy and aesthetics.

Humio Hayajaka, "A Commentary on Chiang Wen-Yeh” in Essays o f Japanese music. Translated by this writer from Liau Hsing-D^ng's Chinese translation. Kuo-Huang Han et al.. L ife and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh, (Monterey Park, CaUf: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984), p. 142. CHAPTER IV

STYLISTIC ELEMENTS OF THE PIANO WORKS OF

CHIANG A\TN-YEH

MELODY

All kinds of Oriental modes are the basic resources that Chiang

Wen-Yeh used in his melodic construction. The popular Chinese tradi­

tional modes as shown in Figure 8 are: A, Gong-mode; B, Sang-mode;

C, Chiau-mode; D, Dsen-mode; E, U-mode.

B ~er—o- o o

-o ^ -0 Q

Figure 8: Modes of Chinese Pentachords.

83 84

In general, these five Chinese modes dominate and serve as Chiang Wen-Yeh's melodic resources; this is especially true for his later piano works. The opening melody in 3 Dances Op. 7, No. 1, is in D

Dsen-mode as shown in Figure 9

P

Dsen Mode -e- -J2-

Figure 9: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 3-4.

In addition to the Chinese modes, Chiang Wen-Yeh also used

Japanese modes that characterized Japanese folk music style. One of the most prominent modal melodic resources of Japanese folk song is

the In-sen scale system which is characterized by its semitone intervals.

The In-sen scale, shown in Figure 10, consists of two three-note sets of

pitches with the interval of a minor second (D to E-flat, A to B-flat)

and major third (E-flat to G, B-flat to D). 85

Figure 10: Japanese In-scale System.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's early piano works show strong Japanese influenc­ es. For example, the Japanese In-sen scale system in Figure 11, a melody from section B of the 3 Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, is based on the

Japanese In-sen scale system.

Figure 11: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 16-19.

Dominant (A) and tonic (D) are constantly stressed in the melody.

Japanese melodies with semitone characteristics appeared frequently in

Chiang's early piano works, but his later works contain fewer examples

of the Japanese semitone and other Japanese music characteristics.

Chiang Wen-Yeh seldom used pure diatonic or long chromatic

phrases. Figure 12, illustrates a long eight-measure decending chromatic

melody which covers a two-octave range. 86

^ î :± tM. t é. Si-,. n ,

^ _ J W î f M H Ï

Figure 12: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No.l, mm. 37-45.

The melody of Figure 12 is in Japanese style which is displaced to an extremely high register; the chromatic middle voice adds coherence to

the texture and provides a clear moving hne. The large space between

two hands, with soft dynamic level, produces an effect reminiscent of

Prokofiev's chromatic lyricism and mysticism, illustrated in Figure 13. 87

simile

s 4 I

pm>

Figure 13: Prokofiev: "Visions Fugitives”, Op. 22, No. 1, mm. 14-22.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's melodic phrase always has a clear articulated ending, whereas, the expansion of the melodic phrase is based on free spun-out derivation. The construction of his melodies is based on

Oriental scale systems. The lyrical melodies in Figure 14 move step­ wise according to the structure of Oriental pentachords.

Figure 14: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 16-19. 88

An instrumental approach to the melodic line - rather than a vocal approach - contributes to the vital quality of his music. Melodies written by Classical or Romantic composers are usually based on a stepwise vocal concept, but melodic lines written by contemporary com­ posers tend to imitate instrumental idioms, which employ more skips.

As a result, in the Classical or Romantic melodic style, the tessitura is usually limited to an octave; otherwise, in contemporary pieces, the range frequently is expanded to more than an octave. Melodic ranges of more than an octave are common in Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano

works. Figure 15 shows the melodic line occupying more than two

octaves within little more than one measure.

Figure 15: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 10-11.

Leaps in the melodic line are very common in almost all of

Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano works. The extensive use of all kinds of

pentachords results in small leaps due to the nature of pentachords, for

even a stepwise moving line encounters skips in a diatonic scale.

Chiang's employment of the contemporary melodic technique is another

reason that leaps occur in melodic lines. He used several techniques to

interrupt the stepwise melodic movement 89 Octave displacement, as shown in Figure 16, is his common tech­ nique which Prokofiev used quite often. The ”G” in the 5th beat should move to ”A” which is suddenly lowered by an octave.

i A

Figure 16: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1.

One of Chiang Wen-Yeh's melodic features is to keep changing the direction of the melody. Since Chiang had a tendency to use faster

tempos, because of the nature of pentachords, a melodic line very easily reaches a wide range. He solved this problem by constantly using the

reverse curve, which changed the unpredictable melodic line to the pre­

dictable destinations of dominant and tonic.

The way Chiang constructed a melodic phrase can be investigated in

Figure 17, derived from the opening phrase of 3 Dances, Op. 7, No. 3. 90

—o I " — " " ? B

^ ■jê :... 4 ... 1 ± ' ■■ ------^------li

Figure 17: The Underlined Structure of a Melody from Op. 7, No. 3.

The melody is derived from the Chinese A U-mode with all kinds of ornamentation. The underlined structure can be reduced to two notes:

E, the dominant, and A, the tonic.

Whenever the melody is repeated, it never appears the same. The composer changed rhythm and meters, added notes, replaced embellishing notes, extended the phrase, and emphasized important notes by repeating or adding fast neighboring notes. The repeated phrases were always varied by using the variation technique which is similar to Bartok's and Prokofiev's.

Figure 18 demonstrates four versions of the melodic phrases in Op.

7, No. 1, section B: each repeated phrase is different from the others. 91

Figure 18: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, Section B.

The variation is made by replacing with neighboring tones, adding other pentatonic notes such as repeated notes, neighboring tones, passing tones, and phrase extension. The phrases are grouped in two pairs, the first pair ending in the dominant (A), the second pair ending in the tonic

(D).

The melodies of Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano music are always reflective

of folk-song or folk-music flavor. Although he collected, studied, and

arranged folk songs, no sufficient evidence shows that he used any

folk-song materials directly in his compositions. Like Bartok, he 92 absorbed the spirit and essence of the folk tune and then created his

own folk style melodies.

In 1936, after Chiang had collected folk music with Tcherepnin in China, melodic and rhythmic idioms of Chinese instruments gradually

appeared in and dominated his music. Figure 19 shows the melodic

and rhythmic idioms of the Chinese plucked instrument, the pipa.

l''iero a copnccio

a

=!=

Figure 19: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 15, mm. 13-19.

The repeated-note passage, which is played by alternating hands , is

one of the typical pipa idioms. Chiang's late piano works, especially

beginning with the third sonata (1945), reveal the overwhelming use of

Chinese instrumental idioms. 93 SOUND

Texture

Almost all of Chiang's piano works in any period are completely dominated by two-voice texture; the florid melody always appears on top, while the lower voice serves as an accompaniment. His accompa­ niments reveal how he tried to avoid Western harmonic sense. The accompaniment resources in his piano works are based on the idioms of

Oriental instruments such as san-hsien (three-string plucked instrument)

and other percussive instruments.

One of the prominent characteristics of his music is the machine­

like motor rhythm; each quarter pulse consists of either a quarter-note

or two eighth-notes. The concept is similar to that of Baroque music

and is the essence of Prokofiev's toccata style. Chiang seldom used

any bass note longer than a quarter value in the fast tempo; if he

did, it appeared either at the end of a period or piece, or alone with a

moving top voice. Except for poetic slow pieces, when he needed a

longer value on the bottom voice he simply repeated the note with

eighth- or quarter-note values, instead of sustaining a long note.

His most characteristic feature attributed to the motor element was

his frequent use of the ostinato bass in the accompaniment It provid­

ed the polyphonic and rhythmic possibilities that attracted Hindemith,

Bartok, Prokofiev, and Stravinsky. The ostinato bass, a clearly defined

phrase that is repeated persistently, contrasted with the free display of 94 the upper melody and provided particular interest and variety to

Chiang's music both rhythmically and tonally. A repeated ostinato bass throughout a section, even an entire piece, is common to Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano works.

The ostinato bass technique, that possibly originated in the Oriental dance,^^^ provides a way to avoid the traditional Western harmonic sense and helps to produce authentic Oriental sounds. Since many of

Chiang's early works are based on the folklore and the dance of Taiwanese native tribes, the ostinato bass in these works conceals the rhythmic impulse of Oriental dance music, which probably originated from the Seiban dances of the native tribes in Taiwan. The vivid osti­ nato bass implies the rhythm of percussive instruments.

Figure 20, an excerpt from the 3 Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, shows the six-beat short phrase repeated persistently throughout, the whole period.

127 Apel, Harvard Dictionary of Music, p. 634. 95

Allegro ritmico

i 'Q . - f -f - f ’’- f - f

A _ I# P bi- ■ f i -I ^2 - - f p ha ■ a r—1

& v f - .

Figure 20: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1. Ostinato Bass.

In the second period of the A section, another ostinato figuration is introduced,as shown in Figure 21 96

g #; rz..yb|.-f zY ^ ......

I ' ' ü '

Figure 21: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 12-14.

The ostinato bass in Figure 22, consisting of staccato and accented notes, is varied in each repetition and shows the imitated sound of a small Chinese barrel drum or wooden percussive instruments.

Allegro moderato, scherzando

Figure 22: Chiang: ’’Joker” from ’The Peking Myriorama”, Op. 22, No. 4. 97 Some of the pieces from The Peking Myriorama (1938) are poetic and contain examples of pedal point One of them is illustrated in

Figure 23.

Largo molto grandiose I

8 baua ttm prt.

Figure 23: Chiang: ’Tien An Gate”, Op. 22, No. 1.

The pedal point in Figure 23 is displaced in the extreme low regis­

ter throughout the entire piece. The accent (>) of the low sonority

symbolizes the large percussive instrument, possibly the Chinese gong.

The parallel open 5ths and octaves move in the top voices. The low

register sound, combined with high register sonority, creates Debussy-like

effects. When the pieces are played in faster tempos, Chiang articulat­

ed the pedal point with ostinato rhythms, suggestive of smaller percus­

sive instruments. An example is shown in Figure 24. 98

Anaantino cr

q , i - j i - à J - i - i j i — 4 ^ r i h j À - .

Figure 24: Chiang: "By the Forbidden City” from Op. 22, No. 2.

The concept of pedal point might be also the origin of Chiang's ostina­ to bass.

Range

Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano works tend to explore all the registers of

the keyboard in order to produce different timbres of Oriental instru­

ments. He often used the extremely high register to create sharp per­

cussive instrumental sounds or together with extremely low register's for

a mystic, poetic sonority. Figure 25 shows such an example. 99

pp dolriifüfim)

Figure 25: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 37-40.

His later piano works often used high-register bright timbres that imi­ tated the Chinese traditional instruments, the pipa, gudsen, or bangdi.

Another example of using two extreme registers is shown in Figure

26.

8«i- » »

m â

Figure 26: Chiang: "By the Forbidden City”, Op. 22, No.l, mm. 24-29. 100 The upper chords, which are constructed with open 4ths, 5ths, and octaves, move in parallel motion, whereas, in the low range an ostinato bass is displaced.

Wide disjunct leaps, commonly used by contemporary composers, create one of the most difficult piano techniques in the contemporary repertoire. Following these trends of the 20th Century, Chiang com­ posed similar passages with wide leaps. Both hands were sometimes required to leap up and down in order to keep the continuity of the middle voice while playing two other voices at the two extremes of the keyboard. Such an example is shown in Figure 27 Formosan

Dance,

u

Figure 27: Chiang: "Formosan Dance”, Op. 1, mm. 138-141.

A passage in Stravinsky's Petrouchka, third movement, as shown in

Figure 28, presents the same technical problem in piano performance. 101

/

Figure 28: Stravinsky: ’’Petrouchka”, Third Movement, mm. 273-277.

A passage in the last four measures of 3 Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, in

Figure 29 illustrates the left-hand leap that becomes increasingly diffi­ cult at a fast tempo.

«TÎ I'wfi r -4- -4- f 1 r r 4 - 4 - ^ 7 .rr -7 Y 7 V—

‘I f . I f . . . i f ------r ------> ' L f i f k r ^ ^

Figure 29: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 73-75. 102

Dynam ics

Chiang Wen-Yeh's music presents a wide range of dynamic levels.

His piano scores always give clear and detailed dynamic marks. His dynamic level is characterized by graduated changes instead of terraced levels. Since his dynamic changes follow the development of the intensity of the music, they often indicate the direction of emotional movement to the climax or underpoints.^^^

One of Chiang Wen-Yeh's characteristic features is to begin a piece with a calm and soft dynamic level, then gradually increase the inten­

sity until the climax with a strong dynamic level is reached. The cli­ max would usually be followed by a soft dynamic level which creates

an effect of contrasting tension and release. This dramatic effect is

common to the music of Beethoven and can often be found in Chiang

Wen-Yeh's pieces.

The unexpected accents indicated by sf, sff, >, rinforzando, often

associated with the rhythmic implication of percussive sound or dance rhythm, are common in Chiang's piano works. In the opening of Lion

Dance of Chinese New Year, the imitation of drum and gong was

indicated by ’’quasi and Tam-Tam”.^^^

128 ’’Underpoint” was used by LaRue to indicate the opposite low extreme of climax. He regards the term, ’’underpoint” less ambig­ uous than ’’subclimax”, or anticlimax”, etc. Jan LaRue, ”0 n Style Analysis.” Journal of Music Theory 6 (1962): p. 97.

Tam-Tam is the Italian term for the large flat Chinese gong (76 cm or more in diameter) with indefinite pitch and a shallow lip. 103

Figure 30: Chiang: "Lion Dance of Chinese New Year”, Op. 53, No. 12.

The accented notes, when written in the extreme low range in octaves, suggest the sonority of a large drum; when in the middle range, the

Tam-Tam; and when in the high register, the cymbals.

When these accents were added to a long note value, the treatment

often symbolized the function of large percussive instruments as an

articulated device for determining the end of a passage, or the begin­

ning of the next section. 104

RHYTHM. TEMPO. METER

M eter

Like Stravinsky, Bartok and Prokofiev, Chiang changed frequently the time signatures in his music. For example, in the second dance of

Op. 7, a two-page piece, using 1/4, 2/4, 3/4, and 4/4 time signatures, the time signature changes 29 times. The constant alternation of time

signature eluded the traditional symmetric sense of phrases and provided his music with more variety and freedom for his process of spun-out

derivation technique. The shifting of time signatures was decreased in

his late piano works.

The piece WUlow Flower (1938) in Figure 31, uses only the dotted bar line for the entire piece, added only for the convenience of read­

ing. Irregular meter is presented but no time signature is indicated.

Andantino pastorale

XT TT •a

Figure 31: Chiang: "Willow Flower” from Op. 22, No. 6.

The bass of the entire piece utilizes a sustained pedal point, D, as a

drone bass. According to the ornamentation, figuration of trill, and

range, the upper melody suggests the idioms of a Chinese flute. 105 Similar use of dotted barline in the entire piece can be traced back to Tcherepnin's The Lute from Fiinf Konzert-Etuden, Op. 52, No. 2

(1936), as shown in Figure 32.

Figure 32: Tcherepnin: ’The Lute” Op. 52, No. 2 (1936).

R h yth m

One of Chiang Wen-Yeh's manifest styles is the conspicuous manip­ ulation of his rhythmic sensitivity. His music reveals perpetual machine-like rhythms. Similar to Prokofiev's and Bartok's music, the

constant use of eighth and sixteenth notes in fast tempi attributes the

driving quality to his vital music. In general, the underlining unit in

Chiang's music is the quarter note which is the dimension of his music

activity. In Chiang's music the quarter-note rhythmic pulse keeps

moving perpetually, while the 8th-note or 16th-note melody fills in the

rhythmic texture which keeps the energetic and driving rhythm mov­

ing. His machine-like quality is similar to Prokofiev's toccata style, 106 and the perpetual moving rhythm can be found in almost all of his fast piano music.

The rhythmic textures in Chiang's music reveal a prevailing tenden­ cy toward contrapuntal devices. Although homorhythmic texture was used in some pieces, the contrapuntal rhythmic texture provided the possibilities for new, intricate 20th-century rhythmic devices such as polyrhythm, polymetric, cross rhythm, hemiola, etc.

Polyrhythm occurs frequently in his music. Figure 33B shows the cross rhythm of two against three; Figure 33A shows a polymetric device.

$ a , i

B

i n

ii p

Figure 33: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 2, mm. 56-60. 107 The polymetric rhythm with fraction grouping is another technique

Chiang used; for instance, Figure 33A uses a 3-eighth-note metric against 3-quarter-note meter. Figure 34, the opening of the Formosan Dance, shows that although the composer marked the six-beat phrase in base line, it really sounds like a four-beat phrase; according to the 3/4 meter, it creates polymetric rhythm.

Allegro molto c.npriccioso

Dtp* 2 t a »

Figure 34: Chiang: "Formosan Dance”, Op. 1.

After introducing the melody of a 2-four-beat phrase which enters at

the pick up beat, he creates an even more elusive polyrhythm. Figure

35 shows a passage from the same piece; the beams clearly indicate the

2/4 against 3/4 polymetric design. 108

-

V >

Figure 35: Chiang: ’’Formosan Dances”, Op. 1, mm. 262-265.

Shifting accents away from a normal location of a well-established metric pattern, or to some other beat or fraction of a beat, help achieve rhythmic flexibility in Chiang's music. Figure 36 shows how the accents are shifted on and off the beat.

Figure 36: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm, 21-24. 109 The syncopated effect is reinforced by articulation and sonority that is sharpened by using D and D-flat at the same time in accented notes.

When Chiang used homophonie textures, he contrived many designs to create variety such as sharp articulation, on- and off- beat accents, syncopation, changing rhythmic patterns, sharp articulated rhythm, i.e., or J" J ^ , and polymetric melodic phrases. Changing time signatures, and other devices, such as changing sonority and dynamic levels, also imply rhythmic variety. Figure 37, an excerpt from

Bagatelles, op. 8, No. 6, shows rhythmic variety: changing meter, accenting the last beat of a measure, and changing timbre with percus­ sive sonority.

Figure 37: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 6. mm. 12-14.

The variation technique of extension and contraction of a phrase, frequently used by Chiang, also created a syncopated sense in the larger

dimension. 110

The melodic idiom with strong rhythmic interests as shown in

Figure 38, was Chiang Wen-Yeh's favorite characterized idiom, frequent­ ly used in his piano music of all periods.

B

Figure 38: Chiang: Fragments of Melodic Idioms with Rhythmic Interest.

In Chiang's mind, this rhythmic idiom was strongly associated with

percussive instruments. A minor-second sonority suggests such a timbre,

as shown in Figure 39. I ll

])Oco rit.

Figure 39: Chiang; ’’Round the Camp Fire We Dance” Op. 4 No. 3, mm. 37-43 (1935).

The title, A Distant Drum (1938), from Peking Myriorama, clearly indicates that the rhythmic pattern of the percussive instrument is imi­ tated in the ostinato bass in Figure 40.

Allegro rustico

piano tempre

Figure 40: Chiang: ”A Distant Drum” from Op. 22, No. 7. 112

This idiom is also popular in contemporary American music. Samuel Barber used the same idiom in his Excursions for Piano, as shown in

Figure 41.

Figure 4 h Barber: ’’Excursions for Piano”, 3rd movement

Tempo

Chiang had a tendency to use fast tempi which enabled him to

express the vital moving pulse of his music. Whenever he used slow

tempo, the music often reflects poetic quality.

The most common technique used to build to a climax was to

increase simultaneously the density of rhythm, texture, and harmony.

One way to increase the density of rhythm is to replace the longer

note values with shorter ones, allowing the rapid running notes to

emphasize emotional tension. Another way to intensify the sense of

time is to accelerate the tempo. Accelerando was frequently marked in 113 his music. Figure 42 shows an unusual effect to end a piece by- marking "senza ralentare”.

Figure 42: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 102-106.

HARMONY AND TONALITY

Tonality

Bartok tended to write his piano music without key-signature indi­ cation. The abandonment of key signatures by contemporary composers was a trend caused by increasing chromatic writing and eluding tonali­ ty during the late 19th- and 20th-century. Except for a few sections of Chiang Wen-Yeh’s late period piano works, almost all of his piano

works were written without key-signature indication.

The lower accompanying part in Chiang's two-voice textures not

only provides variety of rhythmic and melodic interest but also serves

as the preparation for a shift of tonality. The tonal shifting in 114

Chiang's music is not aided by standard harmonic progressions, e.g^ dominant seventh chord leading to tonic. Instead, the lower voice simply repeats the tonal center and then shifts directly into the new key.

A typical shift of tonality as shown in Figure 43, excerpted from

Poem o f Folk Festival, Op. 53, No. 1, the G Gong-mode is shifted to

the B-flat Gong-mode. 115

'T»C«

------b . ^ J :

P y -

—•— i ^ 4 ^ . n - ' T T ^ V V

S..

Figure 43: Chiang: "Lantern Festival”, Op. 53, No. 1, mm. 42-59

The unexpected melodic movement in Prokofiev's music is one of the style elements that attribute grotesque characteristics to his music. The technique used by Prokofiev to distort melodic line is to 116

’’side-slip”^ of a portion of the melodic line up or down a semitone. This technique was also used by Chiang Wen-Yeh in Figure 44, an excerpt from Three Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, B section. According to the melodic line in the treble clef, the bass line should be C-Bb-A (G), but this portion of the melodic line is raised a semitone higher.

poeo aecel.

Figure 44: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 27-29.

Another example in this piece may be found in the second half of

section B. According to the beginning of section B, (see Appendix B),

the bass line should be F-C-F, but it slides a semitone higher as

F#-C#-F# in Figure 45.

The term ’’side-slipping” was used by Kinsey to describe the tech­ nique that Prokofiev used to distort the melodic line. David Leslie Kinsey, "The Piano Sonatas of Serge Prokofieff, A critical study of the Elements of Their Style.” (Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1959), p. 249. 117

Figure 45: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 37-40.

Shifting tonality was common in Chiang's early- and middle-period works. Chiang Wen-Yeh avoided extreme dissonances in his late piano works. Polytonality,' created by shifting a portion of the melody, eventually disappeared in the late works, whereas, shifting the tonality to unexpected foreign keys as a whole instead of a portion had still been used. Figure 46, Development of Sonata No. 4, shows the tonali­ ty of each measure "side slipping” by a semitone or a whole tone. 118

...... > - r m . - - i J ~\ P r f 1 hr

Figure 46: Chiang: Sonata No. 4, Op. 54 (1949), mm. 51-55.

Two parallel melodic lines using the intervals of perfect 4ths, 5ths, and octaves are common in Chiang's piano works. Figure 47, an excerpt from 16 Bagatelles, No. 4, uses parallel 5ths between the

Chinese D Gong-mode on the top and G Gong-mode on the bottom. 119

Allpgrcllo grazioso, quasi allegro

? a H 1

Figure 47: Chiang; ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 4.

A splendid passage in the Poem o f Folk Festival, Op. 53, No. 1, consists of two modes in different keys, as shown in Figure 48.

ctn

Figure 48: Chiang: "Lantern Festival”, Op. 53, No. 1 mm. 136-139 from poem of Folk Festival”.

The lower chords progress successively according to the D Dsen-mode,

whereas, the upper broken chord is based on the A Sang-mode. 120 Chord Structure

Chiang Wen-Yeh's harmonic concept is basically non-tertian and non-functional. He avoided the Western logic of chord construction and

harmonic progression. Western tertian harmony was abandoned, and his

chord construction was implemented by imitating the sonority or timbre

of Oriental instruments.

When he wished to increase volume and change timbre, he either

arranged parallel octaves in different combinations of registers to create

contrasting timbres, or he doubled the voices by writing octaves in one

part or both parts. When he needed richer sonority, he added 5ths,

4ths, or both as shown in Figure 49.

A B C e- cP \>cP 2n

g- “CT - e — © -

Figure 49: Chord Construction.

The interval of the second was produced by combining 4ths and 5ths.

The sonority of the major second, occasionally the minor second, sounds

like Oriental percussive instruments. Chiang always placed 2nd in close

position and in the upper register, while the left hand either played 121 octaves or added open 5ths, but seldom 4ths. Thus, the chord con­ struction shown in Figure 49A is the most characteristic chord type in his Chinese style writing. The spacing in the bass clef is based on acoustic principles, placing the fundamental tone on the bottom and

arranging harmonic tones above it

Although the chord type in Figure 49A can be analyzed as an

11th chord, it is more suitable, however, to consider the chord type as

a pentatonic chord. Thus, any combination of the pentachords creates a sonority that results from the casual overlap of different melodic

lines.^^^

The sonority of two pitches with major or minor seconds often

symbolized Oriental percussive instruments, usually presented with per­

cussive rhythms. Intervals of 2nds became his Chinese harmonic com­

ponent; for instance, a 2nd could be added to either side of the 5th, as

shown in Figure 49B and 49C. Intervals of seconds were used only in

high registers, seldom occurring in low registers.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's harmonic sonority is often approached by the

concept, of "sound-painting”, which imitates the timbre of Chinese

instruments. Figure 50 shows the chordal sonority which imitates the

percussive instruments such as large gong, drum, bells, and chimes from

the Buddhist temple.

One of his rightist charges was "poisoning the thought of students” with his pentatonic chord construction theory: any combination of the Chinese pentachords can form a harmony. 122

Lento misterioso RH.

rvbtUo nuJto

Figure 50\ Chiang: ”At the Rha Mah Temple”

In Figure 50, the sonority of the metal percussive instruments is imitated by using successive semJtones or whole-tones in different spac­ ing. In Figure 51, ’’quasi Piatti Piccoli” (like small cymbals) is indi­ cated. 123

m -m : wMnfi'T'm iTtt y //« ' V - *

Figure 51: Chiang: "Lion Dance of Chinese New Year" Op. 53, No. 12 from "Poem of Folk Festival”, mm. 25-28.

A foreign tone, D#, was added to create the sonority of the cym­

bal. If the diminished 4th, D#-G, is respelled as Eb-G, this chord may

be considered to contain the components of the Japanese In-scale,

D-Eb-G-A-Bb-D.

The perfect 4th, which is frequently used by Debussy, is an impor­

tant interval to Chinese melody, and it was also used by Chiang to

construct quartal chords. Such an example from Debussy's piano prel­

ude, La cathédrale engloutie is shown in Figure 52. 124

Profondément calme (Dane une brume doucement sonore/

una corda

Figure 52: Debussy: "La Cathédrale engloutie”, from Prelude for piano, Book I.

Figure 53 demonstrates Chiang's presentation of the quartal chord constructed on E-flat The added 2nds are caused by the octave doub­ ling of A-flat and E-flat

# (k 9-:

f A; a—

Figure 53: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 2, mm. 49-51.

The Epitaph, from Bagatelles, Op. 8, No. 7, combines Russian mys­ tic sonority with French impressionistic style (the complete work is included in Appendix E). The opening chord features interesting quartal structures similar to Scriabin's mystic chord consisting of perfect, aug­ mented, and diminished fourths as shown in Figure 54. 125

Andanfe sostenufo^ ^ > >_>>

IHirhiuh

b

Figure 54: Chiang: ’’Epitaph” from ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 7.

The celebrated 'mystic' chord developed and named by Scriabin is the altered quartal chord. The mystic chord appeared in Scriabin's

Fourth Piano Sonata as early as 1903. His works between 1910 to

1915, particularly the last five sonatas, used mystic chords in altered

4ths as the basic formation of his harmony.

During Chiang's early period of composition, while he was experi­

menting with new chord structures, the Scriabin-like mystic chord

seemed to attract his attention. A mystic chord, as shown in Figure

55, from Chiang Wen-Yeh's early pieces, 5 Sketches, Op. 4a, No. 1,

may be analyzed as a Scriabin-like mystic chord after respelling. 126

-e-

tto

Figure 55: Chiang: ”5 Sketches”, Op. 4a, No. 1.

Free treatment of tonality through use of 12 tones is presented in

Bagatelles, Op. 8, No. 2 (See Appendix D). This two-page piece is in ABA form. In the opening A section from measure 1 to 6, Chiang used all 12 tones; again, from measure 6 to 9, he used all 12 tones but in different order; the same is true in the repeat of section A.

Although all 12 tones are used in the first six measures of section

B, as shown in Figure 56, it is obvious that a clear tonal center of A is established. 127

dolciti.

%b..... # $wtile If»" Ip»"

Figure 56: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 2, mm. 11-15.

The texture and sonority of Figure 56 suggest the influence of Prokofiev's mystic quality similar to Visions Fugitives, Op. 22, No. 2, as shown in Figure 57.

Andante •o* ftp J J p corda

Figure 57: Prokofiev: "Visions Fugitives”, Op. 22, No. 2.

Although Figure 56 is not a twelve tone piece, the key center, A,

and its dominant, E, are clearly preserved. This tonal concept is simi­

lar to that of "free tonality” which preserves not only the functions of 128 the keynote, but it also permits the remaining 11 tones to be equal, free, and independent of each other. The 12 pitches are not in a row order; rather, Chiang arranged the pitch order according to his need.

Tertian harmonies are rarely used, but are effective when used in a passage requiring a calm and peaceful mood. Such an example may be found at the end of Epitaph (see Appendix E). The mood, spacing, low register of the final triad, and especially the third in the top voice, suggest Debussy's impressionistic influence.

Whenever Chiang needed to use Western tertian harmony, usually at the end of the period or piece, he added a 2nd on top of the 5th as shown in Figure 58; which can be analyzed as an inverted 7th chord or added 6th chord.

m

¥

Figure 58: Added 6th Chord.

In his early piano works, Chiang explored the possibilities of enhar­

monic tones and cross relationships. Figure 59A, drawn from Op. 4a,

No. 3, demonstrate Chiang's enharmonic writing in his early works. 129

B

•— »— /—

f ...... • ' 9 ------/— ; ; .

Figure 59: Enharmonie Writing and Vertical Cross Relationship.

Chiang either treated the cross relationship vertically or successively.

Figure 59B, drawn from Op. 4, No. 2, and Figure 59C and 59D from

No. 3, show his vertical cross relationship writing which appeared fre­ quently in his early works. Several cross relationships may be found in Bagatelles, No. 1, as in Figure 60.

Figure 60: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 25-28.

Polychords were also used in Chiang's music; Figure 61 from

Op. 4a, No. 1, shows a combination of an E minor seventh chord and

a D-sharp diminished-seventh chord. 130

arcrlcntitdo

Figure 61: Chiang: ”5 Sketches”, Op. 4, No. 1, mm. 13-15.

Except for some parallel progressions, Chiang Wen-Yeh's music does

not reveal the consistent or significant adherence to traditional rules of

chord progressions. Parallelism is one of the characteristics of impres­

sionism which Chiang used; however, he avoided Western dominant-

seventh chords. Figure 62, an excerpt from Bagatelles, No. 5, demon­

strates parallelism.

• p J J---- p .F— 4 ^ II- -H— a — •F------: à '------ÿ - Ê j I > ► ÇL

Figure 62: Chiang: ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8, No. 5, mm. 7-9. 131 Figure 63, another example of parallelism from Poem of Folk Festival,

Op. 53, No. 1, requires the left hand to play arpeggios, while the right hand plays in broken chord style.

Figure 63: Chiang: ’’Lantern Festival” Op. 53, No. 1, mm. 36-39

FORM

The form of Chiang Wen-Yeh's early piano works is not clear.

Because most of his early and middle period piano works are short pieces, they are usually through-composed, while most of his middle-size

pieces are in ABA form.

In general, the relationship and contrast between themes is not clear

in his piano music. Organic unity is barely recognizable, and there is

little use of repetition, imitation, or obvious manipulation. Thematic transformation is concealed within his continuous derivation writing

style. Although he always presents clear articulated cadences, the basic 132 concept of creating the melodic line is a free, spin-out process. When a phrase is repeated, only the motive or opening of the phrase is recognizable; the following material is derived from a process similar to musical ”free-association”. Contrast between themes in ABA forms became clearer in his middle period piano works. A typical ABA form example is discussed below.

The structure of Three Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, (the complete piece is located in Appendix B), is a clear ABA form with coda. The overall structure is shown in Table 1. 133

Table 1 The Form of Three Dances, Op. 7, No. 1.

Period Theme Measure Key center

I a 5 D Dsen-mode a' 4 a 6 a' 7

II a' ' 9 A a' ' ' 10 a' ' 12 a' ' ' 13

B I b 16 D In-mode b' 20 b' ' 24 b' ' ' 30

II b 37 (D) b' 41 b' ' 45 b' ' ' 51

I a 57 D Dsen-mode a' 58 a 60 a' 61

II a' ' 62 D a' ' ' 64 a' ' 66 a' ' ' 68

Coda 70 D

The cadences are clear; they either close on the tonic (D), or domi­

nant (a ). Each section consists of two periods, and each period con­

tains four phrases. The phrases in each section are derived from the ■134 same idea. The ending of the first phrase, E, has a strong tendency to resolve into D. Actually the E may be interpreted as the cambiata of A to D, as shown in Figure 64.

r h

Figure 64: Chiang: ”3 Dances”, Op. 8, No. 1, mm. 3-4.

In addition to the dominant, the leading tone was sometimes stressed.

The ending of the first period of B section is shown in Figure 65.

poeo aectl. • - •

Figure 65: ”3 Dances”, Op. 7, No. 1, mm. 33-36.

Although tonality was disguised by the tonal distortion of the bass line,

the last two notes C-sharp (leading tone) and A (dominant) implicate

the tonic (D) which is displayed in the right-hand part of the previous 135 • measure (D and A together). The last C-sharp, functioning as a lead­ ing tone, has a tendency to move into D, but suddenly skips to A.

This unexpected motion away from the tendency tones often by leap is also a common technique found in Prokofiev's music.

When Chiang Wen-Yeh presents the thematic material in the first occurrence, he usually keeps the tonality clear without distortion, i.e., the melodies in the first period of section A or B are very clear according to the modal resources. After allowing the listener to recog­ nize the thematic melody, he distorts the tonality of the recognizable melodic line; e.g., the melodies in the second periods of sections A and B tend to be distorted, and the tonality of the melody becomes unclear.

The mode in the second period of section A is intricate; only the tonal center. A, is recognizable. The second period of section B, is identical to the melodic line of the first period, but after introduction of the chromatic middle voice and the shifting tonality of the bass by raising it a semitone, the second period is really a bitonal design. The key centers of Op. 7, No. 1, correspond in each section to the key relation­

ships of traditional sonata-allegro form.

The coda is derived form the contracted fragmentation of the open­

ing phrase; its last phrase is the off beat augmentation of the opening

melody.

An investigation of a medium-dimension work such as the 3

Dances, Op. 7, No. 1, shows that it belongs to ABA forms. The

manipulation of the articulated devices, such as strong cadences, new 136 tonality, changes in timbre, etc., is used to terminate the expanding phrases. In Chiang Wen-Yeh's music, there are several articulated devices which serve to mark off the phrase, period, or section: the clear tonal cadence (dominant to tonic without a tertian harmonic pro­ gression), and change of sound and tonality of the following phrase.

Cadences with clear tonal endings were always, present in Chiang

Wen-Yeh's music. He emphasized the tonal center by lengthening the tonic or dominant with longer time values, by repeating tonic or domi­ nant, by changing dynamic levels ( , cresc., dim., Z==— ), by altering tempo (accel., rit., etc.), by using rests and pauses ( (^ ), and by changing articulation (staccato, legato).

The termination signal, which was used in a bridge after the end of a section, probably imitated the signal that the large Oriental instru­

ment, such as gong or large drum, gives to end a section or to begin

the next section.

The termination signal may serve as a landmark between sections.

The characteristic devices of Chiang's termination signal are: the sudden

change of dynamic levels (sf, >), conspicuous sonorities such as sudden

change of texture, shifts to extremely high or low registers, sudden use

of piercing dissonant chords, and the use of short and sharp rhythms

followed by long reverberation. Figure 66 is an example of a termi­

nation signal found in several endings of the period: 137

Figure 66: Chiang: Termination Signals, Op. 7, No. 1.

The other articulated device was to change the sound and tonality of the following phrase, including change of texture, register, range, and dynamic level.

The following analysis of Chiang Wen-Yeh's Sonata No. 4 is based on the manuscript dated June 28, 1949. This sonata consisted of three movements. The first movement is a sonata-allegro form; the second, a through-composed form; and the third, an A-B-A-C-A-D-A rondo form.

The overall form of the first movement is listed in Table 2.

Chiang Basically followed the structure of sonata-allegro form.

Whenever the first theme, ”a”, is repeated, only the short motive can be recognized, and the repetition of theme ”a” is always varied.

The key relationship is very different from that found in tradition­ al sonata-allegro form. The second theme modulates to unrelated foreign

keys; on the other hand, the key relationship between the second

themes of Exposition and Recapitulation is a perfect 5th apart 138

Table 2 The Form of Sonata No. 4, Op. 54, first movement.

Section Theme Label Key center Measu

Exposition I al G 1 a2 (bridge) G 7 a3 G 12 a2'(gridge) G 19

II b G* 27

Transition G*-G 35

Development a4 G—G 47 b' D # D 65

Recapitulation I al G 69 a2''(bridge) G-C* 75

II b' ' G* 83

Transition G#-G 91

Coda a3' G 101 b' ' ' G 109

Chiang Wen-Yeh used diminution techniques to increase the den­ sity of rhythm and to enhance the effect of climax. Figure 67A is excerpted from the Exposition, and Figure 67B is drawn from the Coda. 139

F?r1-r ir f T"

Figure 67: Chiang: Sonata No. 4, Op. 54, first movement ”B” is the diminution of ”A”.

THE DISCUSSION OF STYLE

An important characteristic of Chiang Wen-Yeh's music is his ener­

getic driving rhythm. His vital rhythmic components in the early

works possibly originated in the dances of the Aboriginal peoples, the

earliest inhabitants in Taiwan. They belonged to the Malayo-Polynesian

group linguistically and the Proto-Malaysian type physically. Many of

his early works are based on the subjects of mountain tribes, such as

several Seiban Songs for soprano and chamber orchestra. Op. 6, Op. 10,

Formosa Dance, Op. 1; grand opera in three acts. The Love of Taiyal,

Op. 9. The strong accented rhythm of Chiang's early piano music

might be attributed to the dances of these Aboriginal peoples. In his

late works, the rhythmic idioms of Chinese percussive instruments

became prominent 140

His early works reveal the strong influence of melodic and sensitive nature oi' Chinese and Japanese culture. His later works abandon most of the techniques that he learned in his early and middle periods, as he focused on the idioms, sounds of Chinese traditional instruments, and the aesthetics of Chinese music.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's pianism seems akin to Prokofiev's machine-like toccata quality. Except for special effects, he did not treat the piano

like a percussive instrument as did Bartok. Although he avoided

Bartok's bold percussive dissonant sonority, he employed rhythmic con­

cepts found in Bartok's percussive music, suggesting that both composers

were deeply influenced by folk dance and folk songs.

The influence of Prokofiev's ’’grotesque” style is evident in 16

Bagatelles, Op. 8, No. 1, (see Appendix C). This stylism is distin­

guished by the distortion of melody caused by skipping to a shifted

foreign tone or harmony. The ostinato bass also plays a role to set

the background that implies the possibility of creating the grotesque

quality.

Chiang Wen-Yeh's style of gradually building up the intensity to a

climax is a process of parallel growth to a strong dynamic level, sharp

interval, increased textural and rhythmic complexity, rhythmic density,

intense tempo, and contrasting range. Following the same route in the

opposite direction, he achieved the underpoint. 141

Studying with Tcherepnin was the most important turning point of Chiang Wen-Yeh's style change. Tcherepnin not only brought him the compositional technique of the early 20th-century master works, but he also led Chiang toward the pursuit of authentic Chinese nationalism.

Tcherepnin's philosophy of Chinese nationalism was presented in Chiang Wen-yeh's late works.

The young Prokofiev was rebellious toward conventional heritage; he

was strongly opposed to Classical and Romantic music. It was

Tcherepnin's father, N. Tcherepnin, who taught and gave Prokofiev

respect for the Classical masters, enabling him to become one of the greatest Neo-Classical composers.^ With this connection, it was natu­

ral that A. Tcherepnin exposed Chiang to Prokofiev's music, possibly

suggesting that the Vision Fugitive, Op. 22 (1915-17), became a model

for Chiang's 16 Bagatelles.

Chiang Wen-Yeh always recorded the date when the piece was

completed. The earlest piece in the Bagatelles was dated ”V 10, 1935”

indicating that this piece was written on May 10, 1935. From style

analysis, it appears that when Chiang wrote the Bagatelles, he already

knew and was having lessons irregularly with Tcherepnin, who was

then teaching in Shanghai, China.^^^

David Leslie Kinsey, ’The Piano Sonatas of Serge Prokofieff, A Critical Study of the Elements of Their Style. ’ (Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Teachers Colleges, Columbia University, 1959), p. 269. The contract about assigning the copyright of Chiang's composition to Tcherepnin was signed on February 27, 1935. 142 The set of Bagatelles, Op. 8, is an important work, in which to investigate Chiang Wen-Yeh's style change. This set might have been his assignment while he was studying with Tcherepnin. In a letter to Tcherepnin dated June 18, 1937, Chiang wrote in English:

My dear Maestro; Owing to your kind help, I could finish the concerto for two pianos with 18 days (but not 10 days so I must ask grand-Ma to pardon me). Here I send them with the other composition

The Flauto Sonata (Op. 17)

The Trio for Ob, V/c, P (Op. 18)

The flauto sonata is a composition in a light style and with no other aim than to be amusing and appealing. The trio is more poetic and expressive. I hope they could be taken in part of our Edition, so that I may continue to the next work.

To-day is June 18th, the day I reach Peiping kst year. It is a commemorable day of my life. I choose this day to send my new compositions. . . .

Your Pien,^^^

June 18, 1936, mentioned in the letter, was the date when he returned to China with Tcherepnin to collect Chinese folk music. The

Bagatelles were composed around this period. According to the compo­

sition dates, a list of Chiang Wen-Yeh's style change can be clearly

observed in Table 3

The letter was collected from Mme. Tcherepnin, Lee Hsien Ming. Pien (Chiang Wen-Yeh) and Apina (Tcherepnin) were the nick­ names they gave to each other. Chiang always addressed Tcherepnin as Maestro. Peiping is Beijing. 143

Table 3 The Style Change of ”16 Bagatelles”, Op. 8

No. Date Place Features and influence

1 May 10, 1935 Tokyo Prokofiev 2 May 11. 1935 Tokyo Twelve tone free tonality 9 May 17, 1936 Tokyo Chinese Impressionism 7 May 18, 1936 Tokyo Scriabin, Impressionism 8 May 21, 1936 Tokyo Made up scales 5 May 21, 1936 Tokyo Impressionism 13 May 21, 1936 Tokyo Impressionistic, quartal harmony Prokofiev, shifting tonality 6 May 24, 1936 Tokyo Chinese dance. percussive (Bartok) 4 May 29, 1936 Tokyo Chinese pentachords (Taiwanese idiom) 10 Jun 12, 1936 Tokyo Contrapuntal, Chinese pentachords, no tonal distortion 3 Jun 15, 1936 Moji Travel to Beijing, ostinato bass Chinese pentachords, no distortion 16 Jun 18, 1936 Beijing "1'Apina" (to Tcherepnin) Chinese pentachords 12 Jun 29, 1936 Beijing Dance rhythm, dual modalities Chinese pentachords 14 Jul 1, 1936 Shanghai Contrapuntal, Chinese mode 15 Jul 2, 1936 Shanghai Chinese instrument idiom, Pipa 11 Jul 4, 1936 Shanghai Chromatic according to Chinese pentachords, inspired by the tunning sound of Chinese string instrument, E r 'khu

From the list in Table 3, it would appear that Tcherepnin first

introduced Chiang to the works of Prokofiev, Schoenberg, Debussy, and

Scriabin before leading him to use Chinese modes. Comparing the

pieces chronologically, the later pieces in the 16 Bagatelles show that

the texture became more contrapuntal, the lower voice became more

melodic and important; phrase and form became more symmetrical; and 144 sonority became more resonant Most of all, he began to employ melodic and rhythmic idioms and imitate the sonority from traditional

Chinese instruments and folklore. This was the turning point of his style—to compose exclusively with Chinese instrumental idioms in his late piano works.

The idioms of the ancient Chinese instrument, guchin (ch'in), are illustrated in Figure 68.

Lento, poco rubato ------i—U 1 r' - '- r— r—

/ 1 : | - r 3 ..pi 1 | : = c

Figure 68: Chiang: ’’Evening, on the Sha Chi Tan”, Op. 64, No. 3.

The lower voice contains concealed ostinato pitches, D and A. Each

repetition of the ostinato bass is varied by changing rhythm or adding

ornamental notes. Tlie top melody also reveals rhythmic variety.

In Figure 69, Chiang imitates the Chinese plucked half-tube zither,

the dsen (cheng), through the idiomatic sequence of stepwise pentachords, articulation, octave leaps, and the timbre of the instrument 145

Figure 69: Chiang; Capriccio - ’’Fisherman's Barcarole”, Op. 56, mm. 47-49 0951).

The glissando idiom of dsen, also presented in measures 64-73, is shown in Figure 70. 146

Capriccioso

m

Figure 70: Chiang: Capriccio ’’Fisherman's Barcarole”, Op. 56, mm. 64-73.

The subjects and materials of Chiang Wen-Yeh's music are drawn from the i ong, folk dance, and folklore. He showed his tendency of nationalism from the very beginning of his compositional career.

Although he adopted chord structures from Bartok, he seldom used

bold and extremely dissonant intervals in the low register. This ten­

dency can be explained with his acoustical approach to the construction

of sonorities. His chord construction always presented the concept of

fundamental and harmonic relationships, in other words, use of perfect

intervals such as octave and 5th in the lower register and smaller or

dissonant intervals in the high registers. 147

All of Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano work may be described as character pieces; almost all of them, including sonatas, have titles. All of his title subjects are objective descriptions or sketches of specific natural

scenery or national life, dance, or folklore. Affinity to nature has

been the philosophy that guided Chinese artists in aU aspects of cre­

ation. Although each piece involves a specific mood, the human's sub­

jective emotional feeling was not what Chiang attempted to express. Rather, his music reveals an extroverted description of the external

world instead of the introspective expression of a human's inner world.

His piano works are character pieces that reveal strong Chinese

Nationalism. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Contemporary Chinese musicians have been in a difficult process of redefining Chinese music in the context of Western music. Chiang initiated this process by pursuing new Western musical vocabulary and style in the 20th century in order to achieve the succesful fusion of

Western technique and Chinese tradition.

After collecting Chinese folk music and studying composition with

Tcherepnin, Chiang gradually turned his interest to his roots of Chinese

culture. After he returned to China in 1938, he was overwhelmed by

the rich sources and philosophy that embraced the ancient art and seri­

ous music.

Ancient Chinese music is to be admired because it reached a stage

of perfection according to the philosophy of its composers. The oneness

between a person’s inside and outside world creates the perfect harmony

that maintains a state of non-emotion and peace. Chiang applied this

thought in his orchestral work. The Music of the Confucious' Temple.

Chiang's later serious orchestral works reflect the transcendence of

ancient Chinese thought

- 148 149 Most of his piano works were inspired by Oriental folk lore. The timbre and idioms of Chinese instrument enrich Chiang's music vocabu­ lary. He employed only Chinese pentachords as the basic scale in his late piano works. There is insufficient evidence to show that he used folk music directly; rather his music was derived from imagery tran- cended from traditional Chinese music. His late piano works are based almost exclusively on the idioms of the Chinese instruments such as pipa, guching, gudsen, flute, and percussion instruments. His music reflects the atmosphere of the festival and the mood of Chinese daüy life.

His music shows a tendency toward Romanticism. The tone poem was one of the most important contributions of Romantic composesr, especially the description of natural scenery in Nationalism. Several of

Chiang's important orchestral works are tone poems and reveal manifest

national naturalism. The titles of almost all of his music reveal a

tendency of program music, another important achievement of Romantic

composers. All his piano works are character pieces, reflecting another

main achievement during the Romantic era. Although his music seldom

presents the subjective aspect of human inner feeling, the inclination

toward Romantic types of compositions suggests that he was a Romantic

Nationalistic composer.

The characteristic style elements of his piano works are the

machine-like driving rhythm, light two-part texture, the frequent use of

ostinato bass, the free derivation of melody, the careful design of 150 reaching the climax, the modal resources of Oriental pentachords, the sonority of Oriental instruments, and harmony constructed with the intervals of octaves, 5ths, 4ths, and 2nds.

Most composers tend to begin with traditional styles before proceed­ ing to discover their new% and sometimes, revolutionary style. Chiang

Wen-Yeh, on the contrary, began to advance new 20th century tech­ niques before evolving to an extremely traditional style of Chinese authentic music.

All his piano works in the 1950s present mature, authentic Chinese

Nationalism. They are so traditionally oriented that they sometimes fail to show his creative originality. Perhaps this was only a proccess by which he planned to root his music even deeper into Chinese culture before transcending his music into a new boundary. Unfortunately, his creative activity was hampered by oppressive political movements.

Chiang Wen-Yeh wrote a short article about his ideal of creating

Chinese music when he finished Melodiae Psalmorum (The Book of

Psalms), volume I. These paragraphs express precisely his style evolu­

tion and compositional philosophy about Chinese music:

I know Chinese music has a lot of shortcomings, because of these shortcomings, I love Chinese music even more; I would rather deny the precise Western music theo­ ry that I have pursued for half of my life to preserve these precious shortcomings, to recreate these precious short­ coming.

Chinese music is like a missing mainland waiting for us to explore. 151 In order to pursue a new world, I proceeded in Impressionism, Nec^Classicism, Atonality, Mechanicism, . . . etc., the newest modem composition technique for the past half of my life, but too much is as bad as not enough, when right before the dangerous moment that I myself would be moved to the dissecting table, I came to under­ stand suddenly!

Persuit is not better than relinquishment

I should completely be myself.^

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

1. Thorough analysis of all of Chiang Wen-Yeh's piano works is

needed to gain further understanding of his style.

2. A complete collection of his piano works is needed in order to

provide opportunities for thorough analyses.

3. The exclusive employment of Chinese instrument idioms in

Chiang Wen-Yeh's late works reflected Tcherepnin's influence. An

investigation should be made to determine whether the doctrine or the policy of the Communist Party played a role in limiting his

compositions to an acceptable, easy listening level for the public.

4. Chiang Wen-Yeh was an orchestrally-oriented composer. His

complex orchestral textures may present a truer concept of his

harmonic vocabulary than his thin two-part piano textures. His

harmonic vocabulary should be studied further in his Concerto

for Two Pianos and other piano ensemble works.

135 Wen-Yeh, Chiang, ’’After Finishing Melodiae Psalmorum” in Melodiae Psalmorum, Vol. 1, Peiping-Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1947. BIBLIOGRAPHY

GENERAL REFERENCE

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3. DA Lu Music Dictionary. Ed. by Ou Kang. Taipei: Da Lu Book Store, 1980. 4. Dictionary of Contemporary Music. Ed. by John Vinton. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1971.

5. Grove's Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. Ed. by Eric Blom, 9 vols. London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd., 1954.

6. The Japan Year Book, 1933-1939, The Foreim Affairs Association of Japan, Tokyo: The Kenkyusha ftess.

7. Lieberman, Fredric. Chinese Music: An Annotated Bibliography. 2nd ed., New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1979.

8. The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 20 vols., ed. by Stanley Sadie. London and New York: Macmillan Publishing, 1980.

9. The New Harvard Dictionary of Musk. Ed. by Don Michael Randel. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985.

10. Who's Who in Communist China. Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1966. 11. Tsuge, Genichi. Japanese Musk: an Annotated Bibliography. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1986.

152 - 153 BOOKS

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17. Conger, Sarah Pike. Letter from China. Chicago: McClurg, 1909. 18. Dallin, Leon. Techniques o f Twentieth Century Composition. 3rd ed., Dubuque (Iowa): Brown Company Publisher, 1974.

19. Dsing, Dsi-Wen. ’"Formosan Dance' of Chiang Wen-Yeh.” In Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 128-135. Edited by Shi-Min Hu. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985. 20. Fairbank, John, ed. Chinese Thought and Institutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957.

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25. Harich-Schneider, Eta. A History of Japanese Musk. London: Oxford University Press, 1973.

26. Henry, Bill. An Approved History of the Olympk Games. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1948. 154 27. Hu, Shi-Min, ed. Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985. 28. Hu, Shih. The Chinese Renaissance. The Haskell Lectures (1933). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1934.

29. Koichi, Nomura. "Occidental Music.” In Japanese Music and Drama in the Meiji Era. pp. 451-507 Edited by Komiya Toyotaka, Translated by Edward Seidensticker and Donald Keene. Tokyo: Obunsha, 1956. 30. LaRue, Jan. Guidelines for Style Analysis. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. 1970. 31. Ling, Hen-Tse. "Chiang Wen-Yeh's Position in Modem Music History.” In Life ana Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 229-256. Edited al. by Kuo-Huang Han ed. al. Monterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984.

32. Liu, Fu-Mei. The study of Modern Chinese Piano Music. Tainan: Han Chia Publishing Company, 1986.

33. Liu, Mei-Lien. "The Interview with Professor Kau Tsi-Mei about Chiang Wen-Yeh.” In Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 197-202. Edited by Kuo-Huang Han ed. al. Monterey Park: Taiwan Publishing Co., 1984. 34. . The Unfinished Voice of Mountain Ali.” In Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 76-85. Edited by Shi-Min Hu. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985. 35. Luo, Huei-Mai. "The last Danse' in Beiüng.” In L ife and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 170-178. Edited by Kuo-Huang Han ed. al. Monterey Park: Taiwan Publ6hing Co., 1984. 36. Machida, Kasho. "Japanese Music and Dance.” In Japanese Music and Drama in the Meiji Era, pp. 329-448. Edited by Komiya Toyotaka, Translated by Edward Seidensticker and Donald Keene. Tokyo: Obunsha, 1956.

37. May, Elizabeth. The Influence of the Meiji Period on Japanese Children's Music. University of California Publications in Music vol. 6. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963.

38. McAleavy, Henry. The Modern History of China. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967.

39. Morgenstern, Sam, ed. Composers on Music. New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1956, p. 424. 155 40. Pak, Hyobom. China and the West. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974.

41. Reich, Willi. Alexander Tcherepnin. rev. ed. Bonn: M.P. Belaieff, 1970. 42. Scott, A.C. Literalure and the Arts in Twentieth Century China. Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1968.

43. Sih, Dsiun-Liang. ’The Lamentation of a Nearly Forgotten Talented Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh.” In Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 70-75. Edited by Shi-Min Hu. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985. 44. Shih Tsang-Huei. The History of Chinese New Music. 2nd ed. Taipei: Yue-Yuin Publishing Inc., 1986. 45. Shih, Tsang-Huei. "The Suffering Taiwanese National Composer - Chiang Wen-Yeh.” In Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 86-96. Edited by Shi-Min Hu. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985. 46. Sladkovsky, Mikhail I. China and Japan - Past and Present. Edited and Translated by Robert F. Price. Gulf Breeze: Academic International Press, 1975.

47. Su, Shia. ”The Lamentation of The Great Patriotic Poet - The Introduction of Symphonic Tone Poem, The Melancholy Current of the River Mi-Luo' by Chiang Wen-yeh.” In Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh. pp. 118-127. Edited by Shi-Min Hu. Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Co., Ltd., 1985.

48. Teng, Ssu-Yu, and Fairbank, John. China's Response to the West, A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961. 49. Wang, Tseng-tsai, ed. Chinese History. 10 vols. Vol. 3: Modern Period. Taipei: China Academy, 1978.

50. Wang, Yi-Chu Chinese Intellectuals and the West. Durham, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1966. 156 DISSERTATIONS

51. Chang, Chi-Jen. ’’Alexander Tcherepnin, His Influence on Modem Chinese Music.” Doctor of Education Dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University, May 1983. 52. Kinsey, David Leslie. ”The Piano Sonatas of Serge Prokofieff, A Critial Study of the Elements of Their Style.” Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1959. 53. Kukui, Masa Kitagawa. ’’Japanese Piano Music, 1940-1973; A Meeting of Eastern and Western Traditions.” DMA Dissertation, School of Music, University of Maryland, 1981.

ARTICLES

54. Boulez, Pierre. ’Traditional Music, a lost paradise?” World o f Music 9(2) (1967). 55. Chang, Chi-Jen. "Alexander Tcherepnin and Chinese Music.” Ming Boo Monthly 165 (Sept 1979).

56. . ”A Study of Chiang Wen-Yeh's Works.” New Land Magazine. 30 (June-July 1981). 57. . "The Composer with Talent and Frustration, Chiang Wen-Yeh.” China Times. 13 Mar. 1981.

58. . "Notes on Guest Conducting in Hong Kong.” China Times Sunday Weekly (Overseas ed.), 193 (8 Sept. 1981).

59. . "Liu She-An and Tcherepnin.” Central Daily News, 16 April, 1987. 60. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. ’’Word after Finishing 'Book of Psalms”’. China Times Sunday Weekly (Overseas w.), 202 (11 Oct 1981).

61. Chuo, Fan-Fu. ’’Visiting a Forgotten Composer, Chiang Wen-Yeh in Beijing.” Musk and Audiophile 109 (July 1982).

62. Deng, Tsang-Kuo. "Notes about Chiang Weng-Yeh's Lessons.” Taiwanese Arts 19 (May 1981).

63. Freedman, Guy.. "Interview: Spanning the Generations.” Muskal Journal. XXXIV/7 (Sept 1976). 157 64. Goss, Louise. "A Tribute to Alexander Tcherepnin.” Clavier XV11/6. XVIl/6 (Sept. 1978). 65. Han, Kuo-Huang. "Life and Works of Chiang Wen-Yeh.” Taiwanese Arts 19 (May 1981).

66. ______. "The Revival of the Composer, Chiang Wen-Yeh." Lien Ho Boo, 29 May 1981.

67. ' Hsie, Li-Fa. "The Cries of Homeland, Notes on a Sick Taiwanese National Musician Chiang Wen-Yeh in Beijing." Lien Ho Boo, 8 May 1981. 68. ______. "Notes of the Concert of Chiang Wen Yeh's Works in New York." Lien Ho Bao, 29 May 1981.

69. ______. "The Old Vines under A Fault" Taiwanese Arts 82 (May 1983).

70. Huang, Yi. "The Dialogue about Tradition, The Interview with Chang Chi-Jen about Chiang Wen-Yeh and his composition." China Times, 17 Nov. 198f

71. Kishibe, Shigeo. "Japanese Music - Conflict or Synthesis:" World of Music 9(2) (1967). 72. Kuo, Di-Yiang. "The Memoir of Chiang Wen-Yeh." Tsong Boo, 19 June 1982.

73. Kuo, Tsi-Yuan. "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh." Music L ife 24 (July 1981). 74. LaRue, Jan. "On Style Analysis.” Journal of Musk Theory 6 (1962). 75. Li, Au. "A Discussion About the Persecution of Music.” TsiengTsiu Ping Luen (Dec. 1983).

76. Liau, Hsing-Chang. "The Supplement to Dr. Hang Kuo-Huang's List of (Zhiang Wen-Yeh's Works." Musk and Audiophile 99 (sept 1981). 77. Liu, Mei-Lien. "The Shock from Chiang Wen-Yeh." Via Koh Monthly (Nov. 1983). 78. . "The Unearth "Formosan Dance'". Taiwanese A rts 86 (April 1984).

79. Pringsheim, Hans Erik. "Music in Japanese Schools.” Tourist Uapan) 193 (Oct 1936). 158 80. Shi, Shir-Dsia. ’’Professor Chiam Wen-Yeh and His Musical Compositions.” Central Music Conseratory Académie Report 1 (1983). 81. Shi, Wei-Liang. ’’Chiang Wen-Yeh in the memory of Shi Wei-Liang.” Literature Quarterly (Spring 1968).

82. Signell, Karl. ”The Modernization Process in Two Occidental Music Cultures: Turkish and Japanese.” Asian Music 7 (2) (1976). 83. Su, Shia. ”A Study of Chiang Wen-Yeh's Early Con^sitions.” Central Music Conservatory Academic Report 3 (l98o).

84. Tcherepnin, Alexander. ”N4usic in Modem China.” Musical Quarterly XXl/4 (Oct. 1935). 85. :__ . ’’Composers Have a Duty.” Musk Journal XXIV/12 (Dec. 1966).------. 86. . ’’Short Autobiography (1964).” Tempo 130 (Sept. 1970). 87. Tcherepnin, Ming. ’Tcherepnin's Chinese Bagatelles: A Master Lesson.” Clavier (Sept. 1983). 88. Wen, Kuang. ”The Impression of Taiwanese Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh.” Times Weekly (Oversea ed.) 185 (July, 1981).

89. Wuellner, Guy S.. ’’Alexander Tcherepnin, 1899-1977.” The Piano Quarterly (Winter 1977-78). 90. Werkmeister, Heinrich. ’’Impressions of Japanese Music.” M usk Quarterly 13 (1927).

91. Yiang, Tsau-chia. ’’Notes to Taiwan Music History.” Gong H sk Monthly 22 (June 1961).

UNPUBLISHED 92. Ke, Da-Shie. ”A Brief Introduction to Composer, Chiang Wen-Yeh's Life and Works.” 93. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Letter to Tcherepnin, dated June 18, 1937.

94. Tcherepnin, Ming. Letter to this writer, dated June 2, 1987. • 159

MUSIC SCORES

95. Barber, Samuel. Excursions, Op. 20. New York: G. Schirmer Inc., 1945. 96. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Formosan Danse. Tokyo: Hakubi, 1936.

97. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Fantoccini. Tokyo: Hakubi, 1936.

98. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. 5 Sketches, Op. 4a, in Collection A. Tcherepnine. Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936. 99. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. 3 Dances, Op. 7, in Collection A. Tcherepnin. Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936. 100. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. The Peking Myriorama, Vol. I, Op. 22. Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1938.

101. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Sonata No. 3 - ”Natura e Vita a Mezzodi”, Manuscript, May, 1945. 102. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Climatologie Chinoise, Manuscript

103. Chiang Wen-Yeh. Poem of Folk Festival, Op. 53, Manuscripts, 1950. 104. Chiang Wen-Yeh. Sonata No. 4 - ” F esta”. Op. 54, Manuscript, June 1949. 105. Chiang, Wen-Yeh. Capriccio - ”Fisherman's Barcarole”, in M usk Composition, 1 (1982).

106. Ho, Rodin. Buffolo Boy's Flute, Manuscript, hand copied by A. Tcherepnin. 107. Prokofiev, Sergei. Visions Fugitives, Op. 22, edited by Irwin Freundlich. New York: MCA Music.

108. Stravinsky, Igor: Trois Mouvements de Petrouchka, New York: Boosey & Hawkes, 1947. 109. Tcherepnin, Alexander. Homage to China, in Five Concert Etudes, Op. 52, No. 2, Manuscript

110. Tcherepnin, Alexander. Chinese Bagatelle, Op. 51, 1935. Appendix A

LIST OF COMPOSITIONS BY CHIANG WEN-YEH

PIANO WORKS

Op. 1 Formosan Dansé*, (Tanz Formosa*,

(For orchestra also); Comp. April, 1934; Tokyo: Hakubi, Nov, 1936.

Op. 2 Fantasy to a White Egret*, ( ) (for orchestra also); comp. 1934; Source B.

Op. 3a Little Sketches* ( ), in Modern Japanese Piano Album, edited by Tcherepnin, Tokyo: Ryuginsha ( ïjüii^iiü: ), 1935.

Op. 3b Ballade* ( ),

Source B.

Op. ? Fantoccini^, comp. April, 1936; Tokyo: Hakubi, 1936.

The sign, indicates that the title in foreign language was given by Chiang Wen-Yeh. - 160 * 161

Op. ? Suite - ”May"\ {IL n \ 1935, Source B.

Op. 4a 5 Sketched, { 5 . # # #) 1. The One Legged Scarecrow in the Mount Field.

2. In the Fields behind the House.

3. Round the Camp-Fire We Dance.

4. In the Side-Streets.

5. FuU Sail. Comp. Sep 1934 - Apr 1935; in Collection A. Tcherepnine, Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936.

Op. 7 3 Dances, in Collection A. Tcherepnine, Tokyo:Ryuginsha, 1936.

Op. 8 16 Bagatelles* ( KTij^/hup ), in Collection A. Tcherepnine, Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936.

Op. 13 Sonata - ”Mandoline” (

Source F.^^^

Op. 19 Sonata No. 1,

1936? Source C.

Op. 21 (32?) Sonatina No. 1,

1936? Source C.

The opus number is the same as chamber music work. Account o f a Journey on South. 162 Op, 22 The Peking Myriorama*

Vol. I, 10 pieces, (originally 50 pieces).

1. Tien An Gate* ( ).

2. By the Forbidden City* ( ).

3. Evening, on the Sha Chi Tan* ). 4. Joker* ( ).

5. Dragon Monument* ( # # ).

6. Willow Flower* ( ). 7. A Distant Drum*.

8. At the Tha Mah Temple* ( ).

9. Sword Dance No. 1.* 10. Sword Dance No. 2.*

Comp. Aug 1938; TokyorRyuginsha, 1938.

Op. 31 Sonatina

1940, Source A.^^^

Op. 39 Sonata No. 3 - "Natura e Vita a Mezzodi”* ( ),

Comp. May 1945, Manuscript.

Op. 39? Ballade ~ ”A Moon Night in Shinn-Yang” ( #1# ^ ^ ),

1943, Source A.

Sonatina Op. 21 and Op. 31 might be the same work, although the dates of the sources indicate that they are different works (Op. 21, 1936, according to Source C; Op. 31, 1940, according to Source A). 163

Op. 51 Climatologie Chinoise* ( ),

1. Pastorale d'Ete* ( ). 2. Chuchotement du Saule et de la Brise Printanie* ( ). 3. Timbales des Frontières* ( ).

4. Belle Nuit* ( ).

5. Nocturne d'Automne* ( ÿm ). Manuscript.

Op. 52 Sonata - "Ceremony Music” (

1951, Source A.

Op. 53 Poem of Folk Festival ( )

12 pieces, 1950; Manuscript and Source A

Op. 54 Sonata No. 4 - ”Festa”* ( ^ ).

Comp. Jun 1949, Manuscript

Op. 56 Capriccio - ”Fisherman!s Barcarole” ( )

1951, in Music Composition, 1 (1982), Source A.

Op. ? Sonata (For medium level).

Source A.

Op. ? Praise of Du Fu ( tkiim m ).

Source A. 164 CONCERTO

Op. 16 Concerto fo r Two Pianos,

Source A and G.

ORCHESTRAL WORKS

Op. I Formosan Dance*, (Tanz Formosa*),

Tokyo, 1934.

Op. 2 Fantasy to a White Egret*,

Tokyo, 1934, Source A and B.

Op. 4b Symphonie Suite Based on the Subject of Bong Odoli ( i ® Û'J 3%),

Tokyo, 1935, Source A.

Op. 4b? Suite No. 1,*

1. Capriccio.* 2. Intermezzo.*

3. Danza.*

Comp, before Oct, 1936; Source B and

Op. 5 Street-Stall Seeing, the Local Fate-day* ( ® ),

Comp, before Oct, 1936; Source B and H.

According to Source B, Suite No. 1 has the same opus number as Symphonic Suite based on the subject of Bong Odoli. They might be the same work. 165

Op. ? Symphonie Etude Based on a Folk Sang, (One of the two "Symphonic Etudes for Orchestra”); comp. 1935-36; Source E and H.

Op. 10 Tone Poem - "Pastoral” ( )

Tokyo, 1943; Source A.

Op. ? Fugal Overture ( ), Tokyo, 1937; Source A.

Op. 30 Music from the Confucian Temple ( )

Comp. 1939-40, Beijing; Source A and H.

Op. ? The Praise for the Century Myth ( ),

Beijing, 1942; Source A and H.

Op. 7 The Whistling Dove Flute in the Blue Sky ( X 1943, Source A, H, and I.

Op. 34 Symphony No. 1,

Beijing, 1940; Source A.

Op. 36 Symphony No. 2,

Beijing, 1943; Source A.

Op. 42 A Shining Countenance ( — ),

Beijing, 1943; Source A.

Op. 61 Symphony No. 3

Beijing, 1957; Source A. 166

Op. 62 Tone Poem - "The Melancholy Current of River Mi-Luo, In the Memory of Chi-Yuan CsJM X ( ), Beijing, 1963; Source A.

Op. ? Symphony No. 4,

Beijing, 1962; Source A.

Op. 64 Folk Song and Peasant Dance ( # # # % # # ),

Beijing, 1963, Source A.

Op. ? Symphony No. 5 - "The Voice o f Mountain Ali”

(Unfinished), Beijing, 1978; Source A.

CHAMBER MUSIC

Op. 6 4 Seiban Songs*, for Soprano and Chamber Orchestra ( ),

1934; Source A and B.

Op. 10 5 Seiban Song^, fo r Baritone an Chanber Orchestra,

1935; Source A and B.

Op. 13 Account of a Journey on South, for Chamber Orchestra ( X 6 movements. Comp, before Oct 1936; Source A, B and D.

Op. 14 Sonata No. 1, for Violoncello and piano.

Comp, before Oct 1936; Source A and B. 167

Op. 17 Sonata , .for Flute and Piano- "Ritual Ceremony"

in Collection A. Tcherepnine, Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936; Source A.

Op. 18 Piano Trio - "The High Mountain Area of Taiwan"

6 pieces; Beijing, 1955; Source A.

Op. 38 Suite fo r Violoncello, Beijing; Source A.

Op. 51 ,

Beijing, 1951; Source A.

Op. 54 Wind Quintet - "Happy Childhood" ( ),

Beijing, 1952; Source A.

Op. 59 Sonata for Violin and Piano - "Spring Acclaim” ( (IR# ),

Beijing, 1952; Source A.

Op. 63 Wood Wind Trio

Beijing, I960; Source A.

According to Source G, Op. 17 was finished in 1937 and had not yet been published.

According to Source G, Op. 18 had been written for oboe, violon­ cello, and piano. 168

OPERA AND BALLET

Op. 9 ”The Love of Taiyal*” - Grand Opera in 3 Acts, ( m m ± m ( X Unfinished, Comp, before Oct 1936; Source B and D.

Op. 12 One Against Six* C ),

Ballet; Comp. Before Oct, 1936; Source A and B.

Op. ? Boundless Communication ( ),

Tokyo; Source A.

Op. ? Shyun Yang River )

Beijing; Source A.

Op. 33 The Song o f Earth ( ),

Beijing, 1940; Source A.

Op. 34 Hsiang Fei Memoir ( ), Four-act ballet; comp. 1939-1940; Source A and H.

Op. 65 "Memory of an Old Sweetheart”^^^ ( ),

Unfinished, Beijing; Source A.

Name of a Beijing Opera play. 169

WORKS FOR SOLO VOICE

Op. 6 Seiban Songs No. 1 ( ), 4 melodies, in Collection A. Tcherepnine, Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936; Source A and B.

Op. 10 Seiban Songs N0.2, 5 melodies, Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1936; Source B.

Op. 20 Collection of Six Sets of Songs based on Contemporary Japanese Poetry.

Source C.

Op. 21 (20 ?) Chinese Folk Song^ ( ), Vol. I (10 pieces) in Collection Keh Tsen-Heh (100 pie(^, # # 0 # # ), Tokyo: Ryuginsha, 1938? Source H and

Op. 21 ? Collection of Chinese Folk Songs,

Beijing, 1938? Source A.

Op. 23 Songs for Children - ”Ah! Beautiful Sun”,

Source F.

Op. 24 Chinese Poetry of The Tang Dynasty, Five Words Quatrain*, (##$: X 9 pieces, Beijing:New People Music Bookstore, 1940.

Op. 25 Chinese Poetry of The Tang Dynasty, Seven Words Quatrain*, ( X 9 pieces, Beijing: New People Music Bookstore, 1940.

According to Source A, this piece is Op. 20. 170 Op. 26 Chinese Poetry of The Tang Dynasty, Ancient Poetry ( X 9 pieces; Source F.

Op. 26 ? Chinese Poetry of The Yuen Dynasty C itÿiM X

Beijing, 1939; Source A.

Op. 21 Chinese Poetry of The Tang Dynasty, Prosodic Poetry A

9 pieces; Source P.

Op. 27? Collection of Songs Based on the Poetry of Tang Dynasty C X 4 volumes, 36 pieces; Source

Op. 7 Chinese Poetry of The Song Dynasty, Lee Huo Dsu ( ^ X 4 pieces, Beijing: New People Music Bookstore, 1940.

Op. ? Chinese Poetry of The Song Dynasty, Lee Tching Dsau ( 5^Iff]: X Source F.

Op. ? Chinese Poetry of The Song Dynasty, Su Sih ( * IS] : A Beijing, 1939; Source A and F.

Op. ? Chinese Poetry of The Song Dynasty, Wu Dsou ( :

Source F.

144 ji^ese 36 pieces in 4 volumes may be the collection of Op. 24-27 listed in Source F. 171 Op. 21 ? Chinese Poetry of The Mins and Tchins Dynasties

Beijing, 1039; Source A.

Op. 28 Chinese Poetry of Contemporary Poetry ( A # ),

Beijing; Source A.

Op. 40 Melodiae Psalmorum* ( A # ), Vol. I.

Comp. 1946? Source A. Peiping: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum i X 1947. Taipei: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum ), 1957.

Op. 41 Melodiae Psalmorum*, Vol. II.

Peiping: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1949. Taipei: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1965.

Op. 45 Mass No. 1 ( A ),

Comp. 1946? Source A. Peiping: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1947. Taipei: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1964.

Op. 41 Melodies from The Book of Psalms for Children*, Vol. I. ( X Comp. 1946? Source A. Peiping: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1948. Taipei: Domus Franciscana Studium Biblicum, 1964.

CHORUS WORKS

Op. II "Spring Tide”( ), After a Poem by Toson Shimazaki ( f6ilf^ # # A For mixed chorus and 2 violin soH, viola solo, cello solo and string orchestra. Tokyo, 1936; Source A and B. 172 Op. 28 ? Beijing Acclaim ( ),

Beijing; Source F.

Op. 29 Chinese Folk Songs for Chorus,

9 pieces; Beijing, 1939; Source A and F.

Op. 53, No. 3 Real Strength Come from Action,

Beijing; Source A.

Op. 55, No. 3 Seiban Songs in Taiwan.

Beijing; Source A.

OTHER WORKS MENTIONED IN THE DOCUMENTS

Piano Method Books for Beginner.

Anthem of the New People Society.

Song of the New People.

Song of the New Woman.

Song o f the New Young People. The Road o f East Asian Peace.

The March o f Great East Asia (movie music).

The Evening in Su Dsou ( ), (movie music).

The Niff ht by the River with Flower and Moon ( ), for pipa and piano.

The Dragonfly Touch the Water ( ), for pipa and piano.

A Symphonic Sketch of Southern Island.

Prelude in Madrigal Style.

Listening to the Story of a High Mountain Man. 173

The Song in the City.

The List of Compositions of Chiang Wen-Yeh in Appendix A is compiled from the following sources.

Source A Compiled by Mrs. Chiang (Uin-Dsen Wu) and Da-Hsie Keh ( ) in February 1984, in Chinese Outstanding Musician, Chiang Wen-Yeh, edited by Shi-Min Hu, pp. 61-64.

Source B ’The List of Compositions by Bunya Koh” dated at October 1936, in Collection A. Tcherepnine, on the back page of 3 Dances Op. 7. Source C The program notes of the record, Formosan Dance, pub­ lished by Victor Record Company, collected by Hsing-Chang Liau. Source D ”The List of Works” in the published orchestral score and piano score of Formosan Dance, collected by Hsing-Chang Liau. Source E Humio Haiajaka ( ) "Notes on Chiang Wen-Yeh” in Essays on Japanese Music, translated by Hsing-Chang Liau. Source F Kuo-Huang Han, ’’List of Compositions by Chiang Wen-Yeh” dated May, 1981 in the Appendix of From West to East. Source G Chiang Wen-Yeh's letter to Tcherepnin dated June 18, 1937.

Source H Tsi-Yuan Kuo, "The Pioneer of Chinese Modem Nationalism, Chiang Wen-Yeh”

Source I Program notes collected by Hsing-Chang Liau. Appendix B 3 DANCES, OP. 7, NO. 1 Allegro ritmico

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- 184 - Appendix F ENGLÎSH-CHINESE GLOSSARY

Amiot, Jean Joseph Marie Amoy

And Rightist

Bell, Joannes Adam Schall Von

Bi Shih-Tsou

Central Music Conservatory

Chang Chi-Jen SfîBiî

Chiang Kai-Shek

Chiang Wen-Bing ïï.% ^

Chiang Wen-Tsong üÿcî® Chiang Wen-Yeh

Chiang Üin-Jüin

Chien Long ;%

Chu Tsai-Yü

Chuo Fan-Fu Dan Sui

Deng Tsang-Kuo

Dong Kuang-Kuang

Dsing Dsi-Wen

Erhu z a ï

- 185 186 Fu Kien #=#

Pu Tsong # % The Great Cultural Revolution

Hakka

Han Kuo-Huang

He Luding SNkiT Hibiya Khokhailo (Hibiya Public Hall)

Hong-Yi 5A~fi;-fiiii

Hsiao Yiu-Mei

Shie Li-Fa

Hu Shi-Min

Hualien

Huang Yi M të Huang Zi SÜ @

Hujihada losie Khagekhi Dang jlE H rl^JJlSl Kang Shi # R5 Kuo Di-Yiang $ 1 # #

Li Au $ %

Li Su-Tong

Liau Hsing-Chang IB 9^#

Ling Hen-Tse # # #

Liu Mei-Lien gm #

Liu She-An

Liu Shyr-Kun

Liu Tien-Hua S'J3^ #

Lu Gou Bridge 187 Lu Li-Yuan

Luo Huei-Mei # 0 # Ma Seh-Tsong

Ming

New People Society #rK#

Nagano Ueda Chiugaku

Paci, Mario

Pereira, Thomas Pipa m m . Red Guard Soldier âC#:#

Ricci, Matthaeus # # ^

Ruggiere, Michael Ryuginsha uHn^iîii

Sen-Tsong

Sen Yia-Chin m w

Shi Wei-Liang Shi-Ying School im m fc

Shih Tsang-Huei i'f'.fSS

Shirnazaki Toson % # # #

Sih Dsiun-Liang

Su Shia m S Tang [5

Tchi Erping Tchi Ru-San - %

Tching /,iî

Tching Fong Dien /jijElfE 188 Tien Dsin m Tokyo Musasino Khoto Khogio Gakko

Tsai Chai-Hsio

Tsau An-He # %%

Tsuan-Sa, Chiang Su

Ueno Ongaku Gakko

Ûin-Kang Stone Cave Wen Kuang X

Wu Lei-Dsen

Wu Üin-Dsen Yamada Kosaku Yang Guei Fei

Yang Zhungzi # # T-

Yiang, Tsau-Chia # # #

Yong Ding

Yuan Shi-Kai Üll

Yuen Æ

Zao Yuan-Ren ®Æfî

Zhang Zi-Dong