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The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
AN ANALYSIS of VLADIMIR PUTIN and HIS POLITICAL PROJECT (II) UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España MORALES, JAVIER WHO RULES RUSSIA TODAY? AN ANALYSIS OF VLADIMIR PUTIN AND HIS POLITICAL PROJECT (II) UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 4, enero, 2004, pp. 1-11 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76712465010 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Enero de 2004 WHO RULES RUSSIA TODAY? AN ANALYSIS OF VLADIMIR PUTIN AND HIS POLITICAL PROJECT (II) AUTOR 1: JAVIER MORALES UNISCI FECHA: Enero de 2004 Introduction This is the second part of an article that appeared in the previous issue of this journal.2 There we dealt with the first years of Putin’s career, concluding that there are many missing points in the official accounts of his service as a KGB officer. We also referred to his transition to politics beside Anatoli Sobchak, in the last months before the Soviet Union collapsed. Here, in section one, we are going to consider his positions at Yeltsin’s administration, and later at the Federal Security Service (FSB), the Security Council, and the cabinet. In section two, we will analyze the main ideas in Putin’s political program, as outlined in the 2000 presidential campaign. Finally, in section three, we will see how this project has been put into practice, contrasting several explanations of the president’s aims and decisions that have been suggested by the media and the scholarly literature. -
Putin's Youth
Putin’s Youth: Nashi and the Pro-Regime Youth Movement in Russia, 2000-2012 Angela Lee Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in History May 2013 © 2013 Angela Lee Table of Contents page I. Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………iii II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………1 III. Background: The Komsomol, 1918-1991 ……………………….………………...…………4 IV. Chapter 1: Idushchie Vmeste, 2000-2005……………………………………...……………17 V. Chapter 2: Nashi Emerges, 2005-2008………………………………….…………………..31 VI. Chapter 3: Nashi Recedes, 2008-2012…………………………….………………………...55 VII. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………..66 VIII. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………69 ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Nina Tumarkin for her patience, sound guidance, and endlessly good humor. I would also like to thank all my History professors at Wellesley for their dedication to teaching and their passion for the subject, and also to the Russian Language Department for making the process of learning Russian a joy during this past year. I am grateful to those who were part of the History Honors Thesis Seminar for the rich discussions and thought-provoking questions. I am thankful to Professors Mark Kramer, Ivan Kurilla, Valerie Sperling, and Elizabeth Wood for their willingness to direct me to the right sources for my research. And finally, I am indebted to the love and support of my parents and siblings for all these years. iii Introduction “The question for Russia now is what to do next. How can we make the new, market -
Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S
Order Code RL32662 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S. Interests Updated January 28, 2005 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S. Interests Summary U.S. attention has focused on Russia’s fitful democratization since Russia emerged in 1991 from the collapse of the Soviet Union. Many observers have argued that a democratic Russia with free markets would be a cooperative bilateral and multilateral partner rather than an insular and hostile national security threat. Concerns about democratization progress appeared heightened after Vladimir Putin became president in 2000. Since then, there has been increased government interference in elections and campaigns, restrictions on freedom of the media, civil as well as human rights abuses in the breakaway Chechnya region, and the arrest of businessman Mikhail Khodorkovskiy as an apparent warning to other entrepreneurs not to support opposition parties or otherwise challenge government policy. Following terrorist attacks in Russia that culminated in the deaths of hundreds of school-children in the town of Beslan, President Putin on September 13, 2004, proposed restructuring all three branches of government and strengthening federal powers to better counter the terrorist threat to Russia. The proposed restructuring included integrating security agencies, switching to party list voting for the Duma (lower legislative chamber), eliminating direct elections of the heads of federal subunits, asserting greater presidential control over the judiciary, and mobilizing social support for the government by strengthening political parties and eliciting the views of non-governmental organizations. -
Russia Watch
RUSSIA WATCH Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Editor: Danielle Lussier Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Copy Editor: John Grennan John F. Kennedy School of Government Consultant: Henry Hale Harvard University No. 9, January 2003 Russian Parties are Inching Forward making repeat appearances in or more than seventy elections, citizens have had greater F opportunities to familiarize years, “party politics” in themselves with the parties’ Russia involved one ideologies and views, decreasing the party—the Communist distance between parties and the electorate. Democratic Party of the Soviet Union. elections now have a history in Russia, and with this The past decade of history, the benefit of cumulative experience for both Russia’s transition has candidates and voters. witnessed an explosion of Much remains to be done before Russian (cont. p. 3) political movements, organizations, and parties competing for space in the elections game and seeking the staying power to become IN THIS ISSUE: democratic Russia’s party of power. Russia’s political party structure remains severely flawed. When viewed Henry Hale, p. 5 incrementally, rather than cumulatively, however, the Indiana University Bazaar Politics: Prospects for Parties in Russia political party glass is more full than empty. * Critics of Russian political party building often fail to Yury Medvedev, p. 8 stop and consider the yardstick they are applying. Is the Member of the Russian State Duma appropriate yardstick how far Russia has come since the Political Organizations and the Development of days of the Soviet Union? Or is it how far short Russia Democracy in Russia falls from the standards of established democracies? It is * easy to forget that Russia’s political parties are only in the Boris Nemtsov, p. -
In Search of Heroes: Cultural Politics and Political Mobilization of Youths in Contemporary Russia and Ukraine
In Search of Heroes: Cultural Politics and Political Mobilization of Youths in Contemporary Russia and Ukraine VIKTORIYA TOPALOVA Abstract: This article focuses on the implications of current political and socio- cultural processes for youth politics in post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine. The author briefly examines the dynamics in the developments underway within Ukrainian and Russian youth movements by looking at specific policies and tools of cultural propaganda aimed at Russian and Ukrainian youth today to engage them in active mass political participation at the national level. This article is an attempt to understand how the cultural politics of the states and the cultural activ- ity of particular youth groups are incorporated and sustained in a powerful dis- cursive framework of national and international politics. Key questions include: What young people enter politics in modern-day Russia and Ukraine? What polit- ical ideas do they hold? Is their entry in political life motivated by a special cul- tural vision? And, most important, to what degree are those ideas an extension of their cultural preferences and views? The author demonstrates a correlation between political and cultural motivations among Russian and Ukrainian adoles- cents. This is accomplished through distinctive models of youth participation in national politics to show how national cultural discourses construct political agency among young people because each discourse inevitably empowers par- ticular youth groups. The author argues that although having similar agendas, Ukrainian and Russian youth movements are formed by different means of polit- ical propaganda that stem from different approaches to the formulation and artic- ulation of the national cultural politics. -
Historiska Institutionen
Historiska institutionen Uppsala Universitet Russia’s ‘Sovereign Democracy’: A Case Study of the Public Protests in Connection with Parliamentary and Presidential Elections 2011-2012 Master thesis, Autumn 2014 Program: MA Roads to Democracy(ies) Student: Nina Dyachenko Supervisor: Kristian Gerner Session chair: Benjamin Martin Defence: 25 September 2014 Abstract This thesis examines Russia as a case study and focuses on the particular political process of Russia’s modern history, namely the public protests that emerged in connection with allegedly unfair elections to the State Duma in December 2011 and presidential elections in March 2012. Drawing the parallels between the Russian government’s new policy labeled by the Kremlin’s political technologists as a “sovereign democracy” and the new Russian protest movement, this thesis seeks to determine the influence this set of practices had on the emergence and on the decline of the protest movement. This question is answered with the help of the political opportunity theory and the relevant empirical data in the form of legislative documents, transcripts of meetings as well as newspaper articles. This study suggests that Russia’s transition to full-fledged democracy is hampered by the scrupulously elaborated authoritarian system masked as a democracy of a special kind and states that the legal rights of Russian citizens are severely violated as the protest movement 2011-2012 proves. In particular, this thesis provides explanation of why the success of the Orange Revolution was not possible in Russia and argues that the set of practices elaborated by the government and called ‘sovereign democracy’ poses difficulties for development of democracy in Russia and, in a way, drags the country back to the Soviet past when the communist ideology turned the country into a totalitarian regime. -
The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1. -
Putin's "Party of Power" and the Declining Power of Parties in Russia
The European Think Tank with a Global Outlook Putin’s ‘Party of Power’ and the Declining Power of Parties in Russia Andrei Kunov, Mikhail Myagkov, Alexei Sitnikov and Dmitry Shakin April 2005 First published in 2005 by The Foreign Policy Centre 49 Chalton Street London NW1 1HY UNITED KINGDOM Email: [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2005 All rights reserved ISBN: 1 903558 64 6 ii About the Authors Andrei Kunov is a Senior Economist at the Institute for Open Economy in Moscow. He is also a PhD candidate in Political Science at Stanford University. Andrei has published several articles and a book on Russia’s transition to democracy and a market economy. He also holds an MA in International Economics from Newcastle University in the UK, an MA in Politics from Central European University in Budapest, and a BA from Kazakhstan State University. Mikhail Myagkov is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Oregon. Mikhail received his Ph.D. in Social Sciences from the California Institute of Technology in 1997. He is the author of numerous articles on Russian elections and the political system. His fields of expertise include Comparative Politics (East Europe and Russia), Formal Political Theory, Game Theory and Statistical Methods. Alexei Sitnikov is a Senior Economist at the Institute for Open Economy in Moscow. In addition to an MA in Political Science from Stanford University, Alexei holds an MA in Political Science and Transition Economics from Central European University (CEU) in Budapest, where his research focused on constitutionalism in the Russian Federation. -
Performing Political Opposition in Russia
2014:8 SOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 2014:8 PERFORMING POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA RUSSIA IN OPPOSITION POLITICAL PERFORMING Russian civil society is often described as weak and Russians as politically apathetic. However, as a surprise for many, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Moscow to protest the fraud in the parliamentary elections in December 2011. Nevertheless, this ‘awakening’ did not last for long as Vladimir Putin took hold of the Presidency again in 2012. Since then, the Russian State Duma has passed new legislation to restrict civic and political activism. This, together with the fragmentation of the opposition movement, has hindered large-scale and sustained mobiliza- tion against the government. In 2013, the number of protests has plummeted when the risks of demonstrating are high and the benefits to participate in political activism appear non-existent. Why is it impossible for the Russian opposition to find a common voice and to sustain contentious action? This book analyzes how political opportunities and restrictions in contem- porary Russia have affected the opposition activists’ activities at the grassroots level. The book examines Russian civil society, contemporary activist strategies, and democratization from the − THE CASE OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT OBORONA OBORONA MOVEMENT YOUTH THE OF CASE THE perspective of the young activists participating in the liberal youth movement Oborona (Defense) in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Before its dissolution in 2011, Oborona was an active participant in the Russian opposition movement, and thus it is an interesting case study of the living activist traditions in Russia. The research illustrates how the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled in Russian political activism to create new post-socialist political identities and practices. -
Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited White, David
www.ssoar.info Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited White, David Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: White, D. (2013). Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited. Studies of Transition States and Societies, 5(1), 69-84. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-362325 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in