International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies (IJIIS) ISSN: 2654-2706, Volume I, Number 1, October 2018

NURTURING ABSTRACTIONS OF THE NATION IN RELIGIO-CULTURAL IDENTITY ASSERTIONS AND SPACES OF GENEROSITY IN SUFI DARGHAS OF KARNATAKA

Amitha Santiago Bishop Cotton Women’s Christian College, Bangalore

‘But why do nations celebrate their hoariness, not their astonishing youth?’ Benedict Anderson

Socio-political reality is often into effect communities that nurture brought into being through performative binarizing abstractions such as what it acts. To say that religio-cultural identity is to be ‘Indian’, the idea of who is a stakes its claim on the socio-political ‘Hindu’ and the notion of nationalism through performative utterances is to that elects an umbilical connect to the also state that socio-political realities Hindu Vedic lineage. appear as effects of articulated ideology. It is to understand the processes It has been well acknowledged that that are involved in the crafting of socio-political ideology presents itself these extra political truths of being and as if it were offering some ‘deeper, extra becoming, to examine whether these political truths’ of being and becoming truths are in fact extra political, and that are constant. This brings forth a to come to an understanding of how believing community, which functions the believing communities which are as a stabilizing occurrence for these effected preserve an abstraction of ‘deeper, extra political truths’ of being pure national identity that this study and becoming. Assertions of essential engages shared sacred spaces that have religio-cultural identity constitute one been claimed by Hindu right-wing such discursive practice that brings assertionists in India. In such an effort,

85 Nurturing Abstractions of the Nation in Religio-Cultural Identity Assertions and Spaces of Generosity in Su› Darghas of Karnataka the juxtaposition-ality of these shared identity is made possible by a return to sacred spaces of grace that harbor a and recovery of pre colonial narratives substratum of generosity and sharing, involving events and sites that are marks the essentializing procedures sought out as evidence to demonstrate of right wingers and their aggressive the ‘truth’ of these pure identities. These mining for a pure Indianness. Except identities are then exhibited as attaining that the ground they mine is amorphous. feasible political possibilities. Political Located as it is within the terrain because the very procedure of return is of religio-cultural identity studies, an endeavor to create an epistemology this study inevitably focuses on the of everything that revolves around contractual laboring of the historical the category of ‘national’. And this and the political in India. This alliance epistemological project typically points to processes that sustain the extends an Orientalist procedure that articulatory systems that liaison with invests in the essentializing rigors of identity politics. There is in India, sel›ng and othering. These mutually reminiscent of decolonization times, a enabling processes project a political deafening clamor to describe national possibility of attaining hegemonic identity in terms of a pure, religio- dominance in the socio-political arena, cultural essence that is to deliver a alias, the realm of national politics. historically constituted national identity. It is within this range of In the context of the growing polemic consequential relationships that the on the issue of who is a nationalist and Darghas of Karnataka surface as what comprises the national in India, having an inbuilt ‘juxstaposition- this study attempts to theorize the ality’ vis-à-vis the narratives of ways in which the idea of a nation and purist claim and assertions of pure nationalism has relied on a return to religio-cultural essence propelling the pre-colonial past in order to present de›nitions of nationalist and nation. answers to questions surrounding the The pre colonial that is accessed by notion of Indianness, what constitutes pure identity assertionists is accessed national identity and how religious using a discourse of exclusion, in identity attaches to these questions. that, it frames identity assertions on Political possibilities emerge, the basis of evidence that is sifted when speci›c religio-cultural histories and which is fenced in within a pre- are traced to fiesh out the notion of a colonial temporality. The corpus of united, homogenous nation/national evidence that assertionists tap prompts identity. As stated earlier, often enough, the exclusionary protocol upon which the assertion of pure religio-cultural their identity is imagined as having essences as constituting national national imperatives. Therefore, the

86 Amitha Santiago pre-colonial evidence that is presented exists alongside the cave. The Hindu as the building material for purist self right wing in India commonly known assertions, reveals excluded evidence of as the Sangh Parivar has disrupted this a large terrain of hybridities, ambivalent coexistence of Hindu-Muslim religious identities and shared sacred spaces. One practices consistently leading to the such terrain is the shared spaces of the communalization of the site. One of the Darghas of Karnataka. Within these performatives that has brought about a spaces, land, practices, pilgrimages, believing community of Hindus in the devotion and deities unfold within a nearby town of Chikmagalur at the base resourceful generosity that de›es the of the Baba Budan hills is the festival vulgar binaries of purist sel›ng and of Dattatreya Jayanti or the birthday of othering. Swami Dattatreya that has never been One of the most disputed sacred celebrated by Hindus before the Sangh sites in Karnataka’s recent history is that Parivar took to communalizing the of Baba Budan Giri Swami Dattatreya region. Peeta, in Chikamagalur district. It Sudha Sitaraman in her working has attained the dubious status of a paper on the Baba Budan Giri Dargha disputed site in recent years due to the attributes the signi›cance of the site for ideological utterances of the Hindu both Muslims as Hindus to the fact that right that persist in presenting the site “Dada Hayath Qalandar, the founder of as stolen from Hindus by Muslim the Qalandar order is believed to be one rulers. It has been reconstructed in of the three-and-half Qalandar masters the popular imagination as belonging who visited South Asia, the other two originally to worshippers of the Hindu being Lal Shahbaz Qalandar of Sehwan deity Dattatreya. This claim attempts to (Sind) and Bu Ali Shah Qalandar of erase the history of Baba Budan Swamy Panipat (Harayana).” Sitaraman goes on Dattatreya Peeta as it has been known to state that: for centuries in Chikmagalur district of Muslims as well as many non- Karnataka. Muslims participate in some form of Atop a scenic hill range the saint worship, a model that is centered khanqah or hospice of Dada Hayath on the belief that the divine blessing Qalander is a sacred site of pilgrimage. of the saint does not disappear after The devotees of both Hindu and Muslim death but is transferred to the chillah/ religions have regularly offered prayers dargah and the living descendants of the at both the cave that Baba Budan silsila (spiritual pedigree). For Muslims is known to have meditated in and saint worship is an integral part of their broken coconuts and conducted pujas orthodoxy, which holds that the barakat to Swami Dattatreya at the temple that (spiritual blessing) of the saint was

87 Nurturing Abstractions of the Nation in Religio-Cultural Identity Assertions and Spaces of Generosity in Su› Darghas of Karnataka transferred to his living descendants and usually follow the ful›llment of a vow is concentrated in certain individuals, taken by the devotee. the custodians of the shrines, who are The celebration of Urs at Baba also the representatives of the saint on Budan Giri Dargha has representatives earth, the sajjadah nashins. belonging to the Qalandari and fuqara The practice of wearing amulets of four orders who hold Dada Hayat and curing diseases remain at the centre in high esteem. On the morning of of ritual and religious mediations of the ›rst day of Urs fuqara from these many Darghas. The power of their orders parade through the streets of spirituality, known as barakat, and their Chikmagalur with the green fiag that ardent devotion to God it is believed is to be hoisted at the Dargha. They gave Su› saints powers to perform walk 32 kilometeres up to the point miracles. Karamat, which refers to the of Dada Hayat’s hospice where the miracles displayed by the ‘friends of sajjadah nashin formally heads the God’ or auliya made up an integral part procession leading the gathering to the of the faith practices of Su›s. Sitaraman shrine‘s entrance to hoist the fiag. Three notes that devotees who visit the Dargha fiags are hoisted- one, at the hospice, often offer supplications and prayers a second at the mazar of Sayyed Shah with regard to ‘the curing of diseases, Jamaluddin Maghribi and a third at the levitation, and prayer for rain, bountiful entrance of the cave. This done du’a or crops, controlling of demons, and the prayer is offered. A procession is then presence of the saint in more than one taken bare foot to Attigunde, a village, place simultaneously.’ a little more than eight kilometers away, Sitaraman reports in her study of where a sacred pot of sandalwood paste the Baba Budan Giri Dargha, that on wrapped in a green cloth is carried any ordinary day, pilgrims and devotees by a mendicant on his head, while visiting the Dargha routinely walk to another accompanies him, holding a the natural spring at Manikyadhara. The richly embroidered protective umbrella ritualistic bathing involves discarding to shade him. The procession steps an item of their clothing in a symbolic out of the house, with the mendicants gesture of getting rid of the unclean and singing and playing their tambourines, impure and retaining the pure within and then returns to the cave of Dada the self. This done, they enter the Hayath. As the procession reaches the shrine to offer prayers or to do the puja hospice, the gathered devotees and depending on whether one is Muslim pilgrims comprising Muslims and or Hindu. The supplicants make an Hindus, reach out to touch the pot of offering of coins, incense sticks, chador, sandalwood paste. Within the cave and food to the deity. These offerings the sajjadah nashin washes the sacred

88 Amitha Santiago seats and graves. The sajjadah nashin pilgrims converging on them. Three recites the opening prayer and invokes days of Urs are celebrated with the blessings of the saint Dada Hayath and next two days seeing a fiood of fakirs his disciples. He and the mendicants and mendicants and pilgrims fiocking smear sandalwood paste on the new to the hilltop cave and temple seeking sheets to be used as a covering. This is blessings and making vows and the ‘sandal ceremony’. offerings.” After this ceremony, devotees and The Hindu devotees who visit the pilgrims are allowed entrance into the shrine have for centuries worshipped cave where the saint meditated. They Baba Budan/Dada Hayat as the avatar ›rst approach the ”chillah‘ (a spiritual of Swami Dattatreya. Represented practice including penance and solitude in the Puranas (the sacred books of within a solitary cell) of Dada Hayath, Vedic Hindus) as having three faces, have a glimpse of the portal and the namely those of Brahma, Vishnu and lamps that he used as well as of a Siva, Dattatreya is known to have been silver replica of his slippers, and are born to Anusuya as the incarnation then given holy water to drink by the of the Hindu triune God in one body. sajjadah nashin or his representative. Four dogs sit beside him signifying Thereafter, Sitaraman notes, “they place the Vedas. He is also worshipped as fiowers and sprinkle rose water on the presiding deity for the undertaking the tombs of Dada Hayath’s disciples of yoga. The saint disciple of Baba (Jan Pak Shahid, Malik Tijar Faruqi, Budan, Mama Jigni whose tomb is also Malik Wazir Isfahani and Abu Turab held sacred and resides in the cave of Shirazi) and the seat of Mama Jigni meditation is worshipped by Hindus as (who was a disciple of Dada Hayat, the mother of Datttreya, Anusuya. and who is worshipped as Anusuya by However, all these elaborate shared Hindu devotees) while the mujawar spiritual and ritual practices have been recites the Fatiha. Pilgrims collect mud increasingly disrupted since 1991 and in little packets from a recess near the infamous fall of the Babri Masjid. Mama Jigni’s chillah. This is believed The Datta Peetha Samvardhana Samiti to possess special medicinal properties. a Hindu right wing association has When they emerge from the cave they successfully demanded the fiying of the break one or more coconuts on a black Hindu saffron fiag (Bhagavadhwaja) at stone at the entrance to the shrine. This the fiag post of the sacred site alongside concludes the ritual ceremonies of the the green fiag that announces a Dargha ›rst day of Urs. For the rest of the day, at the ‘Dattatreya temple’, accompanied the mendicants gather at the faqirchowk by the singing of bhajans or devotional offering advice and counseling to the hymns. Sitaraman documents that in

89 Nurturing Abstractions of the Nation in Religio-Cultural Identity Assertions and Spaces of Generosity in Su› Darghas of Karnataka response to the demand, “the District to receive a half of the proceeds that Commissioner, citing the earlier court fiows in during the Urs of Dada Hayat order had “requested” that no new since they claim the site was originally rituals be introduced. However, these a temple and therefore partially belongs demands have become tradition now.” to the Hindus of the region. Sitaraman In 1997, ›ve Rath Yatras, a Hindu records that in the Hinduization of this form of pilgrimage hitherto unheard of sacred space: were undertaken by the Datta Peetha “… the district administration has also Samvardhana Samiti. The objective of played a proactive role in converting the mosque into an of›ce and proposes the yatras was the demolition of Dada to remodel the tombs on either side of Hayat’s chilla. The Samiti was selling the pathway to the cave into a garden. the narrative that the idol of Swami The khanqah’s langarkhana, faqirchowk, chillahkhana and dhunna have all been Datta Treya lay buried under the chilla razed to the ground by the district ever since the construction of the administration. The role these spaces Dargha by the Muslims who had razed played in the daily and annual rituals has, therefore, been completely altered. As the the original construction to the ground: khanqah has been razed to the ground, a Dattatreya temple. A subsequent the loban that was being traditionally demand was made for the Hindu carried to the shrine is now being carried from the makeshift room adjacent to the worship practices to be introduced courtyard; as the administrative powers and a Hindu priest be given charge of now rest with the Committee, the victuals that were distributed as part of the daily the ceremonies rather than the present ritual have now been abandoned; the chador practice of a mujawar conducting the on the chillah of Dada Hayath has been worship at the site says Sitaraman. permanently removed; the fiag-post that kept the fiag (nishani) stands empty.“ Today, the Samiti has successfully In keeping with the narrative instituted three annual festivities, which of pure religio-cultural identities as were not in existence since pre colonial enabling a pure essential Hindu Indian times. One is the Datta Mala Abhinaya, identity, the Samiti members and the Shobha Yatre and Anasuya Yatre that ideologues of the Hindu right ascribed has been set in place to recognize the pure origins on to erstwhile shared Hindu origins of the space. The word sacred religio-cultural sites. Pure Dargha was seen as detrimental to identities were fieshed out in Hindu the identity of the devotees who were deities, idols and devotees. positioned as truth bearers of Indian The diachronic unfolding of Indian identity. The recasting of roadways history tracing the emergence of people and maps followed with disputes over from primitive understandings of the naming of the Dargha. The recent themselves to the more civilizational/ demand has been that the District modern understanding of identity administration must permit the Samiti as being the effect of the nation

90 Amitha Santiago as constructed for purposes of Right’s desire to harness the nation decolonization, presents a contrived for itself. This can be done only when narrative. It produces spheres of it is claimed as already always being differential reality due to the ensign-like part of its origins, and this claim is marking of a center that a community demonstrated by utterances that provide then rallies around. Within this tangible evidence. dynamic, religio-cultural essences are This is contradictorily seen when a crafted and circulated in an attempt closer study of Darghas extant as pre- to establish ›xed, impermeable colonial sites of worship and pilgrimage national identities that are imaged and reveal a decided lack of pure identity. represented as authentic and original. Instead, there is a de›nite give and take Any community or site or experience of religious myths, practices and spaces that renders this identity porous is and a ”coevalness‘ that de›es the Hindu perceived as threatening and disruptive nationalist assertions of pure religious and to be checkmated. This is the identities. dynamic that we see at work at the The sacred site of the Yellamma site of Baba Budan Giri. A dynamic temple at Saundatti too has a long that has ruptured the shared terrain of history of gracious exchange between interculturality and inter religiosity to the Muslim and Hindu communities establish in its stead a purist rendition who have celebrated Urs at the Dargha of what India comprises. This idea of and performed the Yellamma festivities India as a nation that was originally side by side since pre colonial times. Hindu and must be revoked as such Yoginder Sikand in his book Sacred mobilizes communities like the Samiti Spaces… in travelogue style presents has to claim spaces, deities and worship the case of the Elamma community of protocols by way of a return to a Vedic Saudatti. sacred narrative. In other words, the In Saudatti, in Northern Karnataka, historicization of pure Indian origins the temple belonging to Elamma, a and the assertion of Hindu Vedic origins lower caste goddess is today being post as the core of being and becoming scribed as having Brahmin lineage. Indian is performed into being. The The deity who has for centuries been performative utterances in the form of worshipped by the Dalits of Karnataka ”yatres‘ and ”jayantis‘, fiag hoistings and because of the myth that accompanies sloganeering brings a community into her reincarnation as a woman with the consensus. The recovery of Vedic Hindu head of a Dalit, Matangi, and the body evidence to frame the idea of India and of a Brahmin, now is being vehemently Indianness exerts certain inclusions and denied her Dalit pedigree. A little must exclusions that are driven by the Hindu be said in this regard to process the

91 Nurturing Abstractions of the Nation in Religio-Cultural Identity Assertions and Spaces of Generosity in Su› Darghas of Karnataka method of erasure that is mobilized by assumed the form of Elamma to redeem the heresies of dominant discourses that the world’. He notes the fact that seek to gain hegemonic dominance. Elammma of Saudatti was attracting Sikand records the Brahminization increasing numbers of pilgrims spurred of narratives from as early as the ninth the Brahmin community into taking century in Karnataka. He states that by control of the temple, its proceedings the ninth century a Brahminical revival and the goddess. Just as the erasure of of sorts led to a massive genocide the Dalit origins of Elamma has been of Jain monks and the destruction afoot to reinstate the Goddess to her of Jain temples, and more often the rightful pedigree as Brahmin deity, so appropriation of Jain spaces of worship. also, Elamma‘s Su› connections are The Elamma temple at Suandatti relatively unknown. many local people say was one such Almost anyone who knows of appropriation of Jain space by the rising Elamma Devi thinks of Saudatti as a Brahminization of regions. Sikand Hindu sacred space, but not many know records that the Gazetteer of India of her links to a Su› saint in Saudatti, documents that the cult of Elamma is Baba Bhaure Shah, a well noted saint de›ned by its lower caste devotees and within the village of Saudatti. Sikand is a blend of Mahayana Buddhist and documents the locals question to him: Nath Shaivite traditions, both of which How can you expect to get the full began as anti- Brahminical movements. blessings of the sister if you don’t meet He also cites Elmore, one of the few the brother? According to the local scholars to have studied the Elamma legend, Elamma was suffering from religious space, and who identi›es the leprosy when Baba pitied her took her origins of the goddess in the original as his disciple, cured her miraculously form of ‘Mathamma’, the patron and gave her a special spot for her to goddess of the Madiga Dalits, who have meditate on the hill. And this is the been noted as the lowest of the lower spot upon which Elamma’s temple castes in the local hierarchy of castes. stands. This community therefore Sikand records a booklet written on the day of the full moon, when by a Brahmin scholar who claimed that Elamma is supposed to have lost her “Elamma is a form of Shakti Herself”. husband, special food is cooked by ‘The Goddess appeared in the form her Hindu followers and sent across to of Renuka in the sat yug, the age of Baba’s shrine. The local people stated truth; as Draupadi, the wife of the ›ve that earlier those who travelled to the Pandavas in the dvapar or second era; Elamma temple they visited Baba’s as Janaki in the tretha, the third era; tomb as well. But with the recasting and in this evil age of kali yug, she has of Elamma into a Brahmin deity, this

92 Amitha Santiago practice has stopped. The erasure would be a ruler of a kingdom. When of tradition and rituals of worship this prophecy came true many years in Saundatti are a classic case of the later, Sultan Hasan as King of Gulbarga deliberate forgetting that is imposed by in north Karnataka, included the name Brahminization and Sanskritization of Bahmani, a distortion of ‘brahmin’ in sacred spaces. his dynastic title, to demonstrate his Considering the ways in which thankfulness for the blessing. When the idea of the nation and national his son Sultan Ahmed ascended the identity have been crafted we ›nd that throne after him he is recorded to have the identity of a nation is constituted brought rain to his people by merely walking backwards, that is to say lifting his hands to God in supplication historically, so that it follows that the when the rains had failed in that part of making of a nation is an epistemological Karnataka. He is thereafter known as procedure. Making the nation known ‘Wali’ (Dear to the Lord) by his Muslim to its consumers therefore extends an subjects and is identi›ed by the Hindu Orientalist discursive practice that is and Lingayat subjects of his kingdom ironically what colonialism survived on as the incarnation of Allama Prabhu and heavily invested in. The nation is the twelfth century, Shaivite Lingayat thus involved in essentializing processes leader and poet-saint, renowned for his of sel›ng and othering, the very same anti caste-class-patriarchal songs and operative that the decolonization discourses across India. His Dargha process contested and apparently is even today a pilgrimage site for ousted, only to be reinstated for other Muslim, Lingayat and Hindu devotees. masters to be served. Sadly, the bond between Muslim, Across the length and breadth of Hindu and Lingayats has been Karnataka communities from Hindu systematically obliterated as the and Muslim religio-cultural spaces Lingayats of the region are more and have crossed over to enrich religio more appropriated into Hinduism cultural identity formulations. The case and the Muslim Sultan’s Dargha has of the founder of the Bahmani dynasty been now converted into a Wodeyar Sultan Hasan Gangoh is another such. caste temple. But even so, during Urs Sikand documents reveal that he is said a Muslim is asked to read the Fatiha to have been blessed by a Brahmin (opening prayer) before the performance priest who saw the orphaned child of the Hindu pujas (worship of the Hasan asleep under the protection of deity) at the temple. The minarets still a hooded cobra that stood over him stand atop the Hinduized temple that guarding him from the scorching sun. was once a dargha, preserving the The Brahmin then prophesied that he history of a coevalness between these

93 Nurturing Abstractions of the Nation in Religio-Cultural Identity Assertions and Spaces of Generosity in Su› Darghas of Karnataka communities around these religio- so as to forget it. Since the incident cultural sites. did not coincide with the master The three sites detailed above are narrative of a decolonization endeavor some of several such sites that predate that was radically non violent and the birth of the Indian nation. These spiritual, but was on the other hand, a sites and practices speak for integrated, violent, revenging of the people on the fiuid religio-cultural identities that have British use of force at the Jalianwala been resilient in several parts of India Bagh massacre, it was treated as a since pre-colonial times, Karnataka an aberration. However, this very being an example of the same. ‘aberration’ reveals something of the I cut to an incisive analysis of nature of nationalism. That in fact, how events and spaces are historicized it is a restless force that will not be either as memory or as forgetting by contained within a singular, structured Shahid Amin. Amin, talking about the performative. Chauri Chaura event in the making of The Chauri Chaura incident of the Indian nation state suggests that 1922 is a case in point that brought the peasant rebellion was at its core a peasants together to perform the idea of celebration of Gandhian nationalism nation that had taken shape in the minds albeit a violent nationalism. The of the community of that region. That it curiosity of this case is relevant here evacuated the kind of nationalism that for us to understand the fraught nature Gandhi was calling for—that of civil of what is performed as nationalist/ disobedience —uncovers the plural nationalism. While Gandhi’s call was ›ssures through which a community for non violent de›ance of the Raj that may stain the homogenizing fabric of was possible with a cultivation and that which is presented as an Indian deployment of spiritual performatives nationalism. In a contradictory parallel, such as sathyagraha or non violent the pre colonial temporality that is civil disobedience, the peasants who accessed in order to develop the idea were instrumental in making Gandhi of a homogenous Hindu Indian pure into a ‘mahatma’ sent up a triumphant identity is ruptured and rendered false cry of ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki Jai’ after by the multiple ›ssures through which the gutting of the Chauri Chaura grace, generosity and sharing overfiow police station, and the slaughter of the the homogenizing, essentializing fabric policemen in the police chowki. of purist assertions of Indianness that The question that surfaces from nurture Vedic abstractions of nationalist this event is as regards the way in practice, identity and what constitutes which this violent protest is turned into Indianness.[] an incident that is remembered only

94 International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies (IJIIS) ISSN: 2654-2706, Volume I, Number 1, October 2018

CULTIVATING THE RELIGIOUS BEHAVIOR OF GRHASTHA ASHRAMA IN SUKAWATI VILLAGE BASED ON TRI HITA KARANA

I Gusti Ayu Suasthi, I Gusti Ayu Ngurah, Desak Nyoman Seniati Faculty of Religious Science and Culture Universitas Hindu Indonesia Denpasar

Abstract

This study examines the importance of cultivating the religious behavior of grhastha ashrama in Sukawati Village based on Tri Hita Karana, founded on the local wisdom inherited from the ancestors. In today’s era of everything instant and pragmatic, certain people’s behaviors deviate from the religious teachings because of the weakening of sradha, or understanding and belief in the teachings of their religion. Thus, it is feared that social anxiety and confiicts will occur in various aspects of life. Tri Hita Karana is one of the local wisdoms of Balinese people which acts as a policy, knowledge and local intelligence that can be used as a reference to cultivate the religious behavior of grhastha ashrama. Grhastha ashrama are de›ned as krama desa elders, who serves as role models for the community and the younger generation. Tri Hita Karana values must be observed by maintaining harmony with others and with the natural environment. The purpose of this study is to provide scienti›c description and explanation of the importance of Tri Hita Karana ideology in cultivating the religious behavior of grhastha ashrama, as a catalyst for development of the village community, by preserving the culture to conserve the agricultural environment, because Balinese culture cannot be separated from agricultural life. This study was conducted with case study approach as one variant of the qualitative approach. Data collection was conducted by the techniques of interview, observation, literature, and documentation study. The ›ndings of this study state that the grhastha ashrama tend to display hard working attitude to make ends meet and follow the latest trends. Likewise, krama feel the increasing burden to make ends meet, especially the cost of preserving art and culture that are very expensive. This seems to infiuence the habits of the Sukawati people who are famed for their enthusiasm in performing art and culture and tend to ignore the religious behavior based on the ideology of Tri Hita Karana. Keywords: Religious Behavior, Grhastha Ashrama, Tri Hita Karana.

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