Evidence for the Parasitic Model of Vocabulary Development

The automatic cognate form assumption: Evidence for the parasitic model of vocabulary development CHRISTOPHER J. HALL Abstract The Parasitic Hypothesis, formulated to account for early stages of vocabulary development in second language learners, claims that on initial exposure to a word, learners automatically exploit existing lexical material in the L1 or L2 in order to establish an initial memory representation. At the level of phonological and orthographic form, it is claimed that signiﬁcant overlaps with existing forms, i.e. cognates, are automatically detected and new forms are subordinately connected to them in the mental lexicon. In the study reported here, English nonwords overlapping with real words in Spanish (pseudocognates), together with noncognate nonwords, were presented to Spanish- speaking learners of English in a word familiarity task. Participants reported signiﬁcantly higher levels of familiarity with the pseudocognates and showed greater consistency in providing translations for them. These results, together with measures of the degree of overlap between nonword stimuli and translations, were interpreted as evidence for the automatic use of cognates in early word learning. 1. Introduction1 1.1. The role of cognates in vocabulary development The facilitating role of cognates in the L2 vocabulary learning process has long been recognized (cf. Sweet 1972 [1899]). Cognates are words in two or more languages which share phonological and/or orthographic form, and normally (but not necessarily) are also related semantically. Ringbom (1987: 41) makes the commonsense observation that “[w]hen both phonological and semantic similarity work together, the effect is like that of a magnet attracting a new word to be stored in the learner’s mental lexicon when he meets it for the Þrst time”. In this way, cognates have been recognized as signiÞcant sources of positive transfer (Ringbom 1987; Odlin 1989; Nation 1990). Not surprisingly, the same authors have pointed out that phonological similarity without (sufÞ- IRAL 40 (2002), 69–87 0019042X/2002/040-069 c Walter de Gruyter 70 Christopher J. Hall cient) semantic overlap, in the familiar cases of false cognates (faux amis), will lead to negative transfer (or interference). Very little experimental work has been conducted by applied linguists on the effects of cognates in vocabulary learning (although cf. Ard and Hom- burg 1983). There have been relatively more data from naturalistic studies (e.g., Ringbom 1987; Holmes and Ramos 1993; also studies discussed in Hatch and Brown 1995 and Singleton 1999), as well as from word association tasks (e.g., Meara 1984), all demonstrating the signiÞcant role of formal similarity in the development and organization of the L2 mental lexicon. General research on orthographic and phonological aspects of foreign language vocabulary development and processing remains, however, sparse, while work on top-down strategies has dominated the literature (Koda 1997). In research by experimental psycholinguists on the mental lexicons of bilinguals, on the other hand, an impressive amount of data has been gathered (cf. Chen and Leung 1989; Jin 1990; Sánchez Casas et al. 1992; de Groot and Nas 1991; de Groot 1992, 1993; Kroll and Stewart 1994). These data suggest that phonological and semantic cognates are more closely associated than noncognate translation equivalents, but that purely phonological cognates (false cognates) appear to behave like noncognates on a number of psycholinguistic tasks, such as cued translation, word and picture naming, and priming using translation, repetition and semantic associates. More recent research on the effects of phonological and conceptual aspects of words in bilingual processing has found that purely formal similarity between word competitors can inßuence performance on lexical decision and translation recognition tasks (e.g., Dijkstra et al. 1998; Talamas et al. 1999). Talamas et al. (1999), following Kroll and Stewart’s (1994) asymmetric model of lexical representation and processing in bilinguals, conÞrm that less ßuent bilinguals are more affected by formal similarity than more balanced bilinguals: “For less ßuent individuals, who are likely to have greater uncertainty about their L2 knowledge than more ßuent individuals, any signiÞcant activa- tion of shared [formal] features may present sufÞcient evidence to respond pos- itively that the pair of words are translation equivalents, regardless of whether or not that is so” (1999: 56). Dijkstra et al. (1998) show that fully ßuent bilinguals also demonstrate false cognate interference effects (from interlin- gual homographs such as room, Eng. ‘room’, Dutch ‘cream’) when performing the lexical decision task in bilingual mode (i.e., when language input is mixed between L1 and L2). Dijkstra and his colleagues have also shown that the neighbourhood density of a word, i.e. the number of lexical neighbours difffering minimally from it in orthography in either L1 or L2, will affect recognition and translation latencies (Grainger and Dijkstra 1992; Van Heuven et al. 1998). Traitors (L1 words with more neighbours in L2 than in L1) are slower to recognize, and provoke The automatic cognate form assumption 71 more errors, than patriots (L1 words with more neighbours in L1 than L2). Van Heuven et al. (1998: 474) conclude that “[s]timulus items automatically acti- vate orthographically similar words in both the target language and the other language of the bilingual participant”. In addition, studies on lexical production and comprehension errors in a foreign language consistently reveal patterns of formal organization in and between the native and foreign language lexicons. Ecke’s work on tip-of-the- tongue recall stages in second and third language learners (Ecke 1996, 1997; Ecke and Garrett 1998) shows clearly that interlexical inßuence at the level of phonological and orthographic form plays a crucial role in learners’ ex- tended word searches. In a study of cognate reliance in reading comprehension by Brazilian learners of English, Holmes and Ramos (1993) report lexical misidentiÞcation on the basis of formal similarity with other words in the L1 and L2 (e.g., L2 poll interpreted as L1 polo ‘city, central point’ and L2 swing taken as L2 swim). Laufer (1989, 1997) discusses the issue in terms of the phenomenon of de- ceptive transparency,inwhich readers misidentify a word on the basis of its formal similarity with existing words in the L1 and L2, listing false cognates (such as Eng. tramp taken as Hebrew tremp ‘lift’) and identifying a class of error which she calls synforms, which, according to her studies, are the largest category of deceptively transparent words. Synforms (malapropisms in the monolingual literature) are lexical mis-hits selected due to formal resemblance with other L2 forms (such as price for prize and cute for acute). Laufer argues that synforms are identiÞed because of insecure knowledge of the target form or of both target and error forms. In a study of French EFL learners’ errors, Granger (cited in James 1998: 149) found that over 34 % of lexical errors were due to the use of false cognates, i.e., L2 words with partial form and meaning overlap with L1 translation equivalents. The evidence summarized here, much of it collected in studies which tap automatic, non-attentional processes, strongly suggests that similar form features in the L1 and L2 are automatically detected and exploited in the establishment of memory traces for new L2 words. The following section sketches a model of vocabulary development that takes such similarity detection and exploitation as the principal motor which drives early word learning. 1.2. The Parasitic Strategy of vocabulary development On the basis of a series of studies on foreign language errors in L2 and L3, Hall (1992, 1996, 1997; Hall and Schultz 1994) and Ecke and Hall (1998, 2000) have argued that vocabulary development may usefully be viewed as a problem of pattern-matching and assimilation with current lexical knowledge, at least at the onset of the word learning process. This psycholinguistic approach has 72 Christopher J. Hall motivated the postulation of a Parasitic Strategy of vocabulary development: a series of automatic, unconscious cognitive stages that an emerging lexical entry is hypothesized to undergo after the learner Þrst encounters an unknown word. According to the Parasitic Strategy, the key to learning the word is Þrst to establish a form representation, i.e., construct a memory trace of the pronun- ciation and/or spelling, and then to make the right connections with existing lexical and conceptual knowledge. The strategy claims that after registering the form, learners will immediately identify a translation equivalent, should one be available, through overt translation into L1, by an L1 or L2 deÞnition, by some icon (e.g., a picture or mime), contextual cues, or by whatever other medium. This is because when language input is received, it is the immediate and inevitable responsibility of the language faculty in the mind/brain to deal with it, whether it is from the L1 or the L2. The central purpose of the language faculty is, I assume, to assign forms to meanings, and meanings to forms, using any and all linguistic resources available. We witness this assumption of translation equivalence in learner errors, for example where an L2 form is used erroneously in the syntactic frame of a semantically equivalent L1 lexical entry. Hall and Schultz (1994) collected lexical errors from 125 compositions written by Mexican learners of English at the beginner level, in which the majority of examples of incorrect syntactic deployment could be traced to the grammatical behaviour of translation equivalents (74 % of the 104 errors detected). Examples include (1a), on the basis of (1b): (1) a. It would like you. (produced) b. Te gustaría you-object it-would-please ‘You would like it.’ (intended meaning) Here, the English verb like is rightly taken as the most appropriate translation equivalent of the Spanish verb gustar. The problem is that the two verbs behave differently with regard to their syntactic deployment.

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