M.A. Cabrera

THE CHURCH IN BRAZIL: A CHURCH ON THE ROAD TO LIBERATION (Part I: 1968-1971)

FOREWORD

In the late seventies and early eighties the Brazilian church has arisen as a great hope for the churches and peoples of Latin America and of the entire world. Since the second Vatican Council the Brazilian church has entered an accelerated process of change and renewal and has increasingly supported the rights of the oppressed people and their struggle for liberation. In this study we want to follow this development of the Brazilian church. We shall examine various documents which are important in this context. We shall limit ourselves to those documents in which the Brazilian church (bishops, priests, members of orders, lay-people and parishes) takes a stand in the Brazilian situation. These documents have reference either to the Brazilian situation in general or to specific political and social facts. Many of these documents arose out of tensions and conflicts between the church and the economic, political or military powers.

This unpretentious study is not the result of extensive research. Instead it seeks to point out new areas of research and at the same time offer theologians, missiologists, and pastoral workers materials and information which can serve as a source of inspiration.

We shall take the year 1968 as a starting point. 1968 was an important year in the history of Brazil and of the Latin American church. There is also a practical reason for taking the year 1968 as a starting point. Since that year there exists an important documentation service, the

SEDOC, which provides direct access to documents and writings of the Brazilian church.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access INTRODUCTION

On March 31, 1964 the Brazilian military deposed the constitutional president Joao Goulart and took political power into its own hands. The most important inducement for the coup d'etat was the presidential decree of March 13 by which the government of Goulart wanted to nationalize the private oil refineries and implement limited agricultural reforms. In this manner the government sought to continue its policy of "Reformas de base" (basic reforms). The aim of the coup d'etat was to impose a new model of economic development under the guise of combatting "the communist threat and the chaos". Behind the military coup stood the international coup and the United States. With the Constitutional Act No. I (Ato Institucional) of April 9, 378 politicians were deprived of their political rights for ten years and 10,000 civil servants were dis- missed from the state administration. The repression was especially severe among students and in the university environment. The MEB (Movi- miento de Educacion de Base), in which Paulo Freire worked, and the JUC (Juventud Universitaria Catolica) were the Catholic organizations which were the most harassed.

The Brazilian bishops did not meet to assess the new situation until May 27. Only 26 (of the more than 250) bishops were present at this special meeting of the CNBB (Conferencia Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil). The statement issued began with an unconditional approval of the coup which had saved the nation from "imminent ruin". But the text as a whole is not coherent. It is a compromise between two different trends who inserted contradictory assertions into the text. According to Charles Antoine these two groups consisted of "ceux qui applaudissent le nouveau regime et ceux qui rappelent les exigences de la justice sociale. Deux visions de 1'Eglise et de la societe s'affrontent: 1'une, centree sur le moralisme et la necessite imperieuse de garantir 1'ordre social; 1'autre, attentive avant tout aux problemes de la justice sociale". The only points of agreement in these two trends were an expression of trust in the new president, Marechal Castelo Branco, and in a concluding appeal for national concord . As a result the government was able to extract many quotations from the statement which indicated approval of the coup d'etat and which assured the military government of support from the church.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access I. A HISTORICAL-THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING THE CHURCH IN THIS PERIOD

1. According to the theologian and historian Riolandi Azzi2) there are -three views of the church which exercised influence in the period under examination: the concept of the church as Christendom (Iglesia-Cristiandad) the concept of the church as the societas perfecta (Iglesia-Sociedad Perfecta) and the concept of the church as the people of God (Iglesia- Pueblo de Dios). These three diverging views of the church must be under- stood in the specific concept of Brazilian history. The "Iglesia-Cristiandad" had been developed since the sixteenth century and dominated the entire colonial period (1500-1822). The "Iglesia-Sociedad Perfecta" was introduced in Brazil in the nineteenth century, came into conflict with traditional Catholicism in the imperial period (1822-1889) and has dominated the entire republican period up to the present. The "Iglesia-Pueblo de Dios" has begun to take shape primarily since Vatican 11(1964). In the concept of IgZesia-Cr2stianaad nation and faith are identified with each other. There is one society, which is Christian and monarchical. Holy war is exercised against external enemies, ..the infidels. Against internal enemies, the heretics, use is made of the Inquisition. The monarchs are the religious leaders of the people and appoint the bishops. The bishops, who belong to the nobility, watch over the orthodoxy of the faith. Being a good Christian demands faithfulness, love and obedience to the ruler Evangelisation is practiced with a crusade mentality, as holy war against the non-Christians. The Indians are not only enemies of the white people, but also of faith and the empire. Faith is imposed on everyone, by force if necessary. - In the conception of IgZes2a-Sociedad Perfecta, which was formulated by the Council of Trent, "the church is the 'societas' of all believers who confess the same faith and receive the same sacraments under the authority of legitimate pastors and of the pope". The church exists as 'societas perfecta' alongside the state, and the freedom of the church is affirmed. The bishops are to be the true spiritual leaders of the people. In this case the Brazilian people are governed by 'two parallel but independent powers, the clerical authority and the civil authority. The mission of the church is conceived in terms of external salvation: "Save your soul!" The State must provide for the body and material matters. The rights of the

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access church are defended with an apologetic mentality against protestantism, spiritism, the "macumba" (Afro-brazilian religions), sects, etc. With the same apologetical spirit the church fights against Free Masonry, liberalism, positivism, and socialism. In the concept of Iglesia-Pueblo de Dios it is initially emphasized that "the lay people are also the church", even if in practice they are a pro- longation of the hierarchy. The Catholic Action is a result of this participation by lay people in the hierarchical apostolate of the church. Through the Catholic Action an opening in the church for social problems is created in an attempt to rewin the lost influence on society. The most dynamic sectors of the Catholic Action were the JOC (Working Catholic Youth), JAC (Rural Catholic Youth) and JUC (Catholic Students). This view of the church was effectuated at Vatican II. The church is understood

as the people of God and its commitment to the poor. This elan moves the church to identify itself with the poor and to establish base communities.

2. Riolando Azzi, having analyzed various documents of the period in question, indicates the important position which each of the three concepts of the church advocate. Following the concept of the IgZesia-Cr2st2andad a Christian Brazil and a Christian society are promoted. There is a battle against communism on behalf of Christian civilization and this battle takes on the character of

a holy war. Within the church a return to the orthodoxy of the "Catholic principles" is demanded. In Brazil the movement Tradition, Family and Private Property (T.F.P.) has become an incarnation of this spirit. The T.F.P. (Tradicion, Familia y Propiedad) has led a large scale campaign against the agricultural reforms and has played a significant role in the establishment of the military dictatorship. Following the concept of the IgZesia-Sociedad Perfecta effective cooperation between church and state is pursued. Economic and political leadership belongs to the competence of the state and spiritual leadership to that of the church. The church accepts the powers that be and the status quo. The maintenance of a harmonious relation with the state is considered to be of

great value, and should be preserved even in times of tensions and conflict. The church exhorts the state to implement the promised social reforms, and in situations of conflict or violation of human rights the church can turn to the government in the hope that it will act justly.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access In the concept of the IgZesia-PuebZo de Dios the theology of liberation plays a central role. The struggle for human rights is viewed in a social dimension, i.e. in relation to the economic and political structure of the country. The church denounces the capitalist structure of the country, which perpetuates the oppression of the people under the guise of the battle against communism. The church chooses the side of the oppressed and in this way breaks the traditional ties to the established powers. The church wants the people to become aware of the social injustice and wants to help the people organise themselves in order to defend their rights.

3. This typology can help us better understand the development of the Brazilian church and its documents. The dividing linesbetween these 'divergent churches' are clear only in the ideal types. In reality the dividing lines are blurred. But the usefulness of such a typology is that it points to real tendencies which are present in the church. In th'is way the typology can fulfill a useful function in analyzing the texts. It seems to me that the second Vatican Council pushed the development of the church in two directions. On the one hand Vatican II renewed the

"Iglesia-Sociedad Perfecta", which itself was a reformed church, and made it progressive. On the other hand it laid the foundation for a 'new' church, the church as the people of God, a church which more and more originates out of the people. It seems to me furthermore that in the renewed church there is an inclination to misuse the language of the "Iglesia-Pueblo de Dios" 'which is the language of liberation. This tendency makes it more difficult at times to give a correct interpretation of many church texts.

The illustrations in this contribution are taken from: La Nueva BibZia Latinoamerica. Madrid/ Navarra(Spain), Ediciones Paulinas/Verbo Divino, 1976 (XII ed.) Illustrator: Herman Rodas

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access B R A Z I L

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access II. 1968: EVERYTHING WAS ON THE MOVE, BUT A NEW MILITARY COUP TOOK PLACE

The year 1968 began with the presidential decree of January 8 which the Nat2onaZ Security Council issued. This council, together with the SNI (Servicio Nacional de Informacion), became the most important instrument of the sovereign power which would determine everything concerning development and security. Three Zarge scaZe campaigns aimed at turning public opinion against the church were launched in 1968. First of all there was an attempt to implicate ten bishops of the northeast region, where the church pursued an extensive policy of social action, in a problem of stockjobbing. In the second place the T.F.P. set up a campaign to warn against communist infiltration among the clergy. A similar campaign accused the Catholic schools of "sexual perversion" on account of their programs on sex education and orientation. On a social level the most important events were the mass demonstrations bxJ students everywhere in the country but primarily in Rio de Janeiro. The first mass demonstration took place in late March, in which one student was killed. - In June there was another series of demonstrations, where again students were killed. As a reprisal the students organized a massive demonstration on June 26, called "the march of� the 100,000". Besides a bishop, more than a hundred priests and many members of orders participated in this march. At a certain moment the cry "The church with the people" turned into "The church is the people". In.this conflict between students and the government certain sectors of the church acted as mediators. The return to the streets unleashed an accelerated process of conscientization with regards to the political problems among part of the clergy. Among other clergy it led to a process of withdrawal from these actions on 3) account of the risk of violence3). - In June the Central Council of the

JOC met in Recife. Two tendencies emerged regarding the situation in the country. One group wanted radical changes within a revolutionary perspective. Another group wanted reform. There was much self-criticism in the movement. - In July there were str2kes in the Zarge factories of Osaseo, Sao Paulo. The worker-priest Pierre Wauthier was put in prison by the police because of his participation in the strike, and on August 27 he was deported from the country. As a result of this conflict, Cardinal Rossi, Archbishop of Sao Paulo refused to accept a decoration from the government, "lea Orden Nacional del Merito". -In November soldiers raided a rectory in a poor

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access section of Belo Horizonte and arrested four priests. They were accused of having preached support of the guerilla struggle. The real issue was their participation in the JOC. - On December 15 the bishop of Belo Horizonte declared that the confessions of the prisoners were extracted under torture. - In October and November extensive media campaigns were unleashed against Monseigneur H. Camara and Monseigneur Fragoso. - On October 21 the commanding officers met. They drew up a balance of the situation in the country: disrest among the people, student actions, "subversion" in the church, opposition in the parliament, a passive attitude by the president, Costa e Silva. In addition a crisis among the young officers of the armed forces had been signalized. On December 12 the parliament refused to lift the parliamentary immunity of a member of parliament, Marcio Moreira Alves, who had expressed severe criticism of the armed forces. - On December 13 the armed forces committed a new coup within the coup. The president was forced to sign the Ato Institucional No. 5': the parliament was recessed for an undetermined period, the executive branch received complete power, the judicial guarantees (habeas corpus among others) and democratic freedoms were canceled. A coup within the coup, a revolution within the revolution, it was total dictatorship. The revolutionary process of 1964 was continued. A new wave of repression began. The media was censured. At the time of the coup the statements multiplied in which high ranking officers denounced the subversive role of many priests and bishops. The same accusation is to be found in a document of the government's Department of Public Relations published December 18 under the title "The Counter Revolution". - On December 27

the president expressed for the first time a concealed but definite criticism of the church in a speech to the armed forces. - On January 12, 1968 the Minister of the Interior (to round off the list) while repeating previous warnings stated that there existed a subversive plan to neutralize the armed forces and to divide the church and destroy its influence on the people. This second aim, said the General, had been partially attained, in as much as no one could ignore the fact that the church had been divided into two blocks. Arresting those "who go beyond their own field in order to preach subversion and create problems" is a service which the armed forces can do for the church.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 1. 14/15-04-68 Reduction of salaries and justice ("Arr6cho saZar2aZ e a Justicia") Address by Mons. Antonio Fragoso, Bishop of Crateus, in Fortaleza, Ceard, for union Zeaders invited in conriection with the campaign against reduction of salaried (SEDOC, 4, 1968, October, 547-566)

Dom Fragoso described first of all the wages policy of the government over the previous three years and what the government had sought to attain, and secondly what the workers sought to attain in their struggle against the "arrocho salarial". Finally the bishop compared the positions of both the government and the workers with the teachings of the church, especially as expressed in the encyclicals "Mater et Magistra", "Populorum Progressio" and "Pacem in Terris". Dom Fragoso reasoned in the following manner:

The pope protests against these discrepancies (between rich and poor) just as you are doing also now, just as I also protest, together with the pope and with you.

In the same manner Mons. Fragoso concluded his consideration of each topic: private property, agrarian reforms, transfer of profits to foreign countries, just wages, freedom of the unions, etc. Dom Fragoso quoted Martin Luther King extensively. "I want to leave a committed life behind." He described the great risks, that the workers took in their "anti-arrocho salarial" campaign and concluded by saying that "those who carry their hope within them do not yield but die with it."11

I have never said to anyone "Use violent means!" I have not said that. That is a problem for the mature conscience of a person. I say that it is necessary not to yield for a just cause. That is not easy. But how have all of the workers' conquests in the world been attained?

It is interesting to mention that the hall in which the speech was to be held was refused at the last moment. The students then offered a hall at the University of Ceara. At the beginning of the speech the authorities of the university threatened to call the DOPS (Department of Public and Social Order). 'lhe workers and students decided lu hold the address anyway. In the middle of Mons. Fragoso's address the rector of the university appeared. He interrupted and consequently suspended the address, which had to be continued the next day in another hall. Dom Fragoso belongs to the "Regional Nordeste I". (The Brazilian church

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access is divided into various regions.) The bishops of this region in their conference of January 10-16 drew up a new pastoral program. Among other things they chose as a starting point the following: "We are aware that it is a task of the church's mission to help liberate the man of the Northeast from his situation of slavery." They continued, "Therefore faithful to God and to the people of the Northeast we want to exercise our pastoral work in the struggle for human advancement." (SEDOC 1, 1968, July, 53-58)

2. 25-04-68 "The only option" ("A unica °p9äo) Address by Mons. HéZder Camara, Archbishop of OZinda and Recife, Pernambuco, held in Paris. (SEDOC, 1, 1968, JUlY3 71-76)

Before making a choice for or against violence Mons. Helder Camara gave an analysis of the historical situation in which violence occurs. He arrived at three assertions:

"In the first place, a structural revolution is needed in the underdeveloped world, but it is also needed in the developed world.... Secondly, structural violence already exists in the underdeveloped world as well as in the developed word, under both capitalistic and socialistic governments.... Thirdly, in the face of this threefold violence, i.e., in the underdeveloped countries, in the developed countries, and the violence of the developed countries against the underdeveloped countries, it is understandable that a person can think, speak and act in terms of liberating and redeeming violence."

That is the reason "that I can have respect for those who conscientiously feel obligated to choose for violence, not the easy violence of saloon guerillas, but the violence of those who prove their uprightness by the sacrifice of their lives."

Dom Helder Camara expressed his own choice as well.

My personal calling is to be a pilgrim of peace, and like Pope Paul VI, my personal preference is to be killed a thousand times rather than to kill....The gospel can and must be called revolutionary in the sense that it demands conversion of each of us....We are for non-violence, which can never mean choosing weakness and passivity. Nonviolence means having more belief in the power of the truth, justice and love than in the power of deceit, injustice and hate.

In this address Dom Holder pointed to the great responsibility of Latin American Christians for the situation of injustice that exists on the

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access continent. In a clear reference to the Brazilian situation he added, "We have accepted the slavery of the Indians and of the Africans. And now, are we speaking clearly enough and severely enough to the lati- fundists, to the people on the top, to those in authority? Or are we closing our eyes and helping them to have a good conscience, while they cover up unbelievable injustices with alms for the church?" In July, 1968, H. Camara and 43 other bishops joined each other in signing a contract to respect human rights. This episcopal commitment found expression in the movement "Action, Justice and Peace" (Accion, Justicia y Paz). October 2, 1968 was the official starting date for this campaign, which thereafter took on a new name, "Liberating Moral Pressure" (Presion Moral Liberadora).

3. June 1968 "The doctrine of national security viewed from the teaching of the church." Study by a group of quaZified researchers under the supervision of Mons. Candido Padin. (SEDOC Especial 1968, September 432-444)

The aim of this study was "to provide a point of departure for the analysis of the responsibility of Christians in the present Brazilian conjuncture." "It is not the pretension of this study to determine the responsibility of particular persons. It has to do with criticism of a global structure, the ultimate consequencies of which are not seen by everyone...just as in the time of nazism in Germany there were Christians who affirmed the views of the government without seeing that those views were in contradiction to the true demands of Christianity." This study of Mons. Padin was the first discerning, clear and well documented criticism of the global vision which the new model of develop- ment supported and upheld. This ideological vision and economic model would later be introduced in other Latin American countries. This

document of Mons. Padin caused a great deal of outrage and agitation among the military and political leaders. In the introduction to the document it was clearly stated that "the anti-history, which took shape in the world in those policies which came to an eruption in the reality of nazism is also, in a particular manner that is quite comparable, to be found in the main lines of the present Brazilian national policies. The document quoted a passage from "Mein Kampf" which speaks of the human Prometheus and states, "If we substitute 'armed forces' for 'Aryans'

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access we discover the same views, and as a consequence we are lead to the same results." The document also warned as a lonely voice of a persecution of the church.

In Brazil today a historical super-man is appearing; a man of power, judgement, and decision. He is an instrument of the economic powers.(...) The various methods are the same as those of nazism, only refined by experience. Their aim, not yet admitted, could be the destruction of the church, the only institution which can once again offer resistance to this course of developments.

4. 15/20-07-68 IX General Assembly of the CNBB (Nat. Conf.o/Braz.Bishops)

The primary topic of the conference was "the mission of the church in the present Brazilian reality." The conference had aroused great expectations. It was the same topic as for the Second General Conference of the Latin American Bishops, which was to take place in October of the same year in Medellin. We shall examine five documents in relation to this IX General Assembly of the CNBB. We do this in order to give an impression of the movement that existed at that time in the church primarily among the clergy. An opening to the Brazilian reality would necessarily put the church and its practice into question. On the other hand a new way of being the church would demand more openness and commitment to the Brazilian reality.

4.1. 10-07-68 Manifest of laymen, members of orders, and priests of the diocese Nova Friburgo. This manifest was sent to the bishops of the General Assembly. (SEDOC, EspeciaZ, 1968, September, 389-394)

The document took as its starting point and as the point on which every- thing hinges the first paragraph of Gaudium et Spes (Vatican II).

The joy and the hope, the suffering and the fear of present day man, especially of the poor and of all those who suffer, are also the joy and the hope, the suffering and the fear of Christ's disciples. There is nothing human that does not resound in their hearts. Doesn't the church hear the cries from the oppression in which our workers live, without their own representative unions where the workers could exercise their freedoms, instead of unions that have become affiliations of the Ministry of Labour and which oppress the wishes of the working class? Do we who happen to be priests and bishops know what the word 'patience' means for a mother who has no food for her children and no money to send them to school?

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access In general they were of the opinion that "the situation of the Christians in the world today is constantly changing, changes that not only are occurring on the surface but also in the depths and which influence the life of faith." They asked,

In the face of this context the question arises: where must we situate the priesthood in a de-clericalized world? Where, in a world that is looking for priests who would be people among the people? Who are we, bishops and priests? What is our purpose? What should our position be?

We should mention that the situation in which their Brazilian brothers

and sisters lived raised questions for these pastoral workers about the situation of the church especially its clerical structure.

4.2. 9-07-68 Expectations of the priests of Volta Redonda, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro presented to their bishops gathered in General Assembly. More than 350 signatures of priests follows. (SEDOC, Especial, 1968, ,September, 394-399)

This document includes the conclusions of a meeting of priests which was held in Volta Redonda, July 8-9. The structure of the text is as follows: 1. Presentation of facts. 2. The significance of these facts. 3. What is to be done? Taking a position. 4. Recommendations. The document took as its starting point the fact that more and more "thought- ful lay people, disposed to effective activity are leaving the sphere of the church. They are no longer interested in the church as a sacred institu- tion.....These lay people take courageous positions based on a deep and dynamic faith in order to promote justice, development, brotherhood and freedom.""

Another important fact, according to the priests, was that "despite the much acclaimed "development" the great majority of our people still lives on the margin of society while at the same time a small privileged group profits from the fruits of development at the expense of the underdeveloped." They stated further that "the struggle for development can only be carried out by means of a change in mentality and a change in the structures and an integral participation of the entire people in the historical process. The problem is that the church has until now not prepared the Christians

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access to enter into this process." The priests concluded with a recommendation for a new way of being the church:

We observe a new and still incipient way of the church,but nevertheless as old as Christ, the gospel and the church, a radical way. In the Acts of the Apostles small fellow- ships are mentioned, concrete base communities, expressions of the universal church.

In what follows the priests explained what the general characteristics of this new way of being the church would be, which the base communities followed.

4.3. 14-07-68 Letter from 110 priests of Guanabara RJ (Rio de Janeiro) to their bishops, "disturbed by the situation in which the great majority of the Brazilians population finds itself.." (SEDOC, Special 1968, 3 September 399-401)

This manifest first described the situation of the country. "We live in an underdeveloped country, in which hunger, disease, death, promiscuity, lack of everything, exploitation, and the bleeding of our wealth dominate", together with the cause of these ailments, the capitalist system, which Populorum Progressio denounced as being "based on profit as the essential motor of economic development, on competition as supreme law of the economy, and on private ownership of the means of production as an absolute and unconditional right." (nr. 26.) They continued by saying that this situation in the country "is not the fatal consequence of an insolvable technical problem, but is the result of an unjust situation that is intentionally

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access maintained." It has to do with a "situation of violence", "violence committed by a minority against an immense majority of the people." The priests also complained that the church, still a center of power in Brazil, "very often and in an unfortunate manner remained silent in the face of the arbitrary exercise of civil and military power." Consequently the priests demanded that the church be willing to apply the principles of the Vatican II and of the encyclical Populorum Progressio. The church must not "only state its opinions on the present conjuncture of the country clearly and unambiguously", but it must also convert its state- ments into concrete acts. The church must also "place itself in the Brazilian situation in an attitude of self-criticism and examination of conscience." The priests also said of their bishops "that they must support and defend those priests who choose concrete positions with the people, such as happened in Guanabra with the recent demonstrations."

4.4. Letter to the President of the Republic, signed by twelve bishops, headed by Mons. GeraZdo Proenga Szgaud, Archbishop of Diamantina; pubZished by the press on July 28, 1968. (SEDOC, Especial 1968, September, 448-449)

The bishops appealed directly to the president, the Catholic head of the country, because they were disturbed by a series of "statements from clergy and laymen over the situation in the country" which "left the impression that leftist and subversive tendencies expressed the general opinion of bishops, priests, and layman." The opposite was true, for "the large majority of clergy and laymen was not in agreement with the way of thinking and the expectations of those tendencies." The bishops stated that they recognized the seriousness of many of the country's problems, but that they were convinced that "these problems can only be solved in a spirit of concord between the social classes and never in a climate of class struggle." The solutions must be inspired by "Catholic principles." They concluded the short letter with a very significant sentence. They solemnly expressed their desire to the president for "close cooperatiom by the spiritual authorities witn tne civil and military autnorities for cue greatness of Christian Brazil. This letter was an almost pure expression of the "Iglesia-Cristiandad". The bishops represented a small group in Brazil, but one which had a great deal of influence on the censured mass media.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 4.5. 20-07-68 Resolution of the IX General Assembly of the CNBB. (SEDOC, . EspeciaL, 1968, September, 445-447)

In accordance with Populorum Progressio, the Brazilian bishops ascertained the demands of development:

The Brazilian situation demands urgent and couragous reforms in mentality and structures, reforms which would insure the entire people, without discrimination, of conscious, free and solidary participation in the country's process of development."

Consequently the bishops stated, .

We are not in agreement with the lack of respect for fundamental human rights, especially the right to freedom of opinion and freedom of assembly, the right to just wages and the right to legal defense.

The bishops conceived of these necessary changes in the framework of the current system, as an improvement of it, and not from a socialist perspective. As a result they appealed to those responsible for the social communications media to "resist the misuse of the present economic system." The bishops asserted that the way to development was not one of violence.

Subversive or repressive violence seems to a few groups to be the only solution. In the Lord we direct an appeal to those who opt for violence: consider the consequences of such an option! The radicalism of ideological positions, which makes constructive dialogue and a solidary search for solutions impossible, is in contradiction with the gospel.

This assertion was somewhat compensated by the following:

Nonviolence must express itself in an attitude of non-conformity, in a permanent and daring activity in order to be able to attain thorough, urgent and daring reforms of the structures in the shortest time possible and as a requirement of one's own justice.

The bishops also made an appeal to "our brothers in other countries especially in developed countries" "for the cultivation of an evangelical conscience" in order to "arrive at international, structural changes regarding fundamental human rights and the formation of a brotherly and solidary humanity." Only from this point of view can "the church be seen as a sacrament of unity of humanity with God and of the entire human race." The bishops made no mention of changes in church structure. The statement did however mention that the assembly had discussed a document on the Joint Pastoral Plan of 1966 (Plan de Pastoral de Conjunto).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 5. 25-10-68 Statement of the Central Committee of the CNBB (SEDOC, 7, 1968, 985-988)

In the midst of a growing wave of conflict and tensions the bishops clearly formulated the limits within which the institutional church could move. They did that in terms of the "Iglesia-Sociedad Perfecta": "the church demands respect for its freedom, for her autonomy" and at the same time "the church recognizes the autonomy of the civil author- ities and proclaims the respect which that authority as such deserves from us." Moreover, "the church seeks to cooperate with those who provide for the general welfare." To these general principles the bishops added a consequence which the military and the government did not appreciate: "the obligation to cooperate can take the form of a genuine and honest protest against the violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms." "Cooperation with the government (i.e. the dictatorship)" therefore, need not be the same as the "unconditional support" to the civil authorities which the bishops who professed the "Iglesia-Cristiandad" advocated. Without mentioning it by name, the bishops were answering the fierce campaign of Mons. Proenca Sigaud, T.F.P., etc. from a church perspective.

We want to protest against the sectarian intentions of those, who in their stubborn resistance to the process of renewal in the church, exaggerate the facts, etc.

The bishops also expressed their deep pastoral concern over "the position that radicalized groups with terroristic inclinations have recently been assuming in our fatherland." On the other hand, they regretted the fact that "serious, secular problems, such as the problems with the youth, were not yet being tackled in proper terms." The bishops concluded their statement with "a forceful appeal to the depths of the national conscience in order that it rediscover itself in the light of love." They still hoped for a solution without conflict.

The search for social justice does not negate the laws of ' solidarity; the ideological differences on the social level M2" nn� �n�n��o � �oai�o �n �øc��nv --J --- r _ — ------J_,

6. 18-02-69 Statement of the Central Committee of the CNBB, an the

situation of the nation .following the coup o f December 13� 1968 (SEDOC, 10, 1969, April 1331-34]

We have already seen what the coup of December 13 signified. Attempts by a few bishops, Mons. Padin among others, to convene an extra assembly

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access failed. One had to await the next ordinary assembly of the Central Committee for a first reaction by the Brazilian Church to the events. This fact says a great deal about the difficulties of the church to arrive at a common position. The statement proved to be an excellent example of compromise. Nevertheless the concept of the church as "Sociedad Perfecta" was dominant, enriched with the renewing alterations of Vatican II and the social ency- clicals. The bishops did not reject the new military intervention. They accepted it as an accomplished fact. They stated,

In all the pages of our history the Catholic Church has continually sustained a positive and benevolent presence. In the present hour it can not evade cooperation with the government (but now follows a restrictive clause:) in all of those sectors in which there is genuine quest for truth and justice, for freedom and love.

The bishops appeared to be primarily concerned about the campaigns against the church. They deeply regretted "the malicious interpretations and the lack of understanding connected with the activity of the church in our country." But they admitted that "indiscretions" had been committed and they regretted that. They objected to the misuse of traditional Catholicism and made use of an argument ad hominem. "Asserting that the religious mission of bishops may not cross the borders of the so called 'spiritual life' is in fact an affirmation of the Marxist view of religion. To pro- claim the defense of Christian civilization and at the same time to limit

the teaching mission of the Church in its defence of human rights is to defend a disguised paganism." Regarding the new situation in Brazil the bishops continued to follow two different paths. They were against the truly "subversive movements" but on the other hand were determined "to apply the principles of the second Vatican Council, etc." even at the cost of "sorrow and difficulties." They asked the government, in a spirit of cooperation and service, for the implementation of reforms "the necessity of which the government itself has affirmed and which the government by means of the special powers at its disposal can now effectively bring about." On the other hand the bishops asserted that "the situation which was institutionalized last December permits arbitrariness, e.g., the violation of fundamental rights, . such as those of legal defense, legitimate expression of opinion, and spread of information. In addition the dignity of persons is physically and morally threatened." There was for the bishops only one way to escape the delicate situation. "Our burning desire is that in the near future,

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access as soon as possible, the redemocratization of the government be imple- mented.

In order to better understand the position of the CNBB, one should read the following two documents:

- 12-01-69 Address by Cardinal Mons. Angelo Rossi, Archbishop of Sao Paulo" and President o f the CNBB, held in the "Pantificio Colggio Pio BrasiZeiro" in Rome (SEDOC, 10, 1969, April, 1347-1354), and

- 30-03-69 Pastoral message of the bishops of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina (SEDOC, 12, 1969, June, 1615-1620)

Did you read already :

Klaus van der Grijp, The Church in Latin America :.' Confrontation with the Past - An Imperative. In: EXCHANGE No. 19, April 1978, pp. 1 - 22.

Ma. Eugenia Mata, Theological Meetings in Latin America �1960-1980). Part I. In: EXCHANGE No. 28, April 1981, pp 48 - 69.

Copies of EXCHANGE can be ordered from: Dept. of Missiology IIMO Boerhaavelaan 43 2334 ED Leiden The Netherlands.

Price: Dutch guilders 6.-- + handling and postage.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access III. 1969. A SILENT CHURCH AND A SUFFERING CHURCH

Charles Antoine has made the following inventory of the period from December 13, 1968 to July 1969: - One bishop (of Santos) was threatened with imprisonment. - Three priests in Santos were imprisoned for one week. - Four American priests in Recife and Santarem were "invited" to leave the country. - Two French priests were also put under pressure. - one Belgian priest and one Brazilian priest in Sao Paulo were tortured and imprisoned for six months; the Belgian had to leave the country. - Two priests in Botucatu and Fortaleza received one year imprisonment. - Two priests in Rio Grande do Sul received ten months imprisonment. - Several seminary students in Sao Paulo and Curitiba were committed to prison. - There were numerous cases of torture and arbitrary arrest in Belo Horizonte and Rio de Janeiro.

- The JOC and ACO underwent police and military investigations. - Many lay people were persecuted, among others, the lawyer Mario Carvalho de Jesus, founder of the "National Front'of Labour" and of the non- violent movement "Collective Action four Justice." 4) - To this list must be added the murder of the priest Henrique Pereira Neto, co-worker of Archbishop Helder Camara.

On August 30 President Costa e Silva became seriously ill. In order to prevent a civil successor as president, the military intervened again and set up a junta of three officers by means of the "Ato Institucional No. 12". In October the officers revised the consitution in order to institutionalize the "Ato Institucional No. 5". On October 30 the parliament, reconvened but without 'undesired figures', approved the military's choice for a new president, General Garrastazu Medici. On September 5, the United States ambassador in Rio de Janeiro was abducted. A new wave of repression spread across the country. Torture, which since the coup of 1964 had again been practised and which since the coup of 1968 had been permanently applied to political prisoners, was now, with the growth of urban guerilla, even more thoroughly practised.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 1. End of 1969 . Report of Truth ( "Re Zatorio da Verdade "� 5 )* This document which circulated clandestinely divulged the following cases of torture and repression. All of the cases pertained to the church. August 1969: a lawyer and an engineer who worked cutting sugar cane were "discovered" by the police and tortured for several days in Recife. Mons. Helder Camara ascertained by one of them, while he was in a military hospital, that his nails had been extracted.In October in Rio de Janeiro, a group of people who had given legal aid to favelados (slum dwellers), were inprisoned and tortured. On November 1 in Porto Alegre and Sao Paulo eleven Dominican students and priests were imprisoned and tortured. They supposedly had had contacts with the guerilla leader Marighela. Marighela was shot to death by the police the following day, November 5. On November 14 in Riberao Preto a group of subversives and one member of an order, the prior of Lar Santana, were imprisoned. In December sixteen imprisoned girls from Ilha das Flores, Rio de Janeiro, were able to smuggle out a memorandum on their torturings. In December the media began to make reference to the torture.

2. 10-11-69. Statement by Cardinal A. Rossi, President of the CNBB and Archbishop of Sao Paulo in connection with the Dominicans who had been imprisoned (Relatorio da Verdade, p. 2.)

This statement by Cardinal Rossi is a good example of how the church, especially the CNBB reacted in this difficult period. Cardinal Rossi stated, - We are not afraid to be confronted with these facts from the moment that

they are investigated. - We demand no privileges for them, but I have the obligation to demand for them just as for every citizen that their human rights be observed, both in their legal defense and in their treatment. - I declare that we cannot accept violence and terrorism. - I must also just as emphatically reject every attempt to generalize the guilt of a few individuals, even if proved in fact, as applicable to entire religious families, to the entire clergy or even to the entire church.

3. In the document "Relatorio da Verdade" several comments were made on these facts. It is striking that they recognized what many in the church failed to recognize, i.e., that "the implication of the priests in the tumultuous

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 'Marighela affair' has shown us that the government seeks the assent of the church in its repressive battle against subversion. The government sees the church as a natural and necessary ally in that task, that is to say, the government wants to use the church for political purposes." (p. 12) Statements such as that by Cardinal Rossi show that the Brazilian government did not always succeed in its attempts. The document "Relatorio da Verdade" also indicates that there was a new process of conscientization in motion at the basic levels of the church. "Finally", the document states, "we understand much better that the concept 'subversion', made out to be a crime, is in fact a legitimate participation in the process of transformation. In reality the government is the criminal when it disrupts the natural development of things." (p. 33)

Luke 1: 46 - 55

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access IV. 1970: A CHURCH ALLIED WITH POWER AND A CHURCH WHICH DENOUNCES INJUSTICE

The wave of repression continued to spread, with the result that there were more prisoners and more people being tortured, sometimes even tortured to death. Of the eleven Dominicans arrested in November 1969, five were still in prison "Presidio Tiradentes" in Sao Paulo. On Tuesday, February 17, one of them, Tito de Alencar, theology student, 25 years old, was taken from prison by the military police (Operacion Bandeirantes) for renewed inter- rogation. "You are now going to get aquainted with a branch office of hell", they told him. He suffered continual torture until Thursday. "The pain grew moment by moment. I felt as if my head were ten times larger than my body. I became afraid of the possibility that other priests would suffer the same. There was only one solution: death." Friday they came back and said to him: "You have today and tomorrow to speak. Otherwise the game starts again. They have lost their patience and are prepared to kill you." In the other cells there were others who had been tortured. He asked for a razor blade, in order to shave. He used it to cut the veins in his arm. In the hospital he underwent long sessions of psychological torture to drive him insane. On February 27 he was returned to the "Presidio de Tiradentes". In his witness to his brother he said,

What they did to me is no exception. It is the rule. Many have died in the torture room. Others are deaf, infertile or suffer physical handicap. The hope of those prisoners is directed at the church, the only Brazilian institution that is free of state and military control. Its mission is to defend and promote human dignity. It is now time that our bishops say, 'Enough', to6� torture and injustice....The church cannot remain silent." t,6)

One of his fellow brothers,Carlos Alberto Libanio, who was also with him in prison wrote his parents on February 27, 1970.

...Today we had a visit from the Nuntius, Mons. Umberto Mozzini. He spoke almost two hours with him....Today we had a visit from Cardinal Scherer of Port Alegre....He visited all of the cells, one after the other. He heard all of the stories of torture.... The church, the only institution in Brazil free of government control, has beeli eiskevl i.v do something for the political prisoners..."

On March 3, 1970 he wrote,

Tito is with us again....He was tortured for three days. We have done everything to get the church to publish a statement of protest. It is necessary that the church takes a position on this very serious situation in Brazil before it is too late...

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access On April 30, 1970, Frei Betto wrote his parents.

I think it is important for you to go to Brasilia. There you will find all of the bishops of Brazil....The attempt of our 'church in prison' is directed towards the bishops in order that they, following their assembly, formulate and publish a position in defense of the human person and denouncing the torture and injustice practised by the military government. )

1. 27-05-70. "Documento Pastoral de Brasilia". Presentation to the people of God of the reflections of the XI GeneraZ Assembly of the CNBB, May 16-27, Z970 (REB, 30, 118, 1970, June, 415-425)

The document deals with five topics: church and crisis; calling; revision of the CNBB statutes; lay people; and aspects of the national situation. The bishops placed themselves, quite clearly in the perspective of the "Iglesia-Sociedad Perfecta".

We cannot forget that the church in her worldly dimension and as a pilgrim in history is subjected to crisis; but that the church in her divine dimension and as bearer of the eternal truth of Christ for mankind cannot suffer under the consternation of the present crisis (p. 416).

The bishops drew a clear dividing line between lay people and pastors (priests and bishops). The pastors concern themselves with the believers "through pyro- clamation of the word, through the administration of the sacraments and through pastoral care. The lay people" - on the other hand - "are called to live out their Christian existence in the fullness of the world. There they witness to their Christian calling." (p. 420) Therefore, the crisis of the church is primarily a crisis of the lay people. "We are sorrowful", stated the bishops, "because of the crisis which weighs upon so many lay people today." "The variety of the socio-cultural, vocational and even geographical situations in which lay people are submerged" can be a source of tensions, conflict and desintegration. But is can also be a foundation for pluralism. "Pluralism is a wealth in the truth of faith and is also evidence of vitality." (p. 421) From this point of view it is perhaps less surprising that the bishops began speaking about the national situation in the following manner: "Like every Brazilian we have taken cognizance of the declaration by the honorable President of the Republic and the honorable Minister of Justice on the problem of political prisoners and torture, which has caused much

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access commotion in and outside of the country." What was the position taken by the bishops? .

Regarding the many arrests the bishops were of the opinion that the work of justice "is often violated by trials which are dubiously and negligently conducted, etc." On torture the bishops made a clear declaration of principle. "We would be guilty of omission if we did not at this moment express our stead- fast position against all torture and all manners of torture, physical and psychological, in Brazil or in whatever country in which there is torture." But the bishops did not denounce concrete instances of torture in Brazil. They limited themselves to the observation that "despite all of the denials the conviction is very acute, both in the consciousness of our people and in the international public opinion, that the number of cases of torture in Brazil is significant." The bishops went no further than to ask the government for an investigation.

It is the task of the government and it is in the interest of the reputation of Brazil to instigate a thorough investigation into this problem, in order to prevent the loss of prestige which accompanies the denouncements of the country abroad and in order to reassure the Brazilian community.

In this concern of the bishops for the reputation of Brazil abroad and for reassurance of the internal Brazilian community, it is important to notice the influence which the past and a mentality of the "Iglesia- Cristiandad" still exercised on the CNBB.

The CNBB demonstrated the same mentality in its criticism of the subversive elements. "It is certainly the responsibility of the public authority to promote and provide for the general welfare and the social order. The demonstration of violence on the part of elements which subvert order may be neither approved nor tolerated." In the passage above the bishops demonstrated little concern regarding the torture itself, and here little concern for what kind of established order in fact existed. Nevertheless the bishops placed a restriction on the repressive activity of the state. "But it is not necessary to permit violence to be answered by violence." The bishops, however, provided no alternative for regressive violence, nor did they speak about the primary violence, the "mother of all violence", embedded in the economic and social structures.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access Regarding the government's policy on development the bishops were more critical, even if they go no further than general principles. "We believe that the government, which with visible results pursues the development of the country must urgently take the basic elements of a humane policy into account." That would mean that "from the perspective of an integral development....the human being would be given the first priority. That implies", added the bishops, "that an urgent emphasis be placed on effective and immediate agrarian reform, on the problems of education, health and employment, and on participation in public responsibility." In conclusion, the bishops expressed their concern for the fact that in the public opinion "the position of the church was being weakened." The church authorities defended themselves against the attacks from the advocates of the "Iglesia-Cristiandad" and against the demands of those Christians more involved with the people.

We calmly but forcefully reject the accusation that the church in general either takes a fixed position, insensitive to the world's problems or stimulates subversion. (p. 421-423)

It is perhaps no accident that the church remained so lenient in relation to the military dictatorship. At the end of the same month of May the VIII National Eucharistic Congress was celebrated in Brazil with munificent cooperation from the government and from civil and military authorities.

2. 27-05-70 Opening address by Cardinal Eugenio Sales, Archbishop of Salvador, Bahia, at the VIII NationaZ Eucharistic Congress (SEDOC, 3, 1970, August, 209-210)

"To the President of the Republic and to all leaders of this vast nation, our prayers and blessings, so that they might serve the great earthly destiny of the entire Brazilian people and together pursue a more exalted and just future." The blessing of the civil and military authority and the idea of a great Brazil, an inheritance of the Lusitanian empire and of the "Iglesia-Cristiandad" were to be quite evident at the National Congress. "This Congress", contined the Cardinal, "is a virile and pious affirmation to our Father that we take Christ as the source and centre of unity for the entire Brazilian community, the same Christ whom we worship in the Eucharist, the Sacrament of the Highest Love." The idea of a Brazilian community, etc., that can easily cover up divisions and injustices, was another key concept in this situation for the Brazilian church.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 3. 28-05-70 Address by Cardinal Eugenio Sales at the National Congress on the occasion of the TIIII National Eucharistic Congress (SEDOC, 3, 1970, Aug., 211-212)

In my capacity as papal envoy and on behalf of the Brazilian Episcopacy I want to renew our thanks and strengthen our commitment to cooperation towards the greatness of our country and our people.

This cooperation was to be understood along the lines of the church's peculiar mission.

Our mission is of a spiritual sort. It is not political. But those who build the city of man, also need a soul for that city. Otherwise we would be corpses instead of living beings. Within this specific territory of the spiritual we obligate ourselves, with all our limitations but with all of our enthousiasm, to lend effective assistance for the sake of progress and development of this great country.

4. 9-06-70. Commentary by Cardinal Vicente Scherer, Archbishop of Porto Alegre and Vice President of the CNBB on the Documento PastoraZ de BrasiZia (SEDOC, 3, 1970, July, 112-114)

"Regarding the much discussed question of torture, the episcopacy could not speak otherwise. We do not have the possibility to substantially prove concrete instances of violation of human rights and Christian dignity. Since it is regrettably that there are continually new waves of reports on this matter, in the country and abroad, with consequences for the reputation of Brazil, and in order to prevent abuse, we recommend reassuring measures on the part of the authorities, who according to our opinion are incapable of authorizing such ineffective and inhuman actions for combatting subversion and terrorism."

5. 7-07-70. Interview in the newspaper "0 Estado de Sao Paulo" with Cardinal Angelo Rossi, President of the CNBB and Archbishop of Sao Paulo" (SEDOC, 3, 1970, July, 104-111)

Cardinal Rossi placed the probZem of torture in the context of "the media campaigns and the protests against Brazil abroad." "First", said the cardinal, "there was a massive attack on the matter of 'genocide' of Indians. Now the emphasis in the European press is focused on torture in Brazil." The cardinal repeated the position of the document from Brasilia. "I think that in the problem of torture we must support truth and

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access righteousness. We are aware that in this respect things have taken place that are regrettable, just as that occurs in many other coutries. But the biggest problem is when the facts are exaggerated and general- ized and when the government is credited with what may be an abuse by a few but never a systematic procedure." Cardinal Rossi considered the torture to be "abominable". He related the following:

I have received numerous distressed mothers of prisoners here. They come here with the agonizing thought that their children might be tortured. They don't even know where their children are....That is indeed a humiliating and distressing matter. But it is even worse in that it begins to alter the favourable image which Brazil had always enjoyed abroad.

But what was behind the campaigns abroad that sought to discredit Brazil? Cardinal Rossi: "What happens is that people see that Brazil is rising like a giant, that it is no longer a small republic but a colossus in ascension." These words of Cardinal Rossi cause one to think. Is it nationalism? Or is it still the result of a past "Iglesia-Cristiandad"? Regarding the case of the Dominicans Cardinal Rossi had not changed his opinion (cf. 111,2) nor his aloofness.

The fathers are being held in the 'Presidio Tirantes'. They have been examined. They have not yet been convicted. They find themselves in the civil arena, not the ecclesiastical. They were not arrested because they read the mass or administered communion or heard confession. Therefore, their case is beyond the scope of our specific activity. But we are waiting for their sentence, with the hope that it is handed down as soon as possible and that it will be objective in accordance with truth and justice.

What is meant by "open handed and upright cooperation" with the govern- ment? "Open handed and upright cooperation means to speak the truth to the government, a truth of which the government is unaware. But it is necessary to inform oneself uprightly and to seek to neither please nor flatter the government, but even less to challenge the government without sufficient reason." What did Cardinal Rossi think about the censure? He did not denounce the censure, but pointed out that it was difficult to reconcile "freedom" with "the general welfare". The government which provides for the general, social welfare, "must demonstrate its concern for matters such as pro- paganda for drugs, violent activities, guerillas, raids, and eroticism,

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access all of which could cause a total disequilibrium in the social and moral life." Nevertheless Cardinal Rossi thought that the government could limit the censure to a few matters and allow a margin for the censure a posteriori.

6. 15/21-07-70. Interview by the French periodical "L'Expres" with Mons. Helder Camara. which had been printed by the newspaper "0 Estado de Sao PauZo" on July 5, 1970. (SEDOC, 3, 1970, August, 219-232)

7. 13-07-70. Letter from Mons. Helder Camara to the newspaper "0 Estado de Sao Paulo", printed by the paper on July 19, Z970. (SEDOC, 3, 1970, August, 232-238)

Here we hear a different voice of the church, or more accurately, the voice of a different church, of the "Iglesia-Pueblo de Dios", a minority in the CNBB and oppressed in the entire country. Since 1968 television, radio and the press were not allowed to interview H. Camara. But Dom Helder received many invitations from abroad and let his voice be heard there. At the time in question the problems of torture had become an issue of heated conflict. Mons. H. Camara did not remain silent on this issue. On the contrary, he defended his position in this interview.

The government turns a denouncement of torture into a crime against the state. In no way can I accept that interpretation. I would commit a crime against my country were I to remain silent. With regards to the consequences....I shall be neither the first nor the last of those who must suffer.

Dom Helder Camara also denounced, and this is of great significance, the internaZ colonialism, "the worst of all colonialism." The govern- ment's programs for development in the Northeast had failed because "there was no courage to implement real agrarian reforms." H. Camara warned that the same could then happen in the Amazon. "It is a grave matter that they continue without the courage to alter the structure of the land policy. That could have as consequence that the same failure be repeated in the Amazon as in the Northeast." H. Camara regretted that the Brazilian armed forces no longer followed their own tradition, for "they had then refused to serve the slave drivers."

Under the pretext of saving the country from communism, they play into the hands of the internal colonialism and keep

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access millions of Brazilians living on the edge of a subhuman situation....It is not possible under the guise of anti- communism to resist the process of conscientization and of the advancement of mankind.

It is nesessary on the contrary "to initiate a process of consc2entizat2on leading to liberation", for "more or less everywhere the great majority is silent." This is a task for the church. "The church in Latin America has for years cooperated with the established order and with the authorities.... for three centuries the church has upheld the social order." At a given moment "we noticed that we were affirming Marx: the church was an alienating power, alienated from itself. We became convinced that it was necessary to arouse the masses to awareness."

H. Camara did not condemn those who exercised violence or the "subversives".

Instead he placed the problem of violence in the context of the overall situation. "When someone talks about violence it is necessary to ask this question: which violence is at issue?"

For violence number one3 the mother of all acts of violence is the situation of injustice that exists everywhere: in the underdeveloped countries, in the developed countries where there are also poor and oppressed people, and in the relations between the underdeveloped and the developed countries. Those injustices cause revolt, violence number two. Then comes vioZence numberthree, from the government which feels obligated to oppress the revolt and to protect the public order. That is the escalation of violence, a never ending spiral.

Although not condemning those who exercise violence, H. Camara himself professed to be "a convinced advocate of the violence of peaceable people. It is my definite choice and my manner of understanding the gospel. But I have respect for those who by their conscience are led to a choice for armed violence." "It saddens me to see those boys, practically children, who risk their lives in an attempt to liberate our people, when it is clear to me that those same boys will be crushed." The option of H. Camara is also founded on realism. "I love them and I pursue the same goal. They are tremendous, the urban guerillas. They have courage." But how could they possibly fight against an army? With what sort weapons? H. Camara saw the tragedy of these young men. "They are tortured and sometimes they ispeak'. It is very difficult to resist when your nails are pulled out and when your testicles are flattened."

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access Mons. Helder Camara found inspiration for his struggle against oppression in the gospel.

I have no other source. Christ is a liberator. He doesn't only liberate souls. He is a liberator of the whole man. I don't have the obligation just to think about eternity; eternity begins here on earth.

8. 21-10-70. Letter from Mr. Abreu Sodra, Governor of the State of Sao Paulo to Cardinal AngeZo Rossi, printed by the "0 Estado de Sao Paulo" on October 24, 1970. (SEDOC, 3, 1971, February, 987-991)

With this letter the governor wanted to prove his earlier assertion that "Dom Helder Camera belongs to the propaganda machine of the communist party." The argument is simple. "Who profits from the intense international sermon of Mons. Helder Camara? Is it perhaps Brazil that benefits from it?" The governor sent 56 enclosures with his letter, 52 of which were clippings from national and international newspapers and periodicals and which he considered to be sufficient "proof" of his assertion. "It is irrefutable that the famous Archbishop of Olinda and Recife, whether he wanted to or not, whether it be his intention or not, finds himself in service of the propaganda machine of the communist party."

9. Letter of response from Mons. Helder Camara to the governor of Sao Paulo, Abreu Sodra. (The letter was not pubZished in the press (SEDOC, 3, 1971, February, 991-999)

"If I travel abroad, primarily to denounce neo-colonialism and consequences of economic imperialism, which is an ally of cultural and sometimes military imperialism, then I surely work for Brazil." "I am (also) obligated to denounce and combat internal colonialism, like the Latin American bishops did in Medellin." "I denounce the structures as institutional violence because

they create a sub-human situation for millions of God's children. And I remind the governments of our continent that the only way to defeat violence is to take a look at the root of the evil and to combat the violence which is the mother of all violence: injustice, the apparent social order, and the stratified disorder."

Mons. Helder Camara proposed to the governor "to improve the misformed image of Brazil" and as a first step to allow "freedom of information so that the issues can be discussed internally." Secondly "if the governme nt is so certain that there are neither political prisoners nor torture in our country,

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access why is a visit of a mission of the International Red Cross then refused? And why is there even doubt about accepting a mission of the O.A.S.?" In conclusion, why not begin an integral policy of development in order to make Brazil an example for the world, in which "integral development is not confused with mere economic development that lets the rich get richer and submerges the poor in more and more misery?"

10. 25-08-70. Statement of the CNBB - Commission of the Northeast Region I (SEDOC, 3, 1970, October, 488-490)

On August 6, the priest Helio Soares do Amaral of the Parish of Altinopolis, Ribeirao Preto, SP (Sao Paulo),was sentenced to fourteen months detention. He was accused of having held a subversive sermon (July 9, 1969). On August 3 two priests, Jose Antonio Magalhaes and Xavier Gilles, were arrested in Rio Preto, Maranhao and accused by the entire press of sub- versive activities. The bishops of the Northeast did not remain silent but came to the defense of their persecuted priests. In their statement the bishops explained what had happened and why. They told how Father Jose Antonio had been tortured. They also revealed that "previously in Coroate, fourteen farmers who had demanded their just rights, were reported by a landowner as subversive. The police of Maranhao arrested them on their own work site and forced them to demolish the school, which they had built for their own children." "In our three states, Ceara, Piaui and Maranhao", declared the bishops, "priests and lay people work to enlighten and promote the people. The landowners and politicians call this work subversion, agitation and communism." The bishops also claimed that there was an "atmosphere of terror and fear" due to "the incitement to inform and the use of torture." As a result "the people are afraid; they conform and no longer struggle with non-violent means for justice." The bishops appealed to owners, politicians, and officers to respond "before the oppressed people after an unavailing struggle are aroused to hate, which the true subversion is sowing every moment.""

On Sunday, August 9, a sermon was read in every church of San Luis with information on all these matters which are a part of "the way of this people of God, that is called to be a sign and instrument of liberation." (SEDOC, 3, 1970, October, 490-491). On August 22 and 23 a sermon against torture was read in all of the churches of Maranhao. (SEDOC, ibid., 491-495)

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access 11. 16-10-70. Statement of the Central Commission of the CNBB on the

national situation. (REB, 30, 120, 1970, December, 964 -965J

On September 11 the national office of the JOC was raided, on October 6 a house of the Sisters of Jesus across from the JOC building, and on October 7 the IBRADES (Instituto Brasileiro do Desenvolvimento) of the Jesuits. In all of these actions a number of laymen and priests were arrested. The upper level authorities of the church could no longer remain silent. But they spoke very carefully. They stated that, - The facts mentioned do not satisfy the requirements for detainment established by law, September 29, 1969. - It is not possible to benefit the people along side the economic and social development, the realization of which is recognized by the church, if the deterioration of a proper care for national security leads to an atmosphere of increasing insecurity. The terrorism of subversion cannot be answered by the terrorism of repression. - We repeat our determined condemnation of communism but one way to promote communism is to hinder the activities of the church.

- The Central Committee reaffirms the inalienable responsibility of the church to promote those activities which are inherent to it. - We ask that these statements of ours be accepted with the same sincerity and spirit of cooperation with which they are written.

12. Christmas 1970 "0 homem prohibido" (The fr�rb2dden man), documents of the ACO (Catholic Workers Action) of Recife, on the situation of the workers in the Northeast (SEDOC, 3, 1971, April, 1286-1295)

"For the worker in the Northeast it is forbidden to be a human being." This is the first sentence of this document which continued the analysis and denouncement of previous ACO documents ((e.g. "Nordeste: desarrollo sin justicia"("The Northeast: development without justice") 1967)). '" Everything of value for the worker and the working class "has been for- bidden for the workers of the Northeast." Some of the information from this

(lnr'nmpnt follows here. Unemployment "increases every day in the cities... In order to find work, which is scarce, the worker must submit himself to humiliating and unjust conditions." Wages: "The minimum wage is not a humane wage...In order to supplement their hunger wages, the workers must work overtime," which can be considered as a kind of betrayal of the right to an eight hour work day. Threats: "There are threats of police repression in

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access order to prevent militancy among the workers."

E.g., Pedro, a mechanic, was very dissatisfied with the circumstances in his factory: 80% of the wages are below the minimum; the legal compensations are not paid, in short, all kinds of injustices. Pedro was signalized by the factory as an agitator and fired.

Working conditions: women and children work day and night, twelve to fifteen hours, continuous working hours without even the right in some concerns to a half hour to eat." ConcZusion: "To be exhaustive in writing about the working conditions and the general life circumstances of workers in the Northeast would require very many pages. We prefer to summarize with the description: they are a permanent torture."

Neither the law, nor the ministry of labour, nor the labour unions help to improve this situation. "Politics is in the hands of the rich and those workers who have worked their way up in politics have abandoned the working class. The people live outside the scope of politics." Conclusion: "The existing structures are in general against the people. The people cannot liberate themselves without changes in the structures."

"The church of the gospel, i.e., those Christians who take seriously what Jesus did and said is also persecuted. Wherever people are forbidden, it is forbidden also." That was the source of slander and systematic persecution of Helder Camara. Now the same began to occur to the central committee of the JOC. But on the other hand the workers were aware of their own failures.

"We, Christian workers, have become aware of the fact that we also share in the omissions of the working class and of the church." The accusations that "the church has compromised itself with the rich, with the governing authorities, with the structures, and with the present capitalist system, a source of so many injustices" is largely supported by "most of the official statements of the church, which display little courage and which seem far removed from the steadfastness of the gospel that demands that our 'yes' be 'yes' and our 'no' be 'no'." (Matthew 5:37) The great doubt is: this: "Could it be that instead of choosing the way of struggle, that gives life, we have chosen the way of collaboration, which is deadening?" But it is clear that "Christ helps the people to be human. The god which does not help the people to be human is a false god. The church that does not help the people to stand must revise itself and return to the gospel

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access in order to discover again that her primary mission is the Ziberation of man, whatever the cost." How should the situation be dealt with? "We must be convinced that there is no liberator outside of the (working) class. We must resist all pater- nalism, wherever it comes from. We are the liberators. Christ himself refused to save us without our cooperation. Conclusion: "In all of this we must organize ourselves, our lives, our efforts, our struggles, our groups, the entire (working) class." And the church "must represent the gospel in its fullness, the message of growth and solidary liberation of the whole man and of all men."

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access V. 1971. A CHURCH BETWEEN THE OPPRESSING POWERS AND THE PEOPLE AND A CHURCH WHICH SEEKS TO BE THE VOICE OF THE OPPRESSED PEOPLE

The economic growth was impressive if we measure it by the growth of the gross national product: 11,4% for the entire year. But wages continued to decrease, more than 40% since 1964. The urban guerilla was eradicated in 1968. On September 17 Carlos Lamarca, one of the last of the guerilla leaders was killed. But the detainments and torture continued. They had less and less to do with the so called subversion and more and more with the general situation in the country of exploitation and oppression. The persecution of the church continued also. On January 29 the priest Giulio Vicini and the social worker Yara Spadini were arrested and tortured. On July 7 the office of the Archdiocese of Recife and of the Northeast Region II of the CNBB was raided. As "subversive material" eleven copies of the ACO document "Nordeste: desarrollo sin justicia" were confiscated. On September 14 military judges sentenced three Dominicans to four years in prison. On September 17 Father Geraldo De Oliveira from Crateus, CE

(Ceara) was sentenced to one year in prison. On September 20 Father Helio Soares de Amaral from Ribeirao Preto was sentenced to twenty months. On October 23 Father Jose Pendadola of the diocese of Crateus was deported from the country. At the end of October a priest and a sociologist from FASE (Federation of Organisations of Social and Educational Assistance), in the diocese Nova Friburgo, Rio de Janeiro, were arrested. In the upper levels of the institutional church two important changes took place. On January 13 the new leadetsof the CNBB were chosen. Mons. Aloisio Lorscheider, who had been general secretary, became president. The new secretary was Mons. Ivo Lorscheiter and the new vice-president was Cardinal Avelar Brandao Vilela, who replaced Cardinal V. Scherer. On October 22 Cardinal Evaristo Arns, Archbishop of Sao Paulo was appointed to the position of Cardinal A. Rossi, who became prefect of the Vatican Department of Evangelization. The appointment in Sao Paulo was of great significance, not only because Sao Paulo is the chief city of Brazil, but also because the archdiocese had at its disposal, besides the radio station "9 de Julio", two important news services: "0 Sao Paulo", published weekly, and the CIEC (Centro de Informaçes Ecclesia) with its "Boletin Informativo", a sort of "weekly instrument of our contact with the press, radio and television channels both in the capitol and in the interior of the state

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access and of the country." Edited statements from the "0 Sao Paulo" are some- times published in the bulletin of the CIEC.

There were also other signs of renewal. On January 30 the Capuchins of Brazil decided to designate all of the property of the order which the order did not use, for the poor. REB (Revista Ecclesiastica Brasileira), the most important theological journal took on a new co-editor in 1971, the theologian Leonardo Boff, who would in 1972 succeed the theologian Bonaventura Kloppenburg, who had been director for twenty years. "Christmas Z97Z" in Recife was a great event. The celebration was held in a stadium with 20,000 believers present. It was the start of the Year of Mission 1972. The celebration consisted of two parts. In the first part two dramatical pieces were presented on two topics: the world's anxieties and God's answer. In the second part the eucharist was celebrated with the participation of 74 priests and 11 bishops. This church gathering had many repercussions in the entire country. "0 Estado de Sao Paulo" accused the ceremony of being "pure paganism and of a more political and demagogical character than religious." The newspaper "Diario de Pernambuco" condemned the ceremony as being "materialistic, heretical and of a definite sub- versive character." (REB, 32, 125, 1972, March 200-201). The new church leaders let themselves be heard. Cardinal Arns protested against the detainment of P. Giulio Vicini and Yara Spadini and in a memo- randum denounced the ill treatment and the torture they had undergone and the procedure which had been followed. "There is a repeated and regret- ful confusion that must be overcome: the identification of preaching and activities for social justice with subversion." (REB, 31, 121, 1971, March, 196). In an interview on March 5, 1971 Cardinal Arns stated, "The church does not stand in opposition to the government. It only criticizes those things which it considers wrong." "Subversion is an attempt to replace a good order with a worse one." Therefore "a person's concerns of conscience about the problems with which he is confronted must never be confused with subversion." (REB, 31, 122, 1971, June, 480) The new secretaryGacre-ary cfof the CNBB,a!BB, Ivc_Tio Lorsdhsit3r3.-.,.� .r�. ,.., _ > 3tisT-Ter?d4" iti ?n !!!p�� nrnnallnr::l"(l11m Hatedt d October 26, 1970 the accusations of the newspaper "0 Globo" that the church had been infiltrated by subversive elements. "The church. in Brazil, true to its mission and its nature, seeks to contribute to social peace and harmonious coexistence in Brazil; but it is necessary to

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access say that true peace is built on justice, love, truth and freedom." (REB, 31, 124, 1971, December, 1020)

1. 23-09-71 "Church and State in Brazil". An address brg Carinal Primate Mons. Avelar Brandao Vilely, Archbishop of SaLvador, Bahia, Vice- President of the CNBB, held in the "EscueZa Superior de Guerra" by invitation of Commander-GeneraZ Rodrigo otivio (SEDOC, 4, 1971, November, 629-638)

"It is clear beyond doubt", stated Cardinal Brandao, "that the church accepts and defends the premise of the full autonomy of the state." At the same time the church defends "its right to proclaim Jesus Christ and his gospel, and the sovereignty of the fundamental ethical values which must inspire philosophy and the criteria of the general welfare." Church and state, each in its own territory "rediscover themselves when integral development is at issue, with regards to the human being." The responsibility of the state is to create "the necessary instruments for a society that is economically and socially organized." The responsibility of the church is "to preserve the integrity of development." The cardinal recognized that there had been a change in views on the church.

The church no longer sees itself as a ghetto in the world, even if it retains its institutional form, but as a presence in the human structures and especially in the conscience of people... From the earlier position of the church as societas perfecta one comes to affirm the church as a servant of mankin d...The church is no longer a self-affirming power, alongside other powers, but an instrument that conveys the Christian faith to the fellowship of men.

It follows, according to the cardinal, "that the expression 'People of God' was definitely formulated at the second Vatican Council by a church that paid more attention to a way of service than to the other way of religious power." Cardinal Brandao Vilela warned of this danger in the policy. of development.

If one expects that out of economic growth a general growth would spontaneously arise, without possessing a clear aware- ness in the relations between employer and employee of the value of the human person, a social misforming can arise.

He added that social measures must be regulated, supplemented and improved in such a way that 'the rich don't get richer and the poor poorer." He

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access gave still another warning. "If no clear distinction is made between a just demand and subversion, and if those who provide information are not intellectually and morally prepared for the difficult job of judging non-conformists, then a great deal of injustice can occur."IT

The cardinal gave the following pastoral advice "to the people in the governemnt. Please be more lenient and more understanding especially towards the youth." And to the youth of Brazil he said, "The church believes in your honesty but does not agree with your methods of action, with your plans for violence. The church suffers with your uncertain destiny. Between a deperate and unacceptable radicalization and a cool indifference or irritated conformity, there is a wide available margin for the free exercise of your noble activities."

The cardinal concluded his speech with a striking confession. "I believe in God and in Jesus Christ. I believe in the church. I believe in

Brazil....I believe in the sincerity of the proposals of the president of the republic, in his burning desire to serve the Brazilian people.... I believe in the possibility of liberal democratic rights in our country. I believe that a day is coming in the society of man in which there will be more love, more respect for the values of life, more economic and social excellence, a better distribution of goods, and more spiritual power. I believe in peace defended by love and justice."

2. 10-10-71 "Uma Igreja da Amazonia e conflito com o latifundio e a marginalizacho social" (A church in the Amazon in conflict with the Zatzfundium and the social ImarginaZization') First pastoral Zetter from Mons. Pedro Casaldaliga, Bishop of Sao FgZix, MG (Mato Grosso) (SEDOC, 4, 1972, February, 955-9841

We have here a very special text. It is a forerunner of a new church, a breakthrough in current situation of the Brazilian church.

If the primary mission of a bishop is to be a prophet and if the prophet is he who proclaims the truth before the entire people, if to be a bishop is to be the voice of all those who have no voice (Cardinal Marty), then, to be honest, it would be impossible for me to hold my tongue when I am invested with the consummation of the priestly ministry.

There are also two more reasons which justified this pastoral letter, according to Mons. Casaldaliga. There was "the momentary publicity

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access surrounding projects and employment currently in the Amazon" and, secondly, there was "the priority which the church in Brazil through the CNBB has placed on the Amazon."

The document included the following sections: The geographical situation; A socio-pastoral panoramic; Latifundia; 'Posseiros' (in Santa Terezinha, Porto Alegre, Serra Nova, Pontinopolis, along the roads); Indians (Xavante versus Suia, Tapirape versus Tapiraguia, Parque Nacional do Xingu versus BR-80); Day labourers; Local politics; Lack of basic assistance; Poor administration of distribution; Our activities and The cry of this church.

- The prelature of Sao Felix, in the heart of Brazil, has a surface area of approximately 150,000 square kilometers, between the Araguaia and Xingu rivers. Sao Felix, founded in 1941, is only a district and belongs to the prefecture of Barra do Gargas, 700 kilometers away. The prelature has about 50,000-60,000 residents, with a sizeable fluctuating population on the fringes. Most of the people are farmers from the Northeast who came directly from Maranhao, Para, Ceara, Piaui, etc. The Indians make up a small part of the population. "The rest of the population consists of 'fazendeiros' (landowners), managers, and administrative personel from the 'fazendas latifundistas' (agricultural plantations), who are usually 'sulistas' (i.e. from the South) and foreigners in a sense, a kind of super-men who exploit the country, the people and the politics."

- "The entire area of the prelature falls in the bounds of the 'Amazonia Legal', supervised by the SUDAM (Superintendencia do Desenvolvimento da Amazonia). Most of the concerns, which were established with the help of SUDAM, are in this area." "All of the land was bought ridiculously cheap or obtained from the government of Mato Grosso by interested persons, but not by the inhabitants themselves. Those persons sell the land to large land- dealers. The dealers sell the land then to others. "The surface area of these concerns is absurd." The "Agropecuaria Suia-Missu S.A. 695,843 hectares; CODEARA 196,497 hectares; Agropasa 48,165 hectares; Urupianga 50,468 hectares; Porto Velho 49,994 hectares; etc. They are all projects approved by the SUDAM.

- "The first 'desbravadores' (those who make the land arable) of the area are those now called posseiros. They settled here 5, 10, 15, 20 and some even 40 years ago. They cultivate the land very primitively....They live

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access together in small villages, called 'Patrimonios', or scattered through the 'sertao' (the very interior of Brazil; dry, uncultivated land withy thorn-bushes), 12-20 kilometers from each other." An example of what can happen with the 'posseiros' is the village Santa Terezinha. "The CODEARA established itself there in 1966, with a property title for the entire area, including the villages." "The first inhabitants of the area had arrived in 1910. In 1931 a church, a school and a house for the missionaries had been built. There were also the 'Cooperativa Agricola Mista do Araguia', which brought together workers and 'posseiros' in the area, and a policlinic. Despite all of this, the land had been sold as if uninhabited, as virgin forest. The company CODEARA felt entitled to deprive the poor inhabitants of their small, insignificant property. A war of threats, land invasions, house invasions, arrests, etc. was declared. The Amazon political structure was also at the service of the CODEARA."

In the face of the threatened and intended deprivation, the people united themselves and together with the vicar of the parish, Father Francisco Jentel, decided to fight in order to safeguard what was theirs....On May 5, 1970, after three years of fighting and waiting, the CODEARA was unwillingly forced to 'give' up a small piece of 5,582 (of the 196,497) hectares, which then had to be divided among 100 families... The case of Santa Terezinha is not yet solved. The urban area belongs to the CODEARA. Whoever wants to build must request a permit from the authorized company."

- The same story repeats itself in Porto Alegre, Serra Nova, etc. We take as an example another instance which Mons. Casaldaliga reported in his pastoral letter. The company Suia-Missu established itself on land inhabited by the Xavantes Indians. "A solution had to be found. The Indians could not remain in the latifundium. The solution was found immediately: deportation!"

The Xavantes were transported with airplanes of the Brazilian Air Force. Most of them, 263 in all, died a few days after arrival in San Marcos. due to an epidemic of measles.

What happened to the Tapirapes Indians is along the same lines. "As in the entire Mato Grosso, the land which the Tapirapes Indians inhabited was sold to the company Tapiraguia S.A....The fertile land where the Indians had their 'rocas' (fields) became property of the Tapiraguia S.A." A similar thing took place with the Parque Nacional do Xingu

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access and the company BR-80. The entire territory was cut in two, and the best land was given to the company.

- A big problem for these companies at first was to find sufficient labour. They went to the Northeast and to the South of Goias in order to find people. The land workers were attracted with false promises and "brought by airplane, by boat, or by 'pau-de-arara' (lit.: perch of parakeet. Here it means: Truck without accomodation for passengers, except for rails to hold fast) to the 'derrubada' (the place where trees had to be felled)... Most of them were told that the trip and all costs would be paid...There were no houses for the workers...In the CODEARA, e.g., most of them had to work in water up to their waist...If, having worked for months, they catch malaria or any disease, then they have to watch their earnings become exhausted, and they sometimes remain in debt to the fazenda (lease-hold property)...No work agreement is made with the workers." Those who want to escape this abuse are threatened or killed by hooligans, who are paid by the company. "The local police is often called in order to subject the workers even more...Labour is needed for cutting down trees and clearing the land for pasture. When this is done, everything is devoted to stock raising. The workers are left with only memories, and not very pleasant ones, of their past." In summary,

the worker has no right to land, to training, to assistance, to a family, to anything. The resignation, the apathy and the patience of these people is unbelievable, only to be understood as a fatalism that has become sedimentary throughout generations of Brazilians without a country, disowned people, masses of half slaves succeeding each other since the 'Capitanias Hereditarias'."

- "The inhabitants of this area, living in conditions of mere survival, are exposed to the ordeals of the tropical climate, are neglected by the government and official organizations, and live with a permanent lack of everything." The document describes the lack of schools, medical care, food, etc.

The government of both the state and the country are only attentive to the large 'latifundiste' concerns and com- panies for whom they attend parties and meetings and make visits. None of them has ever set foot in the villages and patrim6nios, except the federal police in cases of emergency. And except an occasional political candidate who appears to ask for votes....

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access The preZature of Mons. Casaldaliga consisted at that time of the bishop and seven priests, all of whom are foreigners. For seventeen years three Sisters of Jesus had lived with the Tapirapes Indians. On February 16, 1971 five members of an order came to work in the Prelature. On June 18 another came. In Sao Felix there were five 'students' and in Santa Terezinha another five. They were Brazilian lay brothers. The document tells how it was necessary to revise the entire pastoral work. "There was a lack of everything: medical services, education, means of communication, administra- tion and legal services. The people lacked the knowledge of their own human rights as well as the courage and possibility to demand those rights. The only thing not lacking was a heartbreaking and revealing misery... We would not accept the dichotomy between evangelization and human advancement. We believe that Christ as the risen Lord liberates the whole man and the whole world and saves us in our fullness, gradually and with pain here on earth, finally and in glory in heaven."

Therefore we have attempted, with trials and conflicts, to defend human rights and the advancement of the people to whom we were sent. As a result the Prelature is in open conflict with the latifundists and other authorities and also with that sector of the church which does not share our position and that is indebted to service to the power- ful....We bishops, priests, sisters, and lay people are committed to this world, between the Araguaia and the Xingu, a concrete, real and denounced world, surviving on the margin, a world which I have briefly presented here. We are the 'visible' and 'recognized' church here.

It is this church which made "an appeal to the entire church of Brazil, to which we belong. We ask, demand, a complete co-responsibility...If they want to hear us we would like to ask the 'Catholic' latifundists, who enslave the people of our region, to choose between their faith and their egoism. You cannot serve two masters. It will be of no use to them to give 'cursillos de Cristiandad' (brief course on Christianity) in Sao Paulo or to benefit the "Christmas of the Poor" or to give alms to the missions, if they close their eyes and hearts to the dead or enslaved workers on their fazendas....With a lot of money it is easy to cover up the truth of the facts and the real situation with full pages in the newspapers. God sees it. And the people experience more and more suffering and do not forget it."

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access The pastoral letter concluded with a clear option and a concrete demand. "Everything we have experienced demonstrated to us the evil of the capitalistic latifundium as a radically unjust social structure and has affirmed us in opting to reject the latifundium....We feel obligated by conscience to contribute to the de-mythologization of private property. We urgently demand, together with many others, a radical and just agrarian reform. In this country injustice is called the latifundium. The real name of development here is agrarian reform." "We hope that no Christian can be so shameless as to call this document subversive. We have often referred to the Gospel, and also to Vatican II, Medellin and the last Synod...These pages are simply the cry of the church in the Amazon, the prelature of Slo Felix, in the northeast of Mato Grosso, in conflict with the Latifundium and on the margin of society."

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access AFTERWORD

The documents examined deal with the military coup, the doctrine of national security, arrests and torture, the general situation of the country, the latifundium and its consequences, violence, the relations between church and state, the living conditions of workers, etc. These documents are from the General Assembly of the Brazilian bishops, from the Central Committee or various regions of the CNBB, and from individual bishops, groups of priests or lay organisations. The nature of the documents varies greatly. There are official statements of bishops, pastoral letters and statements on concrete cases. There are also addresses, interviews, studies, and analyses. The limited number of documents presented here cannot give us a complete picture of the Brazilian church in the years at question. They do, how- ever, indicate with sufficient clarity the dividing line between two tendencies: between a church that remains silent and a church that suffers; between a church allied to power and a church that denounces injustice; between a church that stands between the oppressing powers and the people and a church that seeks to be the voice of the oppressed people. This typology by Azzi which we have taken as a historical, theoretical framework, has helped us to place these documents in the historical perspective of the Brazilian church which bears a burdensome inheritance and many contradictions from its past. The period 1968-1971 remains a dark time for the Brazilian church. Nevertheless we have found several positions and analyses that belong to a church in search of liberation. It had to do with a small minority in that great land, a voice that arose on the margins of the society. It is a dawn of a church "in search of its people, in search of the liberation of its people.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access NOTES

1. Charles ANTOINE, L'Eglise et Ze pouvoir au BresiZ. Naissance du ����2r�sme. Desclee de Brouwer, Paris, 1971, p. 40 and 42. For information on the years 1968 and 1969 I have followed the book by Antoine. For this period one can also consult: E. de KADT, Catholic Radical in BraziZ, London, 1970; Joao A. MONTENEGRO, A evoZug7zo do eatoZicismo no Brasil, Ed. Vozes, Petropolis, 1972; Thomas BRUNEAU, The political transformation of the BraziZian Catholic Church, London, 1974.

2. Riolando AZZI, "A Igreja do Brasil na defesa dos Direitos Humanos" in: REB, Vol. 37, nr. 145, 1977, March, 106-142. See also "Elementos para a Historia do Catolicismo Popular in: REB, 36, 141, 1976, March, 95-130. For a general criticism of Azzi's interpretation scheme, see: Eduardo HOORNAERT, "Para una historia de Igrejo no Brasil" in: REB, 33, 129, 1973, March, 117-138. (See also his work "Formagao do CatoZicismo BrasiZeiro: Z500-Z800. Ensaio de interpretagao a partir dos oprimidos", Petropolis, Ed. Vozes, 1974, 140pp.)

3. Op. cit. p. 170

4. Op. cit. p. 201-202

5. "Relatorio da Verdade", 33p. in folio mimeograph.

6. "Testimonio de Tito de Alencar Lima", in:"La IgZesia en American Latina", CEP/Lima, Ed. Verbo Divino/Navarra, 1975, p. 79-86.

7. Carlos A. LIBANIO CRISTO, Creo desde Za Carcel, in the series "El Credo que ha dado sentido a mi vida" No. 13, Desclee de Brouwer, Bilbao, 1976, p. 31-32, 34 and 72.

8. Rogier van ROSSUM and Jan van ENGELEN, Kerk op zoek naar haar vozk, in the series "Oekumene" No. 2, Baarn, 1976.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access ABBREVIATIONS

ACO Catholic Workers Action CIEC Church Information Center

CNBB National Conference of Brazilian Bishops DOPS Department of Public and Social Order FASE Federation of Organisations of Social and Educational Assistance

IBRADES Brazilian Institute for Development JAC Rural Catholic Youth

JOC Working Catholic Youth JUC Catholic Students MEB Base Movement for Education REB Brazilian Church Review

SEDOC Documentary Service SNI National Intelligence Service SUDAM Superintendency for the Development of the Amazon TFP Movement for the defense of Tradition, Family and Private Property

(Translated from the Dutch by M.N. Walton)

Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 07:23:47PM via free access