MAPPING AUGUSTAN ROME
directed by Lothar Haselberger in collaboration with David Gilman Romano edited by Elisha Ann Duroser with contributions by D. Borbonus, E. A. Dumser, A. B. Gallia, O. Harman~ah, L. Haselberger, E. J. Kondratieff, C. F. Norefla, G. Petruccioli, D. G. Romano, N. L. Stapp, A. G. Thein, G. Varinlioglu, and others
Computer map creation: A. B. Gallia, D. G. Romano, and N. L. Stapp Artistic map design: M. Davison
Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002 JOURNAL OF ROMAN ARCHAEOLOGY
AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL MAPS (one sheet in front pocket, one sheet in back pocket) Mark Davison, Andrew B. Gallia, David Gilman Romano, and Nicholas L. Stapp, based on the work of all contributing authors
Preface and Acknowledgements 7 Lothar Haselberger
Mapping Augustan Rome: introduction to an experiment 9 Lothar Haselberger Urbs Roma: bibliography, models, and projects 27
Making the map David Gilman Romano, Nicholas L. Stapp, and Andrew B. Gallia Appendix A: Computer and software resources Appendix B:Map resources
Dorian Borbonus, Elisha Ann Dumser, Andrew B. Gallia, Omiir Harman§ah, Lothar Haselberger, Eric J. Kondratieff, Thomas J. Morton, Carlos F. Norefia, Todd W. Parment, Guido Petruccioli, A. G. Thein, Kevin Tracy, & Gunder Varinlioglu
Bibliographic abbreviations Elisha Ann Dumser Catalogue of entries Entries are arranged in alphabetical order, and each entry's index number is indicated at the end of the title line, if applicable. Items without an index number are either labeled on the map itself, such as area entries or regional roads, or cannot be visualized due to the item's overarching nature or its unknown location. Clearly post-antique Latin titles have been highlighted by quotation marks. A
AEMILIANA(1) A vague toponym of Republican origin, associated these Trajanic warehouses even if they were not as with gens Aemilia, probably used to indicate two architecturally coherent as the Trajanic reconstruc- different districts. One is frequently located in the SE tion (Colini and Buzzetti 160, fig. 6). The Republican *Campus Martius (s.v. *Aemiliana [2])while the other and early-Imperial toponyms of the area seemed to Aemiliana is associated with a sand ship serving in have survived at least through the Severan period. the Aemiliana (NAVISHARENARIAQVAESERVITIN Rodriguez Almeida has recently challenged Coarel- AEMILIANIS:CIL XV 7150; Palmer 149-50). li's argument by associating the district with the For the latter Aemiliana, Palmer suggested that its *Porticus Aemilia (Emporium) (RodrIguez Almeida, quay should be located between the *Porta Flumen- LTUR 20), which is now placed right outside the tana and *Porta Trigemina, close to the E foot of the *Porta Trigemina, on the NW slopes of the Aventine *Pons Sublicius, and that it must have been extensively and by the Tiber. The long extra-mural zone along the used for the unloading of sand from ships for use as a Tiber from the *Pons Aemilius to the Porticus Aemilia construction material in Rome. Coarelli (147-54, fig. outside the Porta Trigemina could be tentatively 28) suggested that the more northern site of the accepted as the Aemiliana until some unambiguous Trajanic warehouses at the *Portus Tiberinus was the evidence against this assumption shows up in the site for earlier storehouses of Aemiliana, based upon archaeological record. the reconstruction of the Marble Plan (frags. 621 a-d, 623, 627), on which the surviving label for the area E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v." Aemiliana," LTUR I, 19-20. ~an be reconstructed as AEMILI[ANA](RodriguezAl- Coarelli, Foro Boario (1988) 147-54. ') meida 1971, 112, fig. 4). Excavations at *Portus Tibe- A.M. Colini and C. Buzzetli, "Portus Tiberinus:' in S. Quilici Gigli rinus did not reveal any pre- or early-Imperial archi- (ed.), II Tevere e Ie altre vie d'aqua del Lazio antieo (Rome 1986) tecture since the Trajanic rebUilding completely obli- 157-97. terated the earlier levels (Colini; Colini and Buzzetti). A.M. CoHni, "II porto fluviale del Foro Boario a Roma:' MAAR 36 The urban layout of the complex, the late-Republican (1980) 43-53. and early-Imperial building activities in the area R.E.A. Palmer, "The Viei Lueeei in the Forllm Boarillm and some (known from the epigraphic evidence, d. Colini 191- Lucceii in Rome," Bill/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61. 92) as well as the textual references (palmer 148-50) suggest that earlier structures must have preceded E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Forma Urbis Marmorea, nuove integrazioni," Bul/Com 82 (1971) 105-13.
AEMILIANA(2) A district outside the city walls (Varro, Rust. 3.2.6; in this region during the Augustan period. The s.v. *Muri; ct. *Continentia) in the SE *Campus Aemiliana in the S Campus Martius should not be Martius. A report that Claudius installed himself in confused with the commercial districts along the the *Diribitorium to direct those fighting a fire in the *Tiber near the *Pons Aemilius, also described as Aemiliana seems to confirm this location (Suet., Claud. 'Aemiliana' (s.v. *Aemiliana [1)).Palmer's theory of at 18.1). The area may have taken its name from the least two 'AemiIiana' seems appropriate, since the presence of Aemilian-built structures, including the Aemilii were extremely active in monumentalizing *Porticus Aemilia (Campus Martius), which ran from several areas of the city during the 2nd and 1st c. B.c. the *Porta Fontinalis to the *Ara Martis, and the A.B.G., E. J.K. Temple to the *Lares Permarini (Castagnoli). Varro E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Aerniliana:' LTUR I, 19-20. (Rust. 3.2.6) alludes to the urban character of the R.E.A. Palmer, 'The Viei Llleeei in the Forllm Boarillm and some AemiIiana in 55-54 B.C., and the frequency of fires Lueceii in Rome," Bill/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61, esp. 148-50. there during the Julio-Claudian period also suggests a Richardson 3. dense accumulation of buildings. It is reasonable to F. Castagnoli, II Campo Marzio nell'antiehita (Rome 1947) 93-193, conclude that there was considerable urban bUild-up esp. 138-39 n.2. Catalogue of entries
AEQUIMELIUM map index 163 Open space on the SE slopes of the *Capitol,which (Livy 24.47.15), below the retaining walls of the functioned as a memorial against tyranny. It was an *Area Capitolina (Livy 38.28.3). Thus Pisani Sartorio area kept free from construction and its name commem- puts it N of the *ForumBovarium, Coarelli more speci- orated the levelling of the house of a would-be tyrant fically between the Area Sacra di S. Omobono and of the 5th c. B.C., Spurius Maelius (e.g., Varro, Ling. Piazza delIa Consolazione. It only occupied the for- 5.157: a
AESCULAPIUS, AEDES The Temple to Aesculapius (Epidauran Asclepius), temple within a precinct is often reconstructed, but built on the Tiber island in 293 B.C. after a serious this is completely hypothetical (Richardson fig. 37; plague occasioned the introduction of the cult to Rome Besnier 317 f. for Renaissance artists' reconstruc- (Livy 10.47.6-7). From this time on, the *Insula Tibe- tions). The Severan Marble Plan suggests that the rina acted as a place of refuge and of healing in the Re- small precinct was composed of a courtyard enclosed publican city (Guarducci; Brucia 63 f.). Both literary with a series of rooms (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. (Varro, Ling. 7.57) and epigraphic (CIL VI 7) evidence 42, frag. 32). suggests that the temple, along with the entire island, underwent a major reconstruction and monumenta- Claridge, Rome (1998) 227, fig. 105. lization around the mid-1st c. B.C (Degrassi 1987). D. Degrassi, s.v. "Aesculapius, aedes, templum (Insula Tiberina)," The Temple of Aesculapius is believed to have LTUR 1,21-22. stood on the SE end of the island, probably under the Richardson 4. Church of S. Bartolomeo (Richardson; Degrassi, LTUR M.A. Brucia, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome (New York 21).Although the temple is archaeologically unknown, 1990). the mid-1st c. B.C travertine and tufa revetment at the D. Degrassi, "Interventi edilizi sull'isola Tiberina nel I see. a.c.: nota S tip of the island imitating a trireme prow and its sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche ed archeologiche," reliefs (head of Aesculapius and a staff entwined with Athenaeum 75 (1987) 521-27. a serpent, see Claridge 227, fig. 105), as well as the M. Guarducci, "L'isola TibID'ina e la sua tradizione ospitaliera," terra cotta votive offerings from the head of the *Pons RendLinc 125 (1971) 267-81. Fabricius (Richardson), strongly support this loca- M. Besnier, L'Ue Tiberine dans l'antiquitt' (Paris 1902). tion. It seems likely that a small-scale temple stood at the very S end, directly above the prow. A hexastyle
AGER: L. PETILIUS map index 177 Plot of land in *Trans Tiberim, which belonged to location for the am and the nearby ager along the *Via L. Petilius and was situated immediately at the foot of Aurelia, especially where the street reached the lower the *Ianiculum (Solin. 1.21).The supposed 'discovery' stretches of the Ianiculum. Both hypotheses must of the stone sarcophagus and books of Numa Pompi- remain conjectural in the current state of archaeolo- Iius in 181 B.C left the historical-collective memory of gical evidence; our map tentatively follows Richard- the spot in ancient literature (Liverani; Livy 40.29; son's suggestion, which fits well with the 'sub Val. Max. 1.1.12). According to Cicero, the spot was lanicolo' expression in the cited ancient sources as not far from the ara Fontis, lm/famous altar to sacred well as with the location of the springs in the region. springs on the Ianiculum (Cle., Leg. Man. 2.56; OCD a.H. 1436-37). The location of this altar is also controver- P. Uverani, s.v. "Sepulcrum: Numa Pompilius:' LTUR IV, 292. sial. A shrine dedicated to Fans in A.D. 70 was found J. Aronen, s.v. "Fons/Fontus, ara, aedes:' LTUR II,256. in 1914 under the current Ministry of Public E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Ager L. Petilli:' LTUR I, 26. Education building on Via del Re (Mancini). While Richardson 4, 152-53. some scholars suggest that this must be a later monu- S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere:' MAAR 17 (1940) 26- mentalization of the cult at the same spot (Aronen, Rodriguez Almeida), others are more critical of the 56. discovery (Savage 30-31; Richardson 152-53). G. Mancini, "Roma: nuove scoperte nella citta e nel suburbio," NSc Richardson (4 and 152) suggests an alternative 1914, 362-63. Catalogue of entries
argument in favor of this location is its slight rise; At present the evidence for the location of the however, one would expect little building rubble left amphitheater of Statilius Taurus is far from conclus- after a largely wooden theater burnt, thus the ive; the location near the Monte dei Cenci offers the amphitheater need not be associated with any of the best fit for the available data. This spot is near the Campus hillocks. Further, Monte Giordano is too far three theaters of the SW Campus and offers sufficent removed from the three theaters in the SW Campus to space for an amphitheater, which, however modest, be the site of Strabo's amphitheater. still required a sizeable site (for an impression, see the Berlin Model, where the amphitheater is placed at Richardson takes a different approach and analy- about this point). Since this proposal is tentative, the zes evidence related to the fire of A.D. 64 (11). Since monument is only denoted with an index number on the three stone theaters mentioned by Strabo all ourrnap. survived the blaze unscathed while the amphitheater burned, Richardson posits that it must have stood in A.Viscogliosi,s.v."AmphitheatrumStaliliiTauri,"LTUR 1,36-37. the SE Campus Martius, specifically in the *Aemiliana (2), an area destroyed during the second outbreak of Richardson3, II. the fire (Tac., Ann. 15.40). More specifically, Richard- Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 546. son suggests a location E of the Via Flaminia and Nof r-c. Golvin,L'amphithecitre ramain I (1988) 52-53. the *Pallacinae: Street (near the S end of the modern M.Conticellode'Spagnolis,II tempia dei Diascuri ne! Circa Flaminia Piazza dei SS. Apostoli). Two factors complicate this (Rome1985). proposal; first, Richardson's suggested location lies V.Jolivet,"Lesjardinsde Pompee:nouvelleshypotheses,"MEFRA well outside the Circus Flaminius. Second, the Tacitus 95 (1983) 115-38, esp. 124-26, 13I. passage is ambiguous and could refer to either of two T.P.Wiseman,"TheCircusF1aminius,"PBSR 42 (1974) 3-26, esp. Aemiliana neighborhoods, one in the Campus Martius IO-1I. or the other along the Tiber S of the Forum Bovarium G. MarchettiLonghi,"Nuoviaspetti delia topografiadell'antico [1]). (*Aemiliana CampoMarziodi Roma:CircaF1aminio0 teatrodi Balbo?" MEFRA 82 (1970) 117-58:
ANIOVETUS The second aqued uct of Rome was begun in 272 Mari 1991, 168 ft.). The terminal distribution tank of B.C.during the censorship of M.' Curius Dentatus and the Anio Vetus was discovered in 1972 underneath L.(?) Papirius Praetextatus (Frontin., Aq. 6.1). It was the church of S. Vito (Santa Maria Scrinari). repaired by Q. Marcius Rex in 144 B.C.(Frontin., Aq. Frontinus mentions a subsidiary line to the Anio 7.1; Pliny, NH 36.121), by Agrippa in 33 B.C.(Frontin., Vetus (Aq. 21.2), the specus Octavianus, but the precise Aq. 9.9), and by Augustus between 11 and 4 B.C. date, course, and function of this line are all uncertain (Frontin., Aq. 125; CIL VI 1243, 31558; ct. RG 20.2). (ct. Evans 78-79; contra, Lanciani). The entire course of the Anio Vetus within the city ran underground, but from the description of Frontinus, Evans,Water distribution (1994) 75-82. inscriptions recording Augustus' restoration and remains of the canal itself, we can trace its course Z. Mari,s.v."AnioVetus,"LTUR 1,44-45. (Evans). It approached the city from the E near the Z. Mari,"Nuovicippidegli acquedottianiensi,"PBSR 59 (1991) *Spes Vetus (Lanciani, FUR pI. 32) and ran along the 151-75. ridge of the *Esquiliae toward the *Porta Viminalis V.SantaMariaScrinari,"Brevinolisugliscavisottola chiesadi S. (Lanciani, FUR pI. 24), turning sharply underneath the Vito,"ArchLaz 2 (1979) 61-62. modern Stazione Termini (Lanciani, FUR pI. 17) to run R.Lanciani,I commentarii di Frontino intomo Ie acque e gli acquedotti SE toward the *Porta Esquilina (Frontin., Aq. 21.3; ct. (Rome1881; repro1975) 264-67.
ApOLLOMEDICUS/SOSIANUS,AEDES map index 33 ,- The Temple of Apollo, specifically of Apollo also known as Apollo Sosianus (Plirly, NH 13.53, Medicus (Livy 40.51.6: aedem Apollinis Medici, for 36.28: in templo Apollinis Sosiani), the temple was one 179 B.C.; though often simply called aedes Apollinis, of the most richly-decorated in Rome. e.g., Livy 4.29.7), was situated outside the *Servian The cult of Apollo Medicus had long been an Wall 'between the *Forum Holitorium and the *Circus architectural presence on the site, since in 433-431 Flaminius' (Asc., Tog. cando 70 Stangl: inter forum B.C. it was vowed and dedicated by the consul C.
33). This tetrastyle-diastyle Temple of Apollo and the *Theatrum Marcelli, so the access to the (probably the one mentioned in Vitr., De Arch. 3.3.4) pronaos was through two flights of small stairs on was excavated in part below the Augustan phase of either side of the podium. the temple (Viscogliosi 1996,15-33,pI. 1-3). The excavations in 1997 at the Augustan street Well-preserved remains document, undisputedly, level between the Temple of Apollo and the Theater of the complete rebuilding of the temple by C. Sosius Marcellus identified the circular foundations of the following a new design, probably after his victory in so-called Perirrhanterion resting upon the Augustan Judea in 34 B.C.; this dating is primarily based on pavement, suggesting that this Julio-Claudian/Flavian stylistic analysis of the building's splendid architec- monument might have had a predecessor on the very tural decoration (Viscogliosi, LTUR 50-51). The spot at the time of Augustus, but for the moment the pictorial narratives of the internal frieze suggest that archaeological evidence still seems to be rather flimsy Augustus may have been responsible for the comple- (La Rocca, LTUR 79-80). tion of the project, presumably after his triumphs in 29 B.C.;otherwise C. Sosius must have re-oriented his E. La Rocca, s.v. "Perirrhanterion," LTUR IV, 79-80. ideology for this narrative program (La Rocca 1985, A. Viscogliosi, II Tempio di Apollo in Circa e la jormaziol1e del 83-102; id. 1988, 122-23). lil1guaggio archilettol1ico augusteo (Rome 1996). The Augustan temple was a pseudo-peripteral tem- A. Viscogliosi, S.v. "Apollo, aedes in Circo," LTUR I, 49-54. ple with a deep hexastyle pronaos, built on top of a E. La Rocca, "Der Apollo-Sosianus-Tempel," in Kaiser Augustus high, opus quadratum tufa masonry podium with an (1988) 121-29. opus caementicium tufa core (Viscogliosi 1996, 35-43, E. La Rocca (ed.), Amazzol1omachia. Le scuIture jrol1tol1ali del tempio di esp. fig. 40 and pi. 5; excavated in 1937-38,see Colini). Apollo Sasial1a (Rome 1985). No staircase was designed in front of the temple, A.M. Coliill, II tempia di Apollo (Rome 1941). probably due to the limited space between the fa<;ade
ApOLLO, TEMPLUM (PALATIUM) map index 208 Temple of Apollo built on the SW *Palatine by Claridge argues that its monumental fa<;:adewas Augustus (RG 19: templumque Apollinis in Palatio cum oriented to the NE, that is, toward the street leading to porticibus ... feci) and considered one of his most the house of Augustus (1998, 131; LTUR 225). magnificient buildings (Vell. Pat. 2.81.3).In antiquity, Elevated on a high podium of opus caementicium and the sanctuary was known as a templum (RG 19; Yell. opus quadratum of tufa and travertine, the temple was Pat., loc. cit.; Suet., Aug. 29.3), and, occasionally, as an reached by a lengthy staircase. The opus quadratum aedes (Prop. 4.6.11: Palatini ... Apollinis aedem; this superstructure was constructed entirely of Carrara rare poetic form, Apollo Palatinus, has been awarded (Luna) marble (Gros 56). The early-Augustan date undeserved prominence by its use in scholarship) or a suggested by the literary evidence is supported by the delubrum (Pliny, NH 36.32: in Palatino Apollinis archaeological finds; for instance, a Corinthian delubro). Construction probably began in 36 B.C.fol- column fragment dates stylistically to the beginning of lowing Octavian's victory at Naulochos over Sextus the Augustan era (Bauer 183-204).Further, either the Pompey and was soon mirrored by C. Sosianus, who temple or the Portico of the Danaids (*Porticus: rebuilt the Temple of *Apollo Medicus around 34 B.C. Apollo) was adorned with polychrome terracotta After the battle at Actium in 31 B.C.,Augustus' temple relief plaques dating to 36-28 B.C. (Gros 56). The became an ex voto of the victory of Octavian over pediment was decorated with Archaic Greek statues Marc Antony (Gros 54) and was dedicated on 9 made of Parian marble attributed to the 6th-c. B.C. October 28 B.C.(Dio Casso53.1.3;Degrassi, Inser. Ital. Chian SCUlptorsBupalos and Athenis (Gros 54; Pliny, 13.2,209). NH 36.4.13). Additional decoration is attested in Propertius (2.31.11-14),who reports that the central Tradition holds that the temple was built on land acroteria represented the chariot of Helios, and that Augustus had intended for his residence (*Domus: the double doors of the cella were decorated with Augustus), but consecrated to Apollo following the interpretation of the haruspices (soothsayers) after the ivory reliefs depicting the Celtic attack on Delphi and spot had been struck by a thunderbolt (Suet., Aug. the myth of the Niobids. The altar of the temple may have been located to the S in the *Area Apollinis, 29.3; Dio. Casso 49.15.5). The remains of the temple have long been connected with Jupiter (e.g., Lanciani, where the Severan Marble Plan preserves an image of a cruciformmonument (RodriguezAlmeida) FUR pi. 29: 'Aedes Iovis Propugnator. in Palatio: on this Richardson) but were only correctly identified in The temple formed an integral part of a group of the 1960s after the investigations of Lugli and the Augustan buildings on the SW Palatine, which includ- excavations conducted by Carettoni 1967; id. 1978; ed ~ own residence, an open terraced area framed by Gros 56). porticoes (s.v. Area Apollinis; Porticus: Apollo), and The temple is hexastyle, pseudo-peripteral, and has the Greek and Latin Library (*Bibliotheca Latina an almost square cella (20.5 x 19 m). Though most Graecaque). Excavations revealed that the temple was accept that the temple faced the *Circus Maximus, situated just E of Augustus' residence which physi- Catalogue of entries
BALNEUM (COLLIS HORTULORUM) map index 61 Remains of a private Republican bath-house, con- its shape, size, fixtures and decorative motifs suggest it sisting of a circular room with two semicircular served as part of a private balneum, possibly niches, are preserved in the cellar of no. 111 Via associated with a residential villa (Fiorini 56-57). Sistina, on the S slope of the *Collis Hortulorum. The E.A.D. mosaic decoration, wall-paintings and opus incertum C. Fiorini, "Edificio BASILICA IULIA The monumental basilica along the S side of the basilicae Iuliae). *Forum, between the *Yicus lugarius and *Yicus Only the pavement and the foundations of the Tuscus, begun by Caesar c.54 B.C (d. Cic., Att. 4.16.8) basilica's pillars have survived, but the broad dimen- to replace the Basilica Sempronia of 169 B.C (Giuliani sions of the structure are clear (LTU R I, fig. 93). and Yerduchi) was dedicated unfinished in 46 B.C Restorations to the Basilica lulia by Diocletian Ger., Ab Abr. 1971) and later completed by Augustus (Chron. 148) and by the urban prefect Gabinius (RG 20.3). This basilica burned (12 B.C?) and was Yettius Probianus in either A.D. 377 or 416 (CIL YI rebuilt by Augustus and dedicated in the names of his 1156b, 1658, 31884-86)do not appear to have altered adopted sons Gaius and Lucius in A.D. 12 (RG 20.3; the dimensions of the Augustan Basilica lulia, part of Suet., Aug. 29.4); later references show that the name which is represented on the Severan Marble Plan basilica Gai et Luci did not achieve currency (d. Mart. (Carettoni et al., Pianta pI. 21; Rodriguez Almeida, 6.38.6; Stat., Silv. 1.1.129). This rebuilding probably Forma pI. 13,frags. 18b,c,d). engulfed the lacus Servilius (La Regina), a monumental fountain which Festus located (in the past tense) 'at A. La Regina, s.v. "Lacus Servilius," LTUR ill, 172-73. the beginning of the Yicus lugarius, adjacent to the Basilica lulia' (370: in principio vici Iugari, continens C.F. Giuliani and P. Verduchi, s.v. "Basilica Iulia," LTUR I, 177-79. BASILICA PAULLI map index 143 The basilica along the N side of the *Forum, In front of the basilica ran the *Porticus Gai et opposite the *Basilica lulia was rebuilt c.54 B.C by L. Luci (Mattern; Richardson), a series of 15 shops Aemilius Paull us (Cic., Att. 4.16.8; App., B Civ. 2.26; (tabernae) and a two-storey arcaded portico which Plut., Caes. 29.3) to replace the Basilica Fulvia of 179 effectively shielded the BasilicaPaulli from the Forum. B.C (Livy 40.51.5), and referred to after 54 B.C as Excavations have revealed most of the ground-plan of Basilica Paulli (with only two exceptions: Yarro, the two structures (LTUR I, fig. 102), segments of Ling. 6.4: Basilica Aemilia et Fulvia; Pliny, NH 35.13: which are represented on the Severan Marble Plan Basilica Aemilia). The rebuilt basilica of 54 B.C, (Carettoni et al., Pianta pI. 21; Rodriguez Almeida, which maintained the axis of the Basilica Fulvia and Forma pI. 13, frag. 16e). its dimensions to the S toward the Forum and to the N toward the *Macellum, while shortening its extension T. Mattern, "Die Bauphasen der friihkaiserzeitlichen Basilica along its E-W axis (Bauer), was dedicated in 34 B.C Aemilia," Boreas 20 (1997) 33-41. by Paullus' son, L. Aemilius Paull us Lepidus (Dio H. Bauer, s.v. "Basilica PauI(I)i," LTUR 1,183-87. Casso 49.42.2). This basilica burned in 14 B.C and Richardson 54-56. was restored by Augustus and the friends of Paullus H. Bauer, "Basilica Aemilia," in Kaiser Augustus (1988) 200-12. (Dio Casso54.24.2-3); it was restored again in A.D.22 E.M. Steinby, "II lato orientale del Foro Romano," Aretos 21 (1987) by M. Aemilius Lepidus (Tac.,Ann. 3.72). 167-84 BELLONA, AEDES map index 34 A large Temple of Bellona, the archaic Roman ted just outside the pomerium, it was a favorable place goddess of war, stood immediately E of the Temple of for the senate to meet, especially to receive generals on *Apollo Medicus. The temple was vowed in 296 B.C their return from military campaigns (Yiscogliosi, by Appius Claudius Caecus during a battle with the LTUR 191). In 79 B.C, the consuls Appius Claudius Etruscans and Samnites and dedicated after his vic- Pulcher and P. Servilius Yatia Isauricus placed the tory (Livy 10.19.17; Ov., Fast. 6.199-208; De Nuccio imagines clipeatae of their ancestors in the temple 71). Archaeological evidence suggests that the temple (Pliny, NH 35.12: in Bellonae aede). The special con- was rebuilt at the time of Augustus, probably along nection between the temple and the Claudian family is with the aedes Apollinis (La Rocca 1987, 366). Loca- perhaps further supported by the proximity of their Catalogue of entries tombs on the W slope of the *Capitolium (Viscogliosi, traced by La Rocca (LTUR 300-1; id. 1993, fig. 2 and LTUR 191), but the location of this seplllcrllm is not 23-24), who identifies this spot with the Columna certain (*Sepulcrum: Gens Claudia). Bellica. Literary sources associate this column with middle- and late-Republican jetiales, a ritual declara- The remains of the temple were discovered in Piaz- tion of war, which took place before the Temple of za Montanara in the course of demolition work in Bellona, since that area was considered foreign terri- 1932-33, and were excavated in 1938-39 (Colini, esp. tory after the collective memory of the 3rd-c. B.C.war fig. 1). They were convincingly identified with the against Pyrrhus (Serv., ad Aen. 9.52; Wiedemann 480- Temple of Bellona by Coarelli through an association 82). The ritual was revived at the time of Augustus with fragments of the Severan Marble Plan depicting (Ov., Fast. 6.205) and involved throwing a spear, the temple (Coarelli; Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 23, presumably over the column, which marked Rome's frags. 31d,e; d. Ziolkowski). The peripteral, hexastyle border with the symbolic foreign territory. temple had a deep pronaos and was raised on a high platform (De Nuccio fig. 4; Viscogliosi 1995, fig. 1). M.DeNuccio,"TempiodiBellona:studipreliminarV'ArchLaz 12 The podium had a concrete core with a mixed aggregate of tufa, which dates to the Augustan period; (1995) 71-77. its encasing opus quadratum masonry has been com- A. Viscogliosi,"AdaedemApollonis,"ArchLaz 12 (1995) 79-92. pletely robbed, and very little survives of the marble A.Viscogliosi,s.v."Bellona,aedesin circo,"LTUR I, 190-92. architectural decoration of the superstructure (De E.LaRocca,s.v."ColumnaBellica,"LrUR I, 300-1. Nuccio). An L-shaped peperino portico enveloped the E. LaRocca,"DuemonumentiapiantacircolareincircoFlaminio:iI NW edge of the precinct, both defining the compound of perirrhanterion e la columna Bel/ica," in R.T.Scott and A. the Temples of Apollo and Bellona, and screening the ReynoldsScott(edd.),Eius virtutis studiosi: Classical and post- rising slopes of the Capitoline hill. Based on the dating Classical studies in memory of Frank Edward Brown (Washington of the sporadic pieces of architectural decoration, it is 1993) 17-29. suggested that the temple was reconstructed roughly in Ziolowski,Temples (1992) 18-19. the same years with the renovations of the Temple of E. La Rocca,"L'adesionesenatorialeal 'consensus';i modi delia Apollo Medicus, and was probably dedicated by propagandaaugustea e tiberiana nei monumenti 'in circo Appius Claudius Pulcher (also known as Appius Flaminio',"in CUrbs (1987) 347-72. Maior), consul of 38 B.C., in the year 33 or 32 B.C. T.Wiedemann,"Thefetiales: a reconsideration,"CQ 36 (1986) 478- after his triumph over Spain (La Rocca 366). 90. On the Augustan travertine pavement directly in F.Coarelli,"IITempiodiBellona,"BuliCom 80 (1965-67) 37-72. front of the platform of the Temple of Bellona, and A.M.Colini,"ScopertepressoPiazzaCampitelli,"Capitol him 16 adjacent to the porticoes of the *Theatrum Marcelli, (1941) 385-93. the footprint of a "roughly circular" monument was BELLONAPut VINENSIS,AEDES map index 82 Sanctuary of the Cappadocian goddess Ma, who *Campus Sceleratus (LVCVS:CIL VI 2232; PVLVINVS:CIL was assimilated to Bellona in Rome, located inside the VI 490). Palmer (659) postulates that the shrine stood *Porta Collina and known only from epigraphic and atop the area of the Campus Sceleratus, based upon a literary.evidence. The goddess Bellona of this temple place-name 'Centumcellae' which he suggests derived was known by two epithets: PVLVINENSIS(CIL VI 490) from an exaggeration of the number of subterranean and PEDISEQVA(CIL VI 3674=30851). Palmer (657) rooms used for the burial of unchaste Vestal Virgins. plausibly argues that the temple was dedicated by L. Since the toponym could also refer to the extensive Cornelius Sulla to commemorate his victory over the system of chambers created during the mining of Samnites at the Colline Gate in 82 B.C. Martial pozzolana in this area of the Quirinal (Canevari 433- (12.57.9-11) complains that the noisy racket of an 35), Palmer's placement of the shrine on the Campus inspired throng of Bellona's worshippers on the Sceleratus is almost certainly over-restrictive. *Quirinal deprived him of sleep. Viscogliosi (LTUR I) was not aware of Palmer's More detailed information on the temple's date, site research, and erroneously located the temple on the mons Vaticanus (s.v. *Trans Tiberim); his addendum and architectural form can be derived from the epi- acknowledges the agger near the Porta Collina as a graphic evidence. Inscriptions uncovered during the 1872 excavations for the Ministero delle Finanze possible location for the aedes (LTUR V). locate the *Vicus Bellonae near the Porta Collina, and it is likely that the temple stood near the eponymous A.Viscogliosi,s.v."BellonaPulvinensis,aedes,"LrUR V,231- neighbourhood (Palmer 658-59; CIL VI 3674=30851). A.Viscogliosi,s.v."BellonaPulvinensis,aedes,"LrUR I, 193-94. The shrine was located within a grove and placed on Richardson 58. a pu[vinus, "a terraced embankment with building and RE.A. Palmer,"TheneighborhoodofSullanBellonaatthe Colline plantings" (Palmer 660), near the Porta Collina and Gate," MEFRA 87 (1975) 653-65. Catalogue of entries Immediately S of the *Basilica Paulli, near the in the lower *Velabrum and across the *Forum Bova- sacellllm of *Cloacina, the Cloaca Maxima is joined by rium is well known (d. Cressedi), and was first drainage from the *Sacra Via; from this point the mapped in the 19th c. Recently, Bauer has made correc- course traverses the Forum in an oblique line, flowing tions to the early plan; these have been integrated on underneath the *Basilica Iulia parallel to the *Vicus our map (d. LTUR I, fig. 120). Tuscus (Bauer, LTUR). H. Bauer,s.v."Cloaca,CloacaMaxima,"LTUR I, 288-90. Just S of the *Forum Romanum is a section of the C. MorselliandE.Tortorici,Curia, Forum [uhum, Forum Transitorium Cloaca built in OpllS caementicium; this appears to be a post-Augustan insertion, probably occasioned by the (Rome1989)49. construction of the Julio-Claudian Temple to the G. Cressedi,"IIForoBoarioe il Velabro,"BullCom 89 (1984)257, Divine Augustus (Bauer, LTUR 289). In the absence of 265,285-87. a better source, the course of the Augustan cloaca is H. Bauer,"PorticusAbsidiata,"Rom Mitt 90(1983)116-19,pI.61-2. reconstructed as a straight line between the known P. Narducci,Sulla fognatura della citta di Roma (Roma1889)39-49, end-points of the older structure. The path of the drain 59-70. map index 189 Discharge point of a drain partially preserved in only the upper portion of the opening survives, so its the 19th-c. Tiber embankments (*Tiberis: Grand full extent and course are unknown (no remains have Embankment) between those of the *Cloaca Maxima been unearthed within the *Forum Bovarium). The and the *"Cloaca Circi Maximi" (Cressedi 262-65, preserved portions are of Grotta Oscura tufa figs. 6-8), hence the modern name "Cloaca Mediana" (Cressedi 265), so the cloaca appears to be of (Middle Drain). This drain probably served to collect Republican date. rainwater from the open space of the *Forum Bova- rium (Cressedi 265). Late 19th-c. investigations found G. Cressedi,"IIForoBoarioe il Velabro,"BullCom 89 (1984)249- the drain obstructed just within its mouth, and today 96,esp.264-65,no.16. CLOACINA,SACRUM map index 147 A small, circular shrine in the *Forum dedicated to (Livy 3.48.5), probably at the spot where the Cloaca Cloacina, the divinity of the *Cloaca Maxima, later entered the Forum (Coarelli), and can be securely identified with Venus (d. Pliny, NH 15.119). It is first identified with the circular marble base (LTUR I, fig. mentioned near the beginning of the 2nd c. B.C. by 168) discovered in front of the *Porticus Gai et Luci Plautus (Cllrc. 471: aplld Cloacinae sacrllm). The (d. LTUR I, fig. 102). shrine, depicted on coins of c.42 B.C.(RRC 494/42b), was located in front of the Republican tabernae novae A swampy terrain in *Trans Tiberim, mentioned by *Tiber near the modern Ponte Principe Amedeo (CIL VI Paulus (in Festus 34, 50: Codeta appellatllr ager 30422.3; Coarelli; d. Richardson, who points out that transtiberim quod in eo virgulta nascuntllr ad caudarllm this may also refer to the Codeta minor of the *Campus equinarum similitlldine). The Regionary Catalogues Martius). Scagnetti uses this evidence to locate the list it as campus Codetanlls in Regio XIV: Transtiberim. Codeta NW of the *"Villa Farnesina", just S of the Lanciani locates it under present-day Via Morosini, narrow area between the *Ianiculum and the Tiber; W of ViaIe di Trastevere and extends it to the NE however, our map follows Lanciani's location of the (FUR pI. 33), which places it within the marshland of ager with its connection to the Naumachia. the *Naumachia. A late-Republican boundary stone with the inscription FINEIS[clAvDETAwas found in the F.Coarelli,s.v."Codeta,"LTUR I,29l. Richardson92. COHORTESVIGILUM:STATlONES Barracks (stationes) and watchstations (excubi- 55.26.4-5), surviving into the 4th c. A.D. The 7 cohorts toria) serving the 7 cohorts of urban watchmen, a force were systematically distributed across the city, each organized by Augustus in A.D. 6 (earlier attempts to responsible for two regions; according to the late- organize the city's fire brigades: 22 B.C., Dio Casso antique Regionary Catalogues, they were stationed in 54.2.4; 7 B.C., 55.8.6-7). The vigiles (watchmen) were Regiones VII, V, VI, XII, II, VIII, and XIV, respectively. originally comprised solely of freedmen (probably The more precise areas of responsibility remain, how- c.500 men, Robinson 106-7, 185) and were organized ever, "uncertain and controversial" (Ramieri 292), as within the framework of the *Regiones Quattuordecim; does the existence of purpose-built barracks in the this system proved to be a lasting success (Dio Casso Augustan era (Robinson 107, Rainbird 153-56, Baillie Catalogue of entries K.L.Gleason,"Porticus Pompeiana: a new perspectiveon the R.Etienne,"Lacuriede Pompeeet la mort de Cesar:' in M. first public park of ancient Rome," Journal of Garden Barbier(ed.),Hommage ii la memoire de Jerome Carcopino History 14(1994)15-16,withfig.3. (Paris1977)77. A.M.Reggiani,"Ipotesidi recuperodel theatrodi Pompeo:' in Roma, archeologia nel centro II (1985)375fig.6. E EMPORIUM The late-Republican and early-Imperial urban despite excavations in the N end of the area between trading port and industrial warehouse area, was 1915 and 1925 (Gatti 1934, pI. II). For the S half of the located SW of the *Aventine hill and bordered by the area, some warehouse structures are preserved on the bending course of the *Tiber to the W, the line of the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. Servian Wall to the SE, and the *Via Ostiensis to the 16, frag. 24 c,d; Scagnetti). Of these, a rather signifi- NE. The area witnessed a significant urban transfor- cant building was excavated in 1920-25: a perforated mation from the 2nd c. B.C.through the 1st c. A.D.in brick structure, built on the same level as the street order to serve as the developing emporium of the city that separated it from the Porticus Aemilia (Gatti (Rodriguez Almeida, Etienne, Castagnoli). Recent 1934, 142;id. 1960,82). Even though its date is uncer- debate on the so-called *"Porticus Aemilia" enables us tain, its topographical relationship with the other to put forward a gradual topographical shift of warehouses may suggest it was constructed concur- Rome's urban commercial port from the *Forum Bova- rently. Republican walls in opus incertum were found rium area towards the Emporium during this time per- in the Piazza dell'Emporio in 1934 and thus allude to iod (for further discussion, see below and Porticus the dense urban fabric in the area (Gatti 1934, 142). Aemilia [Emporium]). In addition to the street that paralleled the Porticus Livy provides evidence for the construction of a Aemilia on its Tiber side and the Via Ostiensis which series of porticoes and embankments 'outside the ran along the foot of the Aventine, excavated remains *Porta Trigemina' in the first quarter of the 2nd c. B.C. allow the reconstruction of a major artery in the (Livy 35.10.12: porticum ... extra portam Trigeminam, Emporium area that united the warehouse structures emporio ad Tiberim adiecto, 40.51.6, 41.27.8: extra por- along the Tiber (Lanciani, FUR pI. 40). Following the tam Trigeminam emporium). In contrast, archaeolo- bending course of the river, this street ran toward the gical and epigraphic evidence shows that the large- S between the Porticus Aemilia and Horrea Galbana, scale warehouse structures surviving into the time of passed by the Horrea Seiana and continued all the Augustus were extensively built through the first half way to the *Horrea Lolliana and the complex of of the 1st c. B.C. (see fig. 12; s.v. *Horrea Galbana, structures laid out in a rectangular plan parallel to *Horrea Lolliana, *Horrea Seiana, Porticus Aemilia this street. [Emporium]). Thus the formulaic expression 'extra At the time of Augustus the entire area must al- portam Trigeminam' used by ancient sources must ready have already been developed into a vast indus- have indicated the earlier porticoes built on the W trial and commercial zone, balanced by the line of slopes of the Aventine along the Tiber and the modem- warehouse structures across the Tiber (s.v. *Trans day Lungotevere Aventino (often referred to as "Vial Tiberim). The Berlin model not only misplaces the Vicus Portae Trigeminae", both unattested street- large warehouse structure, the Porticus Aemilia, but names coined by modem topographers, e.g., LTUR III, also disregards the street system and the architectural fig. 190 and Scagnetti 7E; also Richardson 1976, 59; form of the courtyard-type warehouse structures (s.v. Richardson 1992,310-11). The embankments excava- Horrea Galbana, Honea Lolliana). The *Monte ted along this street demonstrated that the movement of Testaccio is likewise erroneously represented as if it the major commercial port from the *Forum Bovarium were a natural hill and according to its state of area to the Emporium was gradual (Nash). deposition in very late antiquity, or perhaps even The lower levels of the recently excavated multi- today. This artificial hill must have been a minor terraced embankments to the NW of the Porticus feature in the Emporium cityscape, and was probably Aemilia date to the mid-1st c. AD. and were construc- pyramidal in overall form. Yet, a monumental late- ted directly over the Republican embankments. These Republican tomb of the Rusticelii family (*Sepulcrum: tufa opus quadratum quays stretched from the *Porta Rusticelii) on the S side of the amphora mound indica- Trigemina to the bend of the Via Ostiensis, and were tes the importance of the area. probably work of the 2nd c. B.C. (Meneghini 436; Mocchegiani Carpano 1981, 146 f.; id. 1985, 86-88). F.Castagnoli,Topografia antica (Roma1993)593-607. Not much is known about the dates and nature of the C.MocchegianiCarpano,s.v."Emporium,"LTUR 1,221-23. smaller-scale warehouse structures that lay between Richardson143-44,310-11. the Porticus Aemilia and the Tiber embankments, Catalogue of entries R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique et C. MocchegianiCarpano, "Indagini archeologiche nel Teve- espace economique a I'Emporium de Rome," in L'Urbs re," ArchLaz 4 (1981) 143-55. (1987) 235-49. 1. Richardson, "The evolution of the Porticus Octaviae," R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio," in Roma, A/A 80 (1976) 57-64. archeologia nel centro IT (1985) 433-4l. Nash I, 380-86. C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "Lungotevere Testaccio:resti del G. Gatti, "Porticus Aemilia-Horrea Galbana," in Carettoni et porto fluviale," Bul/Com 90 (1985) 86-88. aI., Pianta (1960) 81-82. E.Rodriguez Almeida, II Monte Testaccio (Rome1984) 28-33. G. Gatti, "Saepta Iulia e Porticus Aemilia nella Forma Severiana," Bul/Com 62 (1934) 123-49. ESQUILIAE The Esquiline hill (Esquiliae: Varro, Ling. 5.50; pits and hortuli outside the *Porta Esquilina (Clu. 37). Livy 1.44.3; only gradually known as Esquilinus We also hear of 'hollows, garden walls, tombs and mons: Erkell), lay between the *Viminal and *Caelian sunken lanes' (Livy, 26.10.6; trans I. Wiseman). This and consisted of two large spurs which extended into area has thus been characterized by Wiseman as a the city: the *Cispian and *Oppian, the W tip of which place of work and leisure. The aristocratic horti, was called *Carinae. The area within the *Servian which covered most of this area, included villa archi- Wall was mostly covered with dense urban develop- tecture on a lavish scale, but only within the larger ment; Panella suggests shops and insulae inhabited by context of a landscaped park setting (s.v. *Esquiline the lower classes along the main streets in the valleys, Horti). The *Campus Viminalis was an open space, but with aristocratic houses on the slopes and high there was limited urban development in the *Campus ground, such as the house of Vedius Pollio, inherited Esquilinus. Commercial activity is attested epigraphi- by Augustus in 15 B.C. and converted into the *Porti- cally in the grove of *Libitina, and there was an cus Liviae. Juvenal also mentions aristocratic housing Augustan structure in opus reticulatum under the later on the Esquiline Ouv. 3.71-72). Dionysius of Halicar- Nymphaeum Alexandri (Tedeschi Grisanti). Its func- nassus (Ant. Rom. 4.13.3) implies that the Esquiline tion is unknown, but has been interpreted as a was heaVily built up within the walls, though it is not nymphaeum (Hauber 99). This area of low-density clear how best to interpret his testimony that there housing did not extend far, since extra-urban tombs was also dense housing in the area beyond the walls along the roads leading out of the city are attested (4.13.4-5; s.V. *Muri; *Continentia). This area was quite close to the walls, notably the tomb of L. Consi- certainly different. Cicero, in 66 B.C.,speaks of sand- dius Gallus on the *Via Tiburtina (Lanciani, FUR pI. Catalogue of entries should instead be located in the SW Campus Martius, RB. Lloyd, "The Aqua Virgo, Euripus and Pons Agrippae," N of the Pons Agrippae where it would have been fed AJA 83 (1979)193-204. entirely by the Aqua Virgo. There is no evidence that F. Coarelli,"II Campo Marzio occidentale. Storia e topogra- the Euripus was the boundary of the pomerium in the fia,"MEFRA 89 (1977)807-46. W Campus Martius as early as the Augustan period G. Lugli,ltinerario di Roma antica (Rome1970)446. (Boatwright 489 n.16; contra, Coarelli 1977, 819-22, Blake,Roman construction II (1959)36. 830-37). G. Lugli,Monumenti antichi di Roma e suburbio III(Rome1938) 159-60. F.Coarelli,s.v. "Euripus," LTUR II,237-39. F.W. Shipley, Agrippa's building activities in Rome (St. Louis M. Boatwright, "The' Ara Ditis-Ustrinum of Hadrian' in the 1933)54n.99. western Campus Marhus," AJA 89 (1984)485-97. P. Romanelli,"Roma,ViaPaola," NSc 1931,314-45. S. Quilici-Gigli, "Estremo Campo Marzio. Alcune osserva- G. Gatti, "Ritrovamenti riguardanti la topografia e la zioni sulla topografia," AnalRom supp!' 10(1983)47-57. epigrafiaurbana," BullCom 15(1887)275-85. FAGUTAL The Fagutal was a small sacred area on the which see Erkell and Fridh) must have been lost. *Oppian; it is placed between the *Velia and *Subura Palombi locates the Fagutal further E at the findspot of by Festus (476: Fagu FAUNUS,AEDES map index 173 A temple was dedicated to Faunus, an ancient among scholars whether this expression should be Latin god of the forest and its prophetic voices (OCD interpreted as a temple to Jupiter and Faunus (Rich- 590), in 196 B.C. at the N end of the Tiber island ardson) or as separate temples for the two gods (Bru- (*Insula Tiberina; Ov., Fast. 2.193-94; Livy 33.42.10: cia 44). In any case, no archaeological remains can be aedem ... Fauni, 34.53.4; Degrassi; Richardson). It was associated with these structures (*Iuppiter Iurarius). vowed by the tribuni plebis, Cn. Domitius Aheno- a.H. barbus and C. Scribonius Curio, and dedicated by the D.Degrassi,s.v."Faunus, aedes," LTUR II,242. praetor urbanus of the time (Brucia). Vitruvius (De Richardson148. arch. 3.2.3) mentions the building as an example of the M.A. Brucia, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome (New tetrastyle, prostyle temple: huius exemplar est in insula York1990)44-48. Tiberina in aede Iovis et Fauni. There is disagreement FAVOR map index 72 A cult site dedicated to the little-known deity nam, thus may also have stood outside the *Servian Favor, recorded only in the fasti Praenestini, had its Wall on the *Via Salaria, perhaps near the present dies natalis on October 24th (Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, Via Belisario (papi). 135: F[A]VORI;d. 35 for the Fast. Arv.). It was listed in combination with *Venus Erycina extra portam Colli- Catalogue of entries FORNIX FABIANUS map index 137 An arch at the E end of the "Forum erected by Q. and 'before the Sacra Via between the Temple of Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus in 121 B.C.to commem- Faustina and the Temple of Vesta' (ante Sacram viam, orate a triumph over the Allobroges (Degrassi, Inser. inter templum Faustinae FORSFoRTUNA,FANUM map index 181 A Republican temple, or temples, dedicated to Fors which were discovered in 1888 near modern Via F. Fortuna in "Trans Tiberim, presumably somewhere Chiappini at the end of Viale Trastevere, are associa- along the "Via Campana (later via Portuensis), which ted with the cult of Fortuna, and thus may support this presents severe topographical problems. Two archaic location (Fiorelli). An excavation in 1939-40 explored temples of Fors Fortuna are known to have been built the area called 'Pietra Papa' on the bank of the Tiber on the Via Campana, one founded by Servius Tullius and revealed a podium, possibly built at the time of at the first milestone (Savage 31-35 esp. n.52, n.61; Tiberius, which was identified as one of the temples to Varro, Ling. 6.17: fanum Fortis Fortunae), and the Fors Fortuna (Iacopi 105-6; <.:ontraLe Gall). other by an unknown dedicator at the sixth milestone. Recently Coarelli (43-46) has identified the square- The latter is not to be considered here, since it falls shaped and possibly domed structure shown on the well outside the city. Two later temples to Fors For- NW corner of the well-located frag. 28 of the Severan tuna followed the early foundations mentioned above. Marble Plan as the aedes Fortis Fortunae (Rodriguez The first one is known from a contract dating to 293 Almeida, Forma pI. 20). It was traditionally thought to B.C.by Spurius Carvilius which specifically mentions represent a tomb (Gatti). The structure appears to a temple near that of Servius Tullius (Livy 10.46.14). have been built along a major street, usually identified The second was a new temple, or restoration, dedica- as the Via Campana, right across from the industrial ted in A.D. 16 by Tiberius within the confines of horrea structures. Since Coarelli's over-imaginative "Horti Caesaris (Tac., Ann. 2.41.1). suggestion lacks conclusive evidence and fails to Since the first milestone on Via Campana (as meas- resolve the topographic dilemma presented here, the ured from the "Pons Aemilius; cf. Scheid 642; Palmer location ofthe sanctuary to Fors Fortuna proposed by 370) would fall within the limits of the "Horti Caesa- Lanciani and Visconti is followed on our map, though ris, it is reasonable to think that all three temples to with reservations. Until disproven by further arch- the cult (i.e., those of Servius Tullius, Sp. Carvilius aeological evidence, there is no reason to believe the and Tiberius) may have been built within the same existence of more than one temple to Fors Fortuna neighborhood in S "Trans Tiberim; the later ones may around the first milestone. even represent the rebuilding(s) of the same fanum b.B. (Richardson; contra, Savage 33, Champeaux 201, who F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti, places Carvilius' temple at the sixth milestone). Tiber- Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis e ius' rebuilding also shows that the cult was active alcuni edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana," Ostraka upon the same site into the early 1st c. A.D. 1 (1992) 39-54. The archaeological evidence for these sanctuaries Richardson 154-55. is heavily debated (Champeaux 200 n.8). In 1860, the J. Champeaux, Fortuna: Ie cuIte de Ia fortune ii Rome et dans Ie concrete podium (20.5 x 12.75 m) of a distyle in antis monde romain (Rome 1982). temple and three architrave fragments were excavated R.E. Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome's near the first milestone of the Via Campana, close by Trastevere (southern sector)," ProcPhiiSoc 125 (1981) Vigna Bonelli or Costa (Monteverde), and about a 368-97. half mile away from Porta Portese (Visconti). Lanci- J. Scheid, "Note sur la Via Campana," MEFRA 88 (1976) ani, following the excavator, identified the temple as 639-67. that of Fors Fortuna, though without much decisive G. Gatti, "Trastevere," in Carettoni et al., Pianta (1960) 94-95. evidence (Lanciani and Visconti 27-28, pI. I; contra, J. Le Gall, Le Tibre, fleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite (Paris 1953) Palmer 381, who thinks that this structure is too far 271. from the river to be associated with Fors Fortuna). G. lacopi, "Scavi e scoperte presso il porto f1uviale di S. However, a set of 6th-c. B.C. bronze male figurines, Paolo," BuliCom 68 (1940) 97-107. Catalogue of entries S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 R. Lanciani and C.L. Visconti "I1 busto di Anacreonte (1940) 26-56, pI. 1-4. scopertonegli Orti di Cesare," BullCom 12 (1884) 25-38. G. Fiorelli, "Notizie degli scavi: Aprile," NSc 1888, 203-68, c.L. Visconti, "Escavazioni della Vigna Bonelli fuori della esp. 229-32. Porta Portese negli anni 1859 e 60," AdI 32 (1860) 415-50. map index 98 "FORTUNA" (QUIRINALIS) , Shrine of Fortuna, specifically of TUXTIEueA1ttl;, delIa Esposizione is followed), as is the Latin on the *Vicus Longus, believed to be founded by translation of the Greek epithet 'EU£A1ttC;;'(bonae spei, Servius Tullius. Plutarch describes the cult site both bene sperans, bona,felix, and tutela have all been pro- as an altar (~(j)~6c;;:De fort. Rom. 10) and as a shrine posed: see Aronen, who favors Spes). (iepov: Quaest. Rom. 74); it probably comprised an altar surrounded by an enclosure wall (Aronen). The F.Coarelli,s.v."Quirinaliscollis,"LTUR II,183. exact site of the shrine along the Vicus Longus is J. Aronen, s.v. "Fortuna (TuX!] EUEAlttC;),"LTUR II, 269. unknown (here, Coarelli's location near the Palazzo Richardson 156. FORTUNA EQUESTRIS, AEDES map index 28 Temple vowed and dedicated in the 2nd c. B.c. near appears to be a new problem, the temple had been the *Theater of Pompey in the *Campus Martius; no destroyed only very recently, perhaps in the fire of archaeological remains are extant and its exact loca- A.D.21 that severely damaged the Theatrum Pompeium tion is a matter of debate. Q. Fulvius Flaccus vowed (Tac., Ann. 3.72.4, 6.45.2). Finally, a notice from the temple in 180 B.C., when his Roman cavalry Obsequens (16) indicates this temple was at one end of bravely turned the tide in a battle against the Celti- a portico connected to the Temple of *Iuno Regina, berians (Livy 40.40.10, 44.9), and dedicated it at the which lies SEof the Theatrum Pompeium; assuming the end of his term as censor on 13 August 173 B.C. (Livy portico followed the line of the river and/or the 42.10.5; Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2,494-95). Vitruvius Circus Flaminius, we might comfortably locate the locates it near the stone theater (3.3.2: Fortunae Temple of Fortuna Equestris to the S of the theater as Equestris [sc. aedis] ad theatrum lapideum); since he well. On this evidence, then, the temple is assumed not wrote before 26 B.C., this could only have been the to have been located N of the theater, where the *Theatrurn Pompeium. Stagnum would have replaced it in the last quarter of the 1st c. B.c., but S of it, where it was destroyed in Pietila-Castren, following Coarelli (1981), A.D. 21; it is cautiously indicated in that area on our theorizes that this temple stood N of Pompey's theater map. and was destroyed when Agrippa built the *Stagnum E.].K. Agrippae. Richardson offers a different theory: in AD. 22 the Equestrian Order importuned Tiberius to help F.Coarelli,s.v. "Fortuna Equestris,aedes," LTUR IT, 268-69. them locate a Temple of Equestrian Fortune where Richardson 155. they could make votive offerings on behalf of Livia's L. Pietila-Castren, Magnificentia publica (CommHumLitt 84, failing health (Tac., Ann. 3.71.1); Richardson suggests Helsinki 1987) 113-16. that, since the lack of an appropriate shrine in Rome F. Coarelli, "Topografia e storia," in L'area sacra di Largo Argentina (Rome1981) 31. FORTUNA ET MATER MATUTA, AEDES map index 197 Twin temples dedicated to Fortuna and Mater Omobono as those of Fortuna and Mater Matuta Matuta located at the N border of the *Forum Bova- (Colini et al.; Pisani Sartorio, LTUR); further, archaeo- rium, just inside the *Porta Carmentalis (Livy logical evidence dates this site back to the Archaic 24.47.15-16, 25.7.6). Tradition held that both were period (Gjerstad), which corresponds well with the founded by Servius Tullius (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. tradition of the temples' foundation. The temples share 4.27.7, 4.40.7; Livy 5.19.6; Ov., Fast. 6.569-72, 6.613- a single, large platform and each has an altar in front 26), and the temples are often mentioned together (e.g., of it. Under the nave of S. Omobono is the aedes of Livy 33.27.3-4: in foro Bavaria ante Fortunae aedem et Mater Matuta, while the temple of Fortuna lay further Matris Matutae), even sharing a dedication day S. The visible temple remains seem to belong to the (Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 468-69). Since both temples reconstruction by Camillus in 212 B.C. (Livy 24.47.15, burned in the fire of 213 B.C.,which also damaged the 25.7.5-6;Sommella). *Forum Holitorium and *Porta Carmentalis, a location D.B. in that vicinity seems likely (Livy 24.47.15; d. *Spes, G. Pisani Sartorio, s.v. "Fortuna et Mater Matuta, aedes," Aedes). These factors led scholars to identify the twin LTUR II, 281-85. temples discovered in 1937 near the Church of S. Richardson155. Catalogue of entries cally joined to the Porticus Pompeianae, given the S.Orlandi, s.v. "PorticusLentulorum," LTUR IV,125-26. exedrae facing both Nand S along the dividing line Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997)552fig. 140. between the two, as shown on plans by Lanciani K.L.Gleason, "Porticus Pompeiana; a new perspective on the (FUR pI. 21), Gleason, and Coarelli (1997). The E end first public park of ancient Rome," Tournai of Garden of the Hecatostylum has been excavated by Marchetti- History 14(1994)16fig. 3. Longhi; plans of this excavated portion form the basis G. Marchetti-Longhi, "Gli scavi dell'area sacra del Largo for our map. Argentina. Evoluzione e trasformazione dell'area dei templi dall'eta imperiale all'inizio del medio evo," Bul/Com 82(1970-71)7-9,with general plan. HERCULES, ARA MAxIMA map index 194 A monumental altar to Hercules at the *Forum clearly not temple foundations but a solid mass" Bovarium, the oldest and most revered center of (Richardson 187) strikes a most important point (since Hercules' cult in Rome (e.g., av., Fast. 1.579-82: .., quae temples, among other buildings, typically do not show Maxima dicitur, aram; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.40.6, d. solid platforms but individual foundation walls). Our 1.39.4; Strabo 5.3.3) and also the alleged starting point map therefore accepts, with some caution, the identifi- for Romulus' delimitation of the pomerium (Tac., Ann. cation of this platform with the Ara Maxima. The 12.24; magnam Herculis aram). The altar's approxi- altar must have formed the focal point of an agglom- mate location and grand size can be deduced from eration of sanctuaries to Hercules in this area Servius, who mentions it as 'behind the gates of the (*Round Temple; Forum Bovarium; *Round Temple: Circus Maximus' (ad Aen. 8.271; post ianuas circi Tiberis). Its connection with the Invictus epithet of Maximi) and explains the epithet Maxima by citing Hercules is not explicitly attested and rests on the 'the magnitude of the structure' (ad Aen. 8.179: ara ... attested cult of Hercules Invictus ad circum Maximum quam Maximam dicit ex magnitudine jabricae). Diony- (Fast. Alif. and Amit.: Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 181, sius of Halicarnassus describes it as 'near' (1tATJcriov) 191) as well as a postulated temple of Hercules E of the Forum Bovarium and, while judging the construc- the altar (*Hercules Pompeianus, Aedes), combined tion inferior, stresses the altar's extremly high with a series of mid- to late-Imperial Hercules Invictus reputation; it was the place where 'oaths are taken inscriptions some 50 m N of it (s.v. Round Temple: and agreements made for sealing business transac- Forum Bovarium). tions' (Ant. Rom. 1.40.6; d. Ov., Fast. 1.581-82). The D.B., L.H. remains of a large, solidly built podium, exceeding 20 x F. Coarelli,s.v. "Hercules Invictus, ara Maxima," LTUR Ill, 30 m, of Anio tufa blocks with travertine facing under 15-17. the E part of S. Maria in Cosmedin (Cressedi; Kraut- A. Ziolkowski,"1limiti del Foro Boarioalia luce degli studi heimer) have convincingly been attributed to the altar recenti,"Athenaeum 82 (1994)195-96. (Coarelli 1988, 73: "malta probabile"; Tolotti 440-41, Richardson186-87. with a purely speculative superstructure; Coarelli, Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988)61-77. LTUR 17; contra, Ziolkowski, with reference to the E. Tolotti,"Sulliedifici antichi di S. Maria in Cosmedin," in 'inferior construction' mentioned by Dionysius of Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988)439-42. Halicarnassus). The objection by Richardson (187) that this place is "poorly located to be a turning point G.Cressedi,"IIforo Boarioed il Velabro," Bul/Com 89 (1984) in the pomerium of Romulus" hardly forms a valid 257fig.3,262-63no. 14a. argument, but his conclusion that the platform "is R. Krautheimer, Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae II (VaticanCity 1959)286-87with fig. 221. HERCULES CUBANS map index 180 A small aedicular sanctuary dedicated to Hercules wider sculptural assemblage from the area suggests Cubans in *Trans Tiberim, listed in the Notitia and the that the sanctuary existed from the 1st c. B.C.through Curiosum for Regio XIV: Transtiberim (Reg. Cats.; the end of the 3rd c. A.D. (Nash, Nista 13). This area is Herculem cubantem; Nista 13; Richardson; Savage 42 thought to have been situated within the limits of the n.149). In 1889, along Viale Trastevere some 600 m N *Horti Caesaris (Papi 56). of the Trastevere train station, a rock-carved aedicu- lar shrine of Hercules was excavated along with two E.Papi, s.v. "Hortl Caesaris," LTUR Ill, 55-56. inscribed altars and numerous sculptures (Marchetti). 1. Nista, s.v. "HerculesCubans, sacellum," LTUR Ill, 12-13. The inscriptions on the altars and on the epistyle of Richardson185. the rock-cut niche mention the dedication by L. Nash 1,figs.569-70. Domitius Permissus to Hercules (CIL VI 30891-92). A series of small tufa sculptures further secures the S.M.Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 (1940)26-56. identification of the cult with Hercules Cubans; the D.Marchetti,"ViaPortuense," NSc 1889,243-47. Catalogue of entries HORREAAGRIPPIANA map index 214 A massive warehouse built by Agrippa on the NW sort, and a later pavement in opus spicatum. Because slope of the "Palatine. Carandini has recently argued the Horrea Agrippiana also had a pavement in opus that this complex is in fact the later horrea Germani- spicatum, it has been suggested that this correspon- ciana et Agrippiniana, but the inscription to the Genius dence implies a thorough reworking of the whole area horreorum Agrippianorum found in the center of the in the Augustan period (Hurst 475), but only further courtyard secures the traditional identification (d. excavation will be able to confirm this hypothesis. Graziosi). The excavated portion of the Horrea C.F.N. Agrippiana indicates that its shape was rectangular, F.Astolfi,s.v. "Horrea Agrippiana," LTUR Ill, 37-38. not trapezoidal, and that it was multi-storeyed A. Carandini, Schiavi in Italia (Rome 1988)386n.94. (Bauer). There is now broad consensus that fragment H. Hurst, "Area di S. Maria Antiqua," BullCom 91.2 (1986) 42 of the Severan Marble Plan (Carettoni et al., Pianta 470-78. pI. 33; renumbered as 5a in Rodriguez Almeida, Forma H. Bauer, "Un tentativo di ricostruzione degli Horrea pI. 33) does not, as was long believed, represent the Agrippiana," ArchCl30 (1978)132-46. Horrea Agrippiana. G. Rickman,Roman granaries and store buildings (Cambridge Excavations in 1983-85 in the area to the N of the 1971)89-97. Horrea Agrippiana, underneath the Church of S. G. SchneiderGraziosi,"Genius horreorum agrippianorum," Maria Antiqua, uncovered a late-Republican struc- BullCom 42(1914)25-33. ture, either a house or a commercial building of some HORREAGALBANA map index 269 Extensive late-Republican warehouses that define the nearby "Sepulcrum of Ser. Sulpicius Galba, consul the urban topography of the SE "Emporium area (see of 144 or 108 B.C., who is often associated with the fig. 12 above). The identification of the monumental construction of the horrea (Rickman 166-67; Etienne complex is well established, and the late 2nd-c. B.C. 239-40). date for its construction is not debated. The broad Careful examination of the architecture of the three district SW of the "Aventine, bordered by the "Via units shows that they are not identical, while the Ostiensis to the NE, the so-called ""Porticus Aemilia" structures that occupied the E courtyard remain un- to the NW, and the "Monte Testaccio to the 5, was known (Coarelli 42; Rickman 102). Rodriguez Almei- known as the praedia Galbana in the Republican da (1977, 14-18) convincingly argued for a triple- periQd, and the name may be preserved in the Marble cohors social organization of the warehouse workers, Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 17, frags. 24 A,B evident from numerous inscriptions and reflected in with the restored inscription: [PRAED]IAETHORREA the structure of the monument (e.g., the inscription, [G]ALB[ANA]).The land in this area belonged to the dated to the time of Galba, from an altar to Bona Dea Sulpicii Galbae (Etienne 241). The spacious ware- Galbilla mentioning a dedication by the VILICVS houses were organized around three rectangular HORREORVMGALBIANORVMCOHORTIVMTRIVM:ClL VI courtyards immediately 5E of the Porticus Aemilia, as 30855; Rodriguez Almeida 1984, 55 fig. 18). shown on the Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma 102-5, pI. 16, frags. 24 a, c; the former is now lost, and F.Coarelli,s.v. "Horrea Galbana," LTUR Ill, 40-42. known only from 16th-c. drawings). Lanciani's map illustrates the randomly and scantily excavated Richardson193. portions of the complex (FUR pI. 40). R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique et espace economique a l'Emporium de Rome," in CUrbs The small-scale (and largely unpublished) excava- (1987)235-49. tions in 1955 revealed concrete walls "faced with E. Rodriguez Almeida, II Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia, slightly irregular opus reticulatum" that were dated to materiali (Rome1984)35-65. mid-1st c. B.C. (Rickman 104). Coarelli has recently E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Cohortes III Horreorum Galbia- suggested a late 2nd-c. B.C.date for the same evidence norum," RendPontAcc 50 (1977)9-25. (Coarelli 42; d. Richardson). Confirmation of the ear- G. Rickman,Roman granaries and store buildings (Cambridge lier construction date for the warehouses comes from 1971)97-104,166-67. HORREALOLLIANA map index 273 Courtyard-type late-Republican warehouse com- aeological evidence for the horrea is scanty (Coarelli plex in the S "Emporium area, known.primarily from a 44). The completely preserved label on the Marble large fragment of the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Plan makes the identification of the structure certain. Almeida, Forma 106, pI. 18, frag. 25; for the name, e.g., This fragment is firmly located S of, and downstream elL VI 4226: VILICVSEXHORRE1SLOLLIANIS)sincearch- from, the Emporium area, where the Tiber bends to the Catalogue of entries SE (Gatti, esp. fig. on p. 94). suggests M. Lollius Palicanus, a follower of Pompey, based upon the slim archaeological evidence sugges- On the lower part of the fragment, the Horrea ting a date of the mid-1st c. B.C. for the structures. Lolliana are represented as organized around two Epigraphic evidence demonstrates that the horrea courtyards with porticoes. The two units are dissimi- became imperial property at the time of Claudius lar in the overall size of the courtyards and the (Rodriguez Almeida; Coarelli 43). arrangement of the rooms around them. The horrea are linked to the "Tiber by means of a wide quay and stairs. On the upper half of the fragment, a narrow set F. Coarelli, s.v. "Horrea Lolliana," LTUR III, 43-44. of courtyard structures and a small bath-house R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique et "similar to the Stabian baths at Pompei" are shown espace economique a I'Emporium de Rome," in CUrbs with the same rectilinear orientation as the horrea (1987) 235-49. (Rickman 112). E. Rodriguez Almeida, II Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia, materiali (Rome 1984) 48-52. The construction of the horrea was associated with G. Rickman, Roman granaries and store buildings (Cambridge the gens Lollia, whose commercial relations with 1971) 109-12, 164-65. Delos are known from epigraphic evidence (Etienne G. Gatti, "Horrea Lolliana - Subura," in Carettoni et al., 242 n.45). As for the specific individual from the Lollii Pianta 83-84. family responsible for the construction, Coarelli (43) HORREA:SACRAVIA map index 231 Warehouse which extended along the W foot of the ("Domus: Velia [3]) and a bath, formed part of an "Velia, facing the "Sacra Via opposite the "Domus: M. early-Imperial complex on the Velia (papi, LTUR II). Aemilius Scaurus (Schingo; Papi, LTUR III). Preserved E.A.D. remains in opus reticu/atum and pavements of opus G. Schingo, "Indice topografico delle strutture anteriore spicatum allow the structure to be dated to the early all'incendio del 64 d.C. rinvenute nella valle del Colosseo 1st c. B.C. (Palombi 67-69, figs. 11-12). The identifi- e nelle sue adiacenze," in Panella (ed.), Meta Sudans cation as a horreum (warehouse) is based upon its (1996) 154. architectural form, a sequence of 4 open courtyards E. Papi, s.v. "Horrea circa domum Auream," LTUR III, 40. enclosed by small tabernae (shops and stalls) (Palombi E. Papi, s.v. "Domus: Domitiana," LTUR II, 92. esp. 69-70; d. "Horrea Galbana; "Porticus Aemilia D. Palombi, "Gli horrea delia Via Sacra," DialArch 8 (1990) [Emporium]). These warehouses may have belonged to 53-72. the Ahenobarbi, and together with a residence HORREASEIANA map index 272 A prominent Republican warehouse complex in the showing extensive use of opus reticu/atum were "Emporium area, not far from the "Tiber, known only uncovered (Blake; Palombi, for complete references). from epigraphic evidence (e.g., CIL VI 9471: CON- Even if the Horrea Seiana can be associated with DVCTORHORREORVMSEIANORVM;Palombi). Based on these scanty remains, no coherent plan can be deduced the findspots of a number of inscriptions which were without further systematic excavations in the area. excavated in situ, Lanciani located the horrea just SE a.H. of the so-called "Porticus Aemilia (Lanciani, FUR pi. D. Palombi, s.v. "Horrea Seiana," LTUR III, 46-47. 40; Rodriguez Almeida; CIL VI 238, 9471, 36778, R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique et 36786,36819). Based on the name of the monument, the espace economique a l'Emporium de Rome," in CUrbs foundation of the horrea is associated with the Seii (1987) 235-49, esp. 242. family-clan, and specifically with M. Seius, who was E. Rodriguez Almeida, II Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia, an aedile in 74 B.c. (Etienne; Rickman; Palombi 47). materiali (Rome 1984) 45-48. During building construction in 1911 between Via G. G. Rickman, Roman granaries and store buildings (Cambridge Branca, Via G. Battista Bodoni and Via Beniamino 1971) 168-69. Franklin, remains of possible warehouse structures Blake, Roman construction II (1959) 15. HORTl:AGRIPPA The estate of M. Agrippa in the W "Campus Mar- Agrippae; a boundary stone was found in this area tius was donated to the people of Rome at his death in inscribed M. AGRIPPA(E)PRIVAT(VM)ITER(CIL VI 12 B.C. According to an inscription of the Augustan 29781; Coarelli 52). On the other hand, De Caprariis period (CIL VI 39087), which may describe the boun- (165-68) places the horti N of the Euripus. It is uncer- daries of Agrippa's property, these horti should be tain whether the term 'grove' (&"-0'0<;) used by Strabo placed between the "Tiber and the "Euripus (Grimal (13.1.19) to describe Agrippa's property corresponds 123-26; d. Ov., Pont. 1.8.37-38). The SE boundary to the nemus (grove) by the Stagnum Agrippae describ- seems to have been the road that issued from the "Pons ed by Tacitus (Ann. 15.37; s.v. "Nemus: Agrippa) or Catalogue of entries rather should be interpreted as the harti proper, which property (contra, Wiseman). At present, we can be were most probably located by the Tiber (Richardson), certain that part of Agrippa's property-holdings were on the NW Campus Martius; the extent and boun- This area seems to coincide with part of Pompey's daries depicted here are based solely upon epigraphic property (s.v. *Dona Pompei, *Horti Pompei), which evidence. would have included his house by the theater (Asc., Mil. 36 C Clarke; Cie., Mil. 67; Plut., Pamp. 40.5; S.v. F.Coarelli,"Hom Agrippae," LTUR III,51-52. *Domus: Cn. Pompei us Magnus [2]). The very same harti passed to Antony at the death of Pompey and F. De Caprariis, "Due note di topografia urbana," RivIstArch eventually through Agrippa to Augustus, who donated 14-15(1991-92)153-92. them to the people (Dio Casso 54.29.4). If the location Richardson196. of the Horti of Agrippa is correct, then the identifi- T.P. Wiseman, review of La Rocca 1984,Gnomon 59 (1987) cation of the remains in Vallicella as the *Cenotaph: 471-74. Agrippa (La Rocca 1984, 87-100) seems more plau- E.La Rocca,La riva a mezzaluna (Rome 1984). sible, since it would have been located on his private P. Grimal,Les jardins romains (Paris1969). HORTI ASINIANI The estate of the Asiniani, assumed to have been Via delle Terme di Caracalla and its continuation as inherited by C. Asinius Gallus from his father, C. Via Cristoforo Colombo), indicates the property of an Asinius Pollio (who died in A.D.4), the famed .collector Asinia Quarta and of Drusus Caesar (most likely of art and donor of Rome's first public library (Grimal Tiberius' son: Avetta 256; La Rocca 237). 157, Avetta 256, Chioffi, d. Zecchini 1279). After With the connection to the Asinians established by longstanding 'confusion' over their location (Richard- the boundary stone (and with the cippus accepted as son, Platner-Ashby), the harti can now plausibly be found in, or close to, its original position), the Horti located along the *Via Appia's first mile, based on the Asiniani may indeed have been situated "not too far" 1985 publication of a boundary cippus from that area from the Baths of Caracalla (La Rocca 236-37), though (Avetta, d. ChioHi, La Rocca 236-37). Once critical it appears premature to locate them with confidence evidence for the location of the property, the giant "at the site" (Chioffi) of the baths. With some lingering "Farnese Bull", listed among the manumenta of hesitation, we represent the estate in that area. No Asinius Pollio by Pliny (NH 36.33-34) and found at doubt featuring water displays and important the Baths of Caracalla (S. Balbina), is now less con- artworks (including perhaps the famous manumenta), clusive, as most have come to consider the sculpture a the garden estate must have characterized the Via copy (contra, La Rocca 239-74, with extensive Appia's appearance close to the city. conclusions). Furthermore, while Frontinus (Aq. 21.2) L.H., G.V. testifies that the specus Octavianus, a subsidiary line E.La Rocca,"Artistiradii negli horti romani," in Horti romani of the *Anio Vetus, 'extends to the region of Via Nova (1998)203-74. at the harti Asiniani', his account is unconfirmed by archaeological findings; however, it does not preclude 1. Chioffi,s.v. "Horti Asiniani,"LTUR III,54. an identification with the Severan Via Nova, a Richardson197. monumental avenue parallel to the Via Appia 1. Avetta, Roma-Via Imperiale (Rome 1985)255-56n.304. alongside the Baths of Caracalla (Avetta, La Rocca G. Zecchini,"AsinioPollione,"in ANRW II.30.2(1982)1265- 236, ct. Grimal 157). The boundary cippus has brought 96. greater clarity to the discussion (though hardly P. Grimal,Les jardins romains (Paris 1969). "confirmation": Chioffi) since this stone, found some- Platner-Ashby 265. where along the former Via Imperiale (the present-day HORTI CAESARIS The topography of Julius Caesar's estate in *Trans In A.D. 16 Tiberius dedicated a Temple to *Fors Tiberim is known only from fragmentary literary and Fortuna within the property (Tac., Ann. 2.41) that is archaeological evidence (trans Tiberim ... prape Caesa- often topographically associated with earlier temples ris hartas: Hor., Sat. 1.9.18), and their exact limits are to this cult at the first milestone of the *Via Campana- still unknown (papi). As part of the S Transtiberine Portuensis (Savage 31-35, esp. 32 n.64). Although the suburbs of Rome (s.v. *Continentia), it is hard to location of these temples is still debated, it is likely reconstruct the transformation this territory witnes- that at least one cult place can be located in the mod- sed, following Caesar's bequest of the gardens and ern Monteverde region, about half a mile S of the Porta their contents to the Roman people in 45 B.C.(Suet., Iul. Portese along the Via Campana. The small sanctuary 83.2),through the end of Augustus' reign (Coarelli 43; of *Hercules Cubans along the Via Campana, some 600 D' Arms 43; Palmer, esp. n.50 for refs.). m N of Trastevere train station, is also considered Catalogue of entries within the borders of the horti (Nash). Lanciani lists that the Seven Caesars, a Republican honorific monu- the long history of the recovery of artifacts that were ment to the Julian clan frequented by wine-merchants, associated with the horti. could possibly be associated with the same area. OR. This limited evidence suggests that the horti stretch- J.H. D'Arms, "Betweenpublic and private: the epulum publi- ed in a long band along the middle and lower W slopes cum and Caesar's harti Trans Tiberim," in Horti romani of the *Ianiculum, and were probably bordered by the Via Campana (D' Arms 40-41 esp. n.44; Papi). The (1998) 33-44. terraced and porticoed architecture of the gardens E.Papi, s.v. "Horti Caesaris," LTUR ill, 55-56. must have covered at least some of these Ianiculum F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti, slopes (Val. Max. 9.15.1; Blake points out three porti- Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis e coes in the area, including one of Augustan date). alcuni edificinella Pianta Marmorea Severiana," Ostraka 1 (1992) 39-54. In sum, the estate originally included at least the R.E.Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome's first milestone on the Via Campana to the Wand argu- Trastevere (southern sector)," ProcPhilSoc 125 (1981) ably extended as far E as Piazza Mastai, but by the 368-97. Augustan era land in the east may have been subsumed Nash I, 462. by the *Naumachia or urban development. Note that Blake,Roman construction II (1959) 261-62. the linear industrial area of warehouses and their em- bankments between the Via Campana and the Tiber al- S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 ready would have been under development by the time (1940) 26-56. of Augustus (Palmer 368-69). Palmer (369) argues R. Lanciani, The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome (Boston 1897) 546-48. These horti are known from two boundary inscrip- these horti known (Mancioli, Richardson). But the tions, found in situ near the church of S. Eusebio Horti Calyclani were clearly contemporary with the between Via Cappellini and Via Mamiani (Lanciani, Horti Tauriani, for they are mentioned on the same FUR pI. 24), which separated the *Horti Tauriani and boundary marker; and since the Horti Tauriani were the Horti Calyclani (CIL VI 29771=IL5 5998: HORTOS perhaps Augustan and certainly passed into imperial CALYCLAN(OS)ETTAVRIANOS).Sincethe Horti Tauri- hands by the mid-1st c. A.D., it is quite probable that ani extended SE from the apex of the *Via Tiburtina the Horti Calyclani also existed by the end of the and *"Via Labicana-Praenestina" toward the Aure- Augustan period. Despite the problems of dating, the lian Porta Maggiore, it is logical to assume that the relative position and general extent of these horti are Horti Calydani lay on the opposite side, N of the Via shown on the map (s.v. *Esquiline Horti). Tiburtina; this location has been confirmed by the discovery of a new boundary marker of the Horti G.L.Gregori,s.v. "Horti Calydani," LTUR V,264. Calyclani in Via Giolitti, which runs along the S side Richardson 197. of the Termini rail station (Gregori). There is no D. Mancioli,"Horti Calydani," in Archeologia in Roma capitale obvious explanation for the name, nor is the date of (1983) 203. HORTILAMIANI The horti of the Aelii Lamiae (in hortos Lamianos: our map leaves the question open (structures that may Suet., Calig. 59), a prominent family in the late have belonged to either are the *Diaeta Apollinis, Republic, were probably laid out by L. Aelius Lamia *Esquiline Horti: Colonnade, *Esquiline Horti: Apsi- (cos. A.D. 3), perhaps in the last decades of the 1st c. dal Building). The E border is not known, although at B.C.(Gma di Puolo, Grimal). These horti were adjacent least by the Imperial period the *Horti Maiani are to the *Horti Maecenatis (Philo, Leg. 351.2), so they thought to have stood to the E (eIL VI 8668: A are placed just to the E, in the area later occupied by MOSCHOPROC(VRATORE)HORTORVMMAIANORVMET the Villa Palombara and Villa Altieri (Cima 39-41). LAMIANOR(VM)iGma39). The N border was the *"Via The primary residential quarters have been placed Labicana-Praenestina". On the S, it extended at least between Piazza Vittorio Emanuele and Piazza Dante as far as the crest of the Esquiline overlooking the (Gma di Puolo), an area rich in sculptural finds and Caelian (Gma 41) but perhaps further (s.v. *Esquiline architectural remains appropriate for a property Horti). which later passed into imperial hands (d. *Horti A.G.T. Lamiani: Cryptoporticus), but none of these finds M. Cimadi Puolo,s.v. "Horti Lamiani," LTUR III, 61-64. aroues for a specific attribution either to the Horti M. Cima, "Dagli scavi dell'Esquilino all'interpretazione dei Lamiani or the Horti Maecenatis. Since the border monumenti," in M. Cima and E. La Rocca (edd.), Le between the two cannot be determined with precision, tranquille dimare degli dei (Venice1986) 39-41. Catalogue of entries grove (Cic., Att. 13.29.1-2); once situated in a back- been quite expansive (perhaps comprising 1000 iugera, water, the growth of the city had made the spot a c.660 acres; inferred by Shackleton Bailey from Cic., frequented one suitable for a shrine commemorating AU. 13.31.4); unfortunately, the position of these harti Cicero's daughter Tullia (celebritatem nullam turn on the Vaticanus Ager is not known with enough habebat, nunc audio maximam: Cic., Att. 13.29.1; maxi- assurance to plot them on our map. ma est in Scapula celebritas: Cic., Att. 12.37.2). While the exact site and full extent of the estate remains un- W. Eck,s.v. "Horti Scapulani," LTUR III,83. known, it was in close proximity to the city D.R. Shackleton Bailey, "Appendix III: Tullia's fane," in (propinquitas ... urbis: Cic., AU. 12.37.2) and may have Cicero'sletters to Atticus V (Cambridge 1966)404-13. HORTI SCIPIONIS map index 103 Estate on the W slope of the "Quirinal, most likely unclear whether the estate survived into the Augustan created in the 2nd c. B.C. by P. Cornelius Scipio period as an entity or a toponym; Cicero notes that in Africanus (RE IV Cornelius 336). Cicero records that 44 B.C. Mark Antony removed sculptures from the in 163 B.C.Ti. Gr~cchus located his augurial tent on "Horti Caesaris, which had been bestowed upon the the grounds of these horti to take consular auspices Roman people, to the villa of Scipio (Phil. 2.109: in (Nat. D. 2.11: hartas Scipianis); thus the property must villam scipianis). This mayor may not refer to the har- have had an elevated site outside the pomerium. ti under consideration here (in favor of this identifi- Richardson proposes a location in the "Campus Mar- cation is Richardson, while Coarelli thinks that the tius near the "Saepta, but auguracula tend to be on the reference is to the Tivoli villa of ScipiO Metellus). heights (s.v. "Auguraculum [Arx], [Quirinalis]). For EAD. this reason, Coarelli's thesis, which places Scipio's F.Coarelli,s.v. "Horti Scipionis,"LTUR III,83-84. harti on the collis Mucialis, is followed here. It is Richardson203-4. HORTITAURIANI These harti are known from two boundary inscrip- ber). M. Statilius Taurus (cas. A.D.44) certainly owned tions, found in situ near the Church of S. Eusebio this property; after his suicide in A.D. 53 (Tac., Ann. between Via Cappellini and Via Mamiani (Lanciani, 12.59), they passed into Imperial hands. Despite the FUR pI. 24), which separated the Horti Tauriani and uncertainties of dating and extent, our map shows the the "Horti Calyclani (CIL VI 29771=ILs 5998: HORTOS general position of these horti (s.v. "Esquiline Horti). CALYCLAN(OS)ETTAVRIANOS).Awater pipe inscribed A.G.T. with the name of T. Statilius Taurus (CIL XV 7542) E. Papi, s.v. "Horti Tauriani," LTUR III, 85. was perhaps found on the Esquiline, and may derive W. Eck,s.v. "Domus:T.StatiliusTaurus," LTUR II, 182. from these harti (Papi), or from the family damus (Eck). T.P. Wiseman, Talking to Virgil: a miscellany (Exeter1992)74 Grimal argues that the property of the Statilii exten- with n.8. ded beyond the family necropolis (s.v. "Sepulcrum: R.c. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und Statilii) and the Porta Maggiore (Grimal 1936, 275; der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom," KolnJb 23 accepted by Papi), but he places the core of the harti (1990)15,65. within .the apex of the "Via Tiburtina and ""Via Richardson197,204. Labicana-Praenestina" (Grimal 1969, 149). They P. Grimal,Lesjardins romains (Paris1969)14849. were perhaps established under Augustus by T. Stati- lius Taurus, consul in 37 and 26 B.C.(Wiseman, Hiiu- P. Grimal, "Les Horti Tauriani. Etude topographique sur la region de la Porte Majeure," MEFRA 53 (1936)256,275. HORTUU: TERENTIUS map index 278 Modest estate near the Temple of "Mars on the certain where the boundaries were, or even if the "Via Appia belonging to the comic playwrite Terence property was preserved as such in the Augustan (d. 159 B.c.; Suet., Ter. 5; Richardson). Suetonius, who period, it is marked only by an index number. calls them hartuli, relates that the poet's small estate comprised 20 iugera (c.12 acres). Since we cannot be The highest and most conspicious hill of Rome, Wedge of "Trans Tiberim; it defines the W limits of the which forms a continuous ridge with a N-S axis on the ancient urban topography of Rome (d. Liverani 1996; Catalogue of entries Coarelli). Geologically, it is identified as "an accumu- The middle and lower slopes of the SW laniculum, lation of marine deposits in regular layers" (Goodhue bounded by the Via Campana in the area of the Tiber 16). plain, were mostly occupied by the "Horti Caesaris. To the N and adjacent to this late-Republican garden The late-antique Regionary Catalogues list the hill estate, an extensive Republican sacred grove and as mons Ianiculensis, along with the ViCllSIaniclllensis sanctuary, the "Lucus Furrinae, occupied the higher and "Pagus 1anicol(ensis) (Liver ani 1997, 89). While and middle slopes within the area of the Villa Sciarra- almost nothing is known about this urban area, a Wurts and along a natural ravine that extended on an major thoroughfare, namely the "Via Aurelia, connec- E-W axis through Viale Dandolo (Goodhue). The ted the "Pons Aemilius to the site of the later Porta lllCllSbecame a favorite spot of foreign cult places like Aurelia on the 1aniculum and probably also formed that of "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus H(eliopolitanus). the N limit of the "Naumachia (Taylor 481). A Repub- b.H. lican viaduct crossed this thoroughfare near Via della P. Liverani,s.v. "laniculum," LTUR III, 89-90. Lungaretta, immediately NE of S. Crisogono (Gatti). The" Ager of L. Petilius and the so-called tomb of R. Taylor, "Torrent or trickle? The Aqua Alsietina, the Numa Pompilius, which were located at the foot of the Naumachia Augusti, and the Transtiberim," AJA 101 laniculum by ancient sources (Livy 40.29.3), have (1997) 465-92. convincingly been associated with the area where the P. Liverani,"Ianiculum: da Antipolis al Mons Ianiculensis," in Via Aurelia climbed the NW slopes of the hill (Rich- Ianiculum-Gianicolo (1996) 3-12. ardson 152). The existence of a "Pagus lanicol(ensis), F. Coarelli, "II Gianicolo nell'anticita tra mito e storia," in the limits of which are unknown, is the only evidence Ianiculum-Gianicolo (1996) 13-27. that "Trans Tiberim was divided into pagi, i.e., the Richardson192 and 329. neighborhood divisions of Rome's suburbs (Coarelli N. Goodhue, The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on the 18; Richardson 329; s.v. "Continentia). Defensive Janiculum (Amsterdam 1975). walls may have ringed the summit of the hill, though G. Gatti, "II viadotto delia Via Aurelia nel Trastevere," their presence in the Augustan era and their extent are BullCom 68 (1940) 129-41. debated (""Arx laniculensis"). IANUS, AEDES map index 168 The northernmost of the three preserved temples in Nicola in Carcere and the ground-plan can easily be the "Forum Holitorium (d. "Iuno Sospita, Aedes; "Spes, restored, as remains of the temple have also been Aedes), dedicated to lanus and located outside the excavated outside the church (Crozzoli Aite pI. 1; the "Porta Carmentalis (Festus 358: in aede Iani, qllae est temple is also represented on the Severan Marble Plan: extra earn). The identification is based on the Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 23, frags. 31 h,i). These description of the temple as 'iuxta' or 'ad' the "Theater remains have been dated to the Augustan period on the of Marcellus (CIL 12 p. 217, 245; Serv., ad Aen. 7.607; basis of their architectural decoration (Crozzoli Aite Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 149, 181, 195; Crozzoli Aite 106,111; contra, Coarelli 91). 113; Ziolkowski). Built by C. Duilius soon after 260 B.C.,Augustus began to reconstruct the temple, but the F.Coarelli,s.v. "lanus, aedes," LTUR III,90-91. project was only completed by Tiberius who Ziolkowski,Temples (1992) 61-62. rededicated the temple in A.D.17 (Tac., Ann. 2.49: Iano 1. Crozzoli Aite, I tre templi del Foro Olitorio (MemPontAcc templllm ... apud forum Holitorium). The S side of the 13,1981). temple is partly incorporated into the Church of S. IANUS QUIRINUS, SACELLUM map index 146 The shrine of 1anus Quirinus (RG 13: Ianllm Quiri- identified with the small structure in brick and traver- num; Hor., Carm. 4.15.9; Suet., Aug. 22), also called tine still visible at the corner of the "Basilica Paulli 1anus Gerninus (Pliny, NH 34.33), was one of the old- facing the Curia (Coarelli), an identification reinfor- est monuments in the "Forum (d. Tortorici; sacellum: ced by Cozza's location of fragment 212c of the Sever- Ov., Fast. 1.275; sacrarium: Servius, ad Aen. 7.607); an Marble Plan. Although this suggestion implies that perhaps it served originally as a bridge (ianus) carry- the location of the lanus Quirinus remained unchanged ing the "Sacra Via over the "Cloaca Maxima (Hol- from the archaic period through the 4th C. A.D. (d. land). Its precise location in the Forum in the Augustan Richardson for the suggestion that Dornitian moved it period is unclear. Ancient sources locate the lanus to the Forum Transitorium), it is at least consistent sanctuary 'at/near the bottom of the "Argiletum' (ad with all the literary references (contra, Staccioli). infimum' Argiletum: Livy 1.19.2; circa imum Argile- turn: Servius, ad Aen. 7.607) and 'in front of the doors' According to tradition, the doors of the Ianus Qui- rinus shrine were closed when Rome was at peace. of the "Curia 1ulia (1tpO trov 8uprov: Dio Casso 84.13.3; Augustus boasts in his Res Gestae (13) that these d. Procop., Goth. 1.25.18-23). It is probably to be Catalogue of entries doors had been closed only twice before his time, but 1997)567-73. three times while he was princeps (d. Livy 1.19.2-3; E.Tortorici,s.v. "Ianus Geminus, aedes," LTUR III,92-93. Suet., Aug. 22). The shrine is depicted on coins of Nero 1. Cozza, "Sul frammento 212delia Pianta marmorea," JRA as a small rectangular building in ashlar masonry 2 (1989)117-19. 2 with double doors and no visible roof (RIC 1 pI. 20, Coarelli,Foro Romano I (1983)89-97. nn. 270, 283, 291, 307, 323). 1. Richardson,jr., "The Curia Julia and the Janus Geminus," CF.N. RomMitt 85(1978)359-69. R.A.Staccioli,"1anum ad infimum Argiletum," in Etrusca et 1. Holland, Janus and the bridge (Rome1961)108-37. Italica: scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino II (Rome INSULATIBERINA One of the ancient names for the Tiber island (e.g., excavated was a 2nd-c. B.C.pavement with dedicatory Vitr., De arch. 3.2.3: in insula Tiberina; Degrassi, inscription to *Iupiter Iurarius (Conticello de' 5pag- LTUR). A ridge of alluvial formation (but not on a tufa no lis 374; Degrassi, LTUR 100). Literary and epi- bedrock, 270 x 70 m), the island had a strong cultic graphiC evidence suggests that the island included character in antiquity with its prominent Aesclepian cultic monuments to various other divinities, including precinct (Brucia 10). Its sacred topography was sel- *Faunus (Aedes), *Vediovis (Aedes), and Tiberinus; dom frequented by traffic between the city center and these shrines are otherwise archaeologically un- *Trans Tiberim until the mid-1st c. B.C. when the known (Brucia 44-60 for refs.). Inscriptions of a com- island witnessed major building activity and was pital altar were found on the island in the 17th c. (CIL subsequently incorporated into Augustan Regia XIV, VI 446-47=ILS 3612 a-b; Hano; name of vicus not later known as Transtiberim (Degrassi 1987). Not preserved) and attest to the formal establishment of a only was the Temple of Aesculapius extensively reno- new neighborhood in about the year 7 B.C., when vated at this time (*Aesculapius, Aedes), but Rome was re-organized into *Regiones Quattuordecim. construction of two bridges, the *Pons Fabricius in 62 O.H. B.C.and *Pons Cestius in 49-43 B.C.,provided a major D. Degrassi,s.v. "1nsulaTiberina," LTUR III,99-101. thoroughfare across the island from the 5 *Campus M.A. Brucia, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome (New Martius and *Forum Holitorium area to the York 1990). Transtiberine region (Degrassi 1987, 524-25). M. Conticellode' Spagnolis, "Isola Tiberina," BullCom 92.2 Fragment 32 of the 5everan Marble Plan, labeled (1987-88)372-76. INTER DVOS PONTES, illustrates a central plaza D. Degrassi,"1nterventiedilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see.a. bordered by a portico to the NW and the precinct of c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche ed Aesculapius to the 5E (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. archeologiche,"Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27. 24). The travertine and tufa walled embankment at the M. Hano, "A l'origine du culte imperial: les autels des Lares 5E end of the island in the shape of a ship's prow Augusti," in ANRW II, 16.3(1986)2342. (Degrassi, LTUR fig. 65) and the travertine pavement M. Guarducci,"L'1solaTiberina e la sua tradizione ospitalie- excavated under the modem hospital also date from ra," RendLinc 125(1971)267-81. the mid-1st c. B.C. (Conticello de' 5pagnolis). Also ISEUMMETELLINUM map index 305 Large, terraced sanctuary of Isis, N of the modern discovered N of Via Pasquale Villari, was part of an Via Labicana on the 5 slopes of the *Oppian. It is Iseum (d. *Iseum Metellinum: Substructure). Epigra- attested on the basis of architectural, epigraphical and phic and sculptural finds over a wide area suggest sculptural finds, and may be identified both with the that this Iseum also included the triportico which sanctuary of Isis et Serapis of Augustan Regia III, and stood on a large terrace to the W (s.v. *Iseum Metelli- with the Republican Iseum Metellinum. In 1653 the num: Porticus-Piscina). The architecture here is remains of an Egyptian temple were seen near the consistent with an Iseum, and this was perhaps where Church of 5S. Pietro e Marcellino, hence the tradition- the main temple of Isis originally stood (de Vos 1997, al placement of this temple near the church (Richard- 113). It is very likely that the Porticus-Piscina and the son; Hauber 1990, 50-51; Coarelli 57; Malaise 171- substructure in Via Pasquale Villari formed one large 72), but in the 17th c. SS. Pietro e Marcellino was the complex, c.260 m in length (de Vas 1993, 87). only landmark in this area. There is strong evidence that this temple, which was later destroyed (Lanciani Sometime after the Augustan era, this extensive Ise- 1897), stood on a large terrace on the S slopes of the urn gave its name to the region, Regia III: Isis et Serapis Oppian. It has been shown that a long substructure (de Vos 1997,99; ead. 1994, 130-31; d. CIL VI 2234, with buttresses and vaults of Republican date, 32462), and to the local inhabitants, who were known Catalogue of entries recently advocated identifying the podium recovered E.Papi, s.v. "Palatium (eta repubblicana-64 AD.)," LTUR IV, near the upper reaches of the *"Clivus Palatinus" as 22. that of Iuppiter Invictus/Victor (followed by Papi, 23, F. Coarelli,s.v. "Iuppiter Invictus, aedes (in Palatio)," LTUR who notes that the podium is of Imperial, perhaps III, 143. Hadrianic, date). Given the questions surrounding the Ziolkowski,Temple~ (1992)80-85. location of the Palatine cult site of Iuppiter Invictus, it Richardson227. is not represented on our map. IUPPITERIURARIUS Cult site of Iuppiter Iurarius on the Tiber island 31.21.12) can be equated with this temple, or with a (*Insula Tiberina), only known from epigraphic evi- separate temple to Ve(d)iovis (*Vediovis, Aedes dence (Degrassi). In 1854, under the cloister of S. [Insula Tiberina]), is uncertain (Richardson 406). Giovanni Calabita in the N sector of the Insula Tibe- Given the questions surrounding this cult site, it is not rina, an opus signinum pavement revealed a fragmen- represented on our map. tary dedicatory inscription: DESTIPEIOVIIVRARIO(CIL VI 379=XIl 990). This was interpreted as evidence for D. Degrassi,s.v. "Iuppiter Iurarius," LTUR III, 143-44. the presence of a temple to Iuppiter Iurarius on the Richardson221,406. island (Richardson 221; Brucia; Besnier). Vitruvius M.A. Brucia, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome (New (De arch. 3.2.3) refers to a prostyle temple of Jupiter York1990)52-55. and *Faunus on the Tiber island; whether the temple M. Besnier,L'fle Tiberine dans l'antiquiU (Paris 1902)249-72. dedicated in 194 B.C. by C. Servilius deo Iovi (Livy IUPPITERLIBERTAS,AEDES Unlocated Temple of Iuppiter Libertas on the tive testimony for its location, our map omits even an *Aventine, which was rebuilt by Augustus (feci: RG index number for the Temple of Iuppiter Libertas. 19); it has been tentatively equated with the Temple of D.B.,L.H. Iuppiter Liber mentioned in the Fast. Arval. (Degrassi, Coarelli,Roma (1997)396. Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 33; Richardson; Andreussi; pondered M. Andreussi, s.v. "Iuppiter Libertas, aedes," LTUR III, 144. by Coarelli). Though Ziolkowski raises the Richardson221. possibility of an identification with the colonnaded Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)85-87. remains under S. Sabina (*Aventinus: Colonnades), re- R. Krautheimer et al., Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae examination of Krautheimer's evidence requires that IV (VaticanCity 1970)82 with pI. V. the question remain open. Given the absence of defini- IUPPITERQPTIMUSMAXIMUSCAPITOUNUS,AEDES map index 158 The Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus has been and the dating of these levels is disputed (Wardle). The identified, since 1683, with the foundations under Archaic temple burned in 83 B.c. The new temple was Palazzo Caffarelli in the *Area Capitolina. Originally started by L. Cornelius Sulla and dedicated by Q. dating from the Archaic period, this huge temple was Lutatiu$ Catulus in 69 B.C. It was subsequently dam- arguably the most important and revered sacred build- aged by lightning on a number of occasions and ing in Rome. It was dedicated to the Capitoline Triad: restored by Augustus at great expense (RG 20.1), Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, Iuno Regina, and Minerva, perhaps after a fire in 9 B.C. (De Angeli). It is fairly and incorporated pre-existing shrines to Terminus, certain from the existing podium remains that the Iuventas, and Mars (August., De civ. D. 4.23). Augustan temple as well as its antecedents and succes- Excavations undertaken since 1865 (see Riemann 110- sors all s~ood on the same foundations (De Angeli). 12) have revealed enough to reconstruct a rectangular Above the level of the podium, the Temple of Iuppiter podium c.62 x 53 m in area and 3.6 m high (Taglia- Optimus Maximus is generally restored in the Tuscan monte). North of the rear side of the podium is a paral- order, with three narrow cellae set behind a deep lel foundation which was part of the temenos wall of porch supported by three rows of 6 columns in a the Area Capitolina (Riemann 112-13), not part of the peripteros sine postico arrangement (Ulrich 58 fig. 10, temple (as Reusser). Several construction phases are 59-60,67). In addition, there must have been a flight of visible: a layer of capellaccio tufa blocks (H. c.30-32 steps in front of the fa<;ade, yet nothing survives of cm) set into the bedrock, Slayers of the same tufa (H. these steps in the archaeological record. Our cAO cm) set back slightly from the course below and, reconstruction of the steps is hypothetical, but based on top, a layer of concrete. However, there are fewer on Coarelli and on Ulrich (58 fig. 10, 64-65). distinct construction phases than known restorations, Catalogue of entries S. De Angeli, s.v. "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus, Coarelli,Roma (1995) 37. aedes (fasitardo-repubblicane e di eta imperiale),"LTUR R.B.Ulrich, The Roman orator and the sacred stage: the Roman Ill, 148-53. templum rostratum (Brussels 1994) 58 fig. 10, 59-60, 64- G. Tagliamonte, s.v. "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capito- 65,67. linus, aedes (fino all' a. 83 a.c.)," LTUR Ill, 144-48. Reusser,Fidestempel (1993) 34 fig.4, d. 33 fig. 3. D. Wardle, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the restora- H. Riemann, "Beitrage zur romischen Topographie," tion of the Capitol," Historia 45 (1996) 220. RomMitt 76 (1969) 110-13. IUPPITER OPTIMUS MAXiMUS H(ELIOPOLITANUS) map index 179 A sanctuary dedicated to Iuppiter Optimus Maxi- 1st c. B.C. to the first half of the 1st c. A.D. (Calzini mus Heliopolitanus (abbreviated on CIL VI 422: Gysens 1982, 62; id., LTUR 141). Although the dating LO.M.H., with VI 30765=lLS 4292; d. CIL VI 420=lLS and architecture of the first phase of the temple remain 398; VI 421; XIV 24), the chief god of the Syrian solar unclear, there seems to be good reason to assume the triad of Heliopolis-Baalbek (Hajjar 213-14), within presence of the sacred spot and associated cultic acti- the limits of the *Lucus Furrinae on the SE slopes of vity in the time of Augustus, since both the location of the *Ianiculum (Calzini Gysens, LTUR 138; sometimes the temple in the *Lucus Furrinae and the cult itself referred to as saeellum Deae Suriae, d. Savage 44-50). were popular in the late-Republican period (Hajjar; Calzini Gysens 1996). The precinct wall was discovered in 1906 and a.H. excavated in 1908-9 on the fringes of the present-day Villa Sciarra-Wurts, along the edge of a ravine, right J. Calzini Gysens, s.v. "Iuppiter Heliopolitanus (Reg.XIV)," below the curve of Via Dandolo (earlier called Viale LTUR Ill, 138-43. Glorioso; Gauckler; Goodhue pI. 1 for a site plan). J. Calzini Gysens, "Illucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto While the major phase of the temple (with its peculiar 'santuario siriaco',"in Ianiculum--Gianicolo (1996) 53-60. eclectic architecture) was dated to the 4th c. A.D., the J. Calzini Gysens and F. Duthoy, "Nuovi elementi per una excavators identified two earlier phases, which were cronologiadel SantuarioSiriacodel Gianicolo," Ostraka 1 probably not more than open-air precincts with (1992) 133-35. similar layouts (Goodhue 47). The earliest phase was R.Meneghini,"II 'santuario siriaco' del Gianicolo:l'impianto associated only with the remains of a perimeter wall, architettonico," in M. Mele et aI., L'area del 'santuario and was assigned an insecure mid 1st-c. A.D. date siriaco del Gianicolo' (Rome1982) 47-57. based on construction techniques (Gauckler 253). The J. CalziniGysens,"Osservazionisulle fasi I e II del santuario second phase, a rebuilding by M. Antonius Gaionas, is con riferimento aile ultime campagne di scavo," in M. well dated to A.D. 176-181 by inscriptions (Gauckler Mele et al., L'area del 'santuario siriaco del Gianicolo' (Rome 227 ff.). 1982) 61-73. A partial excavation was conducted in 1981-82 to Y. Hajjar, "Jupiter Heliopolitanus," in M. J. Vermaseren solve these problems of dating and stratigraphy (ed.), Die orientalischen Religionen im Romerreich (Leiden (Calzini Gysens 1982). Below two separate parts of 1981) 213-40. the later temple, much earlier walls of opus retieulatum N. Goodhue, The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on the or mixtum were excavated, and dated from the Janiculum (Amsterdam1975). beginning of the 1st c. A.D. to the mid-2nd c. A.D. S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 (Meneghini 50; Mele et aI. pI. 2, sreas A and M). Water (1940) 26-56, pI. 1-4. conduits, built in opus retiedlatum and associated P. Gauckler,Lesanctuaire syrien du Janicule (Paris 1912) 221-60, with these earlier levels, are dated from the end of the esp. pis. 5, 35, 50. IUPPITER STATOR, AEDES (PALATIUM) map index 226 Temple to Iuppiter Stator ('Stayer') said to be (63 B.C.: Plut., Cie. 16.3-4; Cie., Catil. 1.11, 1.33), and vowed by Romulus during a battle with the Sabines Ovid records its dedication day as June 27 (Fast. (Livy 1.12.3-7: templuin Statori lovi; Florus 1.1.13; 6.793-94). Plut., Rom. 18.7) near the *Porta Mugonia (Dion. HaL, Ant. Rom. 2.50.3; Ov., Trist. 3.1.31). According to Livy, The location of this temple has been subject to heated debate. Literary sources frequently connect it the Romulean temple was never built, and the site remained afanum (consecrated location) until 294 B.C. with the Porta Mugonia (see above), a Palatine gate when the consul M. Atilius Regulus vowed a temple to which can be placed with some confidence along the Iuppiter Stator in the heat of battle (Livy 10.36.11, *"Clivus Palatinus" S of the *Sacra Via. The temple 10.37.15). The Roman Senate, having twice been obli- was also near the *Nova Via and the house of Tarquinius Priscus (Livy 1.41.4). Ovid places it 'in gated to erect a temple, now ordered the aedes built (Livy 10.37.15: aedem lovis Statoris). In the late- front of the Palatine' (Fast. 6.794: ante Palatini), and Republican period Ciceco convened the Senate there Plutarch at 'the beginning of the Sacra Via as you Catalogue of entries (Fast. Vall.: VORTVMNOINLORETOMAIORE,inDegras- map; also nearby would be the *Armilustrium (based si,1nscr. Ital. 13.2, 149), which is attested as a neigh- upon the combined statements of Varro and Plutarch, borhood in Regia XIII on the Capitoline base (CIL VI lac. cit., regarding Tatius' tomb). Thus, for the 975=1L5 6073, A.D. 136: VICVSLORET(I)MAIORIS,along Augustan period, the Lauretum must have been a park- with a separately-listed VICVSLORET(I)MINORIS;d. or garden-like stand of laurels around both the Temple Richardson). The specific location of the Lauretum of Diana Aventina and the tomb-memorial of Tatius depends upon that of the Temple of Diana Aventina associated with a residential viClls-quarter on the (based upon Dionysius, lac. cit., though not previously central Aventine. exploited in this respect: d. Platner-Ashby; Crous; L.H. Richardson; Andreussi); here we cautiously accept the M. Andreussi, s.v. "Loretum, Lauretum," LTUR III, 190-91. traditional placement of the temple in the center of the Richardson234-35. hill's plateau (for the debate over this site, s.v. Diana J.W.Cmus, "Florentiner Waffenpfeiler und Armilustrium," Aventina, Aedes) and locate the Lauretum in its RomMitt 48 (1933)64-65. proximity without marking it separately on our Platner-Ashby317. LIBITlNA,Lucus map index 334 The *Esquiline grove of Libitina, a goddess foundation (Ziolkowski) and its survival into the associated with funerals and with Venus; the name is Imperial period is attested (CIL VI 33870,9974). In the derived from libido, 'desire' (Coarelli, L TUR V; Augustan period this was also a commercial area. Wiseman 15). It included a templum to Venus-Libitina Late-Republican tombstones attest that two freedmen, (Festus 322: templa ... alterum in luco Libitinensi). This a butcher and a clothes-dealer, had businesses here grove was probably the headquarters of the libitinarii, (CIL 12 1268, 1411; Wiseman 15 with n.13). professional undertakers (Bodel). An inscription found outside the *Porta Esquilina, which mentions a J. Bodel,s.v. "Libitina,lucus," LTUR V,272-73. guild of flute-players, who also took part in funerals F.Coarelli,s.v. "Venus Libitina,lucus," LTUR V, 117. (eIL VI 32448), puts this grove in the *Campus F.Coarelli,s.v."Libitina,lucus," LTUR III, 189-90. Esquilinus just S of the *Macellum Liviae (Wiseman T.P. Wiseman, "A stroll on the rampart," in Horti romani 13-15; Bodel; Coarelli); archaic architectural terracot- (1998)13-16. tas have been discovered in this area (Coarelli, LTUR Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)167. III). The temple seems to have been an early Republican Lucus FURRINAE A sacred grove and sanctuary to the ancient god- latest but limited archaeological work, see Mocche- dess Furrina dating to the Republican period, located giani Carpano). Within the confines of the lucus, a on the middle slopes of the SE *Ianiculum, known as temenos was dedicated to *Iuppiter Optimus Maximus the place where C. Gracchus died in 121 B.C. (Plut., H(eliopolitanus) with a series of later temples. The Vir. ill. 65.5: in lucum Furrinae; C. Gracch. 17.2; lucus probably continued to be an important histori- Calzini Gysens, LTUR 193; id. 1996,56-57). Archaeo- cal and cultic tapas in the Transtiberine landscape. logical discoveries in 1906-10 located the site within b.H. the limits of the modern Villa Sciarra-Wurts, along a J. CalziniGysens,s.v. "Lucus Furrinae (Reg.XIV)," LTUR III, natural ravine that extends along an E-W axis 193-94. through present-day Viale Dandolo (Gauckler 69-92, J. Calzini Gysens, "II lucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto esp. pI. 5 for site plan; Goodhue pI. 1-3; Mocchegiani 'santuario siriaco',"in Ianiculum-Gianicolo (1996)53-60. Carpano fig. 1). Among the finds was a marble altar of C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "II sorgenti," in M. Mele et al., late 1st-c. A.D. date, dedicated to Zeus Keraunios and L'area del 'santuario siriaco del Gianicolo' (Rome1982)39-43. the Nymphae Furrinae (CIL VI 36802; Gauckler 15-18; N. Goodhue, The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on the Savage 35-36). This dedication to the nymphs accords Janiculum (Amsterdam1975). with the topographical features of the sacred springs S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 and grottos in the area, as well as with the elaborate (1940)26-56,pI. 1-4. hydraulic installations which were incorporated into the natural landscape of the lucus (Gauckler; for the P. Gauckler,Le sanctuaire syrien du Janicule (Paris1912)1-137. Lucus STIMULAE A sacred grove to Stimula, at. the N foot of the the early 2nd c. B.C. (Livy 39.12.4: in luco 5timulae) *Aventinus, known solely through ancient sources (De and it was dedicated to Stimula, who was associated Cazanove). The site was known as the place where with Semele, mother of Dionysus (Ov., Fast. 6.503). nocturnal rites of the Bacchanalia were performed in These Bacchic rites are reported by Livy (39.8-18) to Catalogue of entries have been suppressed by the Roman senate in 186 B.C. tinued presence of the lucus under Augustus remains a Accounts of this event locate the lucus near the *Tiber matter of conjecture. The site cannot be sufficiently (Livy 39.13.12) at the foot of the Aventine (Ov., Fast. specified to receive an index number. 6.518), perhaps to the NW of the hill (De Cazanove 56-57, esp. fig. 2; Coarelli; contra, Richardson, who F.Coarelli,s.v."Stimula,lucus," LTUR IV,378. favors the SW Aventine). Although the cult survived Richardson236. well into the Imperial period (Richardson), the con- O. De Cazanove,"Lucus Stimulae: les aiguillons des Baccha- nales," MEFRA 95 (1983) 55-113. LUNA, AEDES map index 255 Temple of Luna on the *Aventine (d. Ov., Fast. alternative: Ziolkowski, 99), our map groups its index 884), without identified remains. Its site depends on number together with those for the Temple of Ceres that of the Temple of *Ceres, whose location, though and the adjacent Temple of *Flora. The importance of a not known with certainty, can reasonably be narrow- cult to Luna and the proximity of her temple to those of ed to the lower slope of the Aventine's N tip, just Ceres and Flora may appear less "obscure" (Ziolkow- above the head of the *Circus Maximus. Luna's temple ski, 99) when one takes into account the potentially stood in the immediate vicinity of ~eres' (Richardson; destructive effect on crops and vegetation that the full Ziolkowski; Coarelli; Andreussi), since its doors are moon was considered to have (Pliny, NH 18.286-92). reported to have been dislodged by a storm in 182 B.C D.B., L.H. and hurled into the rear wall of the Temple of Ceres M. Andreussi, s.v. "Luna, aedes," LTUR III, 198. (Livy 40.2.2); further, both temples were hit by F. Coarelli,S.v."Ceres, Liber, Liberaque, aedes; aedes Cere- lightning - presumably the same bolt - on the same ris," LTUR I,261. day in 84 B.C (App., B Civ. 1.78). Assuming the Ziolkowski,Temples (1992) 99-100. temple's existence during the Augustan period (Tac., Richardson238. Ann. 15.41; yet with Lucina, instead of Luna, as af\ LUPERCAL map index 200 A grotto at the base of the SW *Palatine, near the bronze depiction of the she-wolf suckling the twins *Circus Maximus, believed to be the site where Faus- (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.79.8; Livy 10.23) and an tulus discovered Romulus and Remus with the she- equestrian statue of Drusus (CIL VI 912=31200). The wolf (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.79.8, Livy 1.5.1-2, Ovid, presence of an equestrian monument suggests the Fast. 2.381-424). The site featured a spring, and was change in atmosphere the Augustan rebuilding may once surrounded by a grove; the original ficus Rumina- have brought to a once idyllic, watery grove. lis grew here, but by the Augustan period, only Returning to an early theory advanced by Lan- vestigia of the fig-tree remained near the Lupercal ciani, Coarelli suggests that a grotto near the Church (Ov., Fast. 2.411; d. *Forum; Richardson; Coarelli; of S. Anastasia may be the Augustan Lupercal (LTUR; Pliny, NH 15.77-78; Tac., Ann. 13.58). contra, Richardson). First excavated in 1534, this cave Following literary sources, the Lupercal can be was decorated as a nympheum with its walls "encrus- located on the lower SW Palatine. Dionysius of Hali- ted in marine shells" (Lanciani); Coarelli argues, as carnassus places it at the foot of the Germalus (s.v. does Shipley, that this decoration would be appropri- Palatine) between the *Velabrum and *Circus Maxi- ate for the Lupercal. Complicating matters is a series mus (Ant. Rom. 1.79.8), and also associates the grotto of Augustan tufa walls which stand just E of the apse with the Temple of *Victory, which stood atop the SW of S. Anastasia (Whitehead pI. 11, A and B; Lanciani, Palatine (Ant. Rom. 1.32.5). Further, the Lupercal is FUR pI. 29); despite their partial preservation, the described as in Circa, 'at the Circus [Maximus]' walls seem to have belonged to a warehouse similar to (Servius, ad Aen. 8.90), and used as a landmark for a the *Horrea Agrippae (Whitehead). This suggests Palatine theater proposed but never realized by C. further study is needed before Coarelli's proposal can Cassius Longinus (c.154 B.C, a Lupercali in Palatio: be accepted, and thus the Lupercal has been repre- VeIl. Pat. 1.15.3; Richardson 239). sented by an index number on our map. Augustus takes credit for building the Lupercal (RG 19:feci); although what this meant architecturally F.Coarelli,s.v. "Lupercal,"LTUR III, 198-99. is unclear, an imperial intervention would have Richardson 238-39. entailed significant alterations (Coarelli, LTUR; Wise- T.P. Wiseman, "The god of the Lupercal," JRS 85 (1995) 1- man 15). Concurrently, the festival of the Lupercalia 22. was re-organized by Augustus (Suet., Aug. 31.4; on the P.B.Whitehead, "The church of S. Anastasia in Rome," AJA Lupercalia, Wiseman; d. *Magna Mater, Aedes). 31 (1927) 405-20. Within the Lupercal were several statues, including a Catalogue of entries thought it lay near the modern Piazza del Gesu, while some indication of the location and general magnitude Richardson identifies it with an unlabeled square of the Republican and Augustan Ara Martis. structure depicted on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodri- guez Almeida, Forma frag. 35a), as part of a villa Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 182-97. Publica reconstituted by Domitian as the Divorum. Richardson245. The most attractive hypothesis to date is that of E. Welin, "Ara Martis in Campo: zur Frage der Bedeutung Coarelli, who focuses on a series of walls discovered und des Umfanges des Campus Martius," OpRom 1 under Yia del Plebiscita in 1925. These he associates (1954) 166-90. with a Hadrianic rebuilding of the altar, and from F. CastagnoIi, II Campo Marzio nell'antichitii (Rome 1947) 93- them reconstructs a grand peribolos enclosure, c.65 x 193, esp. 133-40. 65 m, inside which stood the altar on a massive raised G. Mancini,"Roma,Regione IX," NSc 1925, 225-43, esp. 239- platform. The excavation also revealed some traces of 43. an earlier structure on this site (Mancini). These re- S.B.Platner, "The Ara Martis," CP 3 (1908) 65-73. mains, if Coarelli's identification holds, might give us H. Jmuan and C. Hiilsen, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum 1.3 (Berlin1907) 475-77. map index 57 One of the few surviving Augustan monuments is The precise construction dates for the Mausoleum the monumental tomb built by Octavian early in his are a matter of debate (Kraft, for a critical discussion reign for both his own burial as well as the interment of the historical controversy). According to Suetonius of other members of gens Iulia and his notable friends (loc. cit.), the building was already completed by 28 (for a discussion of the burials, Macciocca). In 1934, B.c., but apparently only to a certain extent, since at the environs of the ancient structure was cleared of the time of the first burial at the Mausoleum (that of residential urban fabric as part of the creation of a Marcellus in 23 B.C.), the construction was still not Fascist architectural ensemble at Piazzale Augusto yet complete (Dio Casso 53.30.5). Based on the stylistic Imperatore. The archaeological excavations and criteria of the architectural details, especially the primary architectural restorations were completed in design of the Doric entablature, von Hesberg (1994, 1938 (Gatti 1934, id. 1938). 47-48,54-55; id., LTUR 235) argued that the construc- tion must have started before 31 B.C.,which concords In antiquity, the location of the Mausoleum, immed- with the earlier suggestion of Kraft. iately W of the *Yia Flaminia, fell within the N limits of the *Campus Martius. Its colossal architectural The recent study by von Hesberg (1994, figs. 1-3, form marked the N entrance to the marshland of the 46-48) improved our understanding of the building's Campus, having been built at the mouth of the isthmus overall design, which was known from Gatti's earlier created between *Collis Hortulorum and the *Tiber. work (1938, figs. 1, 13 for reconstructed plan and ele- Strabo (5.3.8) describes the monument, 'the so-called vation). A lofty travertine socle (diam. 89 m) formed a Mausoleum' (to MUllcrroAEtOVKUAOUJ.lEVOV),asa monumental base (krepis) for its tumulus, while the great mound by the river on a lofty platform, topped by concentric wall around the burial chamber rose higher poplar trees (E1t1.KPT\1tlOO~U"'T\A~~AE1lKOAi8oll1tpO~ to form a cylindrical tower which held a second earth- lq> 1totUJ.lq>XOOJ.lUJ.lEyU)and with 'a large sacred en mound and the statue of the emperor on the summit. grove' (J.lEyUaAcro~)and promenades behind it. Sue- Yon Hesberg reconstructs a marble Doric entablature tonius (Aug. 100.4) approves such an urban setting, for the upper drum, punctuated by shield plates and a and mentions the public groves and walks (silvas et marble revetment for the lower socle, extending c.20 m ambulationes) around the Mausoleum, which were on each side of its main doorway (LTUR 235). The Res opened to the public by Augustus in 28 B.C. This Gestae was posthumously inscribed on two bronze formal public landscape probably encompassed the tablets and either 'installed at the entrance of the area from the modern Piazza del Popolo up to the Mausoleum' (Suet., Aug. 101.4) or 'engraved on two pavements of the *"Horologium Augusti", and spanned bronze pillars' (RG, praef). Yon Hesberg reconstructs the widestretch between the *Yia Flaminia and the a 120 x 120 m travertine pavement around the Mauso- river (Rakob 687-88; von Hesberg 1994, 35-36; id., leum (1994, 31-33, fig. 48). The basalt and caementi- LTUR 234). These gardens held numerous altars cium foundations for the two red granite obelisks (including the *Ara Pacis), aediculae and statues, as (Amm. Marc. 17.4.16) have been located by the recent well as the *"Ustrinum Domus Augustae". coring and excavations adjacent to the drum on either side of the doorway, both c.22 m from the center (Buchner). Based on the archaeological remains of a Catalogue of entries short-lived canal that ran from the base of the W H. von Hesberg and S. Panciera, Das Mausoleum des Augus- obelisk to the Tiber, and which must have been used tus: der Bau und seine Inschriften (Munchen 1994). for the transport of the obelisks, it is now believed F. Rakob, "Die Urbanisierung des niirdlichen Marsfeldes. that they were raised during the lifetime of Augustus. Neue Forschungen im Areal des Horologium Augusti," b.B. in CUrbs (1987) 687-711. H. von Hesberg, s.v. "Mausoleum Augusti: das Monument," K.Kraft, "Der Sinndes Mausoleums des Augustus," Historia LTUR III, 234-37. 16 (1967) 189-206. M. Macciocca, s.v. "Mausoleum Augusti: Ie sepolture," G. Gatti, "Nuove osservazione sui Mausoleo di Augusto," LTUR III, 237-39. L'Urbe 3-8 (1938) 1-17. E. Buchner, "Ein Kanal fur Obelisken: Neues vom G. Gatti, "IIMausoleodi Augusto," Capitolium 10 (1934) 457- Mausoleum des Augustus in Rom,"Antike Welt 27 (1996) 64. 161-68. MEFITlS, AEDES map index 348 Temple on the *Cispian overlooking the *Yicus bones; he also argues that an early member of this fam- Patricius (Festus 476: aedis Mefitis; Yarro, Ling. 5.49: ily established the cult of Mefitis. Coarelli's theory is lacus Mefitis). It is best located on the high ground at plausible but hypothetical, so only the likely position the S end of the Yicus Patricius where the valley is of the temple (not the domus) is marked on the map. deepest (Richardson), rather than further N on the A.G.T. more level ground near Piazzale Esquilino (Rodriguez F.Coarelli,s.v. "Mefitis,aedes, lucus," LTUR III,239-40. Almeida). Coarelli suggests that a dam uS belonging to F.Coarelli,s.v."Domus:Papirii," LTUR II, 152. the Papirii also stood in this area, on the site of Vigna E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Cespeus, Cespius, Cispius, Santarelli (for location, see Lanciani, FUR pI. 23), and Mons,"LTUR I, 264. that this may have belonged to a Republican branch of Richardson251. the family, either the Papirii Cursores or Papirii Car- MERCURIUS, AEDES Unlocated Temple to Mercury (aedes: Livy 2.21.7), side of the Circus Maximus (Richardson, Andreussi). which overlooked the *Circus Maximus (Ov., Fast. As our map shows, this makes the E slope of the 5.669: templa ... spectantia Circum). The only known Aventine's main hill somewhat the more likely site, temple to Mercury in Rome, it is mentioned in the late- while the N slope of the SE hill (the "Lesser Aven- antique Regionaries for Regia XI: Circus Maximus. tine") is not excluded either. Therefore, conservative- Since Mercury's Roman cult site is described as ly, our map does not show the temple. 'behind the turning posts of Murcia' (Apul., Met. 6.8: L.B. retro metas Murtias; s.v. *Murcia, Sacellum), one can M. Andreussi, s.v. "Mercurius, aedes," LTUR III, 245-47. deduce a location near her shrine on the *Aventine Richardson252. MILIARIUM AUREUM map index 125 The so-called 'golden milestone' in the *Forum Miliarium Aureum, but this is not certain. The Milia- erected by Augustus in connection with his super- rium Aureum represented the notional point of conver- vision of the road system (cura viarum), undertaken in gence for the roads of the Italian peninsular network 20 B.C. (Dio Casso 54.8.4: XPuQ"ouvJliA.tov KI::KA.11- (Plut., Galb. 24.4), and distances from Rome could be JlEVOV).The milestone, probably sheathed in gilded calculated not only from the *Servian Wall but also bronze (but d. Dig. 50.16.154, where it is referred to from the Forum (Mari), but there is no evidence that simply as 'the milestone of the city', miliarium urbis), the Miliarium Aureum was inscribed with the names was 'at the end of the Forum' (in capite Romani fori: of major cities and their distances from Rome. Pliny, NH 3.66), 'at the foot of the Temple of Saturn' (sub aede(m) Saturni: Tac., Hist. 1.27; Suet., Otho 6.2). Z. Mari,s.v. "MiliariumAureum," LTUR III,250-51. The circular concrete foundation discovered by Richardson254. Kahler at the SE corner of the semi-circular stair to H. Kahler, Das Funfsiiulendenkmal fur die Tetrarchen auf dem the *Rostra of Augustus may be the remains of the Forum Romanum (Cologne 1964) 23, 58-59. Catalogue of entries MINERVA,AEDES map index 258 Temple of Minerva on the "Aventine, apparently in has recently been disputed, but the most plausible a prominent place (in arce: Ov., Fast. 6.728), but solution still speaks for the traditional placement in without identified remains. It is mentioned in reference the N center of the hill (for details, s.v. Diana Aven- to events of the late 3rd-c. B.C.(Festus 446/48) and de- tina, Aedes). With due caution, our map shows the picted on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almei- temple at that place and assumes that the size of its da, Forma pl. 15, frag. 22: MINERBAE;d. Templum platform (c.25 x 50 m) had not changed since the Dianae et Minervae in the Regionary Catalogues, Regia Augustan period. XIII). The temple was rebuilt by Augustus (feci: RG D.B. 19), together with (on the Aventine) the temples of L. Vendittelli, s.v. "Minerva, aedes (Aventinus)," LTUR III, "Iuppiter Libertas and "Iuno Regina (Vendittelli; d. 254. Richardson; Ziolkowski). Its precise location depends Richardson254-55. on the position of the Marble Plan's fragment, which Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)109-12. MINERVACAPTA,DELUBRAIMINERVIUM map index 294 A 'Minervium', or shrine of Minerva, is mentioned Minerva (CIL VI 524) on the N slopes of the Caelian, by Varro, who places it on a road leading up to the this shrine has generally been placed on the ""Via "Caelian (Ling. 5.47), and a shrine or sanctuary of Tusculana" in the area of 55. Quattro Coronati Minerva Capta is mentioned by Ovid, who puts it on (Colini, Coarelli). the crest of the same hill (Fast. 3.835-38: Captae delubra Minervae). It seems likely that both authors refer to F. Coarelli, s.v. "Minerva Capta, delubra; Minervium," the same place. Following the discovery of a statue of LTUR III,255. Minerva and an inscription recording a dedication to CoHni,Celio (1944)40. MINERVAMEDICA map index 308 This temple (we do not know if it was an aedes or accepted as probable if not absolutely certain templum) is listed in the Notitia and Curiosum within (Carlucci, Ziolkowski, Richardson, Gatti 10 Guzzo). Regia V: Esquiliae (Reg. Cats.: Minerbam Medicam). It De Vos suggests a close link between Minerva Medica is possible that Cicero puns on the name of this temple: and the nearby sanctuary of Isis ("Iseum Metellinum), sine medico medicinam dabit Minerva ('Minerva will both of which were dedicated to healing goddesses (de give medicine without the aid of a medic': Cic., Div. Vos 113). Ziolkowski identifies Minerva Medica as a 2.123). If so, it dearly existed in the late Republic. Its mid-Republican temple foundation. Our map marks the location has been determined on the basis of votive position at which the dedications were found. deposits found in Via Carlo Botta ("Via Curva) bet- A.G.T. ween Via Buonarotti and Via Machiavelli, but there C. Carlucci,s.v. '''Minerva Medica, tempio'," LTUR III, 255- are no surviving architectural remains (de Vos 108). 56. The votive offerings, found in situ in the storage cham- De Vos,Dionysus, Hylas e Isis (1997)108,113. bers (favisae) of the temple, included a dedication to Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)115-17. Minerva, representations of the goddess, and dedica- R.c. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und tions to a healing deity, all dated from the 4th to 1st c. der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom," KolnJb 23 B.C. An Imperial-period statue of Minerva was (1990)54-57. discovered nearby, along with statues of other deities. Richardson256. Hauber sees only a circumstantial connection between L. Gatti 10 Guzzo, II deposito votivo daII'EsquiIino detto di these finds and Minerva Medica. But in general, the existence of a temple of Minerva Medica on this site is Minerva Medica (Florence1978)13-16. MONTETESTACCIO map index 274 The artificial hill of modern-day Monte Testaccio this artificial hill, if it had one, is unknown. lies 5 of the ancient site of the "Horrea Galbana in the The hilI was created by the systematic deposition "Emporium area, bordered by Via Galvani, Via Zaba- of amphora sherds to form a terraced pyramidal struc- glia, Ex-Mattatoio Comunale and the 3rd-c. A.D.Aure- ture, beginning early in the Augustan era and contin- lian Wall, occupying an c.22,000 m2 triangular area uing until its abandonment in A.D. 257 (Blazquez (on average: 180 m N-5 x 250 m E-W), with a maxi- Martinez 1992, 43; Rodriguez Almeida 138-39; mum height of 49 m asl and 36 m above the surrounding street level (Rodriguez Almeida 109, fig. 40, and two Maischberger 30). Rodriguez Almeida was able to supp!. maps; Maischberger). The elevation of this area produce a schematic diagram that hypothesized the was 5 to 6 m lower in antiquity. The ancient name of development of amphora deposition on the hill in various periods, based mainly on Dressel's 19th-c. Catalogue of entries survey and analysis of the ceramic chronology (Rodri- However, the topography of the artificial hill in guez Almeida 135-45, esp. figs. 54-56 and, for Dressel A.D. 14 remains conjectural, and will not be known references, 14). According to his model, the first until the Spanish team provides further evidence for pyramidal terrace within the main core of the mound the lower levels of the mound, the results of which to the E was formed between the Augustan era and the will provide the best test of Rodriguez Almeida's end of the 1st c. A.D. hypothesis. Our map follows Rodriguez Almeida's schematic diagram of the hypothetical early deposi- Though recent archaeological investigations at the tional state of the mound. Unfortunately, the Berlin Monte Testaccio have not yet found sherds pre-dating model of Augustan Rome simply reproduces the modern A.D. 144, it is assumed that the deposition must have topography of the mound and represents it as if it were started when the Roman province of Baetica was inte- a natural hill. grated into the Roman economy early during the reign of Augustus, since a large proportion of amphoras Spanish excavations at Monte Testaccio: http://www. uncovered on the site are Baetican olive-oil types ub.es/CEIP AC/test _u.html (Bhizquez Martinez 1991; Spanish excavations at Monte Testaccio). Further, by the late-Republican M. Maischberger,s.v. "TestaceusMons," LTUR V, 28-30. period the Emporium was already well developed J.M.BI MURCIA, SACELLUM map index 248 The shrine of the archaic diVinity Murcia (sacel- been substantially enlarged (Humphrey 96-97; lum: Varra, Ling. 5.154) stood within the track of the Coarelli; s.v. "Vallis: Circus Maximus). Since nothing "Circus Maximus near the first turning post (the SE is known of the shrine's Augustan architecture, and meta) on the "Aventine side (Tert., De spect. 5, 8; sub its location can only be approximated, it is repre- monte Aventino: Festus 135; see fig. 9). Varro relates sented by an index number on our map. that the small shrine was once surrounded by a grove, but this had been reduced to a single myrtle tree, a F.CoareIli,s.v. "Murcia,"LTUR III,289-90. vestigium, by the Augustan era (Varro, loc.cit.). In late J. Humphrey, Roman circuses, arenas for chariot racing antiquity the valley was called the vallis Murcia after (Berkeley1986). the goddess, but perhaps only after her shrine had MURI The Republican city wall of Rome is generally "Agger on the vulnerable "Esquiline plateau toward known-as the Servian Wall. This remains a convenient the end of the Regal period. One tradition held that label, for it is well-entrenched in modern scholarship, Servius Tullius (conventionally 578-35 B.C.) added and distinguishes the Republican from the later the "Esquiline and "Viminal and built the Agger (Livy Aurelian Wall. The Latinized term 'Murus Servii 1.44.3; Strabo 5.3.7; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 4.13.1-3). He Tullii' is a modern coinage. In the Augustan period also 'surrounded the seven hills with one wall' (Dion. and the late Republic, the 'Servian Wall' was known Hal., Ant. Rom. 4.14.1). But a competing tradition simply as 'the walls' (muri), or some variation on that attributed the Agger to Tarquinius Superbus (Pliny, phrase. In the Latin literary sources, we find mums NH 3.67; d. Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 4.54.2), and Tarqui- (Livy 1.36.1, 1.38.6, 1.44.4, 6.32.1; Oros. 4.4.1), muri nius Priscus was said to have constructed or planned (Livy 2.10.1, 2.39.9, 3.68.2, 4.31.9, 5.39.2, 26.51.9, the first stone wall (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 3.67.4; Livy 26.9.9; Varra, Ling. 5.164; Ov., Met. 15.616; Festus 1.36.1).The ancient sources may not agree unanimous- 315; Pliny, NH 3.67; Gell., NA 13.14.1), muri et portae ly as to which of the last three kings of Rome com- (Cic., Div. 1.101), muri htrresque (urbis) (Livy 7.20.9, pleted the wall (Thomsen 218-22), yet it does seem that 22.8.7, 25.7.5), agger murique (Livy 4.21.9), agger et the dominant tradition gave most credit to Servius fossae et mums (Livy 1.44.3), murus ac turris (Varro Tullius. ap. Censorinus, DN 17.8), or moenia (Livy 1.44.4, Scholars have traditionally emphasized the Livian 2.51.2, 3.66.5, 26.10.3; Pliny, NH 3.66). The ancient historiographical tradition viewed the urbanization statement that the censors in 377 B.C. contracted for the construction of a 'wall of dressed stone' (mums and fortification of Archaic Rome as a gradual pro- saxo quadrato: Livy 6.32.1). This date is consistent cess, completed only with the construction of the Catalogue of entries G. Cifani, "La documentazione archeologica delle mura esterno delle mura, presso la nuova stazione ferroviaria arcaiche aRoma," RiimMitt 105(1998)370-7l. di termini in Roma,"BullCom 78(1961-62)19fig. l. S. Aurigemma, "Le mura 'serviane', I'aggere e il fossato all' G. Saflund, Le mura di Roma repubblicana (Uppsala 1932)67- 75,general plan. N map index 182 Extensive water basin built by Augustus in *Trans an entirely different location for the Naumachia Tiberim in 2 B.C.to stage mock naval battles and aqua- (Taylor). Highlighting the capacity of the Aqua tic displays for the Roman people. In the Res Gestae Alsietina and its functional relationship with the (23), Augustus gives the dimensions of this large basin Naumachia, as well as emphasizing the limited archae- as 1800 by 1200 Roman feet (533 x 355 m, and ological evidence, he not only proposes an hydraulic assuming a rectangular form, as has been done without system for the basin, but also locates it in a rectan- exception), with a possible average depth of 1.5 m gular form on the marshy lowlands of the Trans (Taylor 471). There was 'an island in the middle' of Tiberim, delimited to the N by the *Via Aurelia and at the the basin, probably for distinguished spectators, its SE corner by the Church of S. Francesco a Ripa, the and the island was connected to the bank by a bridge findspot of impressive quantities of black and white of notable height (Pliny, NH 16.200). The useful life of mosaics at a depth of 8 m (Taylor 475-77, fig. 4). The the basin must have been short; literary sources suggested orientation of the Naumachia not only (including Augustus himself) imply that it was subse- works well with the topographical contours of the quently surrounded and perhaps partly replaced by area, but also coincides with the ancient street pattern the nemus Caesarum, the Grove of the Caesars (Suet., (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma 140-43, pI. 44; frag. 37a), Aug. 43.1; later called the Grove of Gaius and Lucius, which was preserved through the mediaeval period Dio Casso 66.25.3). (Taylor 479). If such a placement is correct, the Repub- lican viaduct excavated in the Via Aurelia near S. According to Frontinus (Aq. 11.1-2: opus naumach- Crisogono might well have acted as a discharge canal iae), the main reason for the construction of the *Aqua for the basin (Gatti; Taylor 481). Our map follows Alsietina was to supply water for the Naumachia and this convincing suggestion by Taylor. the adjacent gardens in Trans Tiberim; its conduit ended behind the Naumachia (Frontin., Aq. 22.4: post Surprisingly, numerous literary accounts witness naumachiam). A large conduit discovered on the slopes the survival of the Naumachia, at least in part, down of Janiculum just above the monastery of S. Cosimato is through the late 1st c. A.D., probably due in part to considered the primary archaeological evidence for Augustus' dedication of the surrounding honorific the location of the Naumachia, the Aqua Alsietina and groves (Suet., Tit. 7.3; Dio Casso 66.25.3). However, the the nemus Caesarum (Taylor 482-83; van Buren and vast area that it occupied must have been taken over Steve~; Lanciani, FUR pI. 33). by urban encroachment at the end of 1st c. A.D. (Taylor 482). Recently three scholars have commented in detail on the problems of the topographic location and shape bH. of the Augustan Naumachia. Coarelli argued that the R. Taylor, "Torrent or trickle? The Aqua Alsietina, the Nau- Naumachia was partly preserved on the Severan machia Augusti, and the Transtiberim," AJA 101 (1997) Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 20, frag. 465-92. 28) as a large, blank, rectangular area, which was A.M.Liberati,s.v "Naumachia Augusti," LTUR III,337. located by G. Gatti in the S Trans Tiberim (Coarelli K.M.Coleman, "Launching into history: aquatic displays in 46-47, fig. 3; Gatti 94-95). This hypothesis locates the the EarlyEmpire,"JRS 83 (1993)48-74. Naumachia between modern Viale del Trastevere and F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti, the ancient *Via Campana-Portuensis. Coleman sup- Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis e alcu- ports Coarelli's argument but suggests an elliptical ni edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana," Ostraka 1 plan for the basin for structural reasons and by (1992)39-54. comparison with similar structures (Coleman 52-53, G. Gatti, "Trastevere," in Carettoni et al., Pianta (1960)94- fig. 1). However, in the most recent and comprehensive 95. analysis of an impressive variety of evidence, Taylor A.W.van Buren and G.P. Stevens, "The Aqua Alsietina on returns to an earlier scholarly tradition and proposes the Janiculum," MAAR 6 (1927)137-46. Catalogue of entries probable course is visible in the network of streets shown on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almei- da, Forma pI. 10;Hauber map 1). Its S course is attested C Lega, s.v. "Vicus Corvi," LTUR V, 160-61. leading down to the Colosseum Valley (Lanciani, FUR Richardson 422. pIs. 23, 30). ""Vicus Curvus/Corvi" may have been RC. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und the name of this curved street across the E Oppian der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom," KOlnJb 23 passing through the area most likely inhabited by the (1990) 22, map 1. OPS,AEDES map index 162 A mid-Republican temple of Ops, the goddess of Capitolina, best identified with a temple shown on an wealth, stood in Capitolio and was struck by lightning adjoining fragment of the Severan Marble Plan in 186 B.C. (Livy 39.22.4: aedes Opis in Capitolio). It (Carretoni et al., Pianta frag. 499; s.v. "Fides). The was probably dedicated by L. Caecilius Metellus in Temple of Ops stood close by, perhaps set back from 250 B.C (Aronen, with Pliny, NH 11.174:in dedicanda the temenos wall of the Area Capitolina, given that an aede Opi topifere; d. Ziolkowski); it existed in the altar of Isis Deserta stood 'behind the Temple of Ops' Augustan period, for it was here that women and (Schol. Veron., in Verg. Aen. 2.714; noted by Rodri- children assembled for the celebration of the ludi guez Almeida). Its approximate position is marked on Saeculares of 17 B.C (CIL VI 32323).-The Temple of the map following Coarelli and von Sydow. Ops is believed to have stood next to the Temple of A.CT. "Fides: military diplomas of the 1st c. AD. were attach- J. Aronen, s.v. "Ops Opifera, aedes," LTUR III, 362-64. ed to both temples; a storm in 44 B.C damaged both Coarelli, Roma (1995) 37. temples (Obsequens 68), and the concepts offides and Ziolkowski, Temples (1992) 122-25. ops (faith and wealth) were closely related (Aronen). E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Nuovi dati dalla Forma Urbis Aronen identifies the Temples of Fides and Ops with Marmorea per Ie mura perimetrali, gli accessi e i templi the twin temples shown on a fragment of the Severan del Colle Capitolino," BA 8 (1991) 39-40. Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 23, frag. W. yon Sydow, "Archaologische Funde und Forschungen ill 31 a,b,c; s.v. "Capitolium: Marble Plan Temples); but Bereich der Soprintendenz Rom 1957-1973," AA 88 this is unlikely, for the Temple of Fides almost (1973) fig. 34 (ill: by G. Ioppolo). certainly stood in the SW corner of the "Area p PAGUSIANICOL(ENSIS) map index 183 An administrative division (pagus) of the Trans- the Trans Tiberim into pagi (Richardson). tiberine region, possibly religious in character, known The index number on our map marks the findspot of from two inscriptions. Found in 1861between Piazza the inscriptions, and denotes the approximate vicinity Mastai and S. Maria dell'Orto, and ascribed to the of the building activities they mention; further, their early 1st c. A.D. (Liverani; to the Republican period: position excludes the possibility of placing the Richardson), they mention the building activity of the "Naumachia on this site. magistri of the pagus in that area (CIL VI 2219=ILS 6079: MAG. [PA]G. IANICOL.;CIL VI 2220). These inscriptions offer valuable testimony for a built-up P. Liverani, s.v. "Pagus Ianic(ulensis)," LTUR IV, 10. zone of Trans Tiberim not far from the city center P. Coarelli, "II Gianicolo nell'antichitii. Tra mito e storia," in (Coarelli 18; Liverani), as well as for the division of laniculum-Gianicolo (1996) 13-28. Richardson 279. PALATIUM Prominent hill in the heart of Rome, a place of "Velia, E of the "Forum Bovarium, N of the "Circus privileged housing and numinous character, settled Maximus, and W of the "Caelian. Steep, defensible first by Romulus, whose connection with the hill was slopes, espeCially on the SW and NW faces of the hill, celebrated throughout antiquity. Under Augustus, the and a spacious plateau (c.25 acres, Richardson 280), region saw intense building activity, especially on the made the Palatine an ideal location for Romulus' city. SW Palatine, which was transformed into a magnifi- A low saddle connected the NE Palatine with the cent religious-residential center embodying Augustus' Velia, and offered the only gradual ascent to the hill's deep personal connections to the hill. summit (s.v. ""Clivus Palatinus"); the gentle slope in The Palatium rose S of the "Forum Romanum and this area, and the proximity to the political heart of the city, the Forum Romanum, made the N foot of the Catalogue of entries .F.Coarelli,s.v. "Piscina Publica," LTUR IV, 93-94. Richardson 292. PONSAEMILIUS map index 184 The first stone bridge of Republican Rome which especially after its restoration, the Pons Aemilius must connected the busy *Forum Bovarium area with the have carried the heaviest traffic between the two *Trans Tiberim (ADPONTEMAEMILIVM:Fast. Allif. and banks on its six-pier structure (Coarelli 1988, 104, fig. Amit., in Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 181, 191), it was 20). The importance of the bridge for the shaping of the substantially restored under Augustus (Coarelli, early Transtiberine urban topography and street LTUR). The identification of a single standing arch of pattem is evident in the fact that the two major arter- a bridge immediately downstream from the Tiber ies, the *Via Aurelia and the *Via Campana, forked at island, the Ponte Rotto, with the Augustan rebuilding the W foot of the bridge. Taylor (80) argued that the of the Pons Aemilius is undisputed (Richardson). An bridge carried the *Aqua Appia across the Tiber, inscription from a bridgehead arch (CIL VI 878) especially after Augustus restored and supplemented records the Augustan restoration after 12 B.C this aqueduct with an additional line. The bridge was first built by P. Cornelius Scipio F.Coarelli,s.v. "PonsAemilius,"LTUR IV, 106-7. Africanus and L. Mummius in 142 B.C (Livy 40.51.4) on foundations laid out by M. Aemilius Lepidus and R. Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in PBSR 63 (1995) 75-103. M. Fulvius Nobilior in 179 B.C This earlier construc- the ancient city of Rome," tion is archaeologically associated with the remains Richardson 296-97. of an abutment just N of the Ponte Rotto, on a slightly Coarelli, Foro Boario (1988) 139-47. different axis than the Augustan rebuilding (Blake; Blake, Roman construction I (1947) 178. Coarelli 1988, 139 f.). At the time of Augustus, and PONSAGRIPPAE map index 8 Northernmost bridge across the *Tiber in Augustan that the astian inscription referred to the pons Aure- Rome, which connected the *Campus Martius to the N lius, which was also known as pons Antonini in anti- *Trans Tiberim plain and its suburban villas. All but quity, and that this evidence provided a link between unknown from ancient texts, the pons may have the Agrippan and Aurelian bridges, a competing argu- carried Agrippa's *Aqua Virgo across the Tiber to ment was set forth, identifying the pons Aurelius (mod- supply water to Trans Tiberim, and perhaps especi- ern Ponte Sisto) as the rebuilding of the Pons Agrippae ally to the vast Augustan villa known as the *"Villa (Le Gall). Coarelli (1977, 824-26, map; id., LTUR) Farnesina" (Taylor 80-85; Evans 107; Nash). suggested a street scheme for the E *Campus Martius that supported this argument. However, Taylor (id., Following the discovery of a Claudian eippus that fig. 3) convincingly refuted the hypothesis with the marked the limits of public property from the Triga- help of additional evidence from the Aqua Virgo. rium to Pons Agrippae about 160 m upstream (Le., N) of the Ponte Sisto (CIL VI 31545=IL5 5926: ADPONTEM The excavator's suggestion that the pons Aurelius AGRIPPA[E]), four concrete foundation piers for a was actually built with spolia from the Pons Agrippae bridge across the Tiber were found near the same is tempting, since the 3rd-c. A.D. bridge functionally location and were subsequently identified as the Pons replaced the earlier Augustan one (Borsari 96; Lloyd Agrippae (Borsari). The selce concrete used in these 201). Given the current state of evidence, it seems foundations has parallels in the foundations of the possible that the bridge was dismantled from its *Thermae of Agrippa and in an Augustan vault of the original location, between Via delIa Catena on the left *Cloaca Maxima (Blake). Further, an Augustan tomb bank and the "Villa Farnesina" on the Transtiberine (*Sepulcrum: C. Sulpicius Platorinus) at the Trans- side, some time before the construction of the Aurelian tiberine bridgehead was apparently erected "as an Walls and rebuilt as the pons Aurelius (Taylor 87-88) immediate consequence" of the construction of the in order to make space for the fortifications, protect bridge (Lloyd 202). Tracing the possible route of the the bridge, and also transform the river crossing into a Aqua Virgo's extension, Lloyd follows this more urban and public, rather than a privqte, route. identification (193-94, fig. 1). Our map follows the widely-accepted, traditional An inscription from Ostia records the restoration identification of the Pons Agrippae with the four N of a bridge in A.D. 147 by Antoninus Pius (Degrassi, concrete piers, but with some reservations. Inser. Ital. 13.1, 207, 673). Based on the hypothesis Catalogue of entries F. Coarelli,s.v. "Pons Agrippae; Pons Aurelius;Pons Valen- F. Coarelli, "II Campo Marzio occidentale, storia e topogra- tiniani," LTUR N, 107-8. fia," MEFRA 89(1977)807-46. R. Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in Nash II, 184. the ancient city of Rome," PBSR 63 (1995)75-103. J. Le Gall, Le Tibre,jleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite (Paris 1953) Evans, Water distribution (1994)107. 210-11. R.B.Lloyd, "The Aqua Virgo, Euripus, and Pons Agrippae," Blake,Roman construction I (1947)40,335. AJA 83 (1979)193-204. 1. Borsari, "Del Pons Agrippae suI Tevere tra Ie regioni IX e XlIII,"BullCom 16(1888)92-98. PONSCESTIUS map index 176 The stone bridge that connected the Tiber island to of the Pons Cestius. The ancient structure, which was *Trans Tiberim (Reg. Cats., Cur.: pontes VIII ... Cestius, partly incorporated in the central arch of the modern Not.: Gestius; Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.1,207: - - - IMP. bridge, must belong to the 4th-c. A.D. rebuilding of the ANTONINVSjAVG(VSTVS)PONTEMCESTI[-- - RjESIDVIT, pons, which then was dedicated as the PONSGRATIANI of A.D. 152, with Degrassi 238, favoring PONTEM (preserved in an inscription on the bridge, CIL VI CESTI[- - - over the traditional PONTEMCESTI[VM---). 1175-76; Degrassi, LTUR 109). The ancient bridge General scholarly opinion attributes its construction was much shorter than the modern one (L. 48.50 m, W. to members of the late-Republican Cestius clan, most 8 m) and rested on a single arch (Richardson; Degrassi, possibly C. Cestius, builder of the Pyramid of Cestius LTUR). Taylor (80-82) recently suggested that the (s.v. *Sepulcrum: C. Cestius), praetor in 44 B.C.,or L. *Pons Fabricius and the Pons Cestius might also have Cestius, praetor of the following year (Degrassi, served as aqueduct-crossings, but there seems to be no LTUR 109), suggesting a construction date between 49 conclusive evidence for that. and 43 B.C.(Degrassi 1987, 525). Even though it is not known whether Cestius' construction was an original D.Degrassi,S.V. "PonsCestius,"LTUR N, 108-9. building or a restoration (Richardson), the stone R.Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in bridge should be considered within the historical con- the ancientcity of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995)75-103. text of the wide-scale building activity on the island at Richardson297-98. that period (s.v. *Insula Tiberina; Degrassi 1987). The D. Degrassi,"Interventi edilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see.a. modern bridge, Ponte S. Bartolomeo (L. 80 m), that c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche ed stands at its site today is a late 19th-c. rebuilding archeologiche,"Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27. PONSFABRICIUS map index 172 The bridge that connected the S *Circus Flaminius crossings, but there seems to be no conclusive evidence and *Forum Holitorium area to the *Insula Tiberina for that. The ancient bridge, with its two arches rest- (L. 62 m, W. 5.50 m), built by and named after L. ing on a single pier, is still in use, and recently Fabricius, curator viarum in 62 B.C. (Dio Casso 37.45.3; underwent an extensive restoration. Hor., Sat. 2.3.36: a Fabricio ... ponte; Salamito) in con- nection with the revitalization of the Aesculapian cult J.-M.Salamito,S.V. "Pons Fabricius:' LTUR N, 109-1I. on the island (Degrassi 524; *Aesculapius, Aedes). R.Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in After the flood of 23 B.C., building inscriptions the ancient city of Rome:' PBSR 63 (1995)75-103. indicate that the bridge was at least partly restored by Richardson298. the consuls Q. Lepidus and M. Lollius in 21 B.C.(CIL D. Degrassi,"Interventi edilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see. a. 12751, VI 1305; Blake; Richardson). Taylor (80-82) c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche ed recently suggested that the Pons Fabricius and the archeologiche:' Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27. *Pons Cestius might also have served as aqueduct- Blake,Roman construction I (1947)172n.125. PONSSUBLICIUS . The most ancient and fragile bridge of Rome, the with the *Aventine through the *Porta Trigemina, and 'bridge of piles' (Livy 1.33.6: ponte Sub/icio, speaking on the right bank to the slopes of the *Ianiculum as of the 7th C. B.C.;Festus 374), presents a difficult topo- well as directly to the *Via Campana (Le Gall 83 n. 4). graphic problem, since it was never substantially Le Gall (82-86) has proposed a well-reasoned loca- built. It stayed mainly as a timber construction on tion for the bridge, downstream from Pons Aemilius; stone pile foundations (Lanciani; Coarelli, LTUR) and locating its left-bank head immediately S of the *Round so did not survive after the 5th c. A.D. (Richardson; Le Temple by the Tiber, between the *Cloaca Maxima and Gall 80-82, esp. for ancient literary sources and the *"Cloaca Circi Maximi". Coarelli's topographical numismatic evidence). Its exact location is still un- studies of the Forum Bovarium follow this placement known. It joined the *Forum Bovarium to *Trans at least for the left-bank head of the bridge (Coarelli, Tiberim, possibly proViding an important connection LTUR 113; id. 1988, 33-34). The location of the Trans- Catalogue of entries tiberine bridgehead is more obscure; fragment 27 of the F.CoarelIi,s.v."PonsSublicius,"LTUR IV, 112-13. Severan Marble Plan, which depicts the right bank Richardson299. across from Forum Bovarium area, neither represents CoarelIi,Foro Boario (1988) 33-34. the bridge nor offers a convenient street for it to join J. LeGall,Le TibreJleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite (Paris 1953). (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma 141). R.Lanciani,The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome (Boston 1897) 16. PORTA CAPENA map index 284 Gate in the "Servian Wall from which the "Via "Camenae (Servius, loc. cit.) which was located in Appia departed (Frontin., Aq. 5.1), situated by a close proximity to the gate. Coarelli refutes all three natural depression between the "Caelian and the alternatives to propose the city of Cabum on the mons "Aventine ("Vallis: Via Appia, "Vallis: Circus Albanus, the original destination of the "Via Latina, Maximus; Richardson 301; Lanciani, FUR pI. 35). The as the etymological origin of Capena (325). gate is mentioned in connection with events as early as The gate is identified with the arcus StiIlans (Coa- the years 484 B.C. (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 8.4.1: l((Xtu relli 325), the last arch of the rivus Herculaneus, a JltlXV ... 1tUAl1V titv lClXAOUJlEVl1V KlXltUtVl1V) and 459 branch of the "Aqua Marcia crossing the Caelian B.C. (Livy 3.22.4: extra portam Capenam). Parker and above the Porta Capena (Frontin., Aq. 19.8-9). Further, Gori's excavations in 1867 identified the gate, which the "Aqua Appia ran above the ground near the gate, probably consisted of a Single arch. Architectural which was hence described as moist or dripping (Juv. fragments in tufa and travertine indicate the last 3.11: madida). century of the Republic as their terminus post quem (Saflund 146-47; Colini 32). F.CoarelIi,S.V. "Porta Capena," LTUR IV,325. The name of the gate may have derived from either Richardson301. the city of Capena (Servius, ad Aen. 7.697) or Capua Colini,Celio (1944) 32. (Schol. Juv. 3.11.1-2), or from the sanctuary of the G. Saflund, Le mura di Roma repubblicana (Uppsala 1932) 146- 48, 199-201, 222-24. PORTA CARMENTALIS map index 198 Double gate in the Servian Wall (s.v. "Muri) named tion of the gate is "elusive". Given the unstable basis for a nearby shrine of Carmenta (Servius, ad Aen. for the association of the Porta Carmentalis with the 8.337) at the foot of the "Capitoline where the "Vicus extant remains, our map assigns an index number to Iugarius departed the city (Livy 27.37.11-14,35.21.6; the broader area, not to the exact location where the Pisani Sartorio 241). Its ominous right gate, dexter 4th-c. gate was found. ianus, was connected with the disaster of the Fabii Our cautious approach cannot follow Coarelli's (when leaving the city dextro iano: Livy 2.49.8; Ov., speculative conflation of the Porta Carmentalis' right Fast. 2.201-4); this portal was also called the porta gate (when leaving) with the 'right' and correct one to Scelerata, the' Accursed Gate', and special restrictions enter the city (1988, 399; id., LTUR 324); together with guided entrance or egress through it (in]trare egredive: his interpretation of the late-Republican portico just Festus 450). The Porta Carmentalis is identified with outside the preserved gate ("Porticus: Forum Holi- the remains of a city gate dating to the 4th c. B.c. found torium) as part of an extended porticus triumphi, this just NW of the "Fortuna et Mater Matuta temples (s.v. leads Coarelli to understand the gate remains as those "Muri: Forum Bovarium-Tiberis, point 5; suggested by of the "Porta Triumphalis. Yet, regrettably, such layer- Ioppolo in Coarelli 1988,395 fig. 96; d. Colini 10-11, ing of hypotheses lacks the particular, and necessary, 18; and also by Virgili 1978,5-6; ead. 1974-75, plan supporting evidence of a double gate. after 150); unfortunately, this hypothesis rests on a D.B., L.H. problematic interpretation of the archaeological evi- dence, which ascribes two passages to the gate. Cur- F.CoarelIi,S.V. "Pl'lrtaCarmentalis," LTUR ill, 324-25. rent thought holds that the gate unearthed on the site G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Carmentis, Carmenta," LTUR 1,240-41. had only one portal (Coarelli 1988, 394 with insis- Richardson 301. tence; Ruggiero 25 fig. 4). Nevertheless, Coarelli and 1.Ruggiero, "La cinta muraria presso il Foro Boario in eta Ruggiero both accept the identification, noting that the arcaicae medio repubblicana," ArchLaz 10 (1990) 24-25. gate was "certainly" within the area bounded by the S CoarelIi,Foro Boario (1988) 19-20,52-59,234-44,363-414. angle of the Capitoline, the temples of Fortuna et P. Virgili,"VicusIugarius," ArchLaz 1 (1978) 5·7. Mater Matuta, and the three temples at the "Forum A.M. Colini, "Ambiente e storia dei tempi piit antichi," PP Holitorium (Coarelli, 1997,52,240; more assertively, 32 (1977) 9- 19. id., LTUR III, 325; without discussion, Ruggiero fig. 4). P. Virgili,"VicusJugarius: reperti archeologici," Bul/Com 84 Richardson cautiously concludes that the exact loca- (1974-75) 149-71. Catalogue of entries consuls of 18 B.C.), which he argues is the official just N of *Temple A in an area that Alf6ldy, following name of the *Hecatostylum, a hundred-columned struc- Coarelli (1981), identifies as the Porticus ad Nationes. ture near the *Theatrum Pompei urn, which extended E.J.K., with addenda, p. 275 along the N side of the *Porticus Pompeianae to the NE F. Coarelli,s.v. "Porticusad Nationes," LTUR IV, 138-39. corner of the *"Area Sacra" of Largo Argentina. Richardson316-17. Inscription fragments found S of the easternmost G. Alf6ldy, "Zwei augusteische Monumente in der area section of the Hecatostylum provide evidence of an sacrades LargoArgentinain Rom," Epigrafia (CollEFR43, Augustan inscribed statue base, which may have 1991)667-90. supported a group of Julio-Claudian portrait-statues F. Coarelli, "Topografia e storia," in L'area sacra di Largo including Augustus and Gaius Caesar, perhaps placed Argentina (Rome1981)25f.,pI. 27. PORTICUS AEMILIA (CAMPUS MARTIUS) A portico stretching from the *Porta Fontinalis to portico in the literary record. No remains have been the Altar of *Mars was built by the aediles M. Aemi- discovered and its architectural form is uncertain. In Iius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paullus in 193 B.C.(Livy the absence of further evidence, it cannot be known if 35.10.12). It probably stretched alongSide the *Via this portico was still standing at the time of Augustus, Flaminia in the level, SE portion of the *Campus Mar- and if so precisely where. It is not shown on our map. tius, and it may have given the name *Aemiliana to this A.B.G. area (Richardson). There is no other mention of this map index 271 The vast, monumental warehouse in *Emporium Lepidus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus in 193 B.C.(Gatti that lay parallel to the Tiber and SW of the *Aventine 138; Rodriguez Almeida, Forma 102; Livy 35.10.13). hill is traditionally identified as the "Porticus Aemi- Richardson (1976) criticized this identification on lia" following Gatti (135 f.; see fig. 12 above). The the basis of a number of important issues. First of all, multi-piered structure was built on four levels descen- the architectural planning of the building does not . ding toward the Tiber and roofed by a series of 50 correspond to the broad definition of porticus as an barrel vaults. It was entirely built of concrete, faced architectural type in early Roman building practice, with small, irregular blocks of tufa in opus incertum, but should rather be associated with warehouses of and measures some 487 x 60 m. Its 50 naves, each per- the time period (Richardson 1976, 58-59; Niinnerich- pendicular to its main NE-SW axis, covered a usable Asmus). Second, restoring the letters of the full name area of c.500 m2 apiece, c.25,000 m2 in all (Etienne across the plan of the structure on the Severan Marble 236). Plan is very problematic (Richardson 1976, 58). Third, The traditional identification of the building was the building technique, Le., skillful and structural use based on evidence from ancient literary sources and of opus caementicium of good quality, faced with opus fragments of the Severan Marble Plan. A series of incertum, is likely to be dated to the 1st c. B.C., most passages in Livy concern building in the Emporium probably to the time of Sulla (Blake I, 9; Boethius; area during the early 2nd c. B.C. (Livy 35.10.13-14, contra Coarelli 1977, 9; id. 1999; Adam). Carter (38) 35.51.13-14, 40.51.6). In one crucial passage Livy pointed out the absence of any extant structure with mentions, among the several accomplishments of the "the same degree of size and technical mastery from the censors Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus next fifty years". The approximate Sullan date for the in 174 B.C.,the paving, fencing, and rebuilding in stone construction technique of the warehouse is further of 'emporium' outside the *Porta Trigemina, the supported by Blake (I, 251) who compared it to a provision of embankments with stairs to the *Tiber, cellar on the Via Sacra opposite the Basilica of and finally the repairing of the Porticus Aemilia (et Maxentius (s.v. *Domus: M. Aemilius Scaurus). extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide straverunt Gatti's identification of the warehouse structure stipitibusque saepserunt et porticum Aemiliam refici- as the "Porticus Aemilia" is highly debated and endam wrarunt gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi in should be left aside, yet his architectural reconstruc- emporium fecerunt: 41.27.8). tion has been well established with the acceptance of Further, Gatti relocated two important Marble the location of fragments 23 and 24 of the Marble Plan fragments (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. 16, Plan. Recently, following Richardson's argument, frags. 23, 24) to bring them into concordance with the Tuck proposed an alternative identification of the extant remains and archaeological evidence illustra- building as the horrea Cornelia, the horrea privata of ted by Lanciani after the extensive excavations of the Sullan family, based on an inscription in the 1886 in the area (Lanciani, FUR pI. 40). On fragment Kelsey Museum of Archaeology (KM 1428; Baldwin 23, Gatti restored the remaining three letters 'LIA' as and Torelli 119). 'Porticus Aemilia', which was then associated with The early 2nd-c. B.C. porticoes mentioned by Livy the much earlier work of the aediles Marcus Aemilius (loc. cit.), earliest of their type in Rome, were probably Catalogue of entries constructed in rather impermanent materials (wood, as ington 1994)80. suggested by Richardson) right outside the *Porta A. Boethius, Etruscan and early Roman architecture (London Trigemina on the NW slopes of the Aventine and along 1994)128-29,esp.231n.7. the Tiber and roughly on either side of the modern-day Richardson311. Lungotevere Aventino (Richardson 1976, 59; s.v. J. Carter, "Civic and other buildings," in I.M. Barton (ed.), *Forum Bovarium). Parenthetically we may mention Roman public buildings (Exeter1189)31-66. that the Berlin Model locates the large multi-columnar M.W. Baldwin and M. Torelli (edd.), Latin inscriptions in the warehouse structure erroneously, and this seems to KelseyMuseum: the Dennison collection(AnnArbor 1979). have confused their reconstruction of the urban F. Coarelli, "Public building in Rome between the Second topography of the entire Emporium area. Punic War and sulla," PBSR 45 (1977)1-19,pis. 1-3. R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique et s.L. Tuck, "A new identification for the 'Porticus Aemilia'," espace economique 11 l'Emporium de Rome," in L'Urbs JRA 13(2000)175-82. (1987)235-49. F.Coarelli,s.v. "Porticus Aemilia," LTUR IV,116-17. L. Richardson, "The evolution of the Porticus Octaviae," A. Niinnerich-Asmus, Basilika und Portikus: Die Architektur AJA 80 (1976)57-64. der Saulenhallen als Ausdruck gewandeIter Urbanitiit in spater Blake,Roman construction I (1947)9,25l. Republik und fruher Kaiserzeit (K6ln1994)26. G. Gatti, "saepta Iulia e Porticus Aemilia nella Forma severi- J.-P.Adam, Roman building: materials and techniques (Bloom- ana," BullCom 62 (1934)123-49. PORTICUS: ApOLLO (PALATIUM) map index 207 Portico, or porticoes, on the *Palatine built by sing the Augustan Palatine use the noun 'porticus' Augustus in close connection with his Temple of mostly in the plural (esp. RG 19; also, e.g., VeIl. Pat. *Apollo (RG 19: templumque Apollinis in Palatio cum 2.81.3; Suet., Aug. 29.3), thus the porticus of the porticibus ... feci). Erected, perhaps, by 23 B.C. Danaids may be just one of the several porticoes in the (Carettoni 1983, 9), these colonnades are known area (Balensiefen 198, 204). The close physical rela- primarily through literary evidence (e.g., Prop. 2.31.1- tion between the Portico of the Danaids and the 2; Ov., Trist. 3.1.59-62). Propertius refers to 'the gol- Temple of Apollo has been placed within the late den portico of Phoebus [Apollo]', aurea Phoebi porti- Republican tradition of building temples on terraces cus (Ioc. cit.) due to the overall effect created by its enclosed by porticoes (e.g, Terracina: Zanker 27). giallo antico columns. The portico was adorned with A number of locations have been proposed for the statues of the 50 daughters of Danaus (Prop., loc. cit.; portico of the Danaids. Velleius Paterculus writes of Ov., lococit.), which were probably rendered as female 'the Temple of Apollo and porticoes around it' (tem- herms in a variety of colored marbles (Balensiefen plumque Apollinis et circa porticus facturum promisit: 189-98); three of these sculptures, datable to the 2.81.3), which led to the theory that they encircled the Augustan period and rendered in black 'nero antico' temple. However, excavations around the temple do marble, were discovered in 1869 by Rosa directly N of not attest to remains of a portico (Balensiefen 198- the Temple of Apollo (Tomei 37-38).Fragments of simi- 200). Perhaps the porticus had a closer physical lar female herrns in red 'rosso antico' marble have also connection with the library, given Suetonius' account been reported (though not preserved, Tomei 39). There that Augustus 'added porticoes together with the may also have been statues of the sons of Aegyptus Latin and Greek library' to the temple (addidit (Schol. Pers. 2.56), but this is debated (Balensiefen porticus cum bibliotheca Latina Graecaque: Aug. 29.3). 189-98). With or without the additional figures, the use of polychrome marble imported from remote reg- Excavations on the Palatine revealed two colon- ions of the empire must have created a powerful visual naded peristyles below the terrace of the Temple of effect. The accounts of Propertius and Ovid are gener- Apollo (Carettoni 1978); one belongs to the House of ally thought to suggest that the statues of the Danaids Augustus (*Domus: Augustus, fig. 10, B), the other were placed in the intercolumniations of the portico stood W of the Greek and Latin Library (id. 1978). (loc. cit.; Gros 55, Tomei 48). However study of the Coarelli (99) and Castagnoli (122) associated these herms leads Balensiefen to propose a two-storeyed with the Portico of the Danaids (both authors cau- porticus with the Danaids placed along the upper stor- tiously refrain from specifically naming one, or both, ey, though such use of free-standing herms as caryatids porticoes that of the Danaids). Whereas Balensiefen would be unique in contemporary architecture (194). conceives of a longitudinal portico of c.100 m span- ning the entire length of the Domus of Augustus above Modern scholarship (e.g., Gras 55) often equates the *Circus Maximus, supported by thick walls the porticus of the Danaids described by Propertius (which appear on Lanciani, FUR pI. 29) and having and Ovid with the porticus connected to the Temple of Apollo and the Greek and Latin Library (*Bibliotheca two fa~ades, one facing the Circus and the other orien- Latina Graecaque). However, literary sources addres- ted toward the Temple of Apollo (201-3), Pensabene rejects Balensiefen's placement as too distant, given Catalogue of entries SEPULCRUM: C. PUBLICIUS BIBULUS map index 45 The fa<;ade of this tomb still stands in situ at the provide architectural elevations but no ground-plan. foot of the *Arx next to the Victor Emanuel Monument; It is shown as a Simple square. originally, it faced onto the *Via Flaminia. The struc- A.GT ture is dated to the early 1st c. B.C., but prosopo- A. Gallitto,s.v. "Sepulcrum:C. Publicius Bibulus," LTUR IV, graphical considerations suggest that Bibulus himself 295. lived in the 2nd c. B.C. and that this is a rebuilding of Richardson353. an earlier tomb (Richardson). The fa<;aderemains, but R. Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium II (StraiSburg the rear of the tomb is not known. Boni and Delbrueck 1912) 37-41. G. Boni,"Roma.Anno 1907," NSc 1907,410-14. SEPULCRUM: RUSTICELII map index 275 Monumental tomb on the S side of *Monte ba. Rodriguez Almeida (40 n.3) suggests an early Ist-c. Testaccio which belonged to a member of the Rusticelii B.C.date for the monument, while Blake lists it among family (CIL VI 11534) and was built sometime between the structures of 78 to 48 B.C.Recently a much earlier the mid-2nd and mid-1st c. B.C.Excavated in the 1690s mid-2nd c. B.c.date for the monument has been propos- during the construction of a wine cellar (Fontana ed, based on the "external aspects" of its construction 296), the monument's precise topographical location and the inscription (Verzar-Bass n.72; Fontana). seems not to have been properly surveyed (Rodriguez O.H. Almeida, esp. fig. 9 for a reconstruction). Our map F.Fontana,s.v. "Sepulcrum:Rusticelii,"LTUR IV,296-97. follows the approximate location suggested by M. Verzar-Bass,"A proposito dei mausolei negli horti e nelle Lanciani (FUR pI. 44). villae," in Horti romani (1998) 401-24. The size of the monument was roughly 10 x 10 m in Richardson359. plan and constructed extensively in tufa stone; thus E. Rodriguez Almeida, Ii Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia, both in design and execution it must have been quite materia Ii (Rome1984) 40. similar to the nearby *Sepulcrum: Ser. Sulpicius Gal- Blake,Roman construction I (1947) 147. map indices 63a-gg Expansive Republican and early-Imperial Dense funerary architecture is attested in the area necropolis on the *Collis Hortulorum N of the *Horti of the Church of S. Teresa (Messineo; CAR II, C nos. Sallustiani and clustered around the *"Via Sepulcra 90, 94, 96, 97, 103, 104, 105, 119, 120; index no. 63 e, Salaria" (Messineo; Lissi Caronna 73), the cemetery our representation adapted from CAR II, fig. 1); while extended as far N as the *Sepulcrum: M. Lucilius Pae- the majority of the columba ria and tombs represented tus, which was easily the largest and most luxurious here are in opus reticula turn and of Republican or tomb in the area. Many columbaria (freestanding or Augustan date, a few post-Augustan additions to the underground chambers with niches for funerary urns) necropolis in opus latericiurn are known (CAR II, p. in opus reticulatum are known to have stood in the 56). Two tombs near S. Teresa are worthy of special area (von Hesberg 72, 187; Lissi Caronna). Buried in notice: one is an opus quadraturn tomb (c.6 x 5.5 m) be- these modest tombs were soldiers, merchants, freedmen, longing to two freedmen of Pompey the Great (CAR II, and the like (attested by ample epigraphic evidence, see C no. 104.I.a; index no. 63 f). The second is a 3rd-c. B.C. CAR II, C for references). While most of the remains tomb located a few meters NE of the church's apse (c.8 can be dated by their building material to the late- x 8 m: Lissi Caronna 77-102; von Hesberg 122; index Republican or early-Imperial periods, sporadic de- no. 63 k). Additional late-Republican! early-Imperial positions continued through the 4th c. A.D. (e.g., a colurnbaria and tombs in opus reticulaturn are attested Christian catacomb, CAR II, C no. 126). Despite S of the church, in Corso d'Italia (CAR II, C nos. 106- excavations in the 1960s (Lissi Caronna), evidence for 10.a, g); also found in this area were funerary the cemetery is scant, since the ancient remains were inscriptions of the freedmen of Sallust, Octavia and largely destroyed by late 19th-c. development (Messi- Antonia minor, as well as a marble slab inscribed neo 257); as a consequence, most of the tombs can only with the name of a funerary college in A.D.9 (CAR II, C be represented by index numbers on our map. To avoid nos. 106-110.k, m, s). To the E of this necropolis stood a fractured discussion of the necropolis, while still a rectangular Republican sepulchre in opus quadratum retaining the distinctions between burials that the of peperino (CAR II, C no.108; index no. 63 j). limited evidence permits, all of the material remains Also well preserved is a group of columbaria in (represented on our map by letters a-gg) have been opus reticulaturn excavated near no. 25 Via Pinciana grouped in this single, monolithic entry. Index numbers in 1918-20 (Messineo 259-60, figs. Id, 3; CAR II, C no. are referenced throughout the following discussion to 38; index no. 63 u); while only five tombs are render- pinpoint the locations of each sepulchre or group of tombs. ed on our map, fragmentary remains attest to addition- al burials in this area. Catalogue of entries SEPULCRUM:C.SULPICIUSPLATORINUS map index 9 The monumental clan tomb of the Sulpicii Platorini Geminus (praef. aer. mil. around A.D. 10) as the foun- at the Transtiberine head of the *Pons Agrippae, der of the tomb and, using this epigraphic evidence, immediately inside the Aurelian Wall, probably of dates it to c.A.D. 20 (Silvestrini 1987, 35-54; id., LTUR late-Augustan date. Discovered and excavated during 276). the construction of the modern Tiber embankments in Reflecting upon the urban context of the monument, 1880 (Lanciani, FUR pI. 4), it was reconstructed in the Lloyd (202) has convincingly demonstrated that this Museo Nazionale Romano in 1911 (Paribeni and Ber- tomb was constructed as an immediate consequence of retti). It was a squarish structure, 7.44 x 7.12 m in the building of *Pons Agrippae under Augustus. The plan, raised on a travertine podium (Silvestrini 1987, burials of the Caepio family deposited in the same 13 f., figs. 6-14c.; Richardson). tomb confirm the importance of this urban zone and of Surviving are several inscriptions associated with the Augustan-period building activity in the area for the burials accommodated within the tomb, which date the brickmaking industry of Rome. The tomb thus from the Augustan to Flavian periods (ClL VI 31761- tentatively is dated to the last decade of Augustus' 68a). The building inscription over the entrance men- reign. tions C. Sulpicius Platorinus, who is widely accepted as the triumvir monetalis of 18 B.C. (ClL VI 31761), F.Silvestrini,s.v. "Sepu!crum:M. Artorius Geminus," LTUR although the construction of the tomb could also be IV,275-76. attributed to a grandson (Richardson). Blake assigned Richardson361. an Augustan date to the monument on the basis of its F.Silvestrini,Sepulcrum Marci Artori Gemini: la tomba detta dei squared stone masonry, tile-brick facing, and the type Platorini nel Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome 1987). of the concrete employed (see also, Lloyd 202). R. B.Lloyd, "The Aqua Virg~, Euripus, and Pons Agrippae," On the other hand, Silvestrini's "complex analy- AlA 83 (1979)193-204. sis" of the inscriptions and his subsequent correction Blake,Roman construction I (1947)182,294,339. of Lanciani's (127-30) hypothetical stemmata for the R. Paribeni and A. Berreth, "Riconstruzione del Sepolcro di clan suggests a slightly post-Augustan date for the C.SulpicioPlatorino," BdA 5 (1911)365-72. erection of the monument; he points to M. Artorius R.Lanciani,"Notizie degli scavi," NSc 1880,127-38. SEPULCRUM:Q. TERENTILIUSRUFUS map index 71 A Republican tomb in opus quadratum of tufa (co4 x fa~ade in large letters was the tomb owner's name, Q. 5 m), located along the N border of the*Horti TERENTILIVSRVFVS(CIL VI 36411), making this one of Sallustiani on the *"Via Sepulcra Salaria" (CAR II, C the few tombs within the *"Sepulcra Salaria" whose no. 138; Lanciani, FUR p1.3). Inscribed across the proprietor is known. SEPULCRUM:M.VERGILIUSEURYSACES map index 321 Sepulchral monument erected by M. Vergilius struction of the semicircular tower). There were many Eurysaces, a wholesale baker, inside the fork of the other tombs which lined Via Labicana E of the Porta *Via Praenestina and *Via Labicana just outside the Maggiore, some of which have been excavated but not line of aqueducts. It is dated to the decade 30-20 B.C. identified or dated (Ciancio Rossetto 1973, pI. 39). (Ciancio Rossetto 1973, 67), but there is some fluctua- A.G.T. tion (Brandt). In the 3rd c. A.D. it was enclosed within P. Ciancio Rossetto, s.v. "Sepulcrum: M. Vergilius Eury- one of the semicircular towers of the porta Praenestina saces,"LTUR IV,301-2. of the Aurelian Wall, hence its exceptional state of O. Brandt, "Recent research on the tomb of Eurysaces," preservation. In 1838 it was again exposed. Excava- OpRom 19(1993)13. tions have established its ground-plan as trapezoidal P. Ciancio Rossetto, II sepolcro del jornaio Marco Virgilio in shape, with a sharp apex (destroyed with the con- Eurisace a Porta Maggiore (Rome 1973)67,pI. 39. map index 279 A well-preserved reticulate columbarium of square ed under Augustus, and indicate that the tomb contin- plan (c.6 x 5 m, 7 m deep) with over 300 loculi was ued to receive burials through the Julio-Claudian excavated near the *Via Appia in 1847 (Coarelli). An period (ClL VI 4414-80). Many of the deceased freed- inscription dated to A.D. 10 (CIL VI 4418) provides a men and slaves interred here served the imperial terminus ante quem for the tomb. Inscribed cinerary household, so it is sometimes called the "Monumentum urns recovered from the site confirm that it was open- Marcellae" (ClL VI p.908-1O; d. Richardson). Catalogue of entries L. Cordischi, "Basilica Neptuni in Campo Marzio," BA 5-6 romano (Rome 1984) 520-26. (1990) 11-33. F. Coarelli,"IIPantheon, l'apoteosi di Augusto e l'apoteosi di G. Chini, "Osservazioni in margine alla basilica Neptuni:' Romolo,"in K.de Fine Licht (ed.) Cittii e architettura nella BA 5-6 (1990) 173-80. Roma Imperiale(ARIDsupp!' 10, 1983) 44. F. CastagnoIi, "Influenze alessandrine neIl'urbanistica delia C. Gatti,"IIporticodegli Argonauti e la basilicadi Nettuno," Rome augustea," in Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico- in Atti del III convegno nazionale di storia del'architettura (Rome1940) 61-73. SUBURA Populous and busy district located along the Juvenal with collapsing buildings and fire (3.5-9; d. *Clivus Sub uranus in the valley between the *Cispian *Forum Augusti and its firewall), and Horace with and *Oppian (Richardson), perhaps extending from the noise (Epist. 5.58). A number of leading Republican *Argiletum to the Servian Wall (*Muri; Welch, families had residences in the Subura, including Cae- Platner-Ashby). The entrance to the Subura from the sar (Suet., Iul. 46), the gens Mamilia (Welch 382), and W, the primae fauces Sllburae (Mart. 2.17.1), lay near C. Sestius, whose residence was close to the entrance La Madonna dei Monti (Welch); W of the Subura was to the Subura (*Domus: C. Sestius). Welch proposes a the district of the Argiletum, which extended to the 1st-c. B.c. Jewish synagogue stood in the Subura, near *Forum Romanum. Mediaeval descriptions of the the *Porta Esquilina, but this early date is Church of S. Agatha Gothorum suggest that the Subura hypothetical (382;d. *Synagogae). may have also extended N into the valley between the Previously, Varro's description of a Subura ex- *Viminal and *Quirinal (Welch 379). The region was tending between the Oppian and Caelian (Ling. 5.45- possibly divided into two sectors: Subura maior, 48) had generated controversy and confusion; how- corresponding to the upper regions, and Subllra minor, ever, Welch has recently offered a well-reasoned equated with the lower, perhaps more commercial solution, suggesting that Varro's broadly-defined sector, nearest the Forum (Welch 380, based upon CIL Subura refers to an early quarter of the city populated VI 9526; Platner-Ashby). by the tribus Subllrana, and that over time the toponym Martial and Juvenal vividly describe the Imperial became restricted to the valley between the Viminal Subura as a loud, filthy, wet and, above all, a lively and Esquiline (380-81). city-sector (Mart. 5.22, 12.18; Juv. 11.51; Prop. 4.7.15- 16), home to numerous tradesmen, artisans, produce K.Weich,s.v. "Subura," LTUR N, 379-83. vendors, and brothels (Mart. 6.66, 7.31, 10.94, 11.61, Richardson373. 11.78; CIL VI 1953, 9284, 9399, 9491, 9526, 33862). Platner-Ashby 500-1. Livy associates the Subura with violence (3.13.2), SYNAGOGAE The places of religious congregation for the Jewish Frey, CII); it was discovered in 1602 and excavated in community of Rome in the Augustan period, are mostly 1904-6, but is now considerably eroded (Miiller 21) thought to have been located in *Trans Tiberim area, Nevertheless, attempts have been made to locate the though their precise topography remains unknown (De Agrippesian synagogue on the site of S. Salvatore in Spirito). Although several synagogues are known from Corte (Leon 140), or at the head of Pons Agrippae ancient Rome (LTUR lists 12, Leon lists 11), only four (Collon 82-84 and fig. 1), the latter based upon the can be Singled out as possible early Augustan foun- 1880 discovery of an epitaph mentioning 'IacroN dations: those of the Agrippesians, Augustesians, ~lS apXffiv between Ponte Sisto and Ponte Garibaldi Volumnesians and Hebrews (De Spirito 389-91; Leon (Frey, 288-89); neither suggestion is based on 135-59; Williams 136-37 n.72). The locations of these cn conclusive evidence (De Spirito 389). are highly speculative; literary evidence from Philo (Leg. 152-56) locates the Jewish community of Augus- Outside Trans Tiberim, a synagogue in the *Subura tan Rome in the most urbanized zone of *Trans near the *Porta Esquilina may be attested by epi- Tiberim, while the only relevant Augustan-era archae- graphic material found near the *Via Nomentana ological evidence comes from epitaphs found in Jewish (Welch 382, Collon 87-90, CII 531); however, the cemeteries, especially the one located in the early-Imperial date for this prosellcha cannot be Monteverde catacomb. This cemetery is located 1.5 km proven. Note that the ancient terminology differs from outside the city on the modern Via Portuensis (ct. Col- contemporary usage, for in antiquity the word 'syna- Ion fig. 2 for a sketch map; on the inscriptions, Miiller; gogue' (Greek cr1JVa'Yffi'Y~,Latin synagoga) was more Catalogue of entries widely and properly used for the congregation itself, R.J. Leon, The Jews of ancient Rome (Philadelphia 1960). while the space for the congregation was called Tj S. CoHon, "Remarques sur les quartiers juifs de la Rome 1tpocrEuXnor proseucha (Leon 139). antique," MEFR 57 (1940)72-94. J.B.Frey (ed.), Corpus inscriptionum Iudaicarum (Rome 1936; K.Welch,s.v "Subura," LTUR IV,379-83. 2nd edn. as Corpus of Jewish Inscriptions [New York G. DeSpirito,s.v. "Synagogae," LTUR IV,389-93. 1975]). M.H. Williams, "The structure of Roman Jewry reconsider- N. MiiHer, Die jiidische Katakombe am Monteverde zu Rom ed: were the synagogues of ancient Romeentirely homo- (Leipzig1912). geneous?" ZPE 104(1994)129-41. T TABERNAE.S.v.CAELIUSMONS:BUILDING(1),(5); CIRCUSMAXIMUS;CLIVUSVICTORIAE;DOMUS:PALATIUM(5),(9); DOMUSPUBLICA;FORUMAUGUSTI;FORUMIULIUM;HORREA:SACRAVIA;PALLACINAE:TABERNAE;PORTICUSGAl ETLUCI;SACRAVIA;SCALAEANULARIAE;VEllA:BUILDING(2);VIADIS. GREGORIO TABULARIUM map index 123 The large, polygonal structure of the late Republic, walls faced with tufa blocks on the inside and located on the saddle between the two summits of the peperino (from Gabii) on the outside, forms a large *Capitoline (inter duos lucos), overlooking the Wend platform to overcome the height difference between the of the *Forum Romanum, is conventionally known as Forum and the saddle of Piazza del Campidoglio. the 'Tabularium' (public records office, depository of Inside were two distinct sets of rooms served by a N-S the tabulae publicae). The imposing remains of this internal corridor with small windows facing the structure were incorporated into Michelangelo's Forum; also on this lowest level were two entrances Palazzo Senatorio, and its high colonnaded galleries on the S side almost at the level of the Forum opening still dominate the Forum. The masonry is dated either onto a ramp of stairs that led to the Temple of to the Sullan period or to the 2nd c. B.C.(Purcell 150- *Veiovis, where a second set of stairs doubled back to 51), but excavations under Palazzo Senatorio indicate reach the lost uppermost level (Mura Sommella, LTUR that the Tabularium was built, in part, over ruins 18; Coarelli 1995, 45). An intermediate level was a damaged in the Capitoline fire of 83 B.C.(Mura Som- porticoed gallery of 11 arches overlooking the Forum, mella 1984, Sanzi di Mino, Colini); its current incorporating an internal passageway which connec- footprint, therefore, was laid down after 83 (for the ted the two summits of the Capitoline (Mura Sommella ground-plan see Sommella Mura 1981,fig. 2; ct. Purcell 1994,45). On the upper level, attested only by archi- 136 fig. 2). This date is confirmed by the epigraphic tectural fragments and from observations of the evidence. In the 15th c., a severely corroded inscrip- surviving foundations, stood the records office of the tion, now lost, was seen in the salt-warehouses of Tabularium proper (Mura Sommella, LTUR 18; Palazzo Senatorio; it recorded the construction of a Coarelli 1995, 48). The findspot of the lost inscription substructio (substructure) and tabularium by Q. discovered in the salt warehouses (CIL VI 1314) Lutatius Catulus, consul of 78 B.c. (eIL VI 1314=IL5 allows us to locate the archives in the part of the 35: ... SVBSTRVCTIONEMETTABVLARIVM...FACIVNDVM building overlooking Piazza del Campidoglio, in the COERAVIT).Another inscription, discovered in 1845, 'Galleria di Sisto IV', not the gallery overlooking the mentions Catulus but not the name of the structure (CIL Forum (Mura Sommella 1994, 48-49, 54 n.23; ead., VI 1313). In addition, a funerary inscription of 65-35 LTUR 17, 19). Coarelli suggests that there was a B.C. names the probable architect, a certain L. monumental fa<;adeand several large rooms facing in Cornelius, praefectus fabrum and architectus of the the direction of Piazza del Campidoglio, and a large consul and censor Q. Catulus (Molisani). The Tabu- colonnaded portico facing the Forum on this upper- larium was probably built between 78 and 65 B.C.,the most level (Coarelli 1995, 48; ct. Golvin). Our map dates of Catulus' consulship and censorship respec- gives the outline of the Tabularium with internal tively (Mura Sommella, LTUR 17; Coarelli 1995, 44). divisions to mark the gallery overlooking the Forum Yet despite this wealth of information, a serious and a small niche on the S side (discussed below); for a problem remains: no ancient author, not even Cicero, plan of the internal arrangements of the Tabularium, gives us a name for this central and imposing building see Sommella Mura 1981,fig. 2. (Purcell 135), and the physical remains, too, are diffi- cult to interpret. Purcell has argued that the name 'Tabularium' is problematic when applied to the entire building. In The substructio attested on the lost inscription (CIL particular, he argues that the findspot and wording of VI 1314) was the large platform under Palazzo Sena- the inscriptions do not sufficiently prove that Catulus torio which served as the foundations for the entire dedicated a massive public-records office, and that no complex (Mura Sommella, LTUR 17). There were three central archive of this scale was ever required from levels. At the lowest level, a high podium, with cement what is known of Roman administrative practices Catalogue of entries D. Manacorda, s.v. "Theatrum Balbi,"LTUR V,30-31. ghe Oscure," in K. Randsborg (ed.), The birth of Europe: D. Manacorda, s.v. "Crypta Balbi,"LTUR I, 326-29. archaeology and social development in the first millenium AD. (ARIDsuppl. 16, 1989) 25-32. Richardson 381-82. D. Manacorda and E. Zanini, "The first millennium A.D. in D. Manacorda, Archeologia urbana aRoma: il progetto della Rome: from the Porticus Minucia to the Via delle Botte- Crypta Balbi I (Florence1982) 14-21. THEATRUMMARCELLI map index 35 The Augustan successor of the theatrum ad aedem Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma pI. Apollinis (feci: RG 21) and the second stone theater 23, frags. 29-31). The foundations of the cavea survive built in Rome, located at the E end of the *Circus to our day, having served as the infrastructure for Flaminius in front of the Temple of *Apollo Medicus Palazzo Savelli-Orsini (16th-18th c., Claridge, Nota et (AD THEATRVMMARCELLI: Fast. Arv. and Urb., in al.). The lower vaulted arcades of travertine, located Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 35, 63). Dedicated in either beneath the cavea and facing the Temple of Apollo 13 (Dio. Casso 54.26.1) or 11 B.C. (Pliny, NH 8.65, d. Medicus, were uncovered when more than 4 m of 7.121: Marcelli theatrum) by Augustus, the theater debris was removed during the Italian government's was named after his nephew Marcus Marcellus (Dio. 'liberation' of the monument between 1926 and 1932 Casso 43.49.3). When Julius Caesar initiated the build- (La Rocca 1995; Cianfa et al. 1985, 539). Two ing project in 44 B.C., he had to remove temples and symmetrically-placed halls of basilical plan were houses from the area, including the Temple of Pietas on located on either side of the stage building. The the NW end of *Forum Holitorium, to prepare the site function of the semicircular walled space behind the for the theater (Richardson 290, 382). The construc- stage building that appears on the Marble Plan (on a tion took place under Augustus, who bought more land now-lost fragment) with a pair of centrally-placed, near the Temple of Apollo to extend the site (RG 21). small square features is a matter of debate (Fidenzoni Even though the construction was not complete, part 42-43 and fig. 22). Given the proximity of the Temple of the celebrations of the ludi Saeculares in 17 B.C. of Apollo and *Porticus Octaviae, Richardson (383) took place in the theater (CIL VI 32323.157). Possibly refrains from identifying a theater temple or a portico a larger theater was intended at the time of Caesar in this extensive complex, and considers it as an (Suet., IuI. 44.1: theatrum summae magnitudinis Tar- unroofed terrace overlooking the river. Ciancio Ros- peio monti accubans); while the 4th-c. A.D. Regionary setto (35) interpreted the hemispherical wall as a Catalogues list its capacity at 20,500 loca, others barrier against *Tiber inundations, while Coarelli estimate it held c.13,500 spectators (Not. 176; d. Cian- (1997, 451, 486) speculated that the two square fea- cio Rossetto, LTUR 34; ead. 1982-83,8). tures represented two small temples; one dedicated to Pietas and the other to Diana (s.v. *Diana, Aedes Space for only a narrow thoroughfare remained [Campus Flarninius]). between the rear of the theater and the terrace walls of the Apollo and *Bellona temples. If the widespread scholarly opinion that this passage served as part of P. Ciancio Rossetto, S.V. "Theatrum Marcelli," LTUR V, 31- the triumphal procession route is correct, Augustus' 35. architects must have had difficulty fitting the large Claridge,Rome (1998) 243. theater building on the site. However, the triumphal Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 451, 486. parade, which originated in the *Circus Flaminius, D. Favro, The urban image of Augustan Rome (Cambridge 1996). may not have followed this paved street, but rather E.LaRocca,"Indagini e restauri nel Campo Marzio meridio- have passed through the orchestra of the theater itself nale: Teatro di Marcello,portico d'Ottavia, Circo Flami- (d. Joseph., Bell! 7.131), with the cavea conveniently nio, porto Tiberino,"ArchLaz 12.1 (1995) 93-119. open to seat spectators (Favro 1996, 164). Since two D. Favro, "The street triumphant: the urban impact of circular monuments, the Perirrhanterion (s.v. Apollo Roman triumphal parades," in Z. <;:eIiket al. (edd.), Medicus, Aedes) and the columna Bellica (s.v. Bellona, Streets: critical perspectives on public space (Berkeley 1994) Aedes), may have obstructed the passage behind the 151-64. theater, a route through the orchestra seems likely. Richardson290, 382-83. While Favro suggests that the theater's NE-SW axis M. Nota et al., "Teatrodi Marcello," BullCom 91 (1986) 389-94. (contrary to the E axes of the *Theatrum Pompeium T. Cianfa et al., "Area archeologica del teatro di Marcello e and *Theatrum: Balbus) was dictated by the require- del portico d'Ottavia," in Roma, archeologia nel centro II ments of triumphal processions through the orchestra (Rome1985) 533-45. (1994, 157), it may also have been a product of its P. Ciancio Rossetto, "La maschere del teatro di Marcello," restricted building site. BullCom 88 (1982-83) 7-49. Most of the theater's plan is preserved on the P. Fidenzoni,II teatro di Marcello (Rome1970). map index 25 Pompey's Theater, dedicated in September 55 B.C., remained the largest, and arguably the most important, was the first permanent stone theater in Rome, and it of the three permanent theaters in the *Campus Mar- Catalogue of entries Renaissance architects, as well as discrepancies with the northernmost portion of the thermae remains elu- the representation on the Marble Plan, suggest caution sive (Tortorici proposes laconica behind the Pantheon, is warranted when attempting to reconstruct the 50). In addition, the relationship - both topograph- interior arrangement of the baths (note the varying ical and functional - between the baths and the efforts of Hiilsen, Nielsen, and Yegiil). Stagnum is not clear. Coarelli postulates that the latter served as a natatio (unheated swimming pool) for the The structure was restored on numerous occasions baths, while Lloyd speculates that the baths may have (SHA, Had. 19.10; Pliny, NH 35.26) and substantially drained into the basin. The image on the Severan rebuilt after the fire of A.D. 80 (Dio Casso 66.24.1); as a Marble Plan suggests the two were in close proximity, result, only a small portion of the original 0P"S qllad- and perhaps even physically linked, though it is far ratum and reticulatum masonry survives (Ghini). Pre- from conclusive. served throughout these restorations were asymme- tries of the bath's original layout and its N-S orienta- G.Ghini, s.v."ThermaeAgrippae," LTUR V,40-42. tion, an axis derived from the pre-existing buildings and street pattern (rather than adopting the canonical Richardson386-87. orientation toward the SW: Vitr., De arch. 5.10.1; F. Yegul, Baths and bathing in classical antiquity (Cambridge YegiiI130). For these reasons, the 3rd-c. A.D. and later 1992). plans are thought to reflect the Agrippan layout of the E. Tortorici, "L'attivita edilizia di Agrippa a Roma," in C. baths, if not their specific details (most hestitant to Ceresa-Gastaldo (ed.), II bimillenario di Agrippa (Genova accept this is Ghini, boldest is Richardson). 1990) 47-52. I. Nielsen, Thennae et balnea (Arhus 1990) 42-45. Thus, the bath is depicted conservatively on our R. Lloyd, "The Aqua Virgo, Euripus, and the Pons Agrippae," map with a simple, rectangular shape representing the greatest known physical extent of the structure; monu- AJA 83 (1979) 196. ments bordering the complex on the E, W, and S pro- F. Coarelli, "II Campo Marzio occidentale. Storia e topo- vide firm boundaries, though the extent and nature of grafia," MEFRA 89 (1977) 828. C.HUisen,Die Thennen des Agrippa (Rome 1910). The Tiber, a perennial river with a strong current, point near the Mulvian bridge along a straight line reaches Rome having acquired its full supply of water following the foot of the Vatican hill, across Trans and flows through the city in a relatively shallow bed Tiberim, and then aggrandize the urban land; this plan (depth c. 3 m, fluctuating through the year). Especially was never realized (Le Gall 113-17; Cic., Alt. 13.33a. during the winter, the Tiber can rise very rapidly to 1). Augustus widened the bed of Tiber and instituted flood its vicinity. Flooding from the Tiber was a major cllmtores riparum et alvei Tiberis, officials responsible problem for the urban zone. During the reign of Augus- for the banks and channels of the Tiber, to maintain tus, the river overflowed with remarkable frequency, his renovations (Ramage 71-74; Le Gall 117-18; OeD inundating the city center at least 6 times (Le Gall 29; 1522; Suet., Aug. 30.1: ad coercendas inundationes 27 B.C., Dio Casso 53.20; 23 B.C., Dio Casso 53.33; 22 alveum Tiberis laxavit ac repurgavit completum olim B.c., Dio Casso 54.1; 13 B.C., Dio Casso 54.25; A.D. 5, ruderibus et aedificiorum prolationibus coartatum; d. Dio Casso 55.22; A.D. 12, Dio Casso 56.27). For as long Suet., Aug. 37). P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus and M. as a week, the entire "Campus Martius, the "Empor- Valerius Messalla Niger, censors in 55 B.C., styled ium, the "Forum Bovarium, the valleys between the themselves euratores riparum, and erected cippi mark- hills, as well as the lower parts of "Trans Tiberim ing the boundary between public and private land, would be swept by flood waters. Encroachment onto and repaired revetted embankments (Richardson 399). the Tiber banks by buildings must have increased the From Dionysius of Halicarnassus we learn that, in destructive effects of the inundations, especially along his day, the Tiber was naVigable to Rome for sea-going the Campus Martius, since the river's strong outside merchant ships up to a tonnage of 3000 units (ampho- currents made the Tiber banks very unstable. rae); larger cargo ships had to be unloaded at Ostia Numerous measures were taken to protect the city and their goods transported to Rome on modest-sized from damage rendered by the Tiber floods. Embank- riverboats (Ant. Rom. 3.44). The old commercial har- ment walls of the 2nd c. B.C., and possibly earlier, bor, the "Portus Tiberinus, was positioned close to the were erected along the Forum Bovarium to contain the city's center, but from the 2nd c. B.C.onward Rome's rising waters. Multi-terraced embankments, dating to primary commerical port developed further S in the the mid-1st c. A.D., were recently excavated NW of the more spacious Emporium area. Emporium district, where they were built over Repub- lican embankments (Meneghini 436; Mocchegiani Richardson399. Carpano 1981, 146-47; id. 1985, 86-88; Le Gall 103). C. MocchegianiCarpano, "Lungotevere Testaccio:resti del Julius Caesar intended to divert the river bed from a porto fluviale,"Bul/Com 90 (1985) 86-88. 246 Catalogue of entries ~ FORUM BOARJUM 3·00 o o to Fig. 17. Republican embankment wall along the Tiber. Cross-section near the Pons Aemilius, as documented by Lanciani 1897 (G. Cressedi, BullCom 89 [1984] 273 fig. 18, adapted). R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio,"in Roma, on the classical city (BAR5188, Oxford 1983) 61-92. archeologia nel centro II (Rome 1985) 433-4l. C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "Indagini archeologiche nel Tevere,"ArchLaz 4 (1981) 143-55. E.5. Ramage, "Urban problems in ancient Rome," in R. T. Marchese (ed.), Aspects of Graeco-Roman urbanism: essays J. LeGall,Le Tibre, fleuve de Rome dans I'antiquite (Paris 1953). TIBERIS: GRAND EMBANKMENT map index 185 The 200-m-Iong embankment wall retained the E must have played a formidable, if not decisive, role in bank of the *Tiber beside the *Forum Bovarium, bet- Rome's much-disputed defense line along the Tiber ween the *"Cloaca Circi Maximi" in the S and the (*Muri: Forum Bovarium-Tiberis). A broad strip of *Pons Aemilius in the N. Documented by Lanciani land, some 50-80 m wide, separated the embankment shortly before its destruction in the course of the late- wall from the Forum Bovarium proper; within this 19th c., the massive wall was built of tufa blocks with "embankment strip" was the precinct of the Temple of a core of opus caementicium (2-3 m thick, pres. H 6 m) *Portunus (at a notably lower elevation than the and formed a strong bridgehead at the Pons Aemilius Forum) and also the platform of the *Round Temple: (see fig. 17; Lanciani, FUR pI. 28; Cressedi). Coarelli Tiberis (at a level above the Forum's). Together with (37-38) plausibly connects the bUilding of this the viaduct leading to the Pons Aemilius, and the embankment wall with the artificial elevation of the artificial harbor of the *Portus Tiberinus just N of terrain in the central Forum Bovarium, an activity that bridge, the embankment wall and "embankment dated to the early 2nd c. B.C. based on the ceramic strip" define a zone of entirely man-made topography finds in the homogeneous infill (36; tentatively con- dating to the early 2nd-early 1st c. B.C.; these works nected with a major building campaign of the 170s B.c. must still have determined the Augustan appearance of attested by Livy 40.51.4: Colim; d. *Portus Tiberinus). Rome between the Tiber and Forum Bovarium. For the embankments and quays S of this area, s.v. *Emporium; The solid embankment wall secured the most sensi- for the embankment walls in the shape of a ship's tive zone of the city's exposure to the Tiber. Here, at prow, at the down-stream end of the Tiber island, s.v. the river's main curve through Rome, its currents and *Insula Tiberina. floods hit the left bank at a destructively sharp angle, and it was at this point that the city's central public areas and fortifications most closely approached the Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988) 36-38. riverside. The retaining wall also protected a natur- G. Cressedi,"IIforo Boarioed il Velabro," Bul/Com 89 (1984) ally low point in the physical topography of the city, 272-73, no. 29. where Rome's two main valleys, the Forum valley and A.M. Colini, "II porto fluviale del Foro Boario aRoma," Circus Maximus valley (*Vallis: Forum-Velabrum; MAAR 36 (1980) 46. *Vallis: Circus Maximus), drained into the Tiber. In R. Lanciani,The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome (Boston addition - an aspect not yet considered - the wall 1897, repro1967) 63 fig. 27. TIGILLUM SORORIUM map index 238 One of Rome's most ancient monuments, the Tigil- expiation of Horatius and that located nearby were lum Sororium was a beam supported by two vertical two altars, one to Iuno Sororia and the other to Ianus posts that spanned a road (Festus 380: sororium Curiatus (loe. cit.). The Arval calendar reports that the tigiIlurn; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 3.22.7-9), probably the Tigillum Sororium was located AD COMPITVMACIU *Sacra Via (Richardson; contra, Coarelli). Dionysius (CIL VI 32482, of Augustan date; Degrassi, Inser. Ital. of Halicarnassus relates that the beam served in the 13.2, 37, 515; *Compitum Acili); thus its location is Catalogue of entries fairly secure, despite the absence of archaeological re- F.CoarelIi,s.v."TigillurnSororiurn,"LTUR V,74-75. mains. E.A.D. Richardson400. TRANS TIBERIM The developing urban zone on the W (right) bank ing potable water to the residential neighborhoods of of the *Tiber, which corresponds to Regio XIV of the the region; while the Aqua Alsietina's non-potable Augustan regiones (*Regiones Quattuordecim). The water served to irrigate the Transtiberine gardens and *Ianiculum ridge bordered the Wedge of the area, fields when the Naumachia was out of use (Taylor while the lowlands between these slopes and the 1995, Evans 111-13). Tiber were home to burgeoning residential neighbor- The densest residential settlement in the area was hoods. Trans Tiberim was topographically contin- nestled into the curve of the Tiber across from the uous with the *Vaticanus Ager, a region to its N *Insula Tiberina and bordered on the W by the which featured garden estates and farmland. The Naumachia. Its proximity to the active market area of region, known by the 1st c. H.C.as trans Tiberim (Cic., the *ForumBovarium and *Forum Holitorium, plus the Att. 12.19.1;d. RG 23), was not officially incorpora- easy access it offered to the *Circus Flaminius and ted into the urban zone of ancient Rome until the *Campus Martius, must have made this area very Augustan administrative reforms of 7 H.C.(Maisch- desirable. In the latter half of Augustus' reign, the area berger; d. Reg. Cats., Regio XIV: Transtiberim). In the of the Naumachia was gradually transformed into a larger geographical scale, within the urban bounds grove (nemus Caesarum); encroachment by the residen- and beyond the city, the W bank of the Tiber was tial neighborhood did not take place before the mid-1st called RIPAVEIENTANA,incontrast to RIPAROMANA; c. A.D.(Tac.,Ann. 14.15, who mentions the develop- these nomenclatures were used on the boundary stones ment of small brothels and taverns; Taylor 1997,467). of the Imperial curatores riparum (CIL VI 31547, Near the Church of S. Cecilia, a neighborhood shrine 31548b, 31555). The Ianiculum ridge was sometimes (sacrum) to Bona Dea was dedicated (Richardson). In (confusingly) referred to as Vaticanlls mons (Hor., Crr. the very same area, near the Church of S. Maria 1.20.7-8;Richardson 405). dell'Orto, a travertine base dedicated to Iuppiter Two major arteries functioned as the backbone of Dolichenus was found in 1861 (Detlefsen; CIL VI 415); the Transtiberine street network: the *Via Campana this is often taken as evidence for the existence of a and the *Via Aurelia. The Via Campana stretched SW Republican-period shrine to this Commagenean cult along the Tiber through the S sector of the Trans Tibe- (Chioffi, Bellelli 324-25; on the cult, OCD 802). In 2 rim and acted as the borderline between the industrial H.C.barracks called castra Ravennatium were opened areas on the river embankment and the harti; cult in the Transtiberine zone (Coarelli). A grove, the places, and villas on the Ianiculum slopes. The Via Corniscae Divae, known from a boundary cippus (CIL Aurelia led NW along the *Naumachiaand climbed the VI 96 and 30691), stood between the foot of the IanicuIum, passing through the *Agerof L.Petilius and Ianiculum and the modern Church of S. Francesco near the *Sepulcrum of Numa Pompilius, which was Ripa. considered a historical monument even in antiquity. In the late-Republican period, the S sector of the The point where this street ascends the hill is the most region was already under development, having become favorable area to climb over the steep slopes of the extremely popular and cosmopolitan with the opening Ianiculum, and the Aurelian Wall later passed through of manufacturing workshops and the shops of many the same ravine. On the Capitoline base, 22 vici (neigh- small traders (Le Glay 555-56). Several warehouse borhoods) from Regia XIV are listed (CIL VI 975,A.D. structures were built along the Tiber to serve the 136); however, there is no conclusive evidence that *Emporium area, as evident in the Severan Marble neighborhoods existed under these names in the Plan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma frag. 28). This Augustan period. growing industrial district must have spawned nearby Augustan-era building activity in the region residential areas for their workers, and may be asso- included the Naumachia, the *AquaAlsietina that sup- ciated with the small shrines of foreign cults along the plied its water, the *Pons Agrippae with a monumental Via Campana-Portuensis (documented by substantial tomb at its Transtiberine end (s.v. *Sepulcrum: C. epigraphic and architectural evidence, compiled by Sulpicius Platorinus), the villa structures immediately Palmer, Savage, d. Calzini Gysens). The *Lucus upstream from this bridge (s.v. *"VillaFarnesina"), as Furrinae, a sacred grove on the SE slopes of the - well as the restoration of the *Pons Aemilius, which Ianiculum,held the most prominent of these foreign cult shows the heightened interest in the Transtiberine centers, known as the sanc~ary of the SyrianfadS region. Under Augustus, land values in the region must (*Iuppiter Optimus Maximu H(eliopolitanus)1which have increased enormously (most recently, Taylor flourished under the ea Iy Empire. Epigraphic 1995; id. 1997). The late-Republican and Augustan evidence from the Monteverde catacomb, which served bridges must have served as aqueduct crossings,bring- the earliest Jews in ancient Rome, suggests that during Catalogue of entries the Augustan period a substantial number of Jews publicum and Caesar's horti Trans Tiberim," in Horti romani lived in Trans Tiberim; there were at least four (1998)33-44 synagogues built in this area ('Synagogae). The SW P. Liverani,s.v. "Prata Mucia," LTUR IV, 16l. slope of the Ianiculum served as the 'Horti Caesaris R Taylor,"Torrentor trickle?TheAqua Alsientina,the Nau- until Julius Caesar bequeathed his land to the Roman machia Augusti, and the Transtiberim," AlA 101 (1997) people in 44 B.C.(D'Arms). 465-92. The N sector was mostly covered with private gar- G.M. Bellelli, "Les sanctuaires de Iuppiter Dolichenus it dens and sumptuous villa complexes, which extended Rome,"in id. and U. Bianchi(edd.), Orientalia sacra urbis further N and beyond the NE slopes of the Ianiculum Romae: Dolichena et Heliopolitana (Rome 1997)305-28. to join the gardens and farmland in the Vaticanus Ager J. Calzini Gysens, "Il lucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto (s.v. 'Horti Scapulani). The best known of these 'santuario siriaco',"in Ianiculum-Gianicolo (1996)53-60. suburban estates is the large and prosperous Augus- L.Chioffi,s.v. "Iuppiter Dolichenus," LTUR III, 138-43. tan villa excavated in the gardens of the '''Villa Far- R Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in nesina". Somewhere nearby was the land (c.0.5 ha) the ancientcity of Rome," PBSR 63 (1995)75-103. once belonging to the dictator L. Quinctius Cincin- Evans, Water distribution (1994). natus, which was called the prata Quinctia; the name Richardson32l. was still used as a toponym in the early Empire (Rich- F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti, ardson 321). Dio Cassius mentions the horti Antoniani, Castra Ravennatum:la Via Campana Portuensis e alcuni which were located near the Horti Caesaris (47.40.2), edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana," Ostraka 1 and Cicero informs us of the horti Clodiae which stood (1992)39-54. opposite the Campus Martius (Cael. 36, Att. 12.44.2). M. Le Glay, "Sur l'implantation des sanetuaires orientaux a Wineries were associated with some of these horti. C. Rome,"in CUrbs (1987)545-57. Mucius Scaevola's meadows, the prata Mucia, were RE. Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome's also in Trans Tiberim (Liverani). Trastevere (southern sector)," ProcPhiiSoc 125 (1981) 368-97. M. Maischberger,s.v. "Transtiberirn,"LTUR V,77-83. S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere," MAAR 17 J.H. D'Arms, "Between public and private: the epulum (1940)26-56,pI. 1-4. D. Detlefsen,"Inscrizionidi Trastevere III," BdI 1861,177-80. TRES FORTUNAE, AEDES map index 83 A trio of Republican temples dedicated to Fortuna gate as distyle-in-antis (lac. cit.); believing that citerior and known as the Tres Fortunae was located near the ('nearer') indicates a location closest to the Porta 'Port.a Collina on the 'Quirinal (aedes ... ad Tres Collina, Coarelli associates Vitruvius' description Fortunas: Vitr., De arch. 3.2.2). One was dedicated to with the Temple of Fortuna Publica Citerior. Lanciani Fortuna Primigenia in 194 B.C. by Q. Marcius RaIla attributed the remains of a large temple discovered in (Livy 34.53.3) to fulfill a vow made 10 years earlier 1887 at the intersection of Via Servio Tullio and Via by P. Sempronius Tuditanus (Livy 29.36.8; Degrassi, Flavia to the Tres Fortunae (FUR pI. 10), and thus Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 461; ot perhaps by P. Sempronius established the now-traditional intramural location Sophus: Coarelli). Ovid records a second temple, this of these temples (Coarelli 286). Coarelli associates dedicated to Fortuna Publica (Fast. 4.375-76; Dio Casso this platform with either Fortuna Primigenia or 42.26.3-4); Fortuna Publica Citerior may have been the Fortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiritium, but given full name of this temple which the Jasti Praenestini the absence of confirming data this attribution is not locate on the Quirinal (INCOLLE:Degrassi, Inser. Ital. followed here (d. Richardson, Ziolkowski, and Lugli, 13.2, 437). Richardson admits the dedication of the who doubt the association of these remains with the third temple remains unknown, but Coarelli proposes Tres Fortunae). Our map conservatively marks the that it honored Fortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiri- probable location of these three temples inside the tium, which the calendars also locate IN COLLE Porta Collina with only an index number. QVIRINALI (it too had a dies natalis on May 25; E.A.D. Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2,461; Ov., Fast. 5.729). F.Coarelli,S.V. "Fortuna Tres,aedes," LTUR II,285-86. Thus, three temples of Fortuna are known to have Richardson158. been located on the collis Quirinalis near the Porta Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)40-45. Collina. Vitruvius describes the temple nearest the G. Lugli, I monumenti antichi di Roma e Suburbio III (Rome 1938)337-38. map index 6 Horseracing track (Philox., CGL 2.201) located in times (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 7.73.2). Nonetheless, there the W *Campus Martius. The term 'trigarium' is gener- could have been a revival of these races in the Imperial ally interpreted as the racing track for chariots drawn period (Coarelli, LTUR 89). The Trigarium served as by three horses (trigae), an event held only in Archaic the temporary racetrack (circlls temporalis) of the ludi Catalogue of entries the name 'Camenae' - listed as a locality in the late- antique Regionary Catalogues - ever comprised the L.H. entire valley between Caelian and Aventine, as claim- D. Palombi, s.v. "Regiones Quattuordecim (topographia)," ed by Richardson (63). At present, it seems best to coin LTUR IV,fig.84facing518. the term "Via Appia Valley" for this topographical F.Coarelli,s.v. "Porta Capena," LTUR III,325. unit, while not excluding its possible identity with the Richardson63-64. vallis Egeriae (d. Platner-Ashby). For an overview of Platner-Ashby89,546. VATICANUSACER The relatively flat territory on the W bank of the (Att. 12.36.1; 13.29.1; Verzar-Bass 401-4). Cicero also Tiber N of *Trans Tiberim and the *Ianiculum (e.g., preserves the account of Julius Caesar's megalomaniac Cic., Leg. agr. 2.96: Vaticanum [Sc. agrum]; Pliny, NH plan to redirect the Tiber from the Mulvian Bridge 3.54; Gel!., NA 19.7.1: in agro Vaticano). The road to along the montes Vaticani, and thus bring the campus Veii, which was known at least by the mid-2nd c. A.D. Vaticanus into union with the *Campus Martius, turn- as the *Via Triumphalis, crossed this plain, and the ing the one into the other in order to gain space for a pyramid-tomb which rose close to the street and the dramatic expansion of the city (Cic., Att. 13.33a.1: river bank (*Sepulcrum: "Meta Romuli") formed a campum Vaticanum fieri quasi Martium campum). monumental landmark in the Augustan period (fore- Favro's schematic map of the intended redirection of shadowing Hadrian's later use of adjacent land for the Tiber, from some distance SW of the Mulvian his much grander mausoleum). In its most northern Bridge to the river's bend at the W tip of the Campus reaches, the Vaticanus Ager was farmland of moderate Martius, may come close to the historic plans regard- quality (Cic., lac. cit.) which produced notoriously ing the Vaticanus Ager, whereas the depicted S exten- poor wine (Mart., e.g., 6.92). Closer to Rome it featured sion across Trans Tiberim is topographically incor- horti, lavish gardens adorned with architecture, the rect and apparently not justified, depending perhaps existence of which is attested from the time of Cicero on Richardson's equation (405) of the montes Vaticani (Att. 13.33a.1; notable post-Augustan villas are the with the full range of the ridges to the W of Rome (for horti Agrippinae and horti Domitiae). discussion of sources on the Ianiculum: Liverani). L.H. From Cicero (Att. 13.33a.1; 45 B.C.) we learn that the *Horti Scapulani (Eck) stood in the 'campus Vati- M. Verzar-Bass,"A proposito dei mausolei negli horti e nelle canus' (a term probably invented for the occasion, villae," in Horti romani (1998)401-24. Richardson 68); he wished to acquire this property, D.Favro, The urban image of Augustan Rome (Cambridge1996) which had gained some prominence in recent years, in 74fig.40. order to build a funeral chapel for his daughter Tullia P. Liverani,s.v. "Ianiculum," LTUR III, 89-90. Richardson68,405. VEDIOVIS,AEDES(INSULATrBERINA) map index 174 A temple dedicated to Vediovis on the Tiber island, (31.21.12, with aedemque deo Iovi emended to aedemque known only from literary sources and epigraphic Vediovi); in any case, Vediovis was a form of Jupiter evidence (e.g., Fast. Praen.: VEDIOVIININSVLA,in De- (OeD 1583). grassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 111, 388). The shrine was b.H. vowed by the praetor L. Furius Purpurio in 200 B.C. D.Degrassi,s.v. "Veiovis,aedes (Insula Tiberina)," LTUR V, and dedicated by C. Servilius in 194 B.C. (Degrassi). 101. Scholars often confuse it with the shrine to *Iuppiter Richardson406. Iurarius (Brucia 48-55), and it is not even clear that M.A. Broda, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome (New they were two separate buildings (Richardson). Such York1990). ambiguity is evident in Ovid (Fast. 1.293-94) and Livy VEIOVIS,AEDES(CAPITOLIUM) map index 153 The temple dedicated to the 'young' or 'bad' Jupiter *Capitol, nestled into a corner of the later *Tabular- in 192 B.C. (Livy 35.41.8, d. Gel!., NA 5.12.8-10) and ium. Its ground-plan, unusual on account of its rebuilt in the early 1st c. B.C. was located inter duos transverse cella fronted by a tetra style pronaos (des- lucas (Vitr., De arch. 4.8.4: inter duos lucas Veiovis [sc. cribed by Vitruvius, as noted by La Rocca), is well aedes]; Ov., Fast. 3.430: templa .., lucas Veiovis ante established through excavations (CoHni). duos; Gel!., NA 5.12.2: aedes Vediovis ... inter Arcem et A.G.T. Capitolium), in the same area as the *Asylurn. It has M. Albertoni, s.v. "Veiovis, aedes (in Capitolio)," LTUR V, been identified with the remains of a small temple 99-100. under the SW comer of Palazzo Senatorio on the . E.LaRocca,"Prima del Palazzo Senatorio:i monumenti inter Catalogue of entries Avetta 93-94; detailing the remains, Quilici 1987, 715 does not attempt a solution and marks, only for the fig. 2, 720-25); from this point, the Ardeatina is sake of clarity, the hypothesized site of the Porta Nae- thought to have continued in a straight line until it via. Whether the huge circular tomb on the Aventine's joined the Via Appia. Recently, however, these extant extramural SE extension (*Sepulcrum: Aventinus) was remains, once associated with the Via Ardeatina situated along a regional road, as is possible, and (Pietrangeli; favored by Avetta 244-45), have been re- whether this was the Via Ardeatina, cannot be interpreted as a minor "connecting road" to the Via resolved (d. Quilici 1987, 741-42 n.44). Appia (Quilici 1987, 743-44). The third proposal holds that the Via Ardeatina had no remains of its J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaArdeatina," LTUR V, 133. own near the city, with most proponents advocating a G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Porta Ardeatina," LTUR III,300-1. shared course with the first 1.5 miles of the Via Appia Richardson300,414. before it branched off, just like the modern Via L.Quilici,Le strade. Viabilita tra Roma e Lazio (Rome 1990)39 Ardeatina, at the Church of Domine Quo Vadis; the fig.27,44-47. road remains here may have led to Ardea (Sommella), L.Quilici,"La posterula di Vigna Casali nella pianificazione though others favor a terminus at Satricum (Quilici urbanisticadell'Aventino," in CUrbs (1987)713-45. 1990,47; Patterson). L.Avetta (ed.),Roma - Via Imperiale (Rome 1985). The range of vastly different suggestions reflects P.Sommella,"LaViaArdeatina," in F. CastagnoIi (ed.),Saggi the elusive course of the Via Ardeatina in the vicinity di Jotointerpretazione archeologica (Rome 1964)17-31. of Rome. Given the open state of the question, our map C.Pietrangeli,"ViaArdeatina," BullCom 72 (1946-48)221-23. VIA AURELIA The major route running NW from Rome to coastal area for the outlet of the Naumachia to the Tiber Etruria and Pisa (Patterson), probably built during (Taylor 481). In the 2nd c. A.D. the section closest to the 3rd-2nd c. B.C. and associated with the Aurelian Rome became known as the via Aurelia Vetus after clan, although the exact construction date is debated Antoninus Pius laid down a new route further N, the (Patterson; Degrassi 309-12). The Via Aurelia crossed via Aurelia Nova, which left the city from the W tip of the Tiber on the *Pons Aemilius, skirted the N edge of the *Campus Martius to join the Via Aurelia several the *Naumachia, and climbed the steep slopes of the miles outside the city (for details, Patterson 134). *Ianicul urn near the *Agel' of L. Petilius and the altar a.H. of Fons, passed below the Aurelian Porta Aurelia, and J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaAurelia," LTUR V,133-34. then continued NW to the coast. The ancient street R.Taylor, "A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossings in roughly corresponds to Via delia Lungaretta; a por- the ancient city of Rome," PBSR 63 (1995)75-103. tion was excavated near S. Crisogono at Piazza N. Degrassi,"La datazione e il percorsodelIa ViaAurelia e la Sonnino, where it was seen that the ancient street ran ViaAurelia Nova nella zona del Vaticano," RendPontAcc on a 2nd-c. B.C. viaduct across a swampy slough 61 (1988-89)309-42. (Gatti). This marshland is located at the NE corner of G. Gatti, "II viadotto sulla via Aurelia nel Trastevere," the Naumachia, and has been advocated as a probable Bul/Com 68(1940)129-40. map index 324 Road along the N ridge of the *Caelian folloWing be determined from Lanciani, FUR pIs. 31, 36,37. the course of Via D. Fontana and Via di S. Stefano A.G.T. Rotondo. It led from *Spes Vetus to the *"Arcus Dola- C. Pavolini,s.v. "'Via Caelemontana' (0 'Caelimontana')," bellae et Silani", where it continued inside the *Ser- LTURV, 135. vian Wall as the *"Clivus Scauri". The name is a mod- Claridge,Rome (1998)306. ern cornage, but it is known to have been an ancient G. Giannelli, s.v. "Caelius mons (in eta classica)," LTUR I, street, perhaps the most important road on the Caelian 211. (Colini, Pavolini, Claridge, Giannelli). Its course may Colini,Celio (1944)75-76. One of the most ancient routes that connected Rome Based on securely located and almost complete to the sea, more particularly to the campus Salinarum fragments of the Severan Marble Plan (27-28; Rodri- at the mouth of the *Tiber (Richardson; Scheid 639). guez Almeida, Forma 140,-47, pis. 19-20) and some Within the townscape it was a major and wide street scanty archaeological (mostly epigraphic) evidence in the S *Trans Tiberim that ran SW from the *Pons (Scheid 639 n.2, also 47-48), it was located along Aemilius and *Pons Sublicius along the Tiber and rough-Iy the same line as modern Via Portuense but through the harti of the *Ianiculum foothills (for the approxi-mately 20-25 m to the W (Coarelli figs. 1-3; name, e.g., CIL VI 29772=1LS 5999: AD VIAM CAMPANA Palmer 369f., esp. n.50) and, further 5, along the [sic]). Catalogue of entries present-day Via della Magliana (Cianfriglia and point for the street and is used to determine the loca- Corsini 156; Scheid 640, n.1). tions of monuments at various milestones (Scheid 642); the street ran along the Tiber and acted as a backbone In modern scholarship, the street is often referred for a variety of altars and shrines such as that of to as the Via Campana-Portuensis (e.g., Coarelli; Scag- *Fors Fortuna, while separating the area of ware- netti map), a name which never occurs in the ancient houses along the river from the cultic-garden topogra- sources. In the late 1st c. A.D. the Via Portuensis was phy of the Ianiculum slopes (Palmer 369-70; Coarelli). laid out in conjunction with the construction of the a.H. Claudian port, and thereafter the Transtiberine por- tion of the ancient route was referred to as the Via J.R.Patterson, s.v. "ViaCampana," LTUR V, 135. Portuensis as well, replacing the designation Via Richardson415. Campana (Chiumenti and Bilancia 303-9). However, F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti, the two ancient routes forked into two separate Castra Ravennatum: la Via Campana Portuensis e alcuni courses upon leaving the urban territory; the Via edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana," Ostraka 1 Campana followed Via della Magliana, while the Via (1992) 39-54. Portuensis followed Via Portuense. 1. Cianfriglia and A.1. Corsini, "Via Portuense, loc. Pozzo Pantaleo.La strada basolata," NSc 1986-87, 155-74. Palmer argued that the first part of the Via Cam- R.E.A.Palmer,"The topography and socialhistory of Rome's pana should be identified as the *Vicus Longus Aqui- Trastevere (southern sector)," ProcPhilSoc 125 (1981) lae, 'The Long Street of the Eagle', listed on the Capi- toline base for Regia XIV: Transtiberim, as he sugges- 368-97. ted that 'the eagle' referred to the foreign cult places 1. Chiumenti and F. Bilancia,"Via Portuense," in La campag- along the street (Palmer 370; (IL VI 975). The *Pons na romana: antica, medioevale e moderna VI (Firenze 1979) Aemilius has generally been considered the starting 303-63. J. Scheid, "Note sur la Via Campana," MEFRA 88 (1976) 639-67. VIA CIRCA FOROS PUBLICOS map index 252 Street running behind the grandstands of the working of the Circus seating in the Imperial era (s.v. *Circus Maximus that led from the *Forum Bovarium Circus Maximus) has obscured any remains of the to a Temple of Venus (Livy 29.37.2: viam eJoro Bavaria Augustan street (Lanciani's wide, straight paved ad Veneris circa Jaros publicos). Of the known Venus street immediately behind the Circus cavea recon- temples in the city, that of *Venus Obsequens is the structs a late-Imperial phase: FUR, pI. 35); as its most logical reference for this passage (pap i), and thus course is too imperfectly understood, an index number the road probably ran on the *Aventine side of the is employed on our map to represent the street. Circus (Ziolkowski 191; Coarelli 31, 34, 104-5 fig. D.B.,EAD. 20). While Coarelli extends the street from the starting E.Papi, s.v. "VenusObsequens," LTUR V, 118. gates of the Circus to the *Porta Trigemina, neither A. Ziolkowski,"I limiti del Foro Boario alla luce degli studi literary nor archaeological evidence supports this recenti,"Athenaeum 82 (1994) 184-96. continuation (12; for a detailed rebuttal of Coarelli: F.Coarelli,ForoBoario(1988) 12,31,34,104-5 fig. 20. Ziolkowski 191). The extensive and continual re- map index 323 Modern name for an anonymous early-Republican "Via Collatina" was especially important in the road which led from Rome to the village of Collatia Augustan period. Beyond this Augustan arch to the E (Quilici 1990). Its starting-point was the *Porta Con- there was a minor N-S connecting road which led latina, a gate in the *Servian Wall, best identified as from the "Via Collatina" to the *Via Praenestina at an early name for the *Porta Viminalis. It led SW from the Porta Maggiore, the Aurelian porta Praenestina this gate, parallel with the *Anio Vetus along a well- (Bellini, Corrente and Turchetti; Quilici 1963-64). attested roadway, called "Via Tiburtina" by Lancia- A.G.T. ni, FUR pI. 24. It was joined by the *Via Tiburtina and J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaTiburtina," LTUR V, 146-47. together they passed under an Augustan arch at the 1. Quilici,Le strade. Viabilitii tra Roma e Lazio (Rome 1990) 61- A urelian porta Tiburtina (s.v. *Porta Tiburtina: 62. Augustan Arch). This intersection was long consider- Richardson415. ed the starting-point of the "Via Collatina" (Richard- G. Bellini, M. Corrente, and R. Turchetti, "Via Collatina: son; Lanciani, FUR pI. 25). It has also been argued that tracce della via antica," BullCom 92 (1987-88) 427-29 the road leading from the Porta Viminalis was unim- with fig. 132. portant (Patterson). However, the monumental Augus- tan arch is oriented on axis with the "Via Collatina", 1. Quilici, "La via Collatina. Analisi topografica dell'antica percorso," BullCom 79 (1963c64) 99-106 with figs. 1-2. not with the Via Tiburtina, an indication that the Catalogue of entries ancient street rejoined the modern Via Nomentana and follows its course for almost 2 km, to the Ponte Nomentano, a bridge of the late-2nd/early-lst c. B.c. J.R.Patterson, s.v. "Via Nomentana," LTUR V, 142. across the Anio (Quilici Gigli 66, 82). E.Papi, s.v. "Sepulcrum:Q. Haterius," LTUR IV,289-90. Tombs lined the street outside the Servian Wall, O.J.Gilkes,"Porta Pia: excavation and survey in an area of and though most were post-Augustan in date, like that suburban Rome,part 2," PBSR 62 (1994) 128-29. of Q. Haterius, some earlier tombs are known (s.v S.QuiliciGigli,"La ViaNomentana da Roma ad Eretum," in *Sepulcrum: Via Nomentana [1], [2], [3]; *Sepulcrum: L. Quilici and S. Quilici Gigli (edd.), Strade romane, Aletii). Later, brickyards and quarries were located percorsi e infrastrutture (Rome1994) 45-84. along the street further out from the city (CIL XV 677- Richardson417. VIA NOMENTANA: BUILDING map index 78 Walls of an opus reticlllatum building were un- Aletii (*Sepulcrum: Via Nomentana [2], *Sepulcrum: earthed under the modern *Via Nomentana near its Aletii). intersection with Viale Regina Margherita (CAR III, B no. 23); the plan and function of the structure are S.QuiliciGigli,"La ViaNomentana da Roma ad Eretum," in unknown but it seems not to have been aligned with L.Quiliciand S.QuiliciGigli (edd.) Strade romane, percorsi the Via Nomentana, which ran to its N. Just N of this e infrastrutture (Rome 1994) 61-62. structure were tombs and possibly a monument of the Major urban street and intra-urban route connec- which ran S from the central *Aventine (s.v. *Aventi- ting Rome and Ostia, which ran along the E bank of nus: Street). The late 1st-c. B.C. pyramid tomb of C. the Tiber (e.g., Pliny, Ep. 2.17.2: Ostiensis [sc. via]). Cestius marks the approximate SE urban limit of the The urban portion of the street seems to have run from street and its associated neighborhood. This long L- the *Porta Trigemina along the narrow ledge of land shaped street must have been a backbone of overland between the Tiber and the W slopes of the *Aventine industrial activity (as was the *Via Campana) since it until it reached the *Emporium area. This first portion connected the *Forum Bovarium and the *Emporium of the street is also referred to as the "Vicus Portae area with Ostia. Ancient sources confirm how busy Trigeminae" (Lanciani, FUR pI. 36; Scagnetti; Pisani this street was in the mid-to late-Republican period Sartorio) and several ancient references exist for the (Patterson; Plaut., Capt. 90). Lanciani's map (FUR pIs. dense industrial structures along this street and by the 36, 40, 44) traces the street fairly securely with the river (e.g., Livy 41.27.8-9; ct. Porta Trigemina, *Porti- help of sporadic excavations in the 19th c. or earlier. cus Aemilia [Emporium]), which include the recently b.H. excavated early-Imperial period embankments (Mene- J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaOstiensis,"LTUR V, 143. ghini; s.v. *Tiberis). From the N corner of the Empor- G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Muri Aureliani," LTUR ill, fig. 190 (B. ium area, the street made a sharp turn to the S and ran Brizzi). immediately below the SW slopes of the Aventine and R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio," in Roma, along the modern Via Marmorata, passing by the archea/agia ne/ centro II (1985) 433-41. *Sepulcrum: C. Cestius, to join the prominent road VIA PRAENESTINA The road to Praeneste led E from *Spes Vetus and *"Via Labicana-Praenestina". Its course may be deter- the Aurelian porta Praenestina (Porta Maggiore) at a mined from Lanciani, FUR pI. 32. fork with the *Via Labicana, which branched off to the S. In common with the Via Labicana, this road also J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaPraenestina," LYUR V, 144. led into the city to the *Porta Esquilina along the Richardson418. VIASALARIA Major road connecting Rome with Fidenae and Collina, where it intersected the *Via Nomentana other towns to the NE (Patterson); it continued for 149 (Lanciani, FUR pI. 3, 10). Remains of pavers from the miles, ending at Castrum Truentinum on the Adriatic road indicate that when the Salaria left the city, its (Quilici). The Via Salaria began outside the ·Porta course was straight and nearly due N (CAR II, C; III, Catalogue of entries members of the gens Sulpicia). Appia's first mile, where the *Via Latina branches off the Via Appia (d. *Arcus Drusi). As a pre-Augustan The Vieus Sulpicius has been plausibly located extra-urban settlement, the Vicus Sulpicius makes along the Via Appia in the area of the Baths of tangible and further illuminates Rome's incipient sub- Caracalla, based on epigraphic and literary sources. urban build-up in the *Via Appia Valley (d. *Vicus The Capitoline Base lists a bipartite vicus of this name Honoris et Virtutis). in Regio I (VICVSSVLPICIVLTERIORISandVICVSSVLPICI D.B., K.T., L.H. CITERIORIS:CIL VI 975, A.D. 136) and the Baths of Caracalla are situated in vico Sulpicio (SHA, Heliogab. C.Lega,s.v. "VicusSulpicius,"LTUR V, 192-94. 17.8), yet the late-antique Regionary Catalogues list D. Palombi, s.v. "Regiones Quattuordecim (topografia)," them in Regia XII (Richardson; Gesemann 400; Lega LTUR IV, 199-204, with map on 518-19. 193-94). Keeping in mind, however, the continued un- B.Gesemann, "Die viei Lueeei. Ein Beitrag zur Topographie certainty of the regional borders (*Regiones Quattuor- yon Rom," RomMitt 105 (1998) 391-401. decim; mapped by Palombi 518-19), along with the fact Richardson428. that the vicus was bipartite (with a variety of E. Samter, "Altare di Mercurio e Maia," Rom Mitt 8 (1893) possible conclusions, see Lega 193-94), the two testi- 222-25. monie.s need not be incompatible and certainly permit, T.Mommsen,"Altr6mischelnschriit in Basel,"RhM 9 (1854) we thmk, locating the vicus half-way along the Via 450-55. VICUS Tuscus The 'Tuscan Row' was an old, history-laden street the foot of the Palatine. Our map leaves this open. and its eponymous, adjacent quarter (with an early Palmer has argued strongly for an extension of the residential function attested: e.g., Varro, Ling. 5.46; Vicus Tuscus toward the *Pons Aemilius (followed by Prop. 4.2.49-50; Livy 2.14.9; *Domus: Vicus Tuscus); Coarelli, 25, 50, 104-5 fig. 20, 151, d. 241 fig. 50), the street ran through the *Forum Valley at the E foot which he identifies with the vici Luccei mentioned by of the *Palatine and formed the main connection Cicero (Att. 7.3.6). This has found only limited accep- between the *Forum Romanum, the lower *Forum tance as the approximate region where these vici once Bovarium (Livy 27.37.15), and the *Circus Maximus stood (Geesemann 393; Lega 176). More importantly, (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 5.36.4). Called, by Cicero, the the street issuing from the Pons Aemilius, while carr- 'street from the statue of Vertumnus to the Circus ied on a viaduct across the low strip of land behind Maximus' (Yerr. 2.1.154; Aronen), it was reputed for the Tiber embankment (s.v. *Tiberis: Grand Embank- pageantry and processions (Cic., lac. cit.: viam tensa- ment; *Portunus, Aedes), may not have continued as a rum atque pampae; Coarelli 365-67, for the suggested distinct street-line crossing the Forum Bovarium; thus, triumphal route). It was also known by the end of the Palmer's connection is not represented on our map. Republic as a notoriously expensive shopping street D.B., L.H. (Hor., Sat. 2.3.228: Tusci turba impia vici; d. Mart. 11.27.11). C. Lega,s.v. "VicusLuccei,"LTUR V, 176-77. E.Papi, s.v. "VicusTuscus," LTUR V, 195-97. There is no doubt that the street left the Forum J. Aronen,s.v. "Signum Vortumni," LTUR IV,310-11. Romanum through the alleyway between the Temple of B.Gesemann, "Die vici Lueeei. Ein Beitrag zur Topographie *Castor and the *Basilica Iulia (e.g., Richardson; Papi van Rom," RomMitt 105 (1998) 391-401. 197; cf, Poulsen and Gmnne; Aronen), and the remains H. Hurst, "Nuovi scavi nell'area di Santa Maria Antiqua," of a street pavement found S of this passage along the ArehLaz 9 (1988) 13-15. *Horrea Agrippiana attest to the presence of the road in.the *.Velabrum (Hurst); however, its course beyond P. Poulsen and C. Gmnne, "Ricerchenel VicusTuscus lungo thiS pomt has not been precisely determined. Coarelli illato ovest del tempio dei Castori," ArchLaz 9 (1988) 27- 31. (367 fig. 82), Richardson, and Papi (197) advocate a route through the site of the Severan Arch of the Ar- Richardson429. gentarii (passing over the *Cloaca Maxima), contrary Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988). to the earlier suggestions of Palmer (145 fig. 1) and R.E.A.Palmer, "The Viei Lueeei in the Forum Boarium and Scagnetti, who position the course further N, close to some Lucceiiin Rome," BuI/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61, esp. 145 fig. 1. "VILLAFARNESINA" A fairly large and prosperous villa on the W bank immediately to its SE. of the *Tiber, excavated in the gardens of Villa Far- nesina during the construction of the Tiber embank- . The monumental villa was symmetrically planned With a hemispherical extension and a set of terraces n:e~ts in 1879 (Fiorelli; d. Lugli 5-6; Beyen n.2 for bIblIography). Remains of a vast complex of wine- and gardens cascading toward the Tiber. The villa is cellars, the cellae Vinariae Nova et Arruntiana (of often associated with contemporary Augustan monu- ments to its SE along the river: the "Sepulcrum: C. uncertain date but most probably post-Augustan) lay Catalogue of entries Sulpicius Platorinus (18 B.C.)and the *Pons Agrippae 15-21), but there is no conclusive evidence to prove (19 B.C) (Taylor 85). this hypothesis. O.H. The building complex is dated on stylistic grounds D.Favro,Theurban image of Augustan Rome (Cambridge1996) by its well-preserved late Second-Style wall-decora- tions which the most recent art-historical scholarship 166. assigns to the early part of the Augustan period, c.20 R.Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae: aqueduct river crossingsin B.C. (Ling). However, the Farnesina wall-paintings the ancientcityofRome,"PBSR 63 (1995) 75-103. are also referred to as transitional or early Third J.R. Clarke, The houses of Roman Italy 100 B.C.-A.D. 250 Style, in which case their date ranges from 20 to 10 (Berkeley1991) 52-56. B.C. (for a review of the debate, Clarke). Bragantini R. Ling,Roman painting (Cambridge1991) 41-5l. and de Vos suggest a particular Augustan-Agrippan 1.Bragantiniand M.de Vos,Le decorazioni delia villa romana workshop initiated the Egyptianizing Third Style. delia Farnesina (Rome 1982) 30-31. Based upon its construction techniques, a slightly H.-G. Beyen,"Lesdomini de la villade la Farnesina,"in Stu- higher date for the building complex is proposed, of dia varia Carolo Guilielmo Vollgraff (Amsterdam 1948) 5- 35-25 B.C.(Beyen 10). Its architectural design is often 2l. found as innovative as its paintings (Favro). Due in G. Lugli, "La pianta dell'antica casa delia Farnesina," part to its proximity in date and location to the *Pons MEFRA 55 (1938) 5-27. Agrippae, the villa may have belonged to Agrippa and G. Fiorelli,"Notiziedegli scavi: Aprile," NSc 1880, 115-64, Julia, thereby dating its construction to 19 B.C.(Beyen esp.138,pI.4. VILLA PUBLICA map index 48 One of the oldest and most important Republican Villa Publica originally included the territory immed- buildings in the *Campus Martius, established in 435 iately S of the *Diribitorium and E of the *"Area B.C.by the censors C. Furius Paculus and M. Geganius Sacra" of Largo Argentina. By the time of Augustus, Macerinus (Livy 4.22.7: villam Publicam in campo however, this zone was entirely built up with the Martio). It was not a functioning villa for farming, but *Porticus Minucia and the *Theatrum: Balbus. A instead a place where Rome's armies were levied and passage of Josephus (Bell! 7.123) may suggest that regulated and where the census was administered some part of this open area was still in existence (Varro, Rust. 3.2.4). The term 'Villa Publica' seems to during the Flavian period. It is therefore probable that have been applied not only to the specific structure but the original open area of the Villa Publica also also to the surrounding open space, in which most of stretched further E, into the area SW of the Temple of the business of the Villa Publica took place (Agache). *IsisCampense (Coarelli). Richardson has argued that this E portion of the Villa Publica was ultimately The structure of the villa itself has not been loca- transformed into the Divomm under Domitian. What ted, but is known to have stood somewhere near the open area of the Villa Publica there was at the time of Republican *Saepta (Varro, Rust. 3.2.1). This also Augustus would have been bounded on its S side by served, from time to time, as the place where embassies the residential district of the *Pallacinae. from Rome's enemies were housed (Livy 30.21.12, 33.24.5). The .building was probably destroyed at some time after 55 B.C., when it was depicted on a S.Agache,s.v."VillaPublica,"LTUR V,202-5. denarius by P. Fonteius Capito (RRC 429/2), but Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 161-75. before the reign of Tiberius, when Valerius Maximus F.DeCaprariis,"Duenote di topografiaromana,"RivlstArch (9.2.1)refers to the Villa Publica in the past tense (De 24-25 (1991-92) 153-92, 168-74. Caprariis). 1. Richardson,jr., "TheVillaPublica and the Divorurn,"in In memoriam Otto J. Brendel (Mainz1976) 159-63. There is general agreement that the open area of the VIMINALIS, COLLIS One of the seven traditional hills of Rome, it [1], [2], [3], [4];De Caprariis 1988,44) and Pliny notes extended from the plateau E of the city and was that one of the finest Republican domus stood on the separated by deep valleys from the *Cispian and Viminal, that of C. Aquilius Gallus (NH 17.1.2; *Quirinal (De Caprariis, LTUR). Along the N face of Palombi); unfortunately, even an approximate location the hill, retaining walls of opus quadratum and opus of this residence remains unknown, and thus it could incertum were needed to support the steep slope (De not be indicated on our map. One neighborhood, the Caprariis 1987, 115, n.39; id. 1988, 40-44; Lanciani, *Vicus Collis Viminalis, lay in the area S of the Sta- FUR pI. 16-17).Little development is attested atop this zione Termini; this vicus name is commonly associated small, narrow tongue of land, which seems to have with the hill's main throughfare which ran from the been primarily a residential zone in the Augustan era *Porta Viminalis down the central ridge of the (Blake 250, 261, 270). Some indications of residences Viminal, perhaps descending into the *Subura (though from the Republican period survive (*Domus:Viminal the distance between the street and neighborhood