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History As a Weapon

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History As a Weapon AMERICANLevin / HOW BEHAVIORALEXTREMISTS DENYSCIENTIST THE HOLOCAUST History as a Weapon How Extremists Deny the Holocaust in North America BRIAN LEVIN California State University, San Bernardino The North American Holocaust denial movement attracts a broad range of extremists who subscribe to right-wing and anti-Semitic conspiracy theories. Because mainstream society and academia have rejected the denial movement’s theories, key figures in it have created their own stealth pseudoacademic entities. Using many of their own words, this article exam- ines the evolution of the relationship between anti-Semitic extremists and others who became central figures in the promotion of a historical lie that is spread to this day. If the international Jewish financiers in and outside of Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the bol- shevisation of the earth, and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe! —Adolf Hitler (speech before the German Reichstag, January 30, 1939, quoted in Stern, 1993, p. 62) I shall speak to you here with all frankness of a very serious subject. We shall now discuss it absolutely openly among ourselves, nevertheless we shall never speak of it in public. I mean the evacuation of the Jews, the extermination of the Jewish race. It is one of those things which is easy to say. “The Jewish race is to be extermi- nated,” says every party member. “That’s clear, it’s part of our program, elimina- tion of the Jews, extermination, right, we’ll do it.” —Heinrich Himmler (October 4, 1943, quoted in The History Place, 2000) Total consensus in historical analysis, as in science or law, is elusive and probably not particularly beneficial to a society’s advancement. Intellectual advancement, as a matter of necessity, requires the testing of older theories and the critical analysis of new evidence. Varying interpretations of history between groups are inevitable to some extent because different groups can be affected Special thanks to Ken Stern of the American Jewish Committee and Gail Gans of the Anti-Defama- tion League for their superb research and analysis. AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST, Vol. 44 No. 6, February 2001 1001-1031 © 2001 Sage Publications, Inc. 1001 1002 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST differently by the same event. Interpretive bias can occur because different groups played different roles in the formation of disputed events; had different stakes in their outcomes; had different cultural, religious, and informational tra- ditions; and had different levels of access to credible and timely primary source information. Some interpretative differences, however, are not merely the result of inno- cent, passive bias. For centuries, ideologues have used contorted legal, scien- tific, or historical conclusions to serve their own bigoted ends. The pseudoscientific notion of racial inferiority was promoted by those who bene- fited economically, socially, and politically from the preservation of slavery and segregation. Both the Bubonic plague and later the fictional Protocols of the Elders of Zion were exploited to promote false, anti-Semitic conspiracy theories by those who benefited from the persecution or mistreatment of Jews. Extremist political and terrorist movements, like mainstream political ideol- ogies, rely not only on unifying interpretations of contemporary actors and events but on a unified vision of historical actors and events as well. Seemingly irrational present-day acts of hatred and violence are justifiable to those ideologues who view their conduct as vindication of a past claim or retaliation for a past injustice. One person’s terrorist is often another’s freedom fighter. For ideologically motivated terrorists, including neo-Nazi skinheads and other hard-core domestic hate crime offenders, variant historical interpretations are often defining components of their belief systems. For this essay, an extremist is somewhat flexibly defined as someone who for ideological reasons advocates a contention as fact that an unbiased reviewer would regard as wholly or materially unsubstantiated, or someone who, while advocating a particular ideological theory, relies on violence and criminality as a primary means for promoting that position. One of the most notable attempts by extremists to exploit a historical event for bigoted ends is that of the self-styled Holocaust “revisionists” who question the existence or scope of Hitler’s extermination program. What separates revi- sionists (or, more aptly put, Holocaust deniers) from others who still doubt facts such as the moon landings, a spherical Earth, or the death of Elvis Presley is that denial has been promoted and financed in substantial part by powerful extrem- ists with a distinct political agenda. Although some deniers are in fact merely ill-informed iconoclasts, conspiracy theorists, contrarians, or skeptics, many of the most influential are anti-Semitic ideologues or Third Reich sympathizers attempting to promote anti-Semitism and a rehabilitation of Nazism. Holocaust denial in North America is an important area of analysis in an overall study of extremism. Although denial certainly stands on its own as an ideological movement, it also plays a crucial role in broadly promoting anti-Semitism. Because the “Jew is a transnational figure of hate” for right-wing extremists throughout the world, denial has a unique power to influence and bond a vast array of autonomous ethnic and political anti-Semites (Back, Keith, & Solomos, 1998, p. 90). Levin / HOW EXTREMISTS DENY THE HOLOCAUST 1003 Denial’s broad appeal to right-wing, racist extremists also relates to the fact that it promotes two related but independent false ideological axioms. Denial is obviously appealing to those who vigorously promote a theory of secretive, far-reaching, abusive, Jewish conspiratorial power. It is also appealing, how- ever, to those who subscribe to a more broad conspiracy theory that involves the collusion of various governments, political leaders, and Jews, who concocted the Holocaust for their own individual purposes. However, denial must be examined distinctly because it is more stealthy and potent than some of the other more gutter-level theories used to promote accep- tance of anti-Semitism and conspiracies. At face value, Holocaust denial pro- vides a level of credibility to a vast array of less sophisticated extremists who can point to a resource base that includes a small cadre of seemingly credentialed scholars and apparently detailed objective research and documentation. Some deniers also expand their focus to the more broad issue of World War II so they do not appear to be fixated on and biased toward only the Holocaust. The North American denial movement in particular is important for a variety of reasons. First, the most influential and far-reaching denial organizations are located in North America. Second, the U.S. legal system, unlike those of many other Western nations, provides complete First Amendment protection for both denial and hate speech as long as it does not threaten, defame an individual, financially defraud someone, or incite lawlessness (Levin, 1997). Third, North American denial now heavily relies on the Internet to promote itself worldwide to countries where it would otherwise be inaccessible. After a brief examination of the Holocaust, I will examine the historical and contemporary ideas and relationships of some of the key figures alleged to have ties to the denial movement. THE HOLOCAUST The Holocaust was the largest and most recent coordinated genocidal attack against Jewry in world history.1 At its conclusion, between five million and six million men, women, and children of Jewish ancestry or religious affiliation were killed by the Nazi regime (see Tables 1 and 2). However, the Holocaust did not start spontaneously with bullets or gas cham- bers in the 1940s but rather with a carefully sculpted campaign of bigoted rheto- ric and direct action that escalated throughout the 1930s. The official Nazi propaganda bureaucracy orchestrated a systematic effort to make Jews the scapegoats for Germany’s military, diplomatic, and economic defeats. Media campaigns labeled Jews rodents or vermin unfit for inclusion in an Aryan society. Nazi laws worked hand in glove with economic deprivation and social castigation to remove Jews from meaningful participation in German society. 1004 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST TABLE 1: Estimated Numbers and Percentages of Jews Killed in the Holocaust Percentage of Jewish Country Number of Jews Killed Population Killed Poland 3,000,000 90 SSR Ukraine 900,000 60 Hungary 450,000 70 Romania 300,000 50 SSR Russia 245,000 65 Baltic states 228,000 90 Germany/Austria 210,000 90 Other 600,900 Total 5,933,900 67 SOURCE: Dawidowicz, 1975, p. 402. NOTE: SSR = Soviet Socialist Republic. TABLE 2: Estimated Numbers of Jews Killed in the Holocaust Nation Number of Jews Killed Poland Up to 3,000,000 USSR More than 700,000 Romania 270,000 Czechoslovakia 260,000 Hungary More than 180,000 Lithuania Up to 130,000 Other 560,000 Total 5,100,000 SOURCE: Hilberg, 1985, p. 1220. On November 9, 1938, a 2-day attack of coordinated hate crimes committed by roving bands of Nazi mobs commenced across Germany and Austria, result- ing in the death of 96 Jews and the illegitimate arrest of 30,000 more. Arson, vandalism, and looting destroyed thousands of Jewish businesses, homes, and synagogues. As correspondent Otto Tolishus reported in the New York Times, “by nightfall there was scarcely a Jewish shop, cafe, office or synagogue in the country that was not either wrecked, burned severely, or damaged.” The combi- nation of government complicity and the lack of any meaningful public condem- nation in Germany of this initial violent salvo is widely regarded as a crucial turning point for the even greater atrocities that followed (Anti-Defamation League, 1991, p. 7; Berenbaum, 1993, p. 54). The final stages of the Nazi atrocities involved the complete isolation of Jews from society.
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